DOCSLIB.ORG

1 Organization of American States Electoral

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
1 Organization of American States Electoral ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES ELECTORAL OBSERVATION MISSION GENERAL ELECTIONS JUNE 16, 2019 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS - SECOND ROUND AUGUST 11, 2019 REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA FINAL REPORT 1 CONTENTS I. REPORT TO THE PERMANENT COUNCIL .................................................................................. 5 1. BACKGROUND ..................................................................................................................... 5 2. GENERAL ELECTIONS ........................................................................................................... 5 2.1. Pre-election stage ....................................................................................................... 6 2.2. Election Day .............................................................................................................. 10 2.3. Post-election stage .................................................................................................... 12 2.4. Recommendations of the OAS/EOM regarding the August 11 elections ................. 16 3. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS - SECOND ROUND ................................................................... 16 3.1. Pre-election stage ..................................................................................................... 16 3.2. Election Day .............................................................................................................. 17 3.3. Post-election stage .................................................................................................... 18 4. OBSERVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS BY SUBJECT ................................................. 19 4.1. Electoral organization ............................................................................................... 20 4.2. Electoral technology ................................................................................................. 22 4.3. Voting abroad ........................................................................................................... 24 4.4. Political participation of women ............................................................................... 25 4.5. Political participation of indigenous peoples and persons of African descent ........ 27 4.6. Campaign finance...................................................................................................... 29 4.7. Electoral Justice......................................................................................................... 31 4.8. Transfuguismo [Switching party affiliation] .............................................................. 34 4.9. Electoral violence ...................................................................................................... 35 5. FINAL CONSIDERATIONS ................................................................................................... 37 6. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ..................................................................................................... 38 II. ANEXOS (Available only ins Spanish) ..................................................................................... 39 1. REPORTS BY AREA ............................................................................................................. 39 A. ELECTORAL ORGANIZATION ......................................................................................... 39 B. ELECTORAL TECHNOLOGY ............................................................................................. 66 C. VOTING ABROAD ........................................................................................................... 92 D. POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN ..................................................................... 102 3 E. POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES AND PERSONS OF AFRICAN DESCENT .............................................................................................................................. 114 F. CAMPAIGN FINANCE ................................................................................................... 124 G. ELECTORAL JUSTICE .................................................................................................... 135 H. POLITICAL PARTY SYSTEM ........................................................................................... 135 I. ELECTORAL VIOLENCE ................................................................................................. 160 2. COMPLAINS RECEIVED .................................................................................................... 167 3. MEMBERS OF THE MISSIONS .......................................................................................... 172 4 I. REPORT TO THE PERMANENT COUNCIL1 1. BACKGROUND On November 27, 2018, the Secretary General of the Organization of American States (GS/OAS), Luis Almagro, received an invitation from the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) of the Republic of Guatemala to deploy an Electoral Observation Mission (EOM) for the general elections that were held in the country on June 16, 2019, and for the eventual second round of the presidential election, held on August 11 of the same year. On November 29, 2018, the Secretary General accepted the invitation and instructed the Department of Electoral Cooperation and Observation (DECO) to begin preparations for the Mission and seek funding for its deployment. Secretary Almagro appointed Luis Guillermo Solís, former president of Costa Rica, as the Chief of Mission. The GS/OAS and the Government of Guatemala signed a privileges and immunities agreement on March 27, 2019. Likewise, the GS/OAS and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal signed an observation procedures agreement on May 8, 2019. For the two deployments combined—the general elections and the second round of the presidential election—the Guatemala EOM deployed a total of 172 experts and observers, including 2 observers abroad for each election. Following each election day, the EOM presented a preliminary report with its main observations and recommendations. The current document is the mission's Final Report, which combines all the previous observations and recommendations, and any additions to them. 2. GENERAL ELECTIONS The June 16 Electoral Observation Mission deployed a total of 84 observers2 and specialists of 23 nationalities in the 22 departments of Guatemala, as well as in two3 of the four cities where, for the first time, Guatemalans voted abroad. More than 8 million4 Guatemalans were registered to vote for the President and Vice President of the Republic, 160 Congressional Deputies5 (of which 128 were selected for 23 electoral 1 A summary of this report was read by the Chief of Mission, Luis Guillermo Solís, before the Permanent Council of the OAS, in the regular session held on November 18, 2020. The original version of this report is in Spanish. 2 The mission was comprised of 39 women and 45 men. 3 New York, New York, and Silver Spring, Maryland. 4 8,150,012 Guatemalans were registered to vote in the 2019 general elections. 5 There were two more seats than in the last election as a result of the 2016 amendment of the Electoral Act. 5 districts and 32 for national at-large seats), 20 Representatives of the Central American Parliament (Parlacen), and the members6 of the 340 Municipal Councils. 2.1. Pre-election stage The OAS/EOM began its work in Guatemala with two preliminary visits. The first took place on April 1-2, and the second on May 7-10. The final deployment began on June 5 with the arrival of the members of the core group, which included experts in electoral organization and technology, voting abroad, gender equity, indigenous peoples and persons of African descent, campaign-finance, electrical violence, and political parties. They performed a substantive analysis of each of these issues and their impact on the elections. Over the course of the week of the elections, they were joined by the regional coordinators and observers. During the preliminary visits and week of elections, the Chief of Mission’s team met with electoral and government authorities, presidential/vice-presidential candidates, representatives of civil society, and academics. Likewise, the Mission’s experts met with the different technical areas of the TSE, political party representatives, authorities from a variety of State institutions, members of international cooperation, social organizations, academics, and domestic electoral observers, among other actors. These meetings provided valuable insight into the technical aspects of the electoral process and allowed the Mission to garner impressions from the different actors on the political context of the elections. 2016 electoral reform The 2019 elections were the first ones held following the amendment of the Electoral and Political Parties Act (LEPP), passed in 2016. Through decree 26-2016,7 the Congress of the Republic of Guatemala amended the law to include, among other things, implementation of voting for Guatemalan citizens living abroad; changes to the timeline for the electoral campaign; campaign finance reforms, including oversight and sanctions surrounding the use of public and private funding in political campaigns; and provisions related to media access. Likewise, it included amendments to give weight to null votes with regard to votes cast; provisions to stop trasfuguismo (party switching); and new grounds for canceling political organizations, among other elements. Several of the reforms undertaken address recommendations made by the OAS Electoral Observation Mission
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Indigenous Maya Knowledge and the Possibility of Decolonizing Education in Guatemala
    Indigenous Maya Knowledge and the Possibility of Decolonizing Education in Guatemala by Vivian Michelle Jiménez Estrada A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Sociology and Equity Studies in Education Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto © Copyright by Vivian Michelle Jiménez Estrada 2012 Indigenous Maya Knowledge and the Possibility of Decolonizing Education in Guatemala Vivian Michelle Jiménez Estrada Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology and Equity Studies in Education University of Toronto 2012 Abstract Maya peoples in Guatemala continue to practice their Indigenous knowledge in spite of the violence experienced since the Spanish invasion in 1524. From 1991 until 1996, the state and civil society signed a series of Peace Accords that promised to better meet the needs of the Maya, Xinka, Garífuna and non-Indigenous groups living there. In this context, how does the current educational system meet the varied needs of these groups? My research investigates the philosophy and praxis of Maya Indigenous knowledge (MIK) in broadly defined educational contexts through the stories of 17 diverse Maya professional women and men involved in educational reform that currently live and work in Guatemala City. How do they reclaim and apply their ancestral knowledge daily? What possible applications of MIK can transform society? The findings reveal that MIK promotes social change and healing within and outside institutionalized educational spaces and argues that academia needs to make room for Indigenous theorizing mainly in areas of education, gender, knowledge production, and nation building. I analyze these areas from anticolonial and critical Indigenous standpoints from which gender and Indigenous identities weave through the text.
    [Show full text]
  • Ethnic Images and Strategies in 1944 Ethnic Images and Strategies in 19441
    TEXAS PAPERS ON LATIN AMERICA Pre-publication working papers of the Institute of Latin American Studies University of Texas at Austin ISSN 0892.3507 Ethnic lmages and Strategies in 1944 Richard N. Adams Rapoport Centennial Professor of Liberal Arts University of Texas at Austin Paper No. 88-06 http://lanic.utexas.edu/project/etext/llilas/tpla/8806.pdf Richard N. Adams Ethnic Images and Strategies in 1944 Ethnic Images and Strategies in 19441 by Richard N. Adams Guatemala in 1944 was on the verge of a great transition that was to continue over the next several decades. Since independence it had experienced a long, if irregu- lar, era of liberal expansion, marked most clearly by the adoption of coffee cultivation and its conversion into a country dedicated to the export of that crop. While historian s may disagree on periodization, it is not misleading to see the general society as evolv- ing under a nineteenth-century liberal economic framework that continued up through World War 11.The period from 1944 to 1954 (the tlRevolutiontl) was an era of signifi- cant reform but terrninated in failure and thus marked no significant divergence from the liberal framework. Despite some well-ensconced myths about its love for Indians, the dictatorship of Jorge Ubico (1931-1944) followed the track of the classic liberal state; it did noth- ing to alleviate the economic and social repression of the Indian. Its vagrancy law put an end to debt servitude, but simply took the control exercised by landowners over Indians and placed it more directIy in the hands of the state.
    [Show full text]
  • Download File
    A War of Proper Names: The Politics of Naming, Indigenous Insurrection, and Genocidal Violence During Guatemala’s Civil War. Juan Carlos Mazariegos Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2020 © 2019 Juan Carlos Mazariegos All Rights Reserved Abstract A War of Proper Names: The Politics of Naming, Indigenous Insurrection, and Genocidal Violence During Guatemala’s Civil War During the Guatemalan civil war (1962-1996), different forms of anonymity enabled members of the organizations of the social movement, revolutionary militants, and guerrilla combatants to address the popular classes and rural majorities, against the backdrop of generalized militarization and state repression. Pseudonyms and anonymous collective action, likewise, acquired political centrality for revolutionary politics against a state that sustained and was symbolically co-constituted by forms of proper naming that signify class and racial position, patriarchy, and ethnic difference. Between 1979 and 1981, at the highest peak of mass mobilizations and insurgent military actions, the symbolic constitution of the Guatemalan state was radically challenged and contested. From the perspective of the state’s elites and military high command, that situation was perceived as one of crisis; and between 1981 and 1983, it led to a relatively brief period of massacres against indigenous communities of the central and western highlands, where the guerrillas had been operating since 1973. Despite its long duration, by 1983 the fate of the civil war was sealed with massive violence. Although others have recognized, albeit marginally, the relevance of the politics of naming during Guatemala’s civil war, few have paid attention to the relationship between the state’s symbolic structure of signification and desire, its historical formation, and the dynamics of anonymous collective action and revolutionary pseudonymity during the war.
    [Show full text]
  • LA CULTURA POLÍTICA DE LA DEMOCRACIA: Guatemala, 2008 © Vanderbilt University 2008
    Guatemala Versión # 18Qrev IRB Approval: #071086 LA CULTURA POLÍTICA DE LA DEMOCRACIA: Guatemala, 2008 © Vanderbilt University 2008. Derechos reservados. All rights reserved. País: 1. México 2. Guatemala 3. El Salvador 4. Honduras 5. Nicaragua 6. Costa Rica 7. Panamá 8. Colombia 9. Ecuador 10. Bolivia 11. Perú 12. Paraguay 13. Chile 14. Uruguay 15. Brasil. 16. Venezuela PAIS 17. Argentina 21. República Dominicana 22. Haití 23. Jamaica 24.Guyana 25. Trinidad 40. Estados Unidos 2 41. Canadá IDNUM. Número de cuestionario [asignado en la oficina]__________________ IDNUM ESTRATOPRI: (201). Zona metropolitana (202). Suroccidente (203) Noroccidente (204) Suroriente (205) Nororiente ESTRATOPRI 2 UPM (Unidad primaria de Muestro).______________________ UPM Departamento :_________________________________________ PROV 2 Municipio___________________________________________________________ MUNICIPIO 2 Lugar poblado _________________________________________ GUADISTRITO SEGMENTO CENSAL_______________________________________________ GUASEGMENTO Sector___________________________________________________________ GUASEC CLUSTER. (Unidad Final de Muestreo) (Punto muestral) CLUSTER [Máximo de 8 entrevistas urbanas, 12 rurales] UR (1) Urbano (2) Rural [Usar definición censal del país] UR Tamaño del lugar: (1) Capital nacional (área metropolitana) (2) Ciudad grande TAMANO (3) Ciudad mediana (4) Ciudad pequeña (5) Área rural Idioma del cuestionario: (1) Español (2) Mam (3) K´iche´ (4) Kaqchikel IDIOMAQ (5) Q´eqchi´ (6) Achí (7) Ixil Hora de inicio: _____:_____
    [Show full text]
  • Participación Política De La Juventud NIMD Guatemala
    Ciudad de Guatemala, Octubre 2019. JÓVENES INTERCAMBIAN EXPERIENCIAS DE PARTICIPACIÓN POLÍTICA EN RECIENTES ELECCIONES 2019 Por: Nadia Waleska Rivera/Oficial de Comunicación ara generar cambios positivos en la sociedad se necesita el involucramiento y participa- ción de todos los sectores, desde el Instituto Holandés para la Democracia Multiparti- daria se promueven espacios de diálogo e intercambio de sectores que históricamente han sido excluidos de la vida política de Guatemala; la juventud es uno de ellos, actual- Pmente el NIMD brinda formación y capacitación a jóvenes vinculados con partidos políticos. La participación política de la juventud en Guatemala, es un tema estigmatizado por la misma sociedad, donde los jóvenes no tienen muchas posibilidades de postularse y optar a un cargo público, debido a la poca oportunidad de participación y empoderamiento de este sector. Guatemala es un país donde se fomenta el adultocentrismo “relación social asimétrica entre las personas adultas, que ostentan el poder y son el modelo de referencia para la visión del mun- do, y otras personas, generalmente la niñez, adolescencia y juventud”; aunado a este problema también está la estructura social y política excluyente, patriarcal y machista que no permite una verdadera participación de la juventud principalmente mujeres y pueblos indígenas del área rural. Desde el 2015 el NIMD desarrolla jornadas de participación política con jóvenes a través de las Escuelas de Formación para la Democracia, donde los jóvenes aspirantes a políticos adquieren destrezas
    [Show full text]
  • UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Outsider Politics: Radicalism
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Outsider politics : Radicalism as a Political Strategy in Western Europe and Latin America A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Verónica Hoyo Committee in charge: Professor William Chandler, Chair Professor Matthew Shugart, Co-Chair Professor Akos Rona-Tas Professor Sebastian Saiegh Professor Kaare Strom 2010 Copyright Verónica Hoyo, 2010 All rights reserved. The Dissertation of Verónica Hoyo is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Co-Chair Chair University of California, San Diego 2010 iii DEDICATION A mis padres, Irma y Gonzalo, y a mi hermana Irma. Gracias por ser fuente constante de amor, inspiración y apoyo incondicional. Esto nunca hubiera sido posible sin ustedes. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page.............................................................................................................. iii Dedication..................................................................................................................... iv Table of Contents.......................................................................................................... v List of Abbreviations...................................................................................................... vi List of Tables................................................................................................................... xii List of Graphs................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Eta Y Iota En Guatemala
    Evaluación de los efectos e impactos de las depresiones tropicales Eta y Iota en Guatemala México Belice Petén Huehuetenango Guatemala Quiché Alta Verapaz Izabal Baja Verapaz San Marcos Zacapa Quetzaltenango Chiquimula Honduras Guatemala Sololá Suchitepéquez Jutiapa Escuintla El Salvador Nicaragua Gracias por su interés en esta publicación de la CEPAL Publicaciones de la CEPAL Si desea recibir información oportuna sobre nuestros productos editoriales y actividades, le invitamos a registrarse. Podrá definir sus áreas de interés y acceder a nuestros productos en otros formatos. www.cepal.org/es/publications Publicaciones www.cepal.org/apps Evaluación de los efectos e impactos de las depresiones tropicales Eta y Iota en Guatemala Este documento fue coordinado por Omar D. Bello, Oficial de Asuntos Económicos de la Oficina de la Secretaría de la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL), y Leda Peralta, Oficial de Asuntos Económicos de la Unidad de Comercio Internacional e Industria de la sede subregional de la CEPAL en México, en el marco de las actividades del Programa Ordinario de Cooperación Técnica implementado por la CEPAL. Fue preparado por Álvaro Monett, Asesor Regional en Gestión de Información Geoespacial de la División de Estadísticas de la CEPAL, y Juan Carlos Rivas y Jesús López, Oficiales de Asuntos Económicos de la Unidad de Desarrollo Económico de la sede subregional de la CEPAL en México. Participaron en su elaboración los siguientes consultores de la CEPAL: Raffaella Anilio, Horacio Castellaro, Carlos Espiga, Adrián Flores, Hugo Hernández, Francisco Ibarra, Sebastián Moya, María Eugenia Rodríguez y Santiago Salvador, así como los siguientes funcionarios del Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo (BID): Ginés Suárez, Omar Samayoa y Renato Vargas, y los siguientes funcionarios del Banco Mundial: Osmar Velasco, Ivonne Jaimes, Doris Souza, Juan Carlos Cárdenas y Mariano González.
    [Show full text]
  • CEPPS FINAL REPORT Project Period: August 17, 2012 - January 31, 2017
    CEPPS FINAL REPORT Project period: August 17, 2012 - January 31, 2017 USAID Associate Cooperative Agreement No. AID-520-LA-12-00001, under the Leader Cooperative Agreement No. A-00-08-00350-00 Project Names: August 17, 2012 - September 30, 2014 GUATEMALA: Support Electoral and Political Parties Reform and Strengthen the Guatemalan Congress October 1, 2014 - January 31, 2017 GUATEMALA: Elections: More Inclusion, Less Violence Table of Contents Glossary of Project Acronyms ......................................................................................................3 Executive Summary .......................................................................................................................9 Program Overview .......................................................................................................................12 Political Context ...........................................................................................................................15 Program Analysis .........................................................................................................................26 Objective 1 ..................................................................................................................................26 Objective 2 ..................................................................................................................................32 Objective 3 ..................................................................................................................................33
    [Show full text]
  • IFES, Faqs, 'Elections in Guatemala: 2019 General Elections', June 2019
    Elections in Guatemala 2019 General Elections Frequently Asked Questions Americas International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org June 11, 2019 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Who are citizens voting for on Election Day? ............................................................................................... 1 How is Guatemala’s political system structured? ......................................................................................... 1 What is the election management body? What are its powers? ................................................................. 2 What are the phases of the electoral process? ............................................................................................ 2 What are the reforms enacted in the new 2016 Electoral and Political Parties Law? ................................. 3 Who can vote in these elections? How many registered voters are there? How do citizens register to vote? ............................................................................................................................................................. 4 Will there be out-of-country voting? ............................................................................................................ 5 Who are the presidential candidates? .........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Resolución-Nineth-Montenegro
    CORTE DE CONSTITUCIONALIDAD REPÚBLICA DE GUATEMALA, C.A. Página 1 Expediente 304-2019 EXPEDIENTE 304-2019 CORTE DE CONSTITUCIONALIDAD, EN CALIDAD DE TRIBUNAL EXTRAORDINARIO DE AMPARO: Guatemala, tres de diciembre de dos mil diecinueve. Se tiene a la vista para dictar sentencia, la acción constitucional de amparo en única instancia promovida por Nineth Varenca Montenegro Cottom, en su calidad de Diputada al Congreso de la República de Guatemala, contra la Corte Suprema de Justicia. La postulante actuó con el patrocinio de los Abogados Maynor Estuardo Alvarado Galeano y Sergio Alejandro Axpuac. Es ponente en el presente caso el Magistrado Presidente, Bonerge Amilcar Mejía Orellana, quien expresa el parecer de este Tribunal. ANTECEDENTES I. El AMPARO A) Solicitud y autoridad: presentado el veinte de enero de dos mil diecinueve, en esta Corte. B) Acto reclamado: resolución de dieciséis de enero de dos mil diecinueve, dictada por la Corte Suprema de Justicia –autoridad reprochada-, por la que declaró con lugar las diligencias de antejuicio que se promovieron contra Nineth Varenca Montenegro Cottom, en su calidad de Diputada al Congreso de la República de Guatemala, y, como consecuencia, ha lugar a formación de causa. C) Violaciones que se denuncia: a los derechos de defensa, a una tutela judicial efectiva, a la presunción de inocencia y a elegir y ser electa; así como a los principios jurídicos del debido proceso y de legalidad. D) Hechos que motivan el amparo: de lo expuesto por la postulante y del estudio de las constancias procesales se resume: D.1) Producción del acto reclamado: a) el encargado del despacho del Inspector General del Tribunal Supremo Electoral presentó CORTE DE CONSTITUCIONALIDAD REPÚBLICA DE GUATEMALA, C.A.
    [Show full text]
  • Ciencia, Tecnología Y Salud
    Ciencia, Tecnología y Salud ISSN: 2409-3459 Vol. 3 Num. 2 jul/dic 2016 Directorio / Board-Staff Oscar Federico Nave Director de la revista Dirección General de Investigación, Usac, Guatemala Gerardo Leonel Arroyo Catalán Hilda Elena Valencia Marroquín de Abril Dirección General de Investigación, Usac, Guatemala Dirección General de Investigación, Usac, Guatemala Patricia Velez-Müller Editor en jefe Facultad de Ciencias Médicas, Usac, Guatemala Gerardo Leonel Arroyo Catalán Consejo Editorial Dirección General de Investigación, Usac, Guatemala Freddy Araya Rodríguez Editor Adjunto Doctorado en Ciencias Naturales para el Desarrollo, Instituto Tecnológico de Costa Rica, Costa Rica Armando Cáceres Estrada Carolina Arévalo Valdéz Dirección General de Investigación, Usac, Guatemala Facultad de Ciencias Químicas y Farmacia, Usac, Guatemala Editor invitado de este número Rodolfo Espinosa Jack C. Schuster R.E. Ingeniería, Guatemala Centro de Estudios Ambientales y de Biodiversidad, Heisler Gómez Méndez Universidad del Valle, Guatemala Universidad Federal de Lavras, Brasil Co-editores y Asistente Eduardo López Bastida Centro de Estudios de Energía y Medio Ambiente, Cuba Augusto Saúl Guerra Gutiérrez María Carlota Monroy Dirección General de Investigación, Usac, Guatemala Facultad de Ciencias Químicas y Farmacia, Usac, Guatemala María del Rosario Godínez y Godínez Enrique Pazos Sistema de Estudios de Postgrado, Usac, Guatemala Escuela de Física y Matemáticas, Usac, Guatemala Andrea Eunice Rodas Morán Eduardo Rubio Dirección General de Investigación,
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Movimiento Winaq, La Controversia
    MOVIMIENTO WINAQ, LA CONTROVERSIA: • NI A LA IZQUIERDA NI A LA DERECHA Kajkoj (Maximo) Ba Tiul “Hace unas semanas fue invitado a participar en una actividad ceremonial maya, en una comunidad de San Martín Jilotepeque, del Departamento de Chimaltenango. Una aldea habitada en su mayoría kaqchikeles, que durante el conflicto armado, habían militado en el movimiento revolucionario, principalmente en los frentes guerrilleros: EGP, ORPA y FAR . Estando ya en la actividad me encuentro con el compañero Juan, un viejo militante político, quien me comienza a contar sus experiencias durante el conflicto, que documentos se utilizaba para la formación política, como había sobrevivido de una masacre en donde murieron sus sobrinos, una hermana y su cuñado. De cómo se había salvado su esposa de dos balazos que le hizo el ejército cuando entró a la aldea. Siguiendo con la conversación, le pregunto si llegara nuevamente el momento para formar un movimiento guerrillero, él podría volver a militar, a la cual me responde: “no creo que ahora sea ese el camino, ahora hay que combatir con ideas y con propuestas, pero debemos estar todos unidos y no como ahora, cada quien anda por su lado y quienes nos llamamos de izquierda, también estamos desarticulados”. Posteriormente le pregunto que piensa de la candidatura de Rigoberta y del Winaq, me dice primero no los conocemos y a ella (refiriéndose a Rigoberta), nunca la hemos visto aquí, desde hace tiempo dejó de pensar como nosotros y por nosotros, por eso creo que todavía no se formado el líder o la lidereza que nos va a llevar a la liberación”.
    [Show full text]