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Who Rules the Waves? Reading the Sea in Late Medieval and Early Modern English Literature Kurt Eric Douglass Lehigh University

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Who Rules the Waves? Reading the Sea in Late Medieval and Early Modern English Literature Kurt Eric Douglass Lehigh University Lehigh University Lehigh Preserve Theses and Dissertations 2012 Who Rules the Waves? Reading the Sea in Late Medieval and Early Modern English Literature Kurt Eric Douglass Lehigh University Follow this and additional works at: http://preserve.lehigh.edu/etd Recommended Citation Douglass, Kurt Eric, "Who Rules the Waves? Reading the Sea in Late Medieval and Early Modern English Literature" (2012). Theses and Dissertations. Paper 1389. This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by Lehigh Preserve. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Lehigh Preserve. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Who Rules the Waves? Reading the Sea in Late Medieval and Early Modern English Literature by Kurt E. Douglass A Dissertation Presented to the Graduate and Research Committee of Lehigh University in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in English Lehigh University January 2012 Copyright Kurt E. Douglass 2012 ii Approved and recommended for acceptance as a dissertation in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Kurt E. Douglass Who Rules the Waves? Reading the Sea in Late Medieval and Early Modern English Literature ____________________________________ Dr. Barbara H. Traister Dissertation Director _________________________________ Approved Date Committee Members: ____________________________________ Dr. Katherine Crassons ____________________________________ Dr. Scott Paul Gordon ____________________________________ Dr. Benjamin G. Wright, III iii Acknowledgements I am profoundly grateful to the members of my dissertation committee for the time, effort, and care that each one of them devoted to this project. I have benefited enormously from Dr. Barbara Traister’s consistent readiness to provide critical feedback on not only numerous drafts of chapters but also sections of chapters, to meet regularly with me to discuss ideas and plans and life in general, to help me through difficult periods of writing, and to provide guidance in professional development beyond the dissertation. Her steady encouragement, patience, and support were indispensable in keeping me oriented, refreshed, and chugging along towards completion. I truly could not have had a better dissertation director. Dr. Kate Crassons gave me a deep awareness of and respect for the intellectual complexity and nuances of late medieval texts and religious culture, while her formidable knowledge of medieval and Reformation theology has been an inspiration to me; it was vital to the genesis, direction, and completion of this project. The intellectual curiosity and rigor of Dr. Scott Gordon has also been a consistent inspiration. His enthusiastic, challenging, and keenly insightful responses to my writing always awakened me to new possibilities in my ideas, showed me how they fit into broader intellectual contexts, and never failed to make me excited to get back to work. My work has profited greatly, too, from Dr. Ben Wright’s steady attention to scholarly thoroughness and his helping me to see just how much the texts this dissertation examines are shaped by and respond to the Bible. Making it to this point would not have been possible without my family. I will always be thankful for the enduring encouragement and understanding of my mother and iv father—even in the most difficult times. I love you both, and I miss you every day, Dad. Squiggy deserves thanks as well, for his company on late nights and for helping me to focus by letting me watch as he went about housekeeping in his gerbilarium. Thanks also to Nick and Helen for putting up with my constant working. Finally, nobody has sacrificed more, put up with more, and supported me more during this process than Dawn. My love for you defies expression; you are everything. v Contents Abstract 1 Introduction 3 Chapter 1. A Church Not Made with Hands: Salvation by the Sea in the Man of Law’s Tale and the Book of Margery Kempe 26 Chapter 2. Ships, the Sea, and the Supernatural in the Digby Mary Magdalene and Shakespeare’s Pericles, Prince of Tyre 89 Chapter 3. Agnostic Voyages in Wyatt, Spenser, and Marvell 133 Chapter 4. Piratical Seas: Providence Unmoored in A Christian Turned Turk , Fortune by Land and Sea , and Hamlet 197 Conclusion 269 Works Cited 277 Curriculum Vitae 297 vi Abstract By the later Middle Ages, the sea provided a long-established reservoir of symbolic material in Christian culture for representing God’s providential governance of human affairs, exemplified by the common figure of the ship of the Church carrying the faithful through the dangerously unstable sea of the world towards salvation. This tradition of maritime religious imagery made the sea a potent representational space in English culture during the late medieval and early modern periods for working through theological and existential questions given new urgency by religious reform and the growing importance of seafaring, with its many perils, uncertainties, and awe-inspiring experiences. Which religious practices and theological doctrines truly coincided with God’s providence? How did salvation work? How was one to know if one was counted among the saved? What causal forces shaped human lives? Was history moving forward teleologically, according to a carefully plotted divine plan and towards a final end in which the destiny of each human soul matched his or her true worth? Or did human lives and history merely proceed haphazardly, towards no particular end and in a world without a divine overseer who governed according to ultimately just motives? This dissertation contributes to recent scholarship on the cultural significance of the sea in pre-modern Britain by examining how writers from Chaucer to Marvell marshaled historically specific representations of seafaring to explore the intricacies of a basic problem that underlay such questions and that was becoming increasingly complicated by the momentum of religious reform, that of how and whether it was even possible to discern a divine reality that structured human existence. Moreover, during 1 what might be called the “long” era of reform from the later Middle Ages to the seventeenth century, sea imagery gradually reveals the emergence of skepticism out of the theological controversies of that era—skepticism ranging from doubts about the medieval Church’s claim to be the uniquely authentic representative of God on earth to anxiety that, rather than being organized by a beneficent divine providence, human life was a matter of weathering or navigating the vagaries of fortune in an indifferent cosmos. 2 Introduction During the late medieval and early modern periods, the sea and ship travel assumed ever more prominence in the cultural life of England. That this should be so is not surprising given that England as a political entity came to be defined to a greater extent by Britain as a geographical entity, that is, as an island, separated from the Continent by the North Sea and the Channel. Central to this association between the English identity and insularity was the Hundred Years War. “The loss of the country’s possessions on the Continent during the close of the Hundred Years War,” Sebastian Sobecki observes, fostered “the realisation [. .] that that which geographically and culturally defines Britain and a large part of England is above all the sea” (3). The greater significance of the sea in England’s geopolitical demarcation built on the sea’s already established importance in England’s economic, cultural, and religious life. For example, the “cloth industry of Italy relied” on wool from both England and Scotland (G. Hutchinson 84). It was delivered to overland routes on the Continent by ships plying the Channel; by the end of the thirteenth century, it went along sea routes between Britain and Italy, running through the Bay of Biscay and the Straits of Gibraltar (84). The wine trade in England also depended upon the ships that imported wine from the Continent, making “it possible for wine to become a regular item of consumption for more and more of the population of a country which produced little wine itself” (1). Fishing fleets were necessary for the maintenance of the “medieval diet,” given that the Church “forbade meat consumption on at least two days a week as well as on certain other holy days and during the six weeks of Lent” (129). By the early fifteenth century, English fleets were 3 routinely hauling large catches of cod from the waters around Iceland (Fagan 75-76). Pilgrims to the Holy Land and to shrines on the Continent inevitably relied on ships to carry them from ports such as Bristol, Plymouth, and Dover to their various destinations. Pilgrims’ reliance on ships going from England to Santiago de Compostela became even greater in the late fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries when the ravages of the Hundred Years War made any overland travel through France an especially “long and dangerous trip” (Labarge 85). Similarly, the Ottoman presence in Asia Minor and the Balkans made pilgrims who traveled from the Channel across the Continent more likely to avoid those Ottoman lands and, instead, board pilgrim ships again in Venice or Genoa and cross the Mediterranean to the Holy Land (72). In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, English maritime activity became more global in scale and drove the initial growth of the British Empire. After 1570, London became a “rapidly expanding super-port” that was at the center of an international commercial network that encompassed “Russia, the Baltic, the Mediterranean, the Americas and the Far East” (Vitkus, Turning 26; Clay 200). Christopher Clay points out that the tonnage of “shipping owned in London” increased from “12,300 tons in 1582, to 35,300 tons in 1629, and to about 150,000 tons by 1686” (202). Clay estimates, moreover, that during these years “the number of seamen required [in London] must have risen ten fold or more, and cannot have been less than 12,000 by the last of these dates,” while “tens of thousands more people were involved” in “the provision of port services” (202).
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