Presidential Elections in Senegal: a Better Understanding of Recent Events
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The Implementation of Quotas: African Experiences Quota Report Series
The Implementation of Quotas: African Experiences Quota Report Series Edited by Julie Ballington In Collaboration with This report was compiled from the findings and case studies presented at an International IDEA, EISA and SADC Parliamentary Forum Workshop held on 11–12 November 2004, Pretoria, South Africa. © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2004 This is an International IDEA publication. International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. Applications for permission to reproduce or translate all or any part of this publication should be made to: Information Unit International IDEA SE -103 34 Stockholm Sweden International IDEA encourages dissemination of its work and will promptly respond to requests for permission to reproduce or translate its publications. Graphic design by: Magnus Alkmar Cover photos: Anoli Perera, Sri Lanka Printed by: Trydells Tryckeri AB, Sweden ISBN: 91-85391-17-4 Preface The International Institute for Democracy and a global research project on the implementation and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), an intergovernmental use of quotas worldwide in cooperation with the organization with member states across all continents, Department of Political Science, Stockholm University. seeks to support sustainable democracy in both new By comparing the employment of gender quotas in dif- and long-established democracies. Drawing on com- ferent political contexts this project seeks to gauge parative analysis and experience, IDEA works to bolster whether, and under what conditions, quotas can be electoral processes, enhance political equality and par- implemented successfully. It also aims to raise general ticipation and develop democratic institutions and awareness of the use of gender quotas as an instrument practices. -
Télécharger Le
Avec et sans nostalgie (turbulences ou histoire lacunaire d'une lutte et d'un goût très vif de la liberté) une proposition de lecture performée d'Emmanuelle Chérel avec Mamadou Khouma Gueye et Marie-Pierre Groud, pour l'exposition Wiwildu de Patrick Bernier et Olive Martin, au Centre d'art contemporain Le Grand Café, Saint-Nazaire, Automne 2016. « De reconnaître ceux qui ont existé et existent en dehors de nous et, voyant ce dehors, de commencer de nous voir nous-mêmes du dehors » . Omar Blondin Diop, dans le film de Jean-Luc Godard, La chinoise, 1967 « La voie la plus courte pour aller vers l'avenir est celle qui passe toujours par l'approfondissement du passé1». Cette lecture dresse quelques pistes et lignes de fuite esquissant des relations qui se sont établies de l'Indépendance (1960) à nos jours entre la sphère de l'art et les minorités politiques de gauche au Sénégal. Cette configuration narrative, archéologique, symbolique, effectuée avec Mamadou Khouma Gueye, réalisateur, s'appuie sur des notes établies à partir de documents et de traces. Elle dessine un territoire complexe qui rend visibles des coïncidences ou chevêtres (qui se recoupent en un point précis, signalant qu’un repère ou du commun se sont instaurés). Elle invente à partir d'elles pour tout à la fois trouver ce qui est enfoui et construire ce qui n’existait pas. Sa trame tente d'écrire le trajet de ces idées et de ces luttes, de saisir l’épaisseur et la fragilité de leurs trajectoires. Elle veut aussi faire entendre le souffle de ces voix multiples et divergentes (tout comme celles de leurs opposants) afin d'inviter à s'interroger une nouvelle fois sur les voies qu'elles désignaient. -
WP00-5-Ribot
- , , - Jesse C. Ribot L. Carper/R. Reen, 1999 , , Many thanks to Louise Fortmann and Michael Watts who provided critical and encouraging com- ments on the first draft of this article at the 1996 African Studies Conference in San Francisco. I am also greatly indebted to Olivier Dubois, Sheila Foster, Anu Joshi, Murry Last, Nancy Peluso, Pauline Peters, Allyson Purpura, Ebrima Sall, Neil Smith and Matthew Turner for their insightful and constructive comments. August 1998; published also in Africa 69:1, January 1999 Introduction 1 I. Political Decentralization and Community Participation: If Ever the Twain Shall Meet 4 II. Rural Administration and Representation 7 III. Two Cases 14 IV. Colonial Administration in the Participatory Era 21 V. Conclusion 26 Bibliography 29 Endnotes 39 , : - Jesse C. Ribot Center for Population and Development Studies Harvard University As a form of rule, apartheid is what Smuts [1936] called institutional segregation, the British termed indirect rule, and the French association. It is this common State form that I call decen- tralized despotism. Mahmood Mamdani, Citizen and Subject, 1996:8. Policies of “Indirect Rule” under the British and “Association” under the French created an “institu- tional segregation” in which most Africans were relegated to live in a sphere of so called “customary” law (or the “indigenat”) while Europeans and urban citizens obeyed civil law—customary law being an administratively driven form of State ordained and enforced regulation. In 1936 British colonial officer Lord Hailey wrote: “...the doctrine of differentiation aims at the evolution of separate institu- tions appropriate to African conditions and differing both in spirit and in form from those of Euro- peans.”1 Mamdani points out that “The emphasis on differentiation meant the forging of specifically ‘native’ institutions through which to rule subjects....” He continues: ...although the bifurcated State created with colonialism was deracialized after independence, it was not democratized. -
Assemblée Nationale SOUS LE SIGNE DE LA PARITÉ
N°17 - Mai 2014 12è législature (2012 - 2017) Assemblée Nationale SOUS LE SIGNE DE LA PARITÉ Partenariat : Fondation Konrad Adenauer (FKA) Centre d’Étude des Sciences et Techniques de l’Information (CESTI) «Le journalisme, c’est voir, savoir, savoir-faire et faire savoir» (Gaston Leroux) Partenariat Fondation Konrad Adenauer (FKA) Centres d’Etudes des Sciences et Techniques de l’Information (CESTI) Université Cheikh Anta Diop «La paix et la liberté sont les bases de toutes existence humaine digne de ce nom» (Konrad Adenauer) Sommaire Présentation ..........................................................................................7 Avant propos ..........................................................................................9 Le mot du Directeur du CESTI ............................................................. 11 Assemblée nationale .............................................................................13 Le secrétariat général ............................................................................15 Le cabinet du président de l’Assemblée nationale ............................16 Bureau de l’Assemblée nationale ........................................................18 Les groupes parlementaires .................................................................19 Les partis politiques présents à l’Assemblée nationale .....................20 Portrait des députés ..............................................................................21 Administration de l’Assemblée nationale ........................................273 -
Senegal | Freedom House
4/8/2020 Senegal | Freedom House FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 Senegal 71 PARTLY FREE /100 Political Rights 29 /40 Civil Liberties 42 /60 LAST YEAR'S SCORE & STATUS 72 /100 Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. https://freedomhouse.org/country/senegal/freedom-world/2020 1/16 4/8/2020 Senegal | Freedom House Status Change Senegal’s status declined from Free to Partly Free because the 2019 presidential election was marred by the exclusion of two major opposition figures who had been convicted in politically fraught corruption cases and were eventually pardoned by the incumbent. Overview Senegal is one of Africa’s most stable electoral democracies and has undergone two peaceful transfers of power between rival parties since 2000. However, politically motivated prosecutions of opposition leaders and changes to the electoral laws have reduced the competitiveness of the opposition in recent years. The country is known for its relatively independent media and free expression, though defamation laws continue to constrain press freedom. Other ongoing challenges include corruption in government, weak rule of law, and inadequate protections for the rights of women and LGBT+ people. Key Developments in 2019 In February, President Macky Sall won a second consecutive term with 58 percent of the vote in the first round, making a runoff unnecessary. Two leading opposition leaders—Khalifa Sall, former mayor of Dakar, and Karim Wade, the son of former president Abdoulaye Wade—were barred from running because of previous, politically fraught convictions for embezzlement of public funds. In May, lawmakers approved a measure to abolish the post of prime minister, and Sall signed it later in the month. -
University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting
THE POLITICS OF ELECTORAL REFORM IN FRANCOPHONE WEST AFRICA: THE BIRTH AND CHANGE OF ELECTORAL RULES IN MALI, NIGER, AND SENEGAL By MAMADOU BODIAN A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2016 © 2016 Mamadou Bodian To my late father, Lansana Bodian, for always believing in me ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I want first to thank and express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. Leonardo A. Villalón, who has been a great mentor and good friend. He has believed in me and prepared me to get to this place in my academic life. The pursuit of a degree in political science would not be possible without his support. I am also grateful to my committee members: Bryon Moraski, Michael Bernhard, Daniel A. Smith, Lawrence Dodd, and Fiona McLaughlin for generously offering their time, guidance and good will throughout the preparation and review of this work. This dissertation grew in the vibrant intellectual atmosphere provided by the University of Florida. The Department of Political Science and the Center for African Studies have been a friendly workplace. It would be impossible to list the debts to professors, students, friends, and colleagues who have incurred during the long development and the writing of this work. Among those to whom I am most grateful are Aida A. Hozic, Ido Oren, Badredine Arfi, Kevin Funk, Sebastian Sclofsky, Oumar Ba, Lina Benabdallah, Amanda Edgell, and Eric Lake. I am also thankful to fellow Africanists: Emily Hauser, Anna Mwaba, Chesney McOmber, Nic Knowlton, Ashley Leinweber, Steve Lichty, and Ann Wainscott. -
Senegal Country Report BTI 2010
BTI 2010 | Senegal Country Report Status Index 1-10 5.53 # 71 of 128 Democracy 1-10 6.30 # 53 of 128 Market Economy 1-10 4.75 # 88 of 128 Management Index 1-10 5.66 # 44 of 128 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Transformation Index (BTI) 2010. The BTI is a global ranking of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economic systems as well as the quality of political management in 128 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. The BTI is a joint project of the Bertelsmann Stiftung and the Center for Applied Policy Research (C•A•P) at Munich University. More on the BTI at http://www.bertelsmann-transformation-index.de/ Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2010 — Senegal Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2009. © 2009 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh BTI 2010 | Senegal 2 Key Indicators Population mn. 11.9 HDI 0.46 GDP p.c. $ 1737 Pop. growth % p.a. 2.6 HDI rank of 182 166 Gini Index 39.2 Life expectancy years 55 UN Education Index 0.42 Poverty2 % 60.3 Urban population % 42.1 Gender equality1 - Aid per capita $ 67.9 Sources: UNDP, Human Development Report 2009 | The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2009. Footnotes: (1) Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM). (2) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary Historically, Senegal has been one of the showcases for democracy and a market economy in West Africa. Despite only modest – if any – economic success, the country has remained politically stable and has seen uninterrupted civilian rule since its independence. -
Senegal Since 2000. Rebuilding Hegemony in a Global Age Vincent Foucher, Tarik Dahou
Senegal since 2000. Rebuilding Hegemony in a Global Age Vincent Foucher, Tarik Dahou To cite this version: Vincent Foucher, Tarik Dahou. Senegal since 2000. Rebuilding Hegemony in a Global Age. Turning Points in African Democracy, 2009. hal-02614085 HAL Id: hal-02614085 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02614085 Submitted on 20 May 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Mustapha_01 1/5/09 15:48 Page 13 2 Senegal since 2000 Rebuilding Hegemony in a Global Age TARIK DAHOU & VINCENT FOUCHER Senegal is often seen as a model of democracy in Africa. The changing character of Senegalese political life since independence has been paralleled by just as many changes in the literature about it. Initially most work tended to focus on the long history and rooted character of Senegalese democratic culture. This was essentially an urban-based political history centred on the lives of an enlightened class of évolués, African elites with a French education. In various shades, subse- quent authors described how the powerful Muslim brotherhoods functioned as mechanisms for political integration in the countryside: in exchange for agricultural services and other resources channelled to client marabouts, the party-state could count on the votes of the disciples attached to these marabouts (Copans 1980; Coulon 1981). -
Senegal: Presidential Elections 2019 - the Shining Example of Democratic Transition Immersed in Muddy Power-Politics
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Munich Personal RePEc Archive MPRA Munich Personal RePEc Archive Senegal: Presidential elections 2019 - The shining example of democratic transition immersed in muddy power-politics Dirk Kohnert and Laurence Marfaing Institute of African Affairs, GIGA-Hamburg 12 March 2019 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/92739/ MPRA Paper No. 92739, posted 15 March 2019 17:14 UTC Senegal: Presidential elections 2019 The shining example of democratic transition immersed in muddy power-politics Dirk Kohnert & Laurence Marfaing 1 The rush of presidential candidates to the religious leaders Source: Landry Banga (nom de plume, RIC). Dakar: La Croix Africa, 19 February 2019 Abstract: Whereas Senegal has long been sold as a showcase of democracy in Africa, including peaceful political alternance, things apparently changed fundamentally with the Senegalese presidentials of 2019 that brought new configurations. One of the major issues was political transhumance that has been elevated to the rank of religion in defiance of morality. It threatened political stability and peace. In response, social networks of predominantly young activists, created in 2011 in the aftermath of the Arab Spring focused on grass-roots advocacy with the electorate on good governance and democracy. They proposed a break with a political system that they consider as neo- colonialist. Moreover, Senegal’s justice is frequently accused to be biased, and the servility of the Constitutional Council which is in the first place an electoral court has often been denounced. Key Words: Senegal, presidential elections, governance, political change, political transhumance, social networks, West Africa, WAEMU, ECOWAS, civic agency JEL-Code: N17, N37, N97, O17, O35, P16, Z13 1 Associated research fellows at the Institute of African Affairs, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg, Germany. -
Presidential Elections in Senegal: a Brief Overview of the First Round
Presidential elections in Senegal: a brief overview of the first round Senegal is a small country of West Africa known for its democratic achievements. Dominated by Muslims who represent more than 90 per cent of a population of little more than 13 million, le pays de la Teranga (the country of hospitality in Wolof) has preserved traditions of tolerance, religious pluralism and peace. 1. Type of elections The first round of Senegal’s 10th presidential elections – the 7th in the era of multipartism - has taken place on February 26th 2012. A second round will be probably be required as according to provisional results no candidate has attained the absolute majority. 2. Short evaluation of the political situation related to the elections According to the Mission of Observation of the European Union, the commission of observation sent by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the numerous observers of the African and Senegalese civil society, the elections have been regular and transparent. This achievement is in itself very laudable given a very gloomy pre-electoral context. When the Constitutional Council has decided to validate the candidature of the incumbent President Wade - against the spirit of the Senegalese constitution and despite earlier statements made by Wade himself related to the fact that the constitution does not allow him to postulate for a third mandate - a divided opposition regrouped under the M23 (Movement of June 23rd) has organized many demonstrations in order to demand the withdrawal of the candidature of Wade. Unfortunately, this has occasioned six deaths and many wounded persons. -
Echogéo , Sur Le Vif Sopi Or Not Sopi ? 2
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by OpenEdition EchoGéo Sur le Vif | 2007 Sopi or not sopi ? A propos des élections présidentielles de février 2007 au Sénégal Géraud Magrin Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/echogeo/838 DOI : 10.4000/echogeo.838 ISSN : 1963-1197 Éditeur Pôle de recherche pour l'organisation et la diffusion de l'information géographique (CNRS UMR 8586) Référence électronique Géraud Magrin, « Sopi or not sopi ? », EchoGéo [En ligne], Sur le Vif, mis en ligne le 20 juin 2007, consulté le 19 avril 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/echogeo/838 ; DOI : 10.4000/ echogeo.838 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 19 avril 2019. EchoGéo est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International Sopi or not sopi ? 1 Sopi1 or not sopi ? A propos des élections présidentielles de février 2007 au Sénégal Géraud Magrin Introduction 1 Lors des élections sénégalaises du 25 février 2007, le président sortant, Abdoulaye Wade, a été réélu dès le premier tour avec près de 57 % des voix2. Ce fut une surprise, sauf peut- être pour le président et quelques uns de ses partisans. La grande majorité des observateurs, qu’ils soient sénégalais ou étrangers3, annonçaient une élection très ouverte. En effet, l’alternance de mars 2000, qui avait vu l’arrivée au pouvoir d’Abdoulaye Wade après quatre décennies de règne du Parti socialiste (PS), s’était accompagnée d’un immense espoir de changement. -
23 3 Kelly.Pdf
Access Provided by Harvard University at 07/13/12 4:30PM GMT Senegal: What Will turnover Bring? Catherine Lena Kelly Catherine Lena Kelly is a doctoral candidate in government at Har- vard University. She is writing a dissertation on the formation, co- alition-building strategies, and durability of political parties in sub- Saharan Africa, and has spent fifteen months in Senegal. On 25 March 2012, Macky Sall of the Alliance for the Republic (APR) won the second round of Senegal’s presidential election with 65.8 per- cent of the vote, handily defeating incumbent president Abdoulaye Wade of the Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS), who had won the most votes in the first round. In contrast to a tumultuous campaign season, elec- tion day itself was relatively peaceful. Wade graciously accepted defeat, phoning Sall to congratulate him several hours after the polls closed. French president Nicolas Sarkozy called this gesture “proof of [Wade’s] attachment to democracy.”1 This appraisal is too generous, however. The peaceful turnover followed months of protests and violent repres- sion, as well as a rumored intervention by military officials to force Wade to accept defeat after the second-round voting. 2 Debates about the constitutionality of Wade’s candidacy, as well as an earlier change that he had proposed in the election law, helped to generate this turmoil, which included at least ten deaths, dozens of arrests, and many injuries. 3 Wade’s quest for a third term belied Senegal’s democratic reputation. In fact, the country’s regime would be better described as competitive authoritarian—democratic rules exist, but “incumbents violate those rules so often and to such an extent .