Byzantine Ship Graffiti from the Church of Prophitis Elias in Thessaloniki

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8 Byzantine ship graffiti · A. Babuin – Y. Nakas

Byzantine ship graffiti from the church of Prophitis Elias in Thessaloniki

Andrea Babuin – Yannis Nakas

Abstract – This paper aims in presenting for the first time a series of medieval ship graffiti preserved on the walls of the Byzantine church of the Prophet Elias in Thessalonica. The church was erected around 1360-1385 and functioned as a monastic church only for a couple of decades, since in 1394 it was turned into a mosque by the Ottoman Turks who had conquered the city. The Muslim covered with plaster the walls of the church, thus the graffiti can be safely dated in the last quarter of the 14th century. The ships belong to various types ranging from small boats to large merchantmen and galleys. Thanks to the fact that they form a chronologically closed group of images, they give us a rare insight into the form of the ships which travelled to and from the harbour of Thessalonica during the turbulent years of the end of the 14th century. Some contemporary historical sources concerning ships from this area will also be addressed.

Inhalt – Dieser Beitrag stellt erstmals eine Reihe mittelalterlicher Schiffsgraffiti vor, die an den Wänden der byzantinischen Kirche des Propheten Elias in Thessaloniki erhalten sind. Diese wurde um 1360-85 erbaut und diente nur einige Jahrzehnte als Klosterkirche, da sie 1394 von den osmanischen Eroberern in eine Moschee ver- wandelt wurde. Die Moslems bedeckten die Kirchenwände mit Putz, weshalb die Graffiti sicher in das letzte Viertel des 14. Jhs. datiert werden können. Die Schiffe gehören verschiedenen Typen von kleinen Booten bis zu großen Frachtern und Galeeren an. Dank dem Umstand, dass sie eine chronologisch geschlossene Bildergruppe bilden, geben sie uns einen seltenen Einblick in die Schiffsformen, die während der turbulenten Jahre des ausgehenden 14. Jhs. in den Hafen Thessalonikis ein- und ausfuhren. Einige zeitgenössische historische Quellen zu Schiffen dieser Region werden ebenfalls behandelt.

The church and the dating of the nation „Sarayli Camii“, the Otto- fy in Badrali Mustafa Pasha – a graffiti man name of the building. This was high official that lived at the time considered by some 19th century of Sultan Murad II (1404-1451) – The imposing church of Prophitis European scholars the corrupted the responsible for this transforma- Elias in Thessaloniki is one of the form of an original Greek denomi- tion8. Be that as it may, the building most important buildings of the nation „Saint Elias“ that in fact had is listed already as a Muslim place late Byzantine period in the city never existed3. In recent years, the of worship in the first surviving (Fig. 1). It is located in the upper church has been tentatively identi- Ottoman cadastral survey of town (Ano Poli), in the general fied with the monastery of Akap- Thessaloniki („defter“ in Turkish area where the Byzantine palace niou, a foundation related with the language), dating to the year 14789. and later the Ottoman governor’s imperial family of the Palaeologues4. house stood. Determining when Prophitis Elias According to general opinion, the became a Muslim place of worship Unfortunately, we do not know church of Prophitis Elias was built is of paramount importance, be- which its original dedication was and decorated in the third quarter cause it allows us to pin down a re- and so it is impossible to establish of the 14th century5. The exact date of liable terminus ante quem for the if the naval graffiti on its walls are its transformation into a mosque is graffiti. When a church was con- connected with the cult of a partic- not known, and while it has been verted into a mosque, it was com- ular holy person especially venera- suggested that this happened already mon practice to spread over its fresco ted in this place (Saint Nicholas, during the first Ottoman occupa- decoration a layer of plaster or the patron saint of sailors and mer- tion of Thessaloniki, between the whitewash. In Prophitis Elias, the chants being the first name that years 1387 and 14026, it seems safer marks left by the pick-axes used for springs to mind)1. The present-day to assume that it was converted anchoring the plaster on the walls dedication of the church to the into a Muslim temple after the affect almost all the carved images Prophet Elias2 is the result of the definitive Ottoman conquest of the of ships, proving beyond any doubt wrong interpretation of the desig- city in 14307. Some sources identi- that these graffiti were executed 2011-Skyllis-11-Heft-1-Quark-2-.qxd 13.01.2012 00:28 Seite 9

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Meinardus – who published prelim- inary drawings of four of them in 197211 – they have never appeared in full until today.

The ship graffiti

A total of 28 ship graffiti were recorded during our research on the walls of Prophitis Elias’ church, it is nevertheless almost certain that more exist. Images of ships are found practically on every surface which preserves the original painted decoration, including the external walls of the anteroom. Other graffiti show stylized human figures, Fig. 1: The Church of Prophet Elias in Thessaloniki as it is today. weapons (axes), unintelligible lines and shapes and Ottoman inscrip- before the conversion into a mosque represent an extremely interesting, tions (on the external walls) (Fig. 2). of the building, in all likelihood be- firmly dated sample of the sailing tween the years 1370 and 1451 and vessels in use in the Eastern Medi- In the main church only one ship in any case no later than the year terranean area between the last graffito (ship 13) survives. This does 1478. quarter of the 14th and the first half not surprise us, since almost the of the 15th century10 While their im- whole wall decoration in this area In other words, the ship images carv- portance had already been recogniz- has been obliterated during the ed on the walls of Prophitis Elias ed almost forty years ago by Otto years this functioned as a mosque.

Fig. 2 a-b: Various graffiti and marks on the frescoes on the walls of the Church of Prophet Elias. 2011-Skyllis-11-Heft-1-Quark-2-.qxd 13.01.2012 00:28 Seite 10

10 Byzantine ship graffiti · A. Babuin – Y. Nakas

Another crude depiction of an oared vessel is ship 18, where the low and slender hull with its stern castle indicate a galley but without any further details. The complicat- ed rigging seems to comprise three masts with lateen sails. Given the scarcity of details, it is difficult to propose a firm dating for these images (Fig. 3). Ships 9, 10, 11 and 12 on the other hand are much more accurate, notwithstanding their small size (Fig. 4). They depict slender oared vessels with long spurs at their bow and curved sternposts, equipped with stern rudders. 27 to Fig. 3: Graffiti of galleys at the church of Prophet Elias. 23 oars are pictured, a number which seems to correspond to the regular number of rowing benches galleys had since the 13th century. It is un- clear whether these ships are triremes rowed with the alla senzile system12, common for 14th and 15th century galleys. Overstructures in- clude a stern castle with its awning and a protective rail over the oars. Fig. 4: The „galley fleet“ graffiti at the church of Prophet Elias. Rigging includes one mast with a big lateen sail and its shrouds. Flags The image is carved on the intra- south of the main entrance, six more of various sizes are pictured on the dos of one of the lateral windows ship graffiti survive. Ships 13 and mast, at the stern and at the bow, of the naos. Three more graffiti can 20 represent round ships (Fig. 10), the latter on an inclined post. be found in the north lateral chap- whereas a group of four galleys in a Worthy of attention is a roughly el, nowadays dedicated to Saint row (ships 9, 10, 11 and 12; Fig. 4) rectangular or cylindrical device Nektarios. These depict ships 2, 3 forms a small flotilla. Two more protruding from the end of the rail and 4, carved on the south niche of graffiti can be found on the external over the foredeck. the chapel (Figs. 3 and 9). It has not western wall, in niches with paint- been possible to investigate the ed decoration (Figs. 3 and 9).An The general arrangement of ships walls of the second chapel, built on oblique representation of a three- 9-12 corresponds to the appearance the south side of the building. masted merchantman (ship 21) of almost every Mediterranean gal- has been carved on the northern- ley known through iconography The anteroom or lité preserves most most niche and a similar image of a and texts after the 14th century (Figs. of the church’s painted surfaces three-masted galley can be found 5-6)13. Their dating is difficult, but and the largest number of ship on the niche south of the main en- the single lateen sail, as well as the graffiti. Ships 5, 6, 7, 8 and 14 were trance (ship 18). inclined flag post at the stern, can carved between the two pillars be found in other depictions of 15th close to the door on the southern The ship graffiti of the church of wall (Figs. 8-9), while two more Prophitis Elias can be divided into depictions of round ships (ships 1 two broad categories, oared vessels and 17; Fig. 9) are visible on the pil- or galleys and sailing ships or mer- lar east of the anteroom’s southern chantmen. This is a largely conven- entrance. It should be noted that tional distinction, based purely on some graffiti depicting large axes the presence of oars or not. are superimposed to ship number 17 (Fig. 2 b). Another important At least six oared vessels are depict- group of graffiti is found next to ed on the walls of the church. Ship 2 the anteroom’s southern door. is a crude, unrealistic image of a These are ships 16, 19 and 22 to 28 galley with a huge square sail furled (Figs. 8, 10 and 14). Ships 22 to 28 around its yard and six flag posts form a separate group, in all likeli- (Fig. 3). It is probably a hybrid ship ness all drawn by the same hand. combining elements of merchant- Fig. 5: Miniature of a galley from the On the western wall, on the pilaster men (square sail) and galleys (oars). manuscript of Zorzi Trombetta. 2011-Skyllis-11-Heft-1-Quark-2-.qxd 13.01.2012 00:28 Seite 11

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Fig. 7: Graffito of a small galley (brigan- Fig. 6: Miniature of a galley fleet from the Hesperis manuscript. tine?) at the church of Prophet Elias.

century Italian galleys. Further- sels which must have been used in tions of hulls stand out: the first more, the lack of a forecastle or fight- Thessaloniki’s harbour. The other one includes ships 1, 6, 7, 13, 19 and ing platform, which became a com- images of sailing ships are much 20, which give the impression of mon characteristic of galleys in the more accurate. Notwithstanding having been drawn by the same 16th century14 also suggests a date their differences in shape, rigging hand (Fig. 10). They have a straight within the 15th century. and artwork, they all seem to depict keel, a slightly inclined stern post large, three-masted or even four- and a curved stem post. Over the As for the devices at the bow of masted merchantmen equipped stern post and presumably over a these galleys, they cannot be any- with square and lateen sails, crow’s tragent or triganto, the stern castle thing else but artillery pieces, mount- nests and flags (Figs. 9, 10 and 14). protrudes over curved stanchions. ed over the small fore deck and Amongst them, two groups of ves- Various curved lines along the hull partly within the central corsia sels with very accurate representa- indicate wales or strakes, whereas gangway. Venetian warships were equipped with guns by the last dec- ade of the 14th century15 and by the early 15th century gunpowder weapons are commonly recorded on board all kind of ships sailing in the Mediterranean16. Still, images of artillery carrying ships are quite rare for this period and we are probably dealing here with some of their earliest depictions.

Finally, a mention should be made about ship 25, which seems to be a low vessel with a spur at the bow, a single lateen sail and castles at both ends (Fig. 7). Although it lacks any oars, it could be a light galley (brigantine) or an oared galleon, a type of ship often observed in the Mediterranean from the 15th century onwards17.

Twenty-two ship graffiti can be roughly classified as belonging to sailing ships. Part of this group (ships 5, 8, 15, 16, 23 and 24) is made of crude, stylized images which provide very little evidence about the actual form of the crafts they are supposed to represent (Fig. 8). The existence of only one mast suggests that these graffiti depict fishing boats or small working ves- Fig. 8: Graffiti of stylized sailing ships at the church of Prophet Elias. 2011-Skyllis-11-Heft-1-Quark-2-.qxd 13.01.2012 00:29 Seite 12

12 Byzantine ship graffiti · A. Babuin – Y. Nakas

The general appearance of the second group of images seems to indicate they were executed at later date in relation with the ships of the first group. The lower forecastle, the high, elaborate sterncastle and the presence of a spur recalls later Ottoman sailing ships, as they appear in the contemporary art of the Levant (Fig. 15).

It is difficult to establish the nation- al origin of a medieval ship on the strength of external features alone. The Byzantine emperors bought or hired their ships from the Italians, whereas some of the most important shipbuilders of Venice like Michele da Rodi (who served in the Venetian fleet in the area of Thes- saloniki in the 1420’s) and Zorzi Trombetta da Modon were of Aegean origin21. Financial and cultural mobility was common and shipbuilders must have exchanged technology and know-how between them very frequently. Thus the ships depicted in Prophitis Elias could be Venetian, Byzantine and Ottoman at the same time. Fig. 9: Graffiti of sailing ships at the Fig. 10: Graffiti of sailing ships at the church of Prophet Elias. church of Prophet Elias. Contemporary written sources

in one case external fashion timbers mainly their hulls and sterns. A Written sources can shed further or postarios, according to the con- note should be made about ship 1, light on the nationality and the temporary Spanish term, are shown that with its beakhead and high variety of ship types which were on the stern castle. The forecastle is forecastle shows striking similari- based or stopped over in Thessalo- much higher than the sterncastle, ties with the reconstructed hull of niki in those years. Unfortunately, distinctively placed on what ap- the MARY ROSE19. surviving documentation provides pears to be a lapstrake construc- us with just a partial record of tion. No rigging, rudders or any other The second group of merchantmen seaborne trade and naval opera- type of equipment is pictured. includes ships 17, 22, 26, 27 and 28 tions in the area. For instance, there Only ship 1 seems to have a beak- (Fig. 14). Although akin to the pre- is almost no reference in the sour- head at the bow. vious group, they have lower fore- ces to fishing boats and lesser crafts, castles and their sterncastles do not a category of vessels that must have This group of graffiti clearly de- protrude outwards but are instead been the most common sight in picts carracks, the type of sturdy mer- inclined inwards and often have port (Fig. 8). In western documents chantman which appears throughout multiple decks. Ship 17 has a high – by far the most important sour- Europe in the first half of the 15th and elaborate sterncastle on three ces we possess for the period – the century and was the result of the levels, decorated with chevrons and presence of local ships is almost merging of the North European possibly gunports20, whereas ship unrecorded, but it is quite plausible cog and the Mediterranean round 28 clearly carries a beak or spur at that Greek freighters practicing ship (Figs. 11-13)18. The fact that the bow. Finally, ship 27 appears to short distance coastal navigation these ships lack any kind of rig- be equipped with four masts with were frequent visitors to the har- ging, overstructures and awnings, lateen and possibly square sails too bour. The port of Thessaloniki is along with the accuracy of their but without any top sails. The exe- described by Demetrios Kydones form and proportions, probably cution of this second group of graf- around the year 1350 as a large and indicates that they were drawn by a fiti is rather simplified, but it is still heavily fortified area – almost like a person who knew these ships well clear and seems to convey the ships’ second city, he says22– although a and was interested in portraying actual arrangement and proportions. Venetian document states that by 2011-Skyllis-11-Heft-1-Quark-2-.qxd 13.01.2012 00:29 Seite 13

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the year 1429 the sea walls of the city were in a bad state of repair23 and it is likely that by then the harbour was at least partially silted24.

Thessaloniki served as a stopover for ships sailing to Constantinople or the Aegean ports and in the late medieval period was attached to the Venetian commercial system via Negroponte in Euboea, the main naval base of the Republic in the area25. Maritime trade was based on the export of grain and the im- port and export of textiles26. bulky goods that were usually carried by large round ships (cochae, naves) powered by sails27. In the year 1393, Fig. 11: A carrack from the manuscript of Zorzi Trombetta. a vessel carrying grain and goods coming from Ottoman held Thes- saloniki was confiscated by Ve- netian authorities in Negroponte28.

From around 1380 until its fall in 1430, the town – transferred to the Venetians from 1423 onward – had been under almost constant Otto- man siege or occupation. Cut off from its hinterland, it relied heavily on supplies brought in by sea. In order to find a solution to the acute shortage of food, in 1426 the Vene- tian Senate decided to grant special benefits to merchants who ran the blockade to bring provisions in town29. In the winter of this year, some merchantmen „coming from various places“ and loaded with grain managed to reach the town Fig. 12: A 15th-century carrack under its final stages of construction. that was on the brink of collapse30. In the same winter, a Cretan ship carrying grain sunk in a storm out- side the harbour but its cargo was miraculously recovered by the intercession of Saint Demetrios31.

As a matter of fact, galleys – the only ones capable to sail in convoy – left much more archival traces than the isolated merchant vessel, which usually carried goods of re- latively low value in comparison with those transported by oared ships. In the years 1382-1387, the future Emperor Manuel Palaeolo- gus made Thessaloniki the base of a very active military policy against Ottoman power. We know that he had a war galley at his disposal in the city thanks to a document dated th Fig. 13: A carrack from a fresco in Padua by Lorenzo Paretino (15 century). 1385, where the Venetian Senate 2011-Skyllis-11-Heft-1-Quark-2-.qxd 13.01.2012 00:29 Seite 14

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Fig. 14: Graffiti of later carracks or galleons at the church of Prophet Elias.

rejects his proposal to operate the warship in conjunction with the Venetian galley of Negroponte32. The Ottoman navy was at the time greatly inferior to its western Euro- pean counterparts and never posed a serious threat to navigation in the Aegean. Nevertheless, trade in the area was hampered by the presence of Turkish pirates from around 1360 onwards33 and archival sources refer that in 1387 – the year in Fig. 15: 16th-century Ottoman galleons on a glazed Iznik pot. which the first Ottoman tenure of the city started – the Sultan kept various hulls of galleys and other under the command of a certain ing large ship-shed, of an effective ships in Kavala and Thessaloniki, Demetrios Maurianos37. The last supply network, of warehouses to „ready to infer damage“34. The pres- reference to the presence of a store naval gear and of course of a ence of „many piratical ships“, regis- Byzantine warship in Thessaloniki substantial and specialized labor tered in the Gulf of Patras from the dates to 1423 and is connected force in town even in a very diffi- year 1387, could as well be related with the handing over of the city to cult period of its history. with the existence of the new Otto- the Serenissima.A contemporary man naval base in Thessaloniki35. chronicle states that in that circum- Amidst the extremely meager evi- In order to answer to the threat stance six Venetian galleys and „one dence concerning the Ottoman posed by Turkish piratical raids, in belonging to the Emperor armed at war fleet at the last siege of Thessa- 1407 the merchants of Negroponte Mytilene of a size between large loniki, we possess a document asked for the protection of the gal- and light“ were in the harbor38. coming from Ragusa dated June 8, ley of the island or of a galeota for 1427, stating that 50 galleys and their fustae and gripparie directed We know that Thessaloniki was medium-sized oared vessels had to Thessaloniki36. supposed to supply one galley to been sent from the naval base of the Venetian fleet in the year 142439. Gallipoli to besiege the town40. Around the year 1415, the diminu- The fact that by then a war galley tive Byzantine navy still possessed a could still be equipped implies the When on March 13, 1430, Thessa- few „triremes“ (i.e. galleys) in town existence of at least one function- loniki fell to the Ottomans, three 2011-Skyllis-11-Heft-1-Quark-2-.qxd 13.01.2012 00:29 Seite 15

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Venetian galleys and „a few other Plovdiv48. It seems highly probable vessels“ managed to escape carry- that in all three instances Muslim Notes ing away some of the Venetian and faithfuls were responsible for these Greek defenders41. carved images. 1 Even today, among Orthodox commu- nities settled on the Bulgarian littoral of In any case, commercial relations According to Meinardus, naval the Black Sea, an icon of Saint Nicholas is with the West were soon re-estab- graffiti found in churches were inserted in the hull of boats under con- lished after the Ottoman conquest: usually votive offerings created by struction in order to strengthen them and On February 3, 1431, Demetrius sailors49, while Bryer puts forward women are supposed to pray in front of an Philomati became the new Vene- the hypothesis they were connec- image of the Saint while their husbands are tian consul of the city42 and Vene- ted with the dedication of a ship or at sea, see Ovcarov, N., Legendes et rites tian merchants are recorded as were made before an important maritimes dans les dessins graffiti des églises living in town by the year 143643.In voyage50. Italian sea-going vessels de Nessebar (XIVe-XVIIIe s.), in: Tzalas, H. 1439, the Greek shipmaster Dimi- bore quite often the name of a saint (ed.), Tropis III, 3rd International Sympo- tris Tofilatos delivered a cargo of in order to assure super-natural sium on Ship Construction in Antiquity. salted pork from Thessaloniki to protection to boat and crew: more Athens 1989 (Athens 1995) 327-332.– For Constantinople44. than 75% of Venetian ships found a graffito depicting S. Nicholas on a ship in a series of documents dating dating to the VI-VII century, see Bacci, M. th from the end of the 12 to the be- (ed.), S. Nicola. Splendori d’arte d’Oriente th Conclusions ginning of the 15 century sport a e d’Occidente (Milano 2006) 20.– On the 51 name of religious origin .In cult of this saint in general, see Ševšenko, It is difficult to say for sure why particular, a steep increase of the N.P., The life of Saint Nicholas in Byzan- these graffiti were scratched on the mariners’ Christian fervour can be tine Art, (Bari, Centro di Studi Bizantini, 1) walls of Prophitis Elias: they could detected in the years immediately (Torino 1983); Maguire, H., From the Evil bear witness of almost everything, following the Black Death, the very Eye of Justice: The Saints, Art, and Justice from intercessory practice to local period in which our church was in Byzantium, in: Laiou, A.E. – Simon, D. 52 kids’ artistic bent. Indeed, the built . In a list of Genoese ships’ (ed.), Law and Society in Byzantium: dearth of information about this names deduced from documents Ninth-Twelfth Centuries (Washington building allows nothing but educat- issued between the years 1350 and 1994) 200-239. 227-230. 235-8. ed guesses. We know that the upper 1414, 121 vessels out of a total of 2 gallery of the church functioned as 124 bear religious names53. The church was once again trans- a scriptorium in Byzantine times45, formed into a Christian place of worship but it is difficult to imagine The fact that ship graffiti can be after 1912 and has been restored during the Byzantine monks/scribes intent on found quite often in churches built years 1956-1961. historiating its walls in their spare far away from the sea (even in 3 Texier, Ch. – Popplewell Pullan, R., time. More likely candidates for the mountain areas) probably proves Byzantine architecture illustrated by a job could be the Venetian soldiers they were carved as well by non- series of the earliest Christian edifices in that were quartered in some of the seamen, common people that for the East (London 1864) 122. The name city’s churches at the time of its last some reason had undertook or „Sarayli Camii“ actually means „palace siege. They were accused, in a com- were planning to sail on a sea voyage. mosque“. In Ottoman sources the building plaint forwarded to Venetian Besides common travellers, other was known as „‘Atîk Camii“ or „Eski Seray authorities in the year 1429 by the possible candidates for these crea- Camii“,see Dimitriades, V., Τοπογραφα της citizens of Thessaloniki, of „com- tions could be merchants that had Θεσσαλονκης κατ την εποχ της τουρκο- mitting many improper actions“ entrusted their fortunes to a partic- κρατας, 1430-1912, (Μακεδονικ Βιβλιο- and „destroying“ the monasteries ular vessel, or even pilgrims that θκη, 61) (Thessaloniki 1983) 301-303. situated close to the walls46. had been or were planning to visit 4 Theocharides, G., ∆υο να γγραφα εις Ottoman Turks could be responsi- the Holy Places. The fluctuating την Ναν Μονν Θεσσαλονκης, Μακεδονικ ble for at least some of these ima- quality of these images, ranging from ges as well. As already mentioned, very accurate54 to extremely coarse, 4, 1955-60, 315-351: esp. 343-351 proposed on one of the pillars of the ante- clearly testifies they are not always to recognize in this building the monastery room are carved some axes, partly the creation of professional mari- of „Nea Moni“. His theory has been chal- superimposed to the sketch of a ners: the untrained hands of rela- lenged lately, first by Dimitriades loc. cit. round ship (Fig. 2). Graffiti depic- tives worried for their loved ones at 302, and then by Th. Papazotos, who finds ting axes in connection with ima- sea are probably responsible for a the fresco program of Prophitis Elias ges of ships appear on the walls of good number of these sketches. incompatible with that of an ecclesiastical at least two Ottoman buildings building dedicated to the Virgin as was the contemporary with the church of „Nea Moni“ and suggests to identify the Prophitis Elias: in the Zâviye imâ- church with the katholikon of the „Akap- ret built around the year 1370 by niou“ monastery, see Papazotos, Th., The Hadij Evrenos Beg in Komotini47 identification of “Profitis Elias” in Thessa- and in the Imâret Camii mosque in loniki, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 45 2011-Skyllis-11-Heft-1-Quark-2-.qxd 13.01.2012 00:29 Seite 16

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(Washington, DC 1991) 121-127 and Id., Η fiti di navi normanne nei sotterranei del Vries, loc. cit. 395, fig. 3. µον Ακαπνου Ο νας του προφτη Ηλα, – Palazzo Reale di Palermo, Sicilia Archeo- 21 On Michael of Rhodes see Long, P.O. – Θεσσαλονικων Πλις logica 14, 1981, 43-54; Arduini, D. – Grassi, 2, 1997, 34-73. McGee, D. – Stahl, A.M. (eds.), The Book C., Graffiti di navi medievali sulle chiese di 5 Gerstel, S.E.J., Civic and monastic influ- of Michael of Rhodes: A Fifteenth-Century Pisa e di Lucca (Pisa 2002). ences on church decoration in late Byzan- Maritime Manuscript (Cambridge 2009). tine Thessalonike, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 11 Meinardus, O.F.A., Mediaeval naviga- For Zorzi Trombetta see McManamon, J., 57 (Washington, DC 2003) 225-239. 227: tion according to akidographemata in By- The „Archaeology“ of Fifteenth-Century ∆ελτον „painted … several decades after 1345“; zantine churches and monasteries, Manuscripts on Shipbuilding, INA Quar- της Χριστιανικς Αρχαιολογικς Εταιρεας Curcic, S., Architecture in the Balkans. terly 28.4, 2001, 17-26. From Diocletian to Süleyman the Magni- 6, 1970-72, 29-52. The author identifies the 22 Demetrius Cydones, Occisorum Thes- ficent (New Haven – London 2010) 556 vessels respectively as: fig. VII-3, p. 45, salonicae monodia, Patrologia Graeca 109, „dating from the 1360s or even the 1370s“. merchant galleon; Fig. IX-1, p. 47, caravel; col. 641.B-C. According to Papazotos, loc. cit. 127, the Fig. X-1 and X-2 p. 48, caravels. 23 Archivio di Stato di Venezia (hereafter church was decorated between the year 12 Alertz, U., The naval architecture and ASV), Senato, Misti 57, fol. 129v, (VII 14, 1350 and 1371. oar system of Medieval and later galleys, in: 1429). The document is published in pho- 6 Lowry, H.W., The shaping of the Otto- Gardiner, R. – Morrison, J. (ed.), The age of tographic format in: Mertzios, K.D., man Balkans, 1350-1550 (Istanbul 2008) the galley. Mediterranean oared vessels Μνηµεα µακεδονικς ιστορας. Μακεδονικ 85-90. On rather shaky grounds, the author since pre-classical times (London 1995) Βιβλιοθκη 7 (Thessaloniki 1947) 96 ff. proposes to identify an imâret endowed by 149-151; Bondioli, M. – Burlet, R. – 24 Hadij Evrenos Beg in Thessaloniki between Zysberg, A., Oar mechanics and oar power About the sea walls and harbor of the 1394 and 1403 with the church of Prophitis in medieval and later galleys», in: Gardiner city see Spieser, J.-M., Note sur le rempart Elias. In support of this theory, there is a – Morrison, loc. cit., 183-186. maritime de Thessalonique, Travaux et Memoires 8. Hommage à P. Lemerle (Paris piece of evidence that has escaped scholars 13 See Alertz loc. cit. 142-162; Nakas, I., 1981) 477-485; Dimitriadis, E., The harbor until now. Symeon, Archbishop of Thessa- Mediterranean Medieval Galleys 1150- loniki from 1416/7 to 1429, states that dur- of Thessaloniki: Balkan hinterland and his- 1359, Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University Αρµς. Τιµητικς ing the first Ottoman occupation of the torical development, in: of Southampton 2002. τµος στον καθηγητ Ν. Κ. Μουτστουλο city a „Church of the Saviour“ on the Acro- 14 Bondioli – Burlet – Zysberg loc. cit., fig- για τα εικοσιπντε χρνια πνευµατικς του polis was converted into a mosque. Nothing ure in page 172. προσφορς στο πανεπιστµιο is known about a church of that name in (Thessaloniki this area. If we accept the identification of 15 A French pilgrim relates how artillery 1990) vol. 1, 541-561. Prophitis Elias (built not far from the acro- pieces were already produced in the Ar- 25 Thiriet, F., La Romanie venitienne au senal of Venice by the year 1395: Bonnar- polis) there is an – admittedly tenuous – moyen âge. Le développement et l’exploita- dot, F. – Longnon, A. (eds.), Le saint voyage chance that Prophitis Elias was converted tion du domaine colonial vénitien (XIIe- de Jherusalem du seigneur d’Anglure, (Paris into a mosque already by 1387-1403, see XVe siècles) (Paris 1975) 339-341; Laiou, 1878) 98. One of the earliest representa- Balfour, D., Politico-Historical Works of A., Η Θεσσαλονκη, η ενδοχρα της και ο Symeon Archbishop of Thessalonica tions of cannons on galleys can be found in οικονοµικς της χρος στην εποχ των an Italian manuscript of 1462, see Martin, L., (1416/17 to 1429), Wiener byzantinische Παλαιολγων, in: Βυζαντιν Μακεδονα The Art and Archaeology of Medieval Ships Studien XIII (Wien 1979) 251-252. 324-1430 m.X., International colloquium, and Boats (London 2001) fig. 58. Μακεδονικ Βιβλιοθκη 7 According to the Greek historian Dou- Thessaloniki 1992. 16 kas, Thessaloniki became the favorite resi- Guilmartin, J.F., The Early Provision of 82 (Thessaloniki 1995) 183-194. Artillery Armament on Mediterranean War dence of sultan Murad II soon after its con- 26 Matschke, K.P., Tuchproduktion und Galleys, The Mariner’s Mirror 59, 1973, quest, and he transformed all the major Tuchproduzenten in Thessalonike und in 257-80; De Vries, K., The Effectiveness of monasteries of the city into mosques anderen Städten und Regionen des späten Fifteenth-Century Shipboard Artillery, The shortly after the year 1430: Bekker, I. (ed.), Byzanz, Βυζαντιακ 9, 1989, 68-69. Michaelis Ducae nepotis historia byzantina Mariner’s Mirror 84, 1998, 389-399. 27 In 1381 a Barcelonese cocha coming (Bonn 1834) 201. 1-3. 17 Rubin de Cervin, G.B., The Venetian from Chios was expected to moor in Thes- 8 Fleet (Milano 1985) 39. Dimitriades loc. cit. (see note 3) 301- saloniki harbor, see Jacoby, D., Foreigners and 18 302 and note 84. Unger, R.W. – Gardiner R. (eds.), the Urban Economy in Thessalonike, ca. 9 On the first Ottoman defter of Thessa- (London 1994); Friel, I., The Good Ship. 1150- ca.1450. Dumbarton Oaks Papers 57 loniki see Lowry, H.W., Portrait of a city: Ship, Shipbuilding and Technology in (Washington, DC 2003) 118, footnote 227; the population and topography of Otto- England 1200-1520 (London 1995); Mar- ASV. Senato. Misti 56, f. 44 (VIII 13, 1426): man Selânik (Thessaloniki) in the year tin, loc. cit. figs. 67. 70-1. One navis loaded in Corfu was to bring 1478, ∆πτυχα 2, 1980-81, 254-293. 19 Marsden, P. (ed.), Your Noblest Shippe: wheat to the besieged city. See Sathas, C.N., Documents inédits relatifs à l’histoire de la 10 On medieval ship graffiti in the Medi- Anatomy of a Tudor Warship. The Ar- terranean area, see also Helms, S.W., Ship chaeology of the Mary Rose, 2 (Ports- Grèce au Moyen Âge III (Paris 1882) 315. graffiti in the church of San Marco in Ve- mouth 2009). 28 Thiriet, F., Régestes des délibérations du nice, Internat. Journal of Nautical Archae- 20 For an image dated c. 1470-80, showing Sénat de Venise concernant la Romanie I, ology 4, 1975, 229-236; Purpura, G., Graf- a round ship equipped with artillery see De 1329-1399 (Paris 1958) nos. 838 and 857. 2011-Skyllis-11-Heft-1-Quark-2-.qxd 13.01.2012 00:29 Seite 17

11. Jahrgang 2011 · Heft 1 17

29 Thiriet, F., loc. cit. II, 1400-1430 (Paris 39 Manfroni, C., La marina veneziana alla e Venezia nel ‘300 (Roma 1981) 217-220, 1959) no. 2033. See also Thieriet, F., Déli- difesa di Salonicco (1910) 14, footnote 1. see also 149-157. bérations des Assemblées vénitiennes con- 40 Drzavni arhiv u Dubrovniku. Lett. Lev., 52 On the repercussions of the late 14th cernant la Romanie II, 1364-1463 (Paris X, ff. 22-23 (VI 8, 1427) in: Radonic, J., century crisis in Byzantium, see Tinnen- 1971) no. 1294. Dubrovacka akta i povelje. Fontes rerum feld, F., Zur Krise des Spätmittelalters in 30 Balfour loc. cit. (see note 6) 64. 8-9. Slavorum meridionalium I. 1-2 (Beograd Byzanz, in: Seibt, F. (ed.), Europa 1400. Die Krise des Spätmittelalters (Stuttgart 1984) 31 Ibid., 64. 18-26. 180. This ship may 1934) I 274-275: quinquaginta Theucro- 284-294. have been one of those employed by three rum fuste seu galee et galeotte. Thessalonicean merchants that in the 41 Caracciolo Aricò, A. – Frison Caraccio- 53 Kedar, loc. cit. 212-216. spring had bought Cretan grain for the lo, C. (ed.), Marin Sanudo il Giovane, Le 54 It must be stressed again that many of town of Thessaloniki: Thiriet, Délibéra- vite dei dogi, 1423-1474 I (Venezia 2004) the graffiti in Prophitis Elias are highly de- tion… II, no. 1299. 566. Other Venetian contemporary sources tailed and accurate, indicating beyond 32 ASV. Senato. Misti 39, fol. 65 (IV 18, in Melville-Jones loc. cit. 219-223. See as doubt they have been sketched by someone 1385), in: Dennis, G.T., The Reign of well the account by the Greek witness of well acquainted with the ships of the period. Manuel II Palaeologus in Thessalonica, the fall John Anagnostes: Joannes Ana- 1382-1387. Orientalia Christiana Analecta gnosta, Narratio de extremo Thessaloni- 159 (Rome 1960) appendix A, p. 163. censi excidio, Patrologia Graeca 156, col. Sources of figures 609 B. 33 Jacoby loc. cit. (see note 27) 85-132, esp. 42 Figs. 1, 2 a-b: Photos by A. Babuin. 106. Thiriet loc. cit. (see note 28) III, 1431- 1463 (Paris 1961) no. 2225. See also Jacoby Figs. 3-4, 7-10, 12, 14: Drawings by Y. Nakas. 34 v ASV. Senato. Misti 40, fol. 82 (VII 22, loc. cit. (see note 27) 109 and note 162. Fig. 5: d.1444; British Museum Library, 1387), in: Dennis loc.cit., appendix B, p. London MS. Cotton Titus A, XXVI, f.48v; 43 Thiriet ibid. no. 2429. 164: [Moratus], qui habet Christopolim et Martin, L., The Art and Archaeology of 44 Salonichi, ubi sunt parata quam plura cor- Dorini, V. – Bertelè, T., Il libro dei conti Medieval Ships and Boats (London 2001) pora galearum et lignorum cum quibus di Giacomo Badoer (Costantinopoli 1436- fig. 69. posset inferre damnum galeis predictis. 1440). Nuovo Ramusio 3 (Roma 1956) 650. Fig. 6: d.1462; Bodleian Library, MS. 35 ASV. Senato. Misti 42, fol. 66v (VII 2, 45 Velenis, G., Η βυζαντιν αρχιτεκτονικ Canon.Class.Lat.81, f.16v; Martin loc. cit. 1392), in: Chrysostomides, J. (ed.), Monu- της Θεσσαλονκης. Αισθητικ προσγγιση, fig. 58. menta Peloponnesiaca. Documents for the in: Αφιρωµα στη µνµη του Σωτρη Κσσα Fig. 11: d.1444; British Museum Library, history of the Peloponnese in the 14th and (Θεσσαλονκη 2002) 9. London MS. Cotton Titus A, XXVI, f.41v; th Martin, L., The Art and Archaeology of 15 centuries (Camberley/Surrey 1995) 46 ASV Senato, Misti 57, fol. 130v (VII 14, Medieval Ships and Boats (New York 1972) 223 no. 115: Cum in partibus Culphi 1429), Photographic reproduction in Patrasii, ut satis patet, a quinque annis fig.58. Mertzios loc. cit. (see note 23) 96, fig. 4. Fig. 13: Bass, G., A History of Seafaring citra aliquando conversentur quam plura English translation in Melville-Jones (see ligna piratarum. Based on Underwater Archaeology (Lon- note 38) 200. Unfortunately, the document don 1972) 220. 36 o ASV. Senato. Misti 47, f. 120 v (VI 14, does not provide a nominative list of the Fig. 15: Πηλς και Χρµα. Νετερη Κερα- 1407), in: Sathas, loc. cit. (see note 27) II damaged churches and we will never know µικ του Ελλαδικο Χρου (Athens 2007) (Paris 1881) 175-176: cum greppariis et if Prophitis Elias was among them. 153. aliis fustis per ius disarmatis. Fustae and 47 Lowry loc. cit. (see note 6) 88 plates grippariae were small vessels powered both XII-XIII (reproducing respectively the by oars (about ten) and sail, while the gale- graffito of a war galley and an axe). Addresses ota was a smaller galley with one or two 48 Ovcarov, N., Les peintures-graffiti de la masts and around twenty oars. Dr. Andrea Babuin mosquée „Imaret Dzãmija“ à Plovdiv 37 D. Chatzi 40 Letter from Chortasmenos to the comme source de l’histoire de la région Gr - 45445 Ioannina Byzantine naval commander in Thessa- mediterranéenne au XVe s., Ac. Bulgare des Greece loniki, where he states that Demetrios Sciences, Fouilles et Recherches 18 (Sofia [email protected] Maurianos is in command „of triremes“, 1987) ship graffiti on pp. 74-92, plates 1- see Hunger, H., Johannes Chortasmenos 19; axe graffiti on p. 86, plate 13. The Yannis Nakas (ca. 1370-ca. 1436/37) Briefe, Gedichte und author dates these graffiti around the mid- Isaia Salonon 24 kleine Schriften. Einleitung, Regesten, dle of the 15th century. Prosopographie, Text. Wiener Byzantinist. Gr - 11475 Athens 49 Studien VII (Wien-Köln-Graz 1969) letter Meinardus loc. cit. (see note 11) 31. 34. Greece 54, pp. 215. 18-19. 123-4. 50 Bryer, A., Shipping in the empire of [email protected] 38 Antonio di Marco Morosini, Cronicha Trebizond, The Mariner’s Mirror 52, 1966 de Veniexia, the passage in translation is (= Id.,The empire of Trebizond and the quoted from Melville-Jones, J.R., Venice Pontos, Variorum Reprints [London 1980] and Thessalonica 1423-1430: The Venetian (CS117) VIII) 3-12. 5. Documents (Padua 2002) 60. 51 Kedar, B.Z., Mercanti in crisi. A Genova