The Colombian Conflict Character List Colombian Cabinet

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Colombian Conflict Character List Colombian Cabinet Integrated Crisis: The Colombian Conflict Character List Colombian Cabinet: President Cesar Gaviria Trujillo: President of Colombia Luis Fernando Jaramillo Correa: Minister of Foreign Affairs John Smith: CIA Station Chief Morris D. Busby: American Ambassador to Colombia Rafael Pardo Rueda: Minister of National Defense General Jorge Enrique Mora: Eastern-Amazon Command General Carlos Alberto Ospina: Northern-Andes Command General Mario Montoya Uribe: Southern-Pacific Command General Miguel Maza Marquez: Director of the Administrative Department of Security Rudolf Hommes Rodriguez: Minister of Finance Luis Fernando Ramirez: Ministry of Social Services Carlos Curecure: Business Community Representative Jaime Giraldo Angel: Minister of Justice General Rosso Jose Serrano: General of the Colombian National Police Colonel Hugo Martinez: Commander of Search Bloc Conference for Marxist-Leninism and Communism in Colombia: Manuel Marulanda Velez: Secretary General, FARC Victor Suarez Rojas, “Mono Jojoy”: Chief of Armed Resistance, FARC Ivan Marquez: Western Bloc Commander, FARC Ivan Rios: Northwest Bloc Commander, FARC Luis Devia Silva, “Raul Reyes”: Chairman of the International Commission, FARC Martin Caballero: Southern Bloc Commander, FARC Simon Trinidad: Eastern Bloc Commander, FARC Tomas Medinas Caracas: Revenue, FARC Marilu Ramirez: Chief of the Antonia Narino Urban Network (RAUN), FARC Father Manuel Perez, “El Cura Perez”: Secretary General, ELN Nicholas Bautista, “Gabino”: Deputy Leader, ELN Francisco Galan: Chief Spokesperson, ELN Antonio Garcia: Military Commander, ELN Francisco Caraballo: Head, EPL Edgar Castellanos: Head, ERP Alberto Morales Restrepo: Head, Jaime Bateman Cayon Group Conference for a Conservative Colombia Fidel Castano: Head, Peasant Self Defenders of Cordoba and Uraba Carlos Castano: Commander, Peasant Self Defenders of Cordoba and Uraba Vicente Castano: Commander, Peasant Self Defenders of Cordoba and Uraba Salvatore Mancuso: Business Associate, Peasant Self Defenders of Cordoba and Uraba Miguel Arroyave, “El Arcangel”: Head, Bloque Centauros Henry de Jesus Perez: Head, ACDEGAM Ernesto Baez: Commander, ACDEGAM Rodrigo Tovar Pupo, “Jorge 40”: Head, Northern Bloc Carlos Mario Jimenez: Head, Bloc Central Bolivar Rodrigo Perez: Commander, Bloc Central Bolivar Victor manuel Mejia Munera: Head, Bloque Vencadores de Arauca Yair Klein: Mercenary Christina Smith: Chiquita Brands International Special Representative Juan Perez: Ecopetrol Special Representative Tom Carpenter: Drummond Coal and Mineral Industry Special Envoy Conference for Pan-Colombian Narcotics Trade Pablo Escobar Gaviria, “El Patron”: Head, Medellin Cartel Roberto Escobar Gaviria: Chief Accountant, Medellin Cartel Fernando Galleano: Medellin Cartel Gerardo Moncada: Medellin Cartel Diego Bejarno, “Don Berna”: Chief of Security, Medellin Cartel Gilberto Orejuela, “The Chess Player”: Head, Cali Cartel Miguel Rodriguez Orejuela: Head, Cali Cartel Helmer Herrera, “Pacho”: Chief Trafficker, Cali Cartel Jorge Salcedo: Chief of Security, Cali Cartel Guillermo Pallomari: Chief Accountant, Cali Cartel Juan Garcia Abrego: Head, Gulf Cartel Alberto Orlandez-Gamboa: Head, Barranquilla Cartel Leon Montoya Sanchez: Head, Norte del Valle Cartel Daniel Barrera Barrera: Head, San Jose del Guaviare Cartel Jose Evaristo Linares-Castillo: Head, Eastern Plains Cartel Congress of the Republic of Colombia Social Conservative Party Representative (14) Liberal Party Representative (16) Patriotic Union Party Representative (3) M-19 Democratic Alliance Representative (3) National Salvation Movement Representative (4) Conservative National Movement Representative (4) Western Colombia Populist Party Representative (1) .
Recommended publications
  • PARAMILITARIES Kill Suspected Supporters of the FARC
    UniTeD SelF-DeFenSe FoRCeS oF ColoMBiA (AUC) PARAMiliTARY TRooPS, lA GABARRA, noRTe De SAnTAnDeR, DeCeMBeR 10, 2004 PARAMiliTARieS kill suspected supporters of the FARC. By 1983, locals reported DEATh TO KIDNAPPERs cases of army troops and MAS fighters working together to assas- sinate civilians and burn farms.5 After the 1959 Cuban revolution, the U.S. became alarmed power and wealth, to the point that by 2004 the autodefensas had this model of counterinsurgency proved attractive to the Colom- that Marxist revolts would break out elsewhere in latin Ameri- taken over much of the country. bian state. on a 1985 visit to Puerto Boyacá, President Belisario Be- ca. in 1962, an Army special warfare team arrived in Colombia to As they expanded their control across Colombia, paramil- tancur reportedly declared, “every inhabitant of Magdalena Medio help design a counterinsurgency strategy for the Colombian armed itary militias forcibly displaced over a million persons from the has risen up to become a defender of peace, next to our army, next to forces. even though the FARC and other insurgent groups had not land.3 By official numbers, as of 2011, the autodefensas are estimat- our police… Continue on, people of Puerto Boyacá!”6 yet appeared on the scene, U.S. advisers recommended that a force ed to have killed at least 140,000 civilians including hundreds of Soon, landowners, drug traffickers, and security forces set made up of civilians be used “to perform counteragent and coun- trade unionists, teachers, human rights defenders, rural organiz- up local autodefensas across Colombia. in 1987, the Minister of terpropaganda functions and, as necessary, execute paramilitary, ers, politicians, and journalists who they labelled as sympathetic government César gaviria testified to the existence of 140 ac- sabotage, and/or terrorist activities against known communist pro- to the guerrillas.3 tive right-wing militias in the country.7 Many sported macabre ponents.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Pax Christi International Seeking Peace in Colombia
    PAX CHRISTI INTERNATIONAL SEEKING PEACE IN COLOMBIA TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter One: Introduction 3 Background 3 Itinerary of the Mission 4 Methodology of the Report 4 PART ONE: MIRAR – THE REALITY 6 Chapter Two: Armed Actors in the National Context 6 The Guerrilla Movement: The FARC and the ELN 9 The Paramilitaries: Autodefensas de Colombia (AUC) 10 Colombia’s Armed Forces 12 Chapter Three: Colombia and the International Community 14 Colombia and the United States 16 Colombia and the European Union 17 Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration 21 Chapter Four: Regionalisation of the Conflict 24 Border with Ecuador 24 Border with Venezuela 25 Border with Panama 26 Border with Peru 26 Border with Brazil 27 Chapter Five: Human Rights, International Humanitarian Law and the 28 International Criminal Court Human Rights 28 International Humanitarian Law 34 International Criminal Court 40 Gender-Based Violence in the Conflict 40 Drug Trafficking and the Conflict 41 Chapter Six: The Conflict as Experienced in the Regions 44 Cucutá – The Venezuelan Border region 44 Cordoba – Montería 46 Santander – Barrancabermeja – The Petroleum Region 47 Chocó – Quibdó 51 Cauca – Popayán 53 Cauca – Tolima – Antioquia 55 Antioquia - Medellín 57 Caquetá – Florencia 59 1 Chapter Seven: Peace Efforts in Colombia 63 Peace Efforts of the Catholic Church 63 Peace Negotiations and the Catholic Church 67 The Experience of the Peace Communities of Urabá 68 Redepaz and Civil Society 69 UNHCR in Colombia 71 PART TWO: JUZGAR – TO JUDGE 72 Chapter Eight: A Religious and
    [Show full text]
  • The Changing Face of Colombian Organized Crime
    PERSPECTIVAS 9/2014 The Changing Face of Colombian Organized Crime Jeremy McDermott ■ Colombian organized crime, that once ran, unchallenged, the world’s co- caine trade, today appears to be little more than a supplier to the Mexican cartels. Yet in the last ten years Colombian organized crime has undergone a profound metamorphosis. There are profound differences between the Medellin and Cali cartels and today’s BACRIM. ■ The diminishing returns in moving cocaine to the US and the Mexican domi- nation of this market have led to a rapid adaptation by Colombian groups that have diversified their criminal portfolios to make up the shortfall in cocaine earnings, and are exploiting new markets and diversifying routes to non-US destinations. The development of domestic consumption of co- caine and its derivatives in some Latin American countries has prompted Colombian organized crime to establish permanent presence and structures abroad. ■ This changes in the dynamics of organized crime in Colombia also changed the structure of the groups involved in it. Today the fundamental unit of the criminal networks that form the BACRIM is the “oficina de cobro”, usually a financially self-sufficient node, part of a network that functions like a franchise. In this new scenario, cooperation and negotiation are preferred to violence, which is bad for business. ■ Colombian organized crime has proven itself not only resilient but extremely quick to adapt to changing conditions. The likelihood is that Colombian organized crime will continue the diversification
    [Show full text]
  • Nuevos Escenarios De Conflicto Armado Y Violencia
    NORORIENTE Y MAGDALENA MEDIO, LLANOS ORIENTALES, SUROCCIDENTE Y BOGOTÁ DC NUEVOS ESCENARIOS DE CONFLICTO ARMADO Y VIOLENCIA Panorama posacuerdos con AUC Nororiente y Magdalena Medio, Llanos Orientales, Félix Tomás Bata Jiménez Suroccidente y Bogotá DC Blanca Berta Rodríguez Peña NUEVOS ESCENARIOS DE CONFLICTO ARMADO Y VIOLENCIA Representantes de organizaciones de víctimas Panorama posacuerdos con AUC CENTRO NACIONAL DE MEMORIA HISTÓRICA Director General Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica Gonzalo Sánchez Gómez Gonzalo Sánchez Gómez Director General Coordinador de la investigación y edición Asesores de Dirección Álvaro Villarraga Sarmiento María Emma Wills Obregón, Patricia Linares Prieto, Paula Andrea Ila, Andrés Fernando Suárez, Luz Amanda Granados Urrea, Doris Yolanda Asistente de Coordinación Ramos Vega, César Augusto Rincón Vicentes Sandra Marcela Flórez Directores Técnicos Investigadores e Investigadoras Alberto Santos Peñuela, Lukas Rodríguez Lizcano, Luisa Fernanda Álvaro Villarraga Sarmiento Hernández Mercado y Juanita Esguerra Rezk Dirección Acuerdos de la Verdad Comité de Lectores /Lectoras del CNMH Martha Angélica Barrantes Reyes Nororiente: Vladimir Caraballo, investigador CNMH-DAV Dirección para la Construcción de la Memoria Histórica Llanos Orientales: Bernardo Pérez, investigador, Fundación Paz y Reconciliación Ana Margoth Guerrero de Otero Suroccidente: Adolfo Atehortúa. Doctor en Sociología EHESS París, Dirección de Archivos de Derechos Humanos Francia. Profesor UPN Bogotá DC: Oscar David Andrade Becerra. Asesor Cualitativo
    [Show full text]
  • Assessing the US Role in the Colombian Peace Process
    An Uncertain Peace: Assessing the U.S. Role in the Colombian Peace Process Global Policy Practicum — Colombia | Fall 2018 Authors Alexandra Curnin Mark Daniels Ashley DuPuis Michael Everett Alexa Green William Johnson Io Jones Maxwell Kanefield Bill Kosmidis Erica Ng Christina Reagan Emily Schneider Gaby Sommer Professor Charles Junius Wheelan Teaching Assistant Lucy Tantum 2 Table of Contents Important Abbreviations 3 Introduction 5 History of Colombia 7 Colombia’s Geography 11 2016 Peace Agreement 14 Colombia’s Political Landscape 21 U.S. Interests in Colombia and Structure of Recommendations 30 Recommendations | Summary Table 34 Principal Areas for Peacebuilding Rural Development | Land Reform 38 Rural Development | Infrastructure Development 45 Rural Development | Security 53 Rural Development | Political and Civic Participation 57 Rural Development | PDETs 64 Combating the Drug Trade 69 Disarmament and Socioeconomic Reintegration of the FARC 89 Political Reintegration of the FARC 95 Justice and Human Rights 102 Conclusion 115 Works Cited 116 3 Important Abbreviations ADAM: Areas de DeBartolo Alternative Municipal AFP: Alliance For Progress ARN: Agencies para la Reincorporación y la Normalización AUC: Las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia CSDI: Colombia Strategic Development Initiative DEA: Drug Enforcement Administration ELN: Ejército de Liberación Nacional EPA: Environmental Protection Agency ETCR: Espacio Territoriales de Capacitación y Reincorporación FARC-EP: Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo GDP: Gross
    [Show full text]
  • PREFACE the Influence of Organised Crime in the Balkan Area, As Is Well
    PREFACE The influence of organised crime in the Balkan area, as is well known, has reached levels that have required a considerable acceleration in efforts to combat this phenomenon. Albania is involved in many initiatives set up by the international community, which are matched by efforts at national level. In 2005, the Democratic Party achieved a decisive victory in the political elections with the support of its allies, making a commitment to reduce crime and corruption in the country. This victory, and more importantly the ordered transition of power which followed it, has been regarded at international level as an important step forward towards the confirmation of democracy. Despite the active presence of organised criminal groups over the territorial area and the influence exercised by them in the country's already critical social and economic situation, Albania, recognising the need to bring its legislation up to date and to strengthen the institutions responsible for fighting crime, has moved with determination in the direction of reform. With regard to bringing the legislation into line with international standards, we should remember that in 2002 Albania ratified the United Nations Convention against Trans National Organised Crime (UNTOC) and the relative additional protocols preventing the smuggling of migrants and trafficking of human beings. In February 2008 it also ratified the third and final protocol on arms trafficking. Since 1995, Albania has been a member country of the Council of Europe; in 2001 it became a member of the Group of States Against Corruption (GRECO) and in 2006 it also ratified the United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC).
    [Show full text]
  • Ending Colombia's FARC Conflict: Dealing the Right Card
    ENDING COLOMBIA’S FARC CONFLICT: DEALING THE RIGHT CARD Latin America Report N°30 – 26 March 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY............................................................................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. FARC STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES................................................................... 2 A. ADAPTIVE CAPACITY ...................................................................................................................4 B. AN ORGANISATION UNDER STRESS ..............................................................................................5 1. Strategy and tactics ......................................................................................................................5 2. Combatant strength and firepower...............................................................................................7 3. Politics, recruitment, indoctrination.............................................................................................8 4. Withdrawal and survival ..............................................................................................................9 5. Urban warfare ............................................................................................................................11 6. War economy .............................................................................................................................12
    [Show full text]
  • Colombia1 Colombia Is a Large South American Country
    Background- Colombia1 Colombia is a large South American country (48 million, 2016 est.) with a history of intense economic and political conflict that has repeatedly deteriorated into civil war and widespread violence. Since the colonial era, Colombia has struggled with intense political conflict between its elite and underlying class and ethnic tensions. Prior to the arrival of the Spanish in the 1500s, Colombia was lightly populated by small-scale farmers of mostly Chibcha indigenous descent. The Spanish quickly assimilated or wiped out most indigenous peoples through enslavement and disease, then imported African slaves to mine and perform agricultural labor. The population became divided into a mestizo (white and indigenous) middle class, an impoverished Afro- Colombian minority, and a Creole (white) elite. In the 1700s, the Creole enjoyed the fruits of the enlightenment, including universities, newspapers, and theaters, and gradually came to support free trade, democracy, and independence. When Napoleon invaded Spain in 1808, Colombian elites seized the opportunity to rebel alongside their compatriots in Venezuela, Ecuador, and Panama. Following independence, Venezuela and Ecuador quickly split into independent states but Colombia and Panama remained united under the leadership of wealthy Creole independence leader Francisco de Paula Santander. Throughout the 1800s and early 1900s, political tensions among Colombian elites grew and frequently erupted into violence. After Santander’s death, Colombia’s leadership quickly split between the Liberals, who supported a federalist government with a limited role for the Catholic Church, and the Conservatives, who supported a centralized government with a strong role for the Catholic Church. This division would be at the root of many subsequent violent periods that marred Colombian history.
    [Show full text]
  • Women, Conflict- Related Sexual Violence and the Peace Process Ben Keenan/Trocaire Contents
    Colombia: Women, Conflict- Related Sexual Violence and the Peace Process Ben Keenan/Trocaire Contents Executive Summary 1 Recommendations 3 1.0 Background to the Conflict 5 1.1 The Prospect of Peace 1.2 Land and displacement 1.3 Poverty and inequality 2.0 Conflict Related Sexual Violence 7 2.1 Afro-Colombian and Indigenous Women 2.2 Children, sexual violence and the conflict 2.3 Sexual violence and economic interests 3.0 Modus Operandi of Sexual Violence in Conflict 10 3.1 Sexual and gender violence used for social control 3.2 Sexual violence and sexual slavery 3.3 Sexual violence within armed operations 3.4 Sexual violence and the Security Forces 4.0 Access to Justice and Reparation 13 4.1 Social stigmatisation 4.2 Patriarchal attitudes and re-victimisation in the administration of justice 4.3 Impunity and the Rule of Law 4.4 Policies and laws 4.5 Gender Equality Law 1257 4.6 Constitutional Court Auto 092 of 2008 4.7 Investigation and prosecution 4.8 The Victims and Land Restitution Law 1448 4.9 Health and psycho-social support 4.10 Marco Para La Paz (Legal Framework for Peace) 5.0 Women and the Construction of Peace 21 5.1 Women defenders and community leaders 5.2 Women as peace builders 5.3 International instruments 1 Colombia: Women, Conflict-Related Sexual Violence and the Peace Process Executive Summary The magnitude of conflict-related sexual violence against women in Colombia is yet to be fully understood. It is a crime that is massively underreported. Where it is reported women encounter major obstacles to accessing the justice system including extremely high levels of impunity.
    [Show full text]
  • Colombia Human Rights & Development
    AMERICAN UNIVERSITY ALTERNATIVE BREAK COLOMBIA HUMAN RIGHTS & DEVELOPMENT DECEMBER 29, 2010 – JANUARY 9, 2011 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Welcome to Alternative Breaks!!! 3 Important Information 4 Expectations & Code of Conduct 5 Colombia Pre-Departure Meeting Agendas & Syllabus 6 About Colombia 9 Country Profile 10 Political Map of Colombia 13 Our Primary Destinations 14 Witness for Peace and Itinerary 15 Safety & Security & Health 18 Colombia Timeline 19 Colombia Pre Departure Resources 26 Payment & Fundraising 27 Travel Logistics 28 Further Reading Materials List 30 2 WELCOME TO ALTERNATIVE BREAKS!!!! Congratulations on being selected to participate in an Alternative Break trip! You are about to embark on a journey of transformation, reflection, activism, and community involvement. As you know, the Alternative Break program is student-run, with the Center for Community Engagement and Service and the Alternative Break Coordinator serving as resources for the student leaders of each trip. Please read this letter carefully for important information about participating on a trip. FORMS YOU MUST TURN IN TO CSC: ON WEBSITE: www.american.edu/altbreak under “Participant Applications & Forms” Medical/Emergency Contact form Copy of health insurance card Consent & Release Waiver Form Copy of passport (for international trips) Code of Conduct Signature form PAYMENT DEADLINES: Monthly payment installments are due according to your payment schedule. Talk to your trip leaders for dates. ONLINE PAYMENT INSTRUCTIONS: 1. Log-on to my.american.edu, click on the Finances or Life@AU tab. 2. Under your personalized links, click on “Alternative Break E-payment.” 3. Choose your trip. 4. Enter your credit card information and click submit! 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Estatuto De Seguridad Nacional: Efecto Colateral De La Pacificación Forzada. Caso: Santiago De Cali (1978-1982
    ESTATUTO DE SEGURIDAD NACIONAL: EFECTO COLATERAL DE LA PACIFICACION FORZADA. Caso: Santiago de Cali (1978-1982) Olga Lucia Moreno Caldas UNIVERSIDAD DEL VALLE Facultad De Humanidades Licenciatura en Historia Santiago de Cali, Enero de 2011 ESTATUTO DE SEGURIDAD NACIONAL: EFECTO COLATERAL DE LA PACIFICACION FORZADA. Caso: Santiago de Cali (1978-1982) Olga Lucia Moreno Caldas Código: 0525268 Trabajo de Grado para optar por el titulo de Licenciada en Historia Director de Tesis: Profesor: Carlos Alberto Murgueitio Manrique UNIVERSIDAD DEL VALLE Facultad De Humanidades Licenciatura en Historia Santiago de Cali, Enero de 2011 Agradecimientos Agradezco a todos los docentes del programa de Licenciatura en Historia por la valiosa transmisión de su bagaje de conocimientos, quienes a través de sus experiencias, debates, aportes teóricos y prácticos, me introdujeron en las bases del importante estudio del mundo social. Al profesor Carlos E. Murgueitio, a quien agradezco por sus excelentes y pertinentes observaciones en el trascurso de mi proyecto, enseñándome permanentemente la importancia de la rigurosidad teórica y la disciplina académica. A mi familia, por su apoyo incondicional durante toda mi vida y por ser el pilar de mi existencia. TABLA DE CONTENIDO INTRODUCCIÓN 1 – 24 CAPITULO I 25 - 37 Contexto internacional y nacional del Estatuto de Seguridad 25 1.1. Nuevos códigos de entendimiento. 25 - 29 1.2 De la Seguridad. 29 - 30 1.3 Colombia: Entre el poder y la militarización. 30 - 37 CAPITULO II 38 - 60 Estructura y bases jurídicas del Estatuto de Seguridad 38 2.1 Estructura Jurídica 38 – 44 2.2 Los Derechos humanos, entre Militares y Civiles armados 44 - 48 2.3 Las redes sociales de denuncia.
    [Show full text]
  • I. Introduction I. Introduction
    I. Introduction Political violence in Colombia continues to take more lives than in any other country in the hemisphere. Some of the killings take place during fighting between combatants, but most are cases of simple murder. Those responsible for these murders include members of the military and security forces as well as insurgents, hired gunmen and paramilitary groups. The intellectual authors of these crimes are comparably varied. The very complexity of political violence in Colombia often serves as a shield for those who order and commit violent acts. As this report demonstrates, the Colombian government has done too little to work through these complexities to identify, prosecute and punish those behind the political violence. This failing has been greatest in acknowledging the role of military and security forces in the killings. These forces continue to commit violent abuses themselves, and to condone and support killings by paramilitary groups. The problem is most acute in the case of paramilitary groups. These groups, which have been responsible for some of the largest and most sensational massacres, are gangs of highly trained killers, often masquerading as "self-defense" associations of farmers. Powerful economic interests recruit, train, finance and support these bands, and use them to target leftist political activists, leaders of peasant and popular organizations, and those Colombians perceived to be the "social base" of the guerrillas. Drug traffickers are among the most prominent supporters of paramilitary groups, a fact
    [Show full text]