Kalachi Research Journal Kalachi Research Journal Muhammad Qasim Sodhar cially from 712 A.D when Arabs aacked on in order to control the Bushra Qayyum Panhwar economy of Sindh. Likewise, aer this aack, history is witnessed of many Migration to Sindh: It’s effects on Political occupants came in Sindh. However, if we avoid going through the long history Economy & Demography of Sindh of Sindh back, but just look over the before paron, we will also find Balouch and Punjabi migraon to Sindh. Balouch migrated to Sindh Abstract: in a huge number even laer they ruled Sindh, but there were no such ethnic

conflicts between indigenous and Baloch immigrants, because on one This paper aims to trace a picture of Sindh aer the construcon of irrigaon sources especially the construcon of Sukkur and Guddu barrages hand, they kept their own Baloch ethnic identy with them, and at the same r (2) r which aracted Punjabi migrants. The major focus of this ipaper is the migra- me they also accepted Sindhi identy. i on of Urdu speaking populaon from India aer the parona of India, and to Balouch constructed a new ethnicity as ‘Sindhi aBalouch’ and started see how much indigenous Sindhi populaon was affecteh d economically and living with indigenous Sindhi populaon peacefully. Buth on the other hand, demographically because of these refugees emigraonC . This paper shows, Punjabis did not assimilate themselves in Sindhi society.C Balouch not only ac- whether Punjabi and Urdu speaking migrants contribu ted for the progress of i cepted and adopted Sindhi identy but they ownedi the interests of Sindh. But Sindh or they kept themselves aloof from the maera of prosperity of Sindh? with the passage of me, they went beyond a construcvist approach and This paper will also deal this issue opposite in t Balouch emigrants’ case that proved themselves as sons and daughters of thet soil. But on the other hand, what were causes which restricted Urdu speakingi emigrants to assimilate in the Punjabi migrants not only kept themselvesi aloof from Sindh cause, but a Sindhi society? h huge majority of emigrant Punjabis, served theirh economic interests only. This B was a main reason which created a ri betweenB indigenous Sindhi populaon

Introducon f and Punjabi immigrants. f : i i The Punjabi immigraon took place during Brish rule in Sindh. As Migraon from one area to othert remained a main cause of ethnic t Sarah Ansari writes; “Sindh’s main assets, from the Brish point of view, were conflicts in different countries of thea World. The ethnic issues prevailing in a two folds: what it had offer in terms of communicaons and water supply. Palesne, Burma, and Sindh of PakistanL are examples of these ethnic ris. The L The Brish, concerned to make the province pay its own way, set about trying main cause behind these ethnic conflicts is to achieve more and more eco- l to increase both, expanding thel amount of traffic, and trade, which crossed nomic benefits for a parcular ethnic community or ethno-naonality. In this u Sindh as well as the reliability uof its irrigaon resources. These twin objecves regard Tariq Rehman quong Tahir Amin writes; “Amin used modern theories d resulted in a spate of railwayd building and new irrigaon iniaves from the of ethnicity to explain that ethno-naonal movements are the products of the (3) b (1) end of nineteenth century.”b Due to these developments new immigrants demand for a just share in goods and services in a modern state.” (4) A were aracted which resultsA a great numbers of emigrants in Sindh. Brish In this regard, Sindh has been remaining a shining example, because authories also granted land to military pensioners from the Punjab. (5) it is Sindh which has been experiencing refugees’ problem and ethnic ris for h The Brish authoriesh were more inclined toward Punjabis than Sin- a long me period. Sindh has been facing many invasions and aacks from a dhis, and they had aown explanaon in this regard. Brish opinion in this case outsiders like Arabs, Tarkhan, Mughal, Argoons, and Brish and before and h can be perceivedh in Sarah Ansari’s words; “Punjabis tended to be seen by the also aer the paron, influx from West Punjab and India. S Brish as skilledS and industrious workers, who would make efficient culva- Migraon to Sindh before the paron of India tors, in contrast to Sindhi zamindars and haris who were perceived, in Brish (6) As menoned in introducon that Sindh has been facing problems of eyes, to be overwhelmingly ‘lazy’ and so essenally unproducve.” Like Sin- outsiders/refugees for long me period. The history of Sindh dates back espe- dhis, Punjabis were also dependent more on agriculture than business and 7 8 Kalachi Research Journal Kalachi Research Journal trade etc. this was a main reason which aracted Punjabis to sele in rural in Hyderabad district and 71 percent in Sakhar. In Karachi, there were only areas of Sindh aer construcon of irrigaon facilies in the region. Aer the 14.28 percent speakers of Sindhi in 1951 as opposed to 58.7 percent who construcon of new barrages in Sindh, Punjabis in numbers of thousands mi- spoke Urdu as their mother tongue. Thus, Karachi overnight became a mo- grated to Sindh and the especially seled in districts of , hajir city.” (11) In this regard also another argument can be traced from Tariq Tharparkar, Hyderabad, Badin, Thaa and Sukkur. (7) The Punjabi influx was Rahman’s point of view that; “In the whole of , refugees formed 9.8 resisted before and aer construcon of Sukkur Barrage in 1930 by Sindhi per cent of the populaon, but in Sindh and Khairpur state they formed 11.7 landlords who feared an invasion of Punjabi peasant proprietors. (8) per cent of the populaon.” (12)

r Before and during paron period, there were r riots on religious i i Refugee influx aer the paron: grounds going on but it was only Sindh where such kinds of riots were nomi- a nal. In spite of that aer Punjab, the larger number of refugeesa was seled in The refugee issues were not new for Sindh ath the me of paron, Sindh, which created ethnic conflicts in Sindh. (13) The hmain reasons of these but this migraon was quite different from those took place earlier. First res- C conflicts were complete alien-ness of two cultures.C In Punjab the case was ervaon on this migraon is that there was no meno n of migraon from quite different where migrants came from East Punjab with same language, India to Pakistan vice versa other than between Easi t and West Punjab, in any i a culture and norms. On the other hand, in Sindh,a it was quite different than agreement or plan like 3rd June plane etc. t Punjab. There were clear cultural and social differet nces between immigrants Despite without any agreement regardingi migraon, in the aer- and host Sindhis. (14) There was also a maeri of superiority complex in the math of Hindu-Muslim communal violence, theh exodus of Muslim populaon minds of new immigrants which also led conflictsh between indigenous popula- from UP and Bihar (Mohajirs) was forcedB to migrate to West Pakistan and on and migrants. B

sele over the evacuee property of the fSindhi Hindus who were supposed to In this regards S. Akbar Zaidi pointsf out; “For the refugees, Sindh was leave Sindh and sele in India. Although,i the large number of migrants was always a backward underdeveloped parti of the country, having nothing to do seled in Punjab, and a smaller numbert as compare to selers in Punjab t a with the more sophiscated urban culturea which they represented. The supe- seled in Sindh. But, this migraon affected Sindh more than Punjab as Sarah rior and haughty atude of the refugees was (and sll is) a persistent affront Ansari argues that: “The number L of refugees arriving in Sindh was certainly (15) L to the Sindhis.” small than in the Punjab, but thel total was large relave to exisng populaon l

of the province.” (9) Sindh becauseu of availability of natural resources was eco- u nomically rich. This was a maind cause which had been aracted migrants from The bale of resources ond ethnic grounds: different areas. These migrantsb whether they are Punjabis, Pathans, Balouchs The refugees wereb more benefited in Sindh as compare to Sindhis. or Urdu speakers, all had been aracted by economic opportunies available There were mulple reasons behind this kind of deprivaon of Sindhi popula- in Sindh. As Charles H. AKenedy points out that “They have been aracted by on. The one and most Aimportant aspect is that; Mohajirs were more educat- economic opportunies,h both the commercial lure of Karachi and the availa- ed than indigenous Sindhis.h This can be observed in the figures of literacy rate bility of relavely cheap land in newly irrigated areas bordering on Punjab and in earlier period of 1950s. The Urdu speaking migrants’ literacy rate was 23.4 (10) a a Balochistan.” per cent, whereas the literary rate of whole Sindh on other hand was only h (16) h RefugeesS from India changed the demographic locaon of Sindh es- 13.2 per cent. S As with some difference in numbers it is noted by Charles H. pecially its urban centers like Karachi, Hyderabad, Sukkur and Mirpurkhas. We Kennedy that Mohajirs possessed several advantages because of their high can see a sudden demographic change in Mohammad Waseem’s analysis who literacy rate and also their previous administrave and entrepreneurship ex- writes: “63.9 percent of refugees in Sindh lived in urban areas, 86.16 percent perience. He points out that the literacy rate of Muhajirs was 70% but on con-

9 10 Kalachi Research Journal Kalachi Research Journal trary Sindhis’ literacy rate was only 10%. (17) payment of compensaon.” (22) The bale over gaining more and more resources was going on espe- It was because of central government’s superiority that any govern- cially between Sindhi landlords and immigrants. The powerful Sindhi landlords ment official, who spoke against the separaon of Karachi from Sindh, was wanted to gain as much benefits of property le by Sindhi Hindus. (18) But on dismissed or faced serious consequences. The then Sindh Chief Minister Ayub the other hand central government was taking efforts to rehabilitate these Khuhro resisted against this plan, was overthrown, and was replaced by Pir refugees and also allot that property le by Hindus to these migrants. The Illahi Baksh who was fully inclined towards Jinnah. The then central govern- ment has been alleged yet that the main purpose behind making Karachi a central government seemed not interested in resolving maers of Sindhi peo- ple, because it was not only case of Sindhi landlord onlyr but Sindhi haris capital of Pakistan was to sele influx and also to snatchr the economic (peasants) and other oppressed classes as well. It can be ianalyzed aer the strength of the city from provincial government. Aer makingi Karachi the construcon of Gudu and Sukkur Barrages as Mohammada Waseem shows a capital of Pakistan and declaraon of state of emergencya in Punjab on 27 Au- clear picture of central government’s unjust with indigenoush populaon of gust due to tensions created in Punjab camps, Pakistanh government reseled Sindh. refugees in Sindh doubled in number. (23) Now the government of Pakistan did C not feel need to convince Sindh government before Creseling refugees in Ka- He writes; “The land queson was another major source of Sindhi i rachi because now Karachi was the capital of Pakistian. naonalist senment. Out of the land brought aunder culvaon by Ghulam a Mohammad, Guddu and Sakhar Barrages,1.48 tmillion, 0.64 million and 0.28 t i i million acres respecvely, ex-military officers and bureaucrats among others- Conclusion: mostly Punjabi but also mohajir-s were alloedh .87 million, 0.32 million and h In the light of above debate, it can be concluded that Sindh has been 0.13 million acres in that order.” (19) B B facing migrants’ problems since Arab invasion of Sindh. But it is reality that f f Because of aracve literacy ratei of Muhajirs, in 1950s, Sindhi edu- many originally Arab, Mughal, Syed andi Balouch populaon assimilated them- cated class started to emerge. This condiont created compeon in jobs be- selves in Sindhi society. But on the othert hand, Punjabi, Pathan and especially (20) tween Urdu speaking populaon anda indigenous Sindhis. Urdu speaking populaons’ assimilaona seem far away to become a reality. L As this paper mainly focused onL Punjabi and Urdu speaking migraon to

Separaon of Karachi from thel Province: Sindh, in this regard, Punjabi migraonl seems that was not concerned with u permanent interests of Sindh.u The military of Brish India mainly consisted of In 1948, the central government of Pakistan proposed to make Kara- Punjabi soldiers, who were granted ferle lands of Sindh in Brish period and chi a permanent capital of thed country. Karachi was an economic hub of Sindh aer the paron as well, theyd were just enjoying luxuries, but they did not even before the paron especiallyb Karachi port was being used in export and try to assimilate themselvesb in Sindhi society. import. Another importance of Karachi was Sindhi Hindus’ interest in this city A The case of UrduA speaking migraon from India was different. Alt- that established trading roots and made it a business hub of Sindh. Despite of hough, no doubt in both sides i.e. India and Pakistan riots on religious grounds Sindhi policians’ resistanceh over the maer of making Karachi the capital of h were going on, so migraon was inevitable. But the problem arises here that Pakistan, on 22 May,a it was announced by Jinnah who was in favour of greater a no one plan or other document advocated the migraon from both countries centralizaon, toh make Karachi a permanent capital of Pakistan. (21) Sarah An- h except East and West Punjab. The influx from India aer paron did not con- sari highlights this issue, she writes: “Many Sindhis felt that they had been S tribute in beermentS of Sindh, but on contrary it proved as economical and ‘the ones who had given refuge to the central government… this child who geographical threat for Sindhi populaon. On the one hand, Karachi was sepa- had not legs {Sic} to stand on, no chair to sit and no papers to write’, and here rated from Sindh, and on the other hand, Sindhis became a minority in their were the central authories annexing their capital without any concern or own city Karachi. Because of this bale over resources between Sindhis and 11 12 Kalachi Research Journal Kalachi Research Journal Urdu speakers, a clear cleavage was drawn between indigenous populaon 10. Charles H. Kennedy, “The Polics of Ethnicity in Sindh”. Asian Survey, Vol. 31, No. and migrants. 10 (Oct., 1991)P939. 11. Mohammad Waseem, “Ethnic Conflict in Pakistan: The Case of MQM”. The Paki- No doubt, new migrants were mostly educated and experienced in stan Development Review, Vol. 35, No. 4, Papers and Proceedings PART II Twelh bureaucracy but at the same me, they along with Punjabis were assured Annual General Meeng of the Pakistan Society of Development Economists Is- more benefits than other ethno-naonalies. The idea behind this was simply lamabad, December 14-16, 1996 (Winter 1996)P620. that Urdu speaking populaon played leading role in making of Pakistan so 12. Tariq Rahman, Language and Polics in Pakistan. Karachi, Oxford University Press, 2003.P110-11. they were to be given more rights and benefits. In this case, we can take an example of Liaquat Ali Khan then Prime Minister of Pakistan who was also 13. Adeel Khan, “Pakistan's Sindhi Ethnic Naonalism: Migraon, Marginalizaon, r and the Threat of "Indianizaon". Asian Survey, Vol. 42, No. 2r (March/April 2002) Urdu speaking. Even Liaquat Ali Khan had no electoral constuency,i in spite of P218. i that, he was made a Prime Minister of Pakistan. Migraona to Sindh especially 14. S. Akbar Zaidi, “Sindhi vsMohajir in Pakistan: Contradicon,a Conflict, Compro- its main city Karachi also seen in this context that Liaquath Ali Khan wanted to mise.” Economic and Polical Weekly, Vol. 26, No. 20 (Mayh 18, 1991) P1295. create an electoral constuency in Karachi where fromC he would have elected 15. Ibid. C himself in future. 16. Tariq Rahman, Language and Polics in Pakistan. Karachi, Oxford University Press, i 2003.P112. i However, in both cases viz. Punjabi as wella as Urdu speaking migra- a on, not only caused demographic changes in Sindht especially its main urban 17. Charles H. Kennedy, “The Polics of Ethnicity in tSindh”. Asian Survey, Vol. 31, No. i 10 (Oct., 1991)P942. i centers, but at the same me, more importantly economic changes also took 18. Sarah Ansari, Life aer Paron Migraon, Community and Strife in Sindh 1947- place. On the one hand, millions of acres of hferle lands of Sindh were given h 1962. Karachi, Oxford University Press, 2005. P99. to rered military personnel of Punjab. OnB the other hand, industries and B 19. Mohammad Waseem, “Ethnic Conflict in Pakistan: The Case of MQM”. The Paki- other properes le by indigenous Sindhif Hindus were occupied by migrants stan Development Review, Vol. 35, No. 4,f Papers and Proceedings PART II Twelh from India. Likewise, main urban centersi of Sindh like Karachi, Hyderabad and Annual General Meeng of the Pakistani Society of Development Economists Is- t lamabad, December 14-16, 1996 (Wintert 1996)P622-23. Sukkur came under control of these amigrants. These were main causes which a resulted ris and skirmishes between Sindhis and Urdu speaking migrants. 20. Dr. Mubark Ali, Sindh Khomoshi Ki Awaz. Lahore, Ficon House, 1994.P267.

L 21. Sarah Ansari, Life aer Paron LMigraon, Community and Strife in Sindh 1947- 1962. Karachi, Oxford University Press, 2005. P62. References: l l 22. Ibid, 63. 1. Tariq Rehman, “Language, Poweru and Ideology”. Economic and Polical Weekly, u Vol. 37, No. 44/45 (Nov. 2-15,d 2002) P 4556. 23. Ibid, 66. d 2. Dr. Mubark Ali, Sindh Khomoshib Ki Awaz. Lahore, Ficon House, 1994.P266. b 3. Sarah Ansari, Life aerA Paron Migraon, Community and Strife in Sindh 1947- A 1962. Karachi, Oxford University Press, 2005.P23. 4. Ibid. h h 5. Ibid, 31. a a 6. Ibid, 31-32. h h 7. Mahmud Mirza,S Aaj Ka Sindh. Lahore, Progressive Publishers, 1987. P29. S 8. Sarah Ansari, Life aer Paron Migraon, Community and Strife in Sindh 1947- 1962. Karachi, Oxford University Press, 2005.P32. 9. Ibid, 74.

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