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The Rise of Peasants Activism in Lower

(Original Thesis Title) Kolhi-peasant Activism in Naon Dumbālo, Lower Sindh

Creating Space for Marginalised through Multiple Channels

Ghulam Hussain

Quaid--Azam University Department of Anthropology ii

Islamabad - Year 2014

Kolhi-Peasant Activism in Naon Dumbālo, Lower Sindh Creating Space for Marginalised through Multiple Channels

Ghulam Hussain

Thesis submitted to the Department of Anthropology, Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad, in partial fulfillment of the degree of ‗Master of Philosophy in Anthropology‘

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Quaid-i-Azam University Department of Anthropology Islamabad - Pakistan Year 2014

Formal declaration

I hereby, declare that I have produced the present work by myself and without any aid other than those mentioned herein. Any ideas taken directly or indirectly from third party sources are indicated as such.

This work has not been published or submitted to any other examination board in the same or a similar form.

Islamabad, 25 March 2014

Mr. Ghulam Hussain Mahesar

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Final Approval of Thesis

Quaid-i-Azam University Department of Anthropology Islamabad - Pakistan

This is to certify that we have read the thesis submitted by Mr. Ghulam Hussain. It is our judgment that this thesis is of sufficient standard to warrant its acceptance by Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad for the award of the degree of ―MPhil in Anthropology‖.

Committee

Supervisor:

Dr. Waheed Iqbal Chaudhry

External Examiner:

Full name of external examiner incl. title

Incharge:

Dr. Waheed Iqbal Chaudhry

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

This thesis is the product of cumulative effort of many teachers, scholars, and some institutions, that duly deserve to be acknowledged here. I am grateful to Dr. Azam Chaudhry for guiding me as regards theoretical framework; to Dr. Andrea Ramos Fleshenberg for developing my interest in the ideas and issues of identities and nation building; to Dr. Ilhan Niaz for refining my thoughts about issues of governance in Pakistan; and to Hanns Seidel Foundation for providing me initial financial assistance to conduct pilot study for M.Phil Thesis. I am also thankful to some of my friends Mushtaq Ali Hab, Naveed Ahmed Lashari, Vikram Das, Faiz Rasool, Taj Maree and Veerji Kolhi that helped me, one way or another, to conduct this study smoothly. The facilitation and peace of mind provided by my family members, particularly by my sister Firdous Mahesar, was not less instrumental in the successful culmination of this research project.

I am indebted to all my teachers of the Department of Anthropology, particularly, Dr. Anwaar Mohyuddin for teaching about references and citations; Dr. Rao Nadeem Alam for guiding in research methods in general and to Dr. Inamullah Laghari for helping in the analysis of developmental and post-developmental content. The constant guidance and instruction of my supervisor Dr. Waheed Iqbal Chaudhry as regards research methodology, ethnographic writing, and research ethics and about issues of plagiarism have been pivotal in the shaping of this research endeavor. I am also grateful for his kind suggestions about review of the literature, its systematic analysis and for sharing his personal research insights on peasant culture and politics from the Punjabi village background.

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ABSTRACT This study is based on ethnography of Kolhi peasant community of Lār (lower Sindh) followed by extensive ethnological account of the history, origin and identity reconstruction efforts of Kolhi-Dalit community. This study is to explain, ‗how Kolhi-Dalit peasant identities are being transformed under the impact of social forces, such as Kolhi peasant activists, NGOs, leftist and Marxist activists, civil society activists, and under the influence of mass media and social media networks? The prime focus of this study is the identification of the ‗processes of socio-political change that are involved in the transformation of Kolhi-Dalit ethnic peasant identities. Major Findings of the research are that the dependence of almost entire Kolhi community on sharecropping as landless peasants under debt bondage of landlords in barrage-area of south-eastern lower Sindh has been so overwhelming that it is difficult to conceive of their ethnic marginality independent of peasant related issues. In recent past, since 2006, peasants in the barrage area of lower Sindh, particularly sharecroppers and peasant activists of Kolhi community of Dumbālo, have been highly dynamic. Kolhi peasant activism is not just for land reforms, or against debt bondage, it is also the struggle for ethnic and communal rights and equal social status for the marginalized Dalit communities of lower Sindh. The phenomenal multiplicity of Kolhi ethnic maneuverability can be evidenced from their participation in political protests and rallies for their ethnic and peasant rights. Kolhi community has become conscious of the relationship between ethnic discrimination, landlessness, debt bondage and economic exploitation, the evidence of which can be had from the emerging trend to establish community-initiated self-funded Kolhi colonies at Naon Dumbālo, District Sindh. Kolhi peasant activism provides a unique opportunity to understand peasant activism from the perspective of the sharecroppers of lower caste, the ethnically discriminated and marginalized minority community. Systematic effort has been made to look for ideological and political space for Kolhi-Dalit peasant-village community to coexist peacefully with other ethnic identities at local, provincial, national and international levels. Ethnically motivated Peasants‘ willingness or reluctance to accommodate with the dominant discourses at national level and capacity of Civil Society Organizations to transform ethnic-peasant identities has been assessed in relation to one another. In final chapter, to ensure ‗environmental justice and to empower ethnic peasant communities establishment of ‗communal councils‘ and peasant communities has been suggested to policy makers and to activists. To build the nation of Pakistan on more inclusive grounds, it has been suggested to approach socio-political issues at community level, and strive politically to empower local communities so that they could initiate and implement their self- planned projects in a manner that may suit their purpose best.

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Table of Contents

Contents………………………………………………………………….Page ABSTRACT ...... vi Table of Contents ...... vii List of Tables ...... xiii List of Maps ...... xiv List of Figures ...... xvi Abbreviations ...... xix Chapter 1: Methodology and Theoretical Framework ...... 1 1.1 Introduction ...... 2 1.2 Statement of the Problem ...... 6 1.3 Significance of Study ...... 10 1.4 Objectives of the Study ...... 12 1.5 Research Question ...... 13 1.6 Ethnographic Case-study ...... 13 1.7 Ethical Concerns ...... 18 1.7.1 Reflexivity ...... 18 1.7.2. ‗I‘ as an ethnographer: Reflexive note of an ethnographer ...... 19 1.8 Field Area ...... 21 1.8 Key informants ...... 22 1.9 Duration of Field Work...... 22 1.10 Medium of Communication ...... 23 1.11 Key terms: Definition and Explanation ...... 23 1.11.1 Caste as Class...... 23 1.11.2 Culture ...... 23 1.11.3 Peasant ...... 24 1.11.4 Farmer and Sharecropper ...... 25 1.11.5 Peasant Activism ...... 26 1.11.6 Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) ...... 26

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1.11.7 Civil Society ...... 26 1.11.8 Peasant‘s identity/ identities/ identification ...... 27 1.11.9. Social and Ethnic identities ...... 28 1.12 Theoretical Framework ...... 30 1.12.1 Situational Analysis and Controlled Comparative Method ...... 30 1.12.2 Peasant Culture and Self ...... 34 1.12.3 Extended Kinship migration ...... 35 1.12.4. Peasant Resistance and Peasant Movements (Activism) ...... 37 1.12.5. Critical Discourse Analysis of Peasant Practices ...... 40 1.12.6 Learning from Transnational and Global ethnic Peasant Activism ...... 41 Chapter 2: Area Profile and Kolhi Migration ...... 44 2.1 Demographic Composition of Parkari ...... 45 2.2 , Lower Sindh, Parkari Kolhis and Dalit population ...... 46 2.3: Major Marginalized Dalit Communities of Lower Sindh ...... 52 2.4 Parkari Kolhis of Barrage area ...... 55 2.4.1 Why Kolhi Peasants of Naon Dumbālo? ...... 56 2.5 Demographic and ecological composition of District Badin ...... 60 2.5.1 Badin as a part of Barrage area of Lower Sindh ...... 61 2.5.2 Population of Talluka ...... 62 2.6 Naon/New Dumbālo and its Peasantivist Background ...... 63 2.6.1 Kolhi Peasant Culture and Activism at Naon Dumbālo ...... 65 2.6.2 Education of Parkari Children ...... 66 2.7 Parkari Village Structure ...... 68 2.8 Parkari Language, literature and Culture ...... 70 2.8.1 Parkari Language and Migration ...... 70 2.9 Parkari Panchayat ...... 72 2.10 Kolhi Dressing Code ...... 73 2.11 Totemic Hindu Religion of Kolhi ...... 75 2.11.1 Syncretic Kolhi-Dalit religious practices and of Sindh ...... 77 2.12 Kolhi Community of Naon Dumbālo and its Multiple Identities ...... 79 2.12.1 Identity affiliations and inclinations of Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo ...... 80 2.12.2 Self-image of Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo ...... 81

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2.13 Sub-tribes of Kolhis ...... 83 2.13.1 Parkari Kolhi Castes and Sub-castes (Nukh) at Versi Kolhi Colony, New Dumbālo ..... 84 2.14 Distribution of Kolhi Castes (Paaras) and Sub-castes (Nukh)in Parkari Kolhis of Versi Kolhi Colony...... 90 Chapter 3: Socio-economic Issues of Dalit and Kolhi Peasants ...... 92 3.1 Legal and Constitutional status of (Scheduled Castes) ...... 93 3.2 Articulation of Social Problems by Kolhi Peasant Activists ...... 96 3.3 Social exclusion, structured inequality and exploitation ...... 97 3.3.1 Social exclusion by local government, development sector and International donors .... 100 3.3.2 Ethnic discrimination, Casteism and Social Segregation in lower Sind ...... 101 3.4 Kolhi Sharecroppers, Debt bondage and Landlessness ...... 104 3.4.1 Sharecropping in Lower Sindh: Historical Background ...... 104 3.4.2 Kolhi transhumance and sharecropping? ...... 105 3.4.3 Bonded Labor in Agriculture and Land Rights ...... 107 3.4.4 Parkari Kolhis as Tharparkaris under Debt Bondage...... 109 3.4.5 Landlessness, State Laws and Peasant Exploitation ...... 110 3.4.6 Wage Labour and unpaid labour ...... 112 3.4.7 Peasant Activists of Sindh and Kolhi Peasant Activism ...... 113 3.5 Peasant Activists of Sindh ...... 114 3.6.1 Lower Caste, Landless Class and Ethnic Exploitation ...... 115 Chapter 4: Shifting and Reconstructing Kolhi Peasant Identities ...... 118 4.1 Imagined Ethnic Identities, Misrepresentation and Underrepresentation of Kolhis ...... 119 4.1.1 Dravidian origins of Kolhi: Looking for evidence from Evolutionary Genetics ...... 120 4.1.2 Tracing Kolhi Aboriginal (Adivāsi) and Dravidian Origins ...... 122 4.1.3 Meaning and Origin of Kolhi (Koli) ...... 124 4.1.4 ‗Kol‘, ‗Koli‘, ‗Kolhi‘, ‗Kohli‘ and Identity Reconstruction ...... 124 4.1.5 Imagined Dravidian culture of Kolhis ...... 125 4.1.6 Dravidians to : Semi- mythical Interpretations of Parkari Kolhi origins ...... 126 4.1.7 Religious-ethnic synergies between -Hindu and Kolhis ...... 127 4.1.8 Impact of Dalit syncretism on Sindhi culture and Sufic-ethno-nationalist Ideology ...... 129 4.1.9 Historical Politicization of Kolis and Identity Reconstruction ...... 130 4.1.10 Sindhi Historians and Parkari origins ...... 131

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4.1.11 Imagined Past and Identity Reconstruction ...... 132 4.2 Interpretation of Koli and Dalit origins by Historians and Parkari Kolhis ...... 133 4.2.1 Dravidian, and untouchable origins of Kolhis ...... 133 4.2.2 Sindhi Primordialism, National Ideology and Kolhi Identity ...... 139 4.2.3 Arab Conquest of Sindh, ‗-Brahmin‘ and ‗Dravidian-Budhist‘ differences ...... 141 4.2.4 Kolhi ethnicity after Arab-Muslim rule and Historical Bias...... 145 4.2.5 Identity reconstruction efforts: Case-study of Rooplo Kolhi as a Parkari Hero ...... 148 4.3 Kolhi Migration and Shifting Peasant Identities ...... 152 4.3.1 Kolhi migration from different locations to permanently settled colonies ...... 153 4.3.2 Poverty and Parkari Migration ...... 154 4.3.3 Politically forced migration ...... 155 4.3.4 Parkari migration to Barrage-area: A Socially Integrating Process ...... 156 Chapter 5: Kolhi Peasant Activism and Emerging Kolhi Politics ...... 159 5.1 Emerging Kolhi Politics...... 160 5.2 Kolhi Ethnic Peasant Activism in Lower Sindh ...... 163 5.2.1 What is peculiar about Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo (Versi Kolhi Colony) ...... 164 5.2.2 Kolhi Peasant Activism, Everyday forms of Resistance and Hidden Scripts ...... 166 5.2.3 Civil Scociety Network, Peasant Activism and Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo ...... 173 5.2.4 Intervention of NGOs in Kolhi community of Naon Dumbālo ...... 175 5.3 Christian and Qadiani Missionaries and Kolhi community ...... 187 5.4 Islamist Preaching and propagation ...... 191 5.4.1 Societal positioning of Kolhis and Rising Religious persecution of Kolhis of lower Sindh ...... 192 5.4.2 Islamist Extremism: Major Cause of Rising Kolhi and Dalit ethnic Identity ...... 193 Capitalising on Miss-Reporting and Under-reporting ...... 201 5.4.3 Emerging Hindu religiosity among Parkari Kolhis ...... 202 5.5 Kolhi Activism on Social Media ...... 205 5.6 From Hidden Resistance to Open Activism ...... 208 5.6.1 Historical background: Colonization of Indigenous People of ...... 208 5.6.2 Barriers of borders, National Politics and Kolhi Migration ...... 208 5.6.3 Kolhi Politics after Partition ...... 212 5.7 Contesting Elections: Internal tensions and divisions within Kolhi community ...... 216

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5.7.1 Power Relations and Politics of Identity within Kolhi Community ...... 216 5.7.2 Causal Factors that led Kolhis of Dumbālo to Peasant Activism ...... 226 5.7.3 Establishment of Permanent Kolhi Colonies ...... 229 5.7.4 Background Causes of the establishment of Versi Kolhi Colony ...... 231 5.7.5 Major causes of the establishment of Versi Kolhi Colony ...... 231 5.8 Sindhi Ethno-nationalist Elements within Kolhi Peasant Activists ...... 236 5.9 Parkari Kolhi leadership, Open Activism and Internal Ethnic Coordination ...... 237 5.10 Changing Socio economic Patterns and Alternative Strategies ...... 242 5.10.1 From Sharecropping to Multiple Occupations ...... 243 5.10.2 Serri, Chehrr and Major Socio-economic Shifts in Kolhi Community of New Dumbālo ...... 246 5.10.3 Serri and Cherr: Getting out of Practice ...... 250 5.10.4 Comparative Occupational analysis of Versi Kolhi Colony and Paaro ...... 250 5.11 Changing social behaviors ...... 254 5.11.1 End of Loan-taking as a Cultural Habit of Kolhis ...... 254 5.11.2 Impact of Kolhi Empowerment on Social Attitudes of Local Landlords ...... 255 5.12 Kolhi women and Children: Leading Labor Force ...... 256 5.12.1 Dalit Women: Impact of Global and local Activism on Kolhi Women ...... 256 5.12.2 Domestic Animals and Kolhi Women: Mainstay of Kolhi Economy...... 257 Chapter 6: Discussion and Recommendations ...... 261 6.1 Discussion and Analysis ...... 262 6.2 Indicators of ethnic emergence among Kolhi peasants of Naon Dumbālo ...... 269 6.3 Raising tribal status to Caste status: Politicization of the Kolhis ...... 272 6.4 Peasant Activism and ethno-nationalism ...... 274 6.5 Ethno-nationalist and civil-societal approach ...... 276 6.6 Lower Caste, Landless Class and Ethnic Exploitation ...... 277 6.7 Nation-building and Kolhi ethnic peasants ...... 277 6.8 Recommendations ...... 281 6.8.1 Tackling emerging neo-tribal communalism: Marxist, Socialist and Postdevelopmentalist Solutions ...... 281 6.8.2 Neo-Marxists approach ...... 282 6.8.3 Sufic-socialist approach and Ethnic-peasant Communes: Linking present with Past ..... 287

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6.8.4 Ethno-nationalist Solutions to ethnic-peasant issues ...... 289 6.8.5 Environmental of Anna Hazare: Lessons for Kolhi leadership ...... 293 6.8.6 Community Empowerment: Establishment of Communal Councils ...... 300 6.8.6.1 Community Empowerment and Making of laws ...... 301 6.8.6.2 Community Empowerment: Venezuelan Model...... 302 6.8.6.3 What are Communal Councils/Participatory CBOs...... 302 6.8.6.4 Communal Cycle and Project Cycle ...... 303 6.8.6.5 Two operational models to ensure Environmental Justice ...... 305 6.8.7 Structural Changes Suggested ...... 305 6.8.8 Localizing Structural Changes ...... 306 6.8.9 Uplifting Dalit Community ...... 307 6.9 Conclusion ...... 310 Bibliography ...... 314 Glossary ...... 336 Appendix...... 343 Consent Card (adapted from the Oral Consent Card of IRB-SBS, Retrieved from American Anthropological Association‘s (AAA) website ...... 343 Informed Consent ...... 344 Agreement ...... 346 Socio-economic Survey Form-I ...... 347 Socio-economic Survey Form-II ...... 348 Socio-economic Survey Form-III ...... 349 Socio-economic Survey Form-IV ...... 350

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List of Tables Table 1. Scheduled Caste Population of Pakistan. Source: Population Censu Report(1998) ...... 49 Table 2.Scheduled Caste population in Sindh. Source: Population Census Report-1998 ...... 50 Table 3. Population size and growth of district Badin. Source: Population Welfare Department: (2014) ...... 61 Table 4. Population estimates of Talluka Matli. Source: Population Welfare Department: Government of Sindh (2014) ...... 62 Table 7: Major Identity Markers of Parkari Kolhi Community. Source: Author (2013) ...... 81 Table 8.Parkari Kolhi Castes and Sub castes at Versi Kolhi Colony. Source (2013) ...... 85 Table 10.Dominant, Suppressed and Emerging Feudal-Dalit Discourse in rural Sindh. Source: Author (2013) ...... 168 Table 12. Some notable Parkari Kolhi leaders and their political political standing.Source: Author (2014) ...... 217 Table 13: PS-55 Badin-cum-T.M. (Old Badin). Voting Statistics (General Elections, 2013): Source: Election Commission of Pakistan ...... 223 Table 5 Demographic Peculiarities of Parkari Kolhis New Dumbālo. Source; Author (2013) ..... 229 Table 6. Former Locations and Number of Migrants from each location to Versi Kolhi Colony. Source. Author ...... 231 Table 16.Occupational Status of Kolhis Versi Kolhi Colony. Source: Author (2013) ...... 243 Table 17. Landlessness and Occupational Status of Karachi Paaro Settlement at Naon Dumbālo. Source: Author (2013) ...... 249 Table 19. Sharecropping and Wage Laboring differentials of Kolhis of Karachi Paaro Naon Dumbālo. Source: Author (2013) ...... 250

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List of Maps Map 1: Geographical location of Naon Dumbālo, and Lower Sindh. Source. Google Maps (2013) ... 45 Map 3: Concentration of Koli/Kolhi population in South Asia.Source: Joshua Project (2013) ...... 47 Map 4: Districts of Sindh in diagonal shape that fall under Barrage area of lower Sindh. Source: (2013) (Adapted and Modified) ...... 50 Map 5: Barrage area, river Indus, its canal system, and location of Nangarparkar. Source: Author (2013) ...... 61 Map 6. Geographic location of New Dumbālo in barrage-area of lower Sindh. Source. http://gmaps- samples-v3.googlecode.com/svn/trunk/styledmaps/wizard/index.html (Adapted and Modified) ...... 64 Map 7. Aerial View of Versi Kolhi Colony: Source. Imagery @2014 Digital Globe, Map dats @2014 Google ...... 68

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List of Figures Figure 1:Map 1:Georgaphical location of Parkari Kohi settlements at New Dumbālo. Source:https://maps.google.com/. (Modified)(2014) ...... 21 Figure 2 Map showing concentration areas of Kolhi population in Pakistan and . Source. Bethany World Prayer Center (1997). http://www.prayway.com/unreached/clusters/8081.html ...... 47 Figure 3: In left picture, a medical camp operating in a Parkari village made of Chaunra houses at Nangarparkar contrasted with the cemented house of an extended family at Versi Kolhi colony. Source: Veerji Kolhi (2013, 2014) ...... 69 Figure 4. Parkari Kolhi at Parkari village at Nangarparkar performing Parkari folk dance. Source: Veerji Kolhi ...... 70 Figure 5: Veerji Kolhi standing in the middle addresses his own village Panchayat at Dhanagam in Nangarparkar ...... 72 Figure 6:Turban styles. Gujarati worn by Veerji Kolhi; Rajasthani in the corner, and Parkari dressing code in above left corner. Source: Veerji Kolhi ...... 73 Figure 7. Kolhi Mother wrapped in 'Goonghat' sitting before turban-worn family men, mourning the death of her little child. Source: Veerji Kolhi (2013) ...... 74 Figure 8: Parkari Kolhi Women in their traditional dress attending political gathering at Dhanagam Village.: Courtesy: Veerji Kolhi ...... 74 Figure 9: . Multiple Kolhi Identities. Source: Author (2014) ...... 79 Figure 10: Social factors that lead to Social and economic exploitation of Kolhis peasants: Author (2013) ...... 115 Figure 11. Veerji Kolhi with social activists at place in village Kumbhari in Nangarparkar where Rooplo Kolhi was born and lived.‖.. Source: Barkat Noonari (2014) ...... 149 Figure 12.Dr.Barkat Noonari, a social activist, posing in front of under construction 'Amar Rooplo Kolhi' Memorial at Nangarparkar, built by a Sindhi leftisit ethno-nationalist party Awami Tehreek. Source: Barkat Noonari (2014) ...... 150 Figure 13.Kolhi peasant activists standing with Sindhi Chrisitans to protest against religous and ethnic discrimination. Source: Veerji Kolhi (2013) ...... 173 Figure 14: Internal and external direction of networking of Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo with NGOs, political parties, and Civil Society Organizations. Source. Author (2013) ...... 174 Figure 15.Comarade Taaj Marri of Awami Party and Bhandaar Sangat, Comerade Photo Rustumani and Comerade Siddique Solangi protesting for peasant rights. Source: Bhandar Sangat (2013) ..... 177 Figure 16: Hari Haqdaar Rally at , 21st May 2012. Source: www.bhandarsangat.com..... 178 Figure 17. Punjal Sario, Veerji Kolhi, Pehlaaj;Three main social activists envolved in Kolhi peasant community's reformation. Source: Author (2013) ...... 180 Figure 18.A Stitching and sewing center installed at Karachi Pāro inside a Kolhi family‘s house (Dumbālo) by PCDP. Source: Author (2013) ...... 184 Figure 19: Versi with Mehru and young co-activists at PCDP School. Versi Kolhi and some other literate Kolhis‘ attending briefing in PCDP‘s school at Versi Kolhi Colony. Source: Author (2013) ...... 185 Figure 20. Versi Kolhi's wife‘ Marwan‘ at press club Hyderabad protesting against the attacks on Hindu temples and for the release of Versi Kolhi. Source: Veerji Kolhi (2014) ...... 195

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Figure 21. Bhooro Bheel and his dead body after being dug out of the grave. In another picture, various CSOs and NGOs are staging a demonstration before press club Hyderabad against the exhumation of body of Bhoor Bheel Source. Veerji Kolhi (2013) ...... 200 Figure 22:: Mehru Kolhi worshipping inside the temple of Rama Pir at Versi Kolhi Colony (Dumbālo). Source: Author (2013) ...... 202 Figure 24: Father and mother of Kolhi peasant activist Veerji Kolhi worshipping Hindu deity. Source: Veerji Kolhi (2013) ...... 203 Figure 25. (Left Pic)The original caption given to this depiction reads, ―Kolhi soldiers attacked and defeated British army and General Taerwat on 15th April 1859 in the leadership of Rooplo Kolhi. (Right Pic) is the epithet installed in the memory of Rooplo Kolhi, which represents Rooplo as ―Shaheed Rooplo Kolhi‖. Shaheed is the word used for Muslim martyrs, but Sindhi ethno- nationalists have applied it to Rooplo‘ martyrdom. Source: https://www.facebook.com/AmarRooploKolhi?ref=br_tf (2014) ...... 205 Figure 26. This pic of the ultramodern Koli warrior that clearly represents the desire for change among educated Kolhi community. It was uploaded by Sindhi Kolhi peasant activist on Facebook. Figure 35.Source: November 6, 2013: https://www.facebook.com/ghulamhussain...... 206 Figure 27. Writing on the picture reads ― Koli Jignesh Thakor, Jay velnath bapu. Jay koli samaj.https://www.facebook.com/groups/256211667731947/ ...... 207 Figure 28 Snippet of Kolhi Student Organization‘s Facebook Page. Source: www.facebook.com (2013) ...... 207 Figure 29. Bhooro Mal Kolhi. Source: Authority (2014) ...... 218 Figure 30.Kolhi children at Versi Kolhi Colony paying standing ovation to Veerji Kolhi by showing rose-petals over him. Source: Veerji Kolhi (2013) ...... 219 Figure 31: Pamphlet for Local Government Election of the Parakar Sujaag Panel' of Versi Kolhi. Source: Veerji Kolhi (2013) ...... 220 Figure 32.Election campaign pamphlet of Versi Kolhi, for general elections, 2013 for PS-55 Matli. Source: Veerji Kolhi ...... 222 Figure 33. Female Kolhi women in the field doing Serri and wage labour on nominal rates. Source: Author (2013) ...... 227 Figure 34: Causal process and major factors that led Kolhis to shift identities and to peasant activism. Source: Author (2013) ...... 228 Figure 35: . Former locations of migrants to Versi Kolhi Colony Source: Author (2013) ...... 230 Figure 36.Versi Kolhi, the key informant, with his wife at his house near Shankar Paaro settlement. Source: Author (2013) ...... 231 Figure 37. Versi Kolhi in his new, under-construction house at Versi Kolhi Colony. Source (2013) ...... 233 Figure 38. Nihalo Kolhi with his wife at newly established Nihalo Kolhi colony. Source: Author (2013) ...... 233 Figure 39.Class in progress in a primary school run on self-help basis at the newly established Nihaalo Kolhi Colony. Source:Author (2013) ...... 234 Figure 40: Dialectical process of social change due to Kolhi peasant Activism. Source: Author (2013) ...... 235 Figure 41: the trend and immediate causes of ever-recurring Kolhi peasant. Source: Author (2013) ...... 235

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Figure 42:. Versi discussing the peasant issue with the local Punjabi landlord. In left-pic, Versi and Ghulam Hussain (ethnographer) with the tenant-friendly local landlord Khameeso Khan Korai Baloch, at his Guest House. Source: Author (2013) ...... 238 Figure 43: Personal Political and Social Relationship Chart of Versi Kolhi, the key informant. Source: Author (2013) ...... 240 Figure 44: Occupational status of peasants of Versi Kolhi colony, in terms of percentages. Source: Author (2013) ...... 245 Figure 45.Ghansham of Versi Kolhi Colony at his shop at Naon Dumbālo town. In picture, in left, a young Kolhi of Karachi Paaro owning Quinqi to run like taxi to facilitate local transport. Author (2013) ...... 245 Figure 46: Major socio-economic shifts in Parkari Kolhi Community‘s lifestyle since 2010. Data sample taken in Karachi Paaro Settlement. Author (2013) ...... 248 Figure 47: Occupational Chart of Karachi Paaro Settlement. Source: Author (2013) ...... 251 Figure 48: Occupational Diversity Chart of Versi Kolhi Colony and Karachi Paaro Settlement. Source: Author (2013) ...... 252 Figure 49: Major Sources of Income of Kolhi peasants of Karachi Paaro and Versi Kolhi Colony. Source: Author (2013) ...... 253 Figure 50. Kolhi Women and her daughter, returning from the field, after having free labour in exchange of fodder for animals. Source: Author (2013) ...... 256 Figure 51. Kolhi Women at Naon Dumbālo performing major tasks related to domestication of animals, child rearing, and household chores. Source. Author (2013) ...... 258 Figure 52.Project cycle and Communal cycle. Source: Author (2014) ...... 305

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Abbreviations

AAA………………American Anthropological Association AAP………………..Aam Admi Party AMP……………….Asiatic Mode of Production ANP……………….. APMA……………..All Pakistan Minorities Alliance ASP………………..Assistant Superintendent of Police ATP………………..Awami Tehreek Pakistan AWP………………. CBO……………….Community-based Organizations CCM……………….Communal Cycle Management CDA… …………….Critical Discourse Analysis CP………………….Communist Party CSO………………..Civil Society Organization DAMAN…………...Development And-management-of Natural-resources DMK… ……………Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam DSP………………...Deputy Superintendent of Police FGD………………..Focus Group Discussion GDP………………..Gross Domestic Product HRCP……………...Human Rights Commission of Pakistan IFI………………….International Financial Institution INGO……………....International Non-governmental Organizations ISDN……………….International Dalit Solidarity Network ISM………………...Institute of Social Movements JSM………………..Jeay Sindh Mahaz JSMM……………...Jeay Sindh Mutahida Mahaz JSQM (BQ)……….. of Bashir Qureshi KKGKS… ……….Kutch, , Kshatriya Sabha KSO……………….Kolhi Students Organisaion KSS………………..Kolhi Samaj Sangathan KTN……………….Kawish Television Network KTN……………….Kawish Television Network LPP………………. MNA………………Member of National Assembly MPA……………….Member of Provincial Assembly MQM………………Mutahida Qaumi Movement MRD……………….Movement for the Restoration of Democracy MST……………….. Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (Landless Rural Worker‘s Movement) MTDF………………Mid Term Development Framework NELM……………... New Economics of Labor Migration NGO………………..Non-Governmental Organizations NRSP……………….National Rural Support Program NWFP………………North West Frontier Province

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OBC……………...Other Backward Castes PCDP………….....Parkari Community Development Program PCM……………...Project Cycle Management PIHS…………….. Pakistan Integrated Household Survey PILER…………….Pakistan Institute of Labour Education and Research PML-F……………. Functional PML-N……………Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz PML-Q……………Pakistan Muslim League Quaid-i-Azam PPP-P……………...Pakistan People‘s Party Parliamentarian PRSP……………….Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper PSDN………………Pakistan Dalit Solidarity Network PYF……………….. Progressive Youth Forum RSPN……………….Rural Support Program Network SANA……………....Sindhi Association of SCFP………………..Scheduled Caste Federation of Pakistan SDPI………………..Sustainable Development Policy Institute SGA………………...Sindh Graduates Association SHO………………...Station House Officer SHPC……………….Sindh Hari Porihiat Council SPI………………….Standard Precipitation Index SRSO……………….Sindh Rural Support Organization SWOT………………Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, and Threats SYN………………...Sindh Youth Network TCA…………………Theory of Communicative Action TRDP………………..Thardeep Rural Support Program UC…………………..Union Council UNDP……………….United Nations Development Program UNESCO………...….United Nations Educational and Scientific Cooperation WAF………………… Women Action Forum WSC…………………. WSI…………………...World Sindhi Institute WTO…………………..World Trade Organization

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Chapter 1: Methodology and Theoretical Framework

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1.1 Introduction This ethnographic and ethnological study explains why mostly Dalit peasants, particularly, Parkari Kolhis, are landless and victims of bonded labour and ethnic discrimination? What else could be done, apart from land reforms (that have proved to be insufficient throughout world) to ameliorate the historically suppressed landless untouchables, to create respectable space for them in society? This study will explore how and, in what ways, culturally embedded norms of inequality or inequity and discrimination can make ineffective the constitutionally approved rights of the underprivileged. In what ways racial, ethnic and religious identities of Dalit peasantry impede their acceptance as equally respectable citizens of the dominant Sindhian Muslim and Pakistani society. In what ways Kolhi peasants with support of Kolhi activists, leftist political organizations and the civil society activists are reshaping their communal identities and reforming their ethnic life so that they could achieve respectable social position in society.

In this study, effort has been made to predict the possibility of peasant resistance at local, provincial and national level from the viewpoint of Parkari Kolhi peasant activists. Peasant resistance, in the last few years in Pakistan, is being seen as an unexpected and the positive phenomenon by the change-oriented sections of Pakistani society. Peasant activism seems to be further perpetuating itself through its various agents that include NGOs, Pro- peasant political parties and the independent peasant activists. Debt bondage, social bondage, bondage in private jails, landlessness and ethnic discrimination are the key issues and problems that landless sharecroppers in general and Kolhi peasants of Sindh in particular are facing. Landless peasants who migrate from the desert areas of Tharparkar to river irrigated areas of the worst victims of debt and social bondage (Editorial Board (PYF), 2014), which also include Kolhi peasant families of Nangarparkar, a bordering Talluka of Tharparkar district. This study is mainly based on the participant observation, conversational interviews and ‗focus group discussions‘ conducted among landless Kolhi peasant community of Naon Dumbālo. To authenticate ethnographic findings, conversational interviews were also taken from key peasant activists in the area and from some of the key peasant activists in the

3 region of lower Sindh. Moreover content analysis of data collected from the reports of Non- governmental organizations (N.G.Os), pamphlets, historical documents and magazines issued by peasant-activist organizations was done. The dependence of almost entire Kolhi community on sharecropping as landless peasants under debt bondage in Barrage area of lower Sindh is so overwhelming that it is difficult to conceive of their ethnic marginality independent of peasant related issues. Kolhi ethnic community is an economic class on its way to transform itself into a political class. As theorized by Hamaz Alavi, the process of transformation of one class into the other is mediated by primordial ties such as those of kinship (Alavi, 1973), similarly, Kolhi peasants as an ethnic communal group is mobilizing itself through kinship ties to resist landlordism, demand land rights and an end to ethno-religious discrimination. Kolhi community is not an ideal type of ‗potential middle group of peasant proprietors‘ the like of which Alavi had predicted to revolt against feudalism and landlordism. Kolhi peasants are still largely marginalized, yet there are elements in it to raise itself to a powerful political group to bring about structural changes through non-violent struggle together with other marginalized Dalit communities and with the assistance of leftist peasant activists and Sindhi civil society.

Kolhi peasant activism is not just for land reforms, or against debt bondage. It is also the struggle for ethnic and communal rights and equal social status for the marginalized untouchable communities of lower Sindh. That is very much phenomenal to find Kolhis, particularly Kolhi women, in the forefront of peasant-led rallies, marches, protests and strikes, an indicator of the fact that Kolhis and other untouchables are not only structurally locked by social system into landlessness and debt bondage, but they are also the ones who are willing to confront the exploitative system openly. Hence, Kolhi community, in particular, seems very much aware of the fact that ethnic discrimination and peasant issues are strongly related to each other and that struggle against landlessness and debt bondage will also lead to an end to untouchability taboos, and structured ethnic marginalization.

This research is not solely rural-based. There is a web of networks, connections and association that are trans-rural and trans-urban, in the form of Dalit NGOs, minority organizations, Civil Society associations, and the use of Cell phones, exposure to Mass Media, participation of peasants in protests and rallies at city centers. All such factors blur

4 the boundaries between the rural and the urban and have had strong collective impact on the life of common rural peasant in Lower Sindh.

There are several precedents in recent past that attest to the fact that mass media, globalization, rural-urban migrations and the impact of NGOs have increased the awareness among the marginalized and suppressed sections of the Pakistani society. They are now preparing for the political battle against the status quo. Dalit communities and Parkari Kolhi peasants have been found to be in the forefront of peasant-led rallies and protests, which is an indicator that although Kolhis and other untouchables are structurally chained by social system into landlessness and debt bondage, they are ready to confront the exploitative feudal system.

1.1.1 Kolhian worldview, Dalitianisation and Nation-Building Living close to nature in fabulous cone-shaped, mud and thistle-made hutments surrounded by wheat, sugarcane and banana plantations, Kolhi peasants of Karachi Paaro on the first look would look like to be living in an ideal condition where they have available plenty of food and fodder, but as one would spend time with them, with each passing moment, it would become evident how inaccessible those bounties of nature to them have been, and that to seek them, since decades, their entire communal existence has been virtually mortgaged to local [Sindhi-Muslim] landlords. With every passing day bonded reality of landless Kolhi peasants would become painfully visible. (Kolhi V. , PCDP, 2013) That is how an outsider would have observed Parkari Kolhis of Karachi Paaro, and Naon1/New Dumbālo, a decade back, told Versi Kolhi, a leading Kolhi activist of New Dumbālo, when I reached Versi Kolhi Colony on in February, 2013. Although still majority of Parkari Kolhis elsewhere in Barrage area are under debt and social bondage of landlords, Parkari Kolhis of Karachi Paaro, Kapri Mori and Versi Kolhi Colony have taken initiative to get rid of social bondage and dependence on loan-taking. To emancipate their

1 Naon‘ is a Sindhi word that literally means ‗new‘, or newly established. Hence Naon Dumbālo means the newly established small town, which is at some distance from the older Dumbālo town. Throughout this text, New and Naon have been used interchangeably as locals pronounce it in Sindhi as ‗Naon Dumbālo‘, whereas maps and documents written in English write it as ‗New Dumbālo‘. There is, however, slight difference in their connotation ‗Naon Dumbālo‘, is the small newly established town, inhabited by small Kolhi tenants- turned-merchants and shopkeepers, and surrounded by settlements of landless Kolhis, Bheels and other lower caste Hindu minority. Study was conducted in the surrounding field of Naon Dumbālo, where Versi Kolhi Colony and Parkari Paaro are situated .Whereas ‗Dumbālo‘ has been used to mean relatively larger geographical area which is believed to be under the influence of peasant activists from nearby sub-division Chamber.

5 people from landlessness and landlordism, they have embarked upon the community- initiated self-funded project of building their own colonies (Kolhi villages) in barrage-area. They are in the process of getting out of centuries old marginalization and perpetual structured exploitation.

Kolhi peasant activism, more than economic, it is ethnic, and part of reality about the emergence of Kolhi ethnic peasant and the trend towards Dalitianisation, probably, lies in the failure of state‘s policy-makers, constitution-making bodies, law-enforcing agencies and also in the failure of Marxist-Maoist peasant struggles in lower Sindh. Hence, instead of calling it economic peasant activism aimed simply at land reforms, or at reforming institution of sharecropping, it would be befitting to call it ethnic peasant activism that primarily strives for the uplift of Kolhi peasant-pastoral community its culture and traditions. Kolhi ethnic peasant activism combines structured-cum-ethnic economic exploitation, with structured ethnic discrimination to mobilize Parkari Kolhi community. To confront structured ethnic discrimination they have embarked on the project of ethnic- Dalit identity reconstruction. They have in the process of making political roadmap and have identified their perpetual exploitation, indifference, marginalization and suppression by the state, government, landlords, Sindhi-Muslim feudal, dominant Muslim majority, upper caste .

One of the renowned Parkari Kolhi activists, politician and writer, Paru Mal, writes that;

We are not at all Hindu. We are just Kolhi, Bheel and Meghwar. Let us live [with peace and independence] in our land [Parkar], lest the oppressors [Thakurs, Landlords] may [themselves] be oppressed to repent the sins they committed [upon us]….Thakurcracy2 and caste discrimination based on Verna system are distorted interpretations concocted by the ruling races and tribes [to subjugate non-violent races] (Mal, 2000, pp. 24,64) Kolhis are one of forty tribal caste groups of Pakistan that are officially counted as Scheduled castes in Pakistan and as Dalits by Scheduled caste Hindu minority activists ( Z. , Dec 2007). Whereas, historically and socially they have been derogatorily stigmatized as ‗untouchables‘, the lowest outcaste grouping in the Hindu caste system,

2 Rule by upper class Thakurs

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Scheduled castes, themselves do not anymore accept their ‗untouchable‘, and ‗scheduled caste‘ status. They are reconstructing their identity on ethnic-racial grounds bringing into its fold all Dalit communities as having Dravidian-aboriginal origins, and as the indigenous inhabitants and owners of the land of Sindh (Kolhi B. M., 2014; Kolhi V. , 2011; Mal, 2000). They have started demanding equal constitutional, legal, social and political status, at par with other castes, communities and tribal groups of Pakistan. Taking lead from Indian scheduled castes, they now prefer to call themselves as ‗Dalit‘ (oppressed people), which is a political category to advocate the rights of the marginalized. Similarly Parkari Kolhis, partly taking lead from Indian Kolhis, have started reconstructing their past and their identities, as belonging to Kshatriya Rajputs of Dravidian origin, and as the true and original indigenous people of the Sindh, that used to inhabit Moen-jo-Daro, the five thousand year old great city of Indus Valley civilization era.

The trend towards Dalitianisation and tribal-casteism may lead to the empowerment of Dalit communities yet at the same time it may prove to be ethnically and politically divisive for the Sindhi as well as Pakistani society, while creating political space for neighboring India in the body-politic of Pakistan to play Hindu-Dalit card for its vested interests. To curb such a kind of perceived polarization and politicization, government and the state institutions have been suggested bring about structural reforms at local and provincial level to create alternative political space for the ethnic-peasant communities through the establishment of participatory communal councils, peasant committees. Government has been suggested to localize policy-making by ensuring environmental justice to the local peasant-pastoral communities of lower Sindh, and by ensuring the participation of local ethnic communities into decision-making, policy-implementation and development projects at local level. Instead of letting local ethnic communities to take their own route, the government and the responsible mainstream politicians would fare better to bring Dalit communities into the mainstream political, social and developmental field to alleviate their feelings of marginalization and to elevate their status from the second-rate citizen to equally respectable citizen of Pakistan.

1.2 Statement of the Problem The problematic of ethnic and religious discrimination and marginalization of Dalits and

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Kolhi peasant community has multiple dimensions. Its further lack of understanding and lack of attention by policy-makers will have serious implications for the future of Sindh and Pakistan.

Seasonal migrants from Tharparkar to Barrage areas of lower Sindh, belonging to the lower-caste Hindus communities of Tharparkar, are worst victims of debt bondage, landlessness, low wages, and unpaid labor (Malih, Razzaq, & Shazreh, 2004) . The worst political scenario is predicted in case Pakistan‘s policy-makers and the political elite failed to create political space for the ethnically discriminated Dalit communities that inhabit, in millions, in Tharparkar and Badin districts of Sindh that share ethno-religious background and an international border with Indian states of Gujarat and .

Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo live at the hub of Barrage area of lower Sindh, which serves not only as a sanctuary for drought stricken Tharis and Parkaris, but also, as an area saturated with excessive migratory wage laborers, and landless peasants. Substantive change in the socio-economic life of Parkari Kolhi peasants was reported by several peasant activists, and their success stories were well advertised in Sindhi newspapers. (KTN News, 2013; Mal, 2000; Bhandar Sangat, 2012; Maree, 2013; Sario, Local Bodies Elections, 2013) That prompted the conduct of this research to know what are those actual factors that propel a dormant and stagnant community to rise up from the deep slumber.

Things, however, seem to be changing quite dramatically and now the rural workers are not responding slavishly to their landlords, who are also their self-imposed political . In recent years peasants, from some backward rural areas of Pakistan are vociferously asking for land reform and the pro-peasant agrarian policy. They are now preparing for the political battle against the status quo. In case Parkari Kolhi community, one stance of such political assertion is the contestation of election by a Kolhi woman. ―Veeru [a Kolhi woman] managed to engineer a dramatic escape from her landlord, and is now, astonishingly, contesting for provincial assembly seat PS-50 in Hyderabad.‖ (Mansoor, 2013).

Peasants and sharecroppers of Pakistan have played their due role in the independence of Pakistan, on the hope that land reforms will be brought about (Sadeque, 2013) for which

8 they are still waiting even after the lapse of more than six decades. Yet at the same time, they are looking actively for alternative sources of income generation, instead of solely relying on farming. That diversifying economic base will definitely lead to the economic and political empowerment of the marginalized, and may have serious implications for the nation-building if it goes on unbridled and unrecognized by mainstream politicians and state actors. In last general elections, none of the big ‘s agenda promised any pro- sharecropper policy implementation, and instead emphasized capital intensive, donor-led, corporate farming agenda. Yet smaller leftist party such as AWP seemed anxious about empowering poor peasants and advocate cooperative farming (Ali S. M., 2013; Chandio R. A., 2009). Hence, part of the problem of ethnic marginalization of minorities and landless peasants lies in the inattention and antipathy of major national political parties, which are unfortunately largely feudal-ridden and naturally serve feudal interests. Another crucial development, after the successive failures of the governments to deliver, that has occurred during last two decades, is the spawning of Non-governmental organizations. In Sindh, development sector, in the form of N.G.Os has spawned quite dramatically and several N.G.Os, led by the middle class educated civil society intelligentsia, seem to be playing more pro-active role in the life of peasants. This new emerging phenomenon, which was not much obvious in the time of F. Barth (1969) and Alavi (Alavi, 1974), needs to be re-analyzed in the light of contemporary globalizing societies. Pro-peasant NGOs are probably one of the two external agents, other one being mass media that are actively engaged in the transformation of peasant identities and mobilize them in certain specific directions. Visions, missions, action-agendas and claims of actual target-achievements of N.G.Os seem to be highly impressive. That is to see if their advocacy and representations of peasants are real representations of Kolhi peasant identities and peasants willingness to launch peasant movements, participate in rallies and strike, stage demonstrations against other antagonistic or dichotomist identities.

Another factor that caused interest to conduct this study was the persistence of peasant-pastoral way of life in rural Sindh, as well as throughout world. Marxists and capitalists had thought that the peasants, pastoralists and sharecroppers would be transformed either into industrial workers, or wage-laborers, yet it has not occurred the way they had predicted. Although wage labour has increased, the proportion of sharecroppers

9 and general peasant population either has remained the same in absolute population or has instead rather increased numerically.

Assertion of Dalits as the real and the earliest inheritors of Sindh may prove counter- productive for the national and provincial unity. Sindhi language as it is spoken, for instance, is not being recognized as the original language of Sindh. Kolhi leaders have started negating the Sindhi language as the language of Sindh (Kolhi V. , 2014). As, it is evident from this study, new Dalit-Sindhi identity is being constructed, and no one knows for sure, in which socio-political direction it may lead to. It could lead to internal integration of the marginalized Dalit communities as well as to their acceptance by larger Sindhi-Muslim society. Yet it may as well lead towards further fragmentation, ethnic conflict and the tensions within Sindhi and Pakistani society.

Another ideological discourse that is going on in global academic circles is about the ultimate death of ‗Peasantivist way of life‘. Neo-modernists, as well as, Marxists believe, rather wish, that peasants will vanish as the backward areas get modernized, and that peasants are living anachronistic living, which would have to be abandoned to step ahead in future (Thalho & Laghari, 2013; Sagar, 2010). Well, that may never happen till humans are dependent on fertile land to procure their dietary needs. The need for agricultural laborers and peasants may fluctuate (Srivastava, 2005)3 but, according to post-developmentalists, it may never perish ( Via Campesina, March 2011; McMichael, 2008). Same can be said about caste and ethnic and tribal identities to disappear under the homogenizing impact of globalization (Ritzer G. , 1992; Ritzer G. , 2008, pp. 584, 585). Yet even the ‗homogeneity‘ hypotheses have also been contested, particularly by Appadurai, marinating that globalization may lead to heterogeneity, instead. (Meijl, 2008). Globalizing agents and actors in the form of N.G.Os, their international donors, social-media and transnational connections, have created space for previously marginal or liminal tribal and communal identities, such as Parkari Kolhis, to reassert themselves on vigorous foundations. A lot of adaptation is going on within peasant-pastoral societies, and somehow they have sustained

3 According to Srivastava (2005), sharecropping as well as wage labour may decline as agriculture develops and modernizes, but ‗labor attachements‘ may rise again in later stages of development. Hence, there is a ‗‘ shaped relationship between agricultural development and wage-labor.

10 their peasantist way of life through the mix of peasant-pastoral practices yet diversifying their income base through and small businesses. Hence, peasants are there, so are sharecroppers, although they have diversified their income base and many of them have shifted to alternatives to sharecropping, yet the absolute number of sharecroppers has not decreased, and almost half of Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo, and roughly about 70 percent of other areas are engaged in sharecropping.

Sharecropping is being rendered less lucrative as well as less exploitative by multiple intervening actors such as NGOs, ethno-nationalists and the peasant activists. N.G.Os formed primarily for peasant advocacy in Sindh have been found to be engaged with ‗Sindhi‘ nationalist political parties to achieve multiple goals (political-developmental, ethnic-antinational, cultural-antisocial) that, probably defy the very label and platform from which they maneuver into multiple directions.

Despite the crucial role of peasant activists in the rural politics, the claims and assumptions of peasant-activists regarding peasants having a ‗distinctive identity and cultural values, depiction of peasants as a generic category beset with common issues of bonded-labor, landlessness, poverty and feudalism, have not been systematically and scientifically researched in Sindh province of Pakistan.

Hence, it seems pertinent in the wake of separatist voices by Sindhi nationalists, construction of distinctively alternative Dalitanised Sindhi identity by Scheduled castes of Sindh, and the peasant-activist‘s claims, grounded in ‗human rights‘ discourse‘, to know with whom Parkari Kolhi peasants identify themselves and what identities are being shaped. The understanding of Kolhi-Dalit peasants‘ ‗conceptualization of their own identities‘, in relation to their political affiliation and in relation to advocacy-based N.G.Os, has serious implications for democratic system, socio-economic equality or equity in rural Sindh and for the project of nation-building for Pakistan.

1.3 Significance of Study This ethnography will serve as the working-paper, as a scientific political agenda for the peasant activists to understand the phenomenon of peasant movements, everyday form of resistance and to assess the possibility of land reforms or structural and systemic changes.

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This study will particularly help literate Kolhi and Dalit peasants to better understand their transforming identities and make future predictions, foresee coming dangers and to better meet the challenges of landlessness, debt bondage, feudalism and ethnic discrimination.

This study will prove to be useful in knowing Kolhi sharecropper‘s and peasant activists self-assessment of their social status that could further lead to analyze and comprehend the identity-based issues and ideas of peasants. This study will also help to gauge the influence of old traditional ethos, the concepts of kinship morality (Brādari) and tribal bonds that are probably still perceived by locals to be prevailing in the system. Moreover, retracing history of tribes and castes would reduce tribalism, Casteism and the extremely biased myths about them. It would bring all castes to horizontal level by revitalizing them and thus help reduce socially embedded historically perpetuated hierarchies and inequalities. This is the time, probably, to break the ‗caste myth‘ through scientific study by delineating its actual limits, yet at the same time, this study will be instrumental in asserting the casterist, communal and bradari reality of Sindhi society and would help to bring about Marginalised ethnic communities, such as Dalit-Kolhis, into mainstream national political and administrative field.

This study can generate several useful propositions related to the relationship and interaction of peasants identities and Kolhi identities with other ethnic identities and change agents, such as landlord, Sardār, a police officer, Kamdār, Mill owner, civil society activist, female gender, children etc. Urban influence (as N.G.Os are centered in urban areas) on Kolhi peasant identities and the village community can be better understood through the exploration of identities and activism across rural-urban space. Hence, this study will also facilitate applied and participatory researchers and the national policy makers to develop, or rather modernize peasant communities and integrate ethnic Peasantivist localized discourse with the ideal of nation-building. It would also have a potential to generate lively post- developmental critique as it has encompassed the development activities of pro-peasant N.G.Os and analyzed their intervention in the light of post developmental critiques. It will help in the understanding of peasant politics, in general, and dynamics of collective behavior in protests, rallies, sit-ins and strikes.

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Moreover, approaching ethnically homogenous peasant communities ethnographically to explore and understand their transforming identities in this interconnecting and globalizing space of relations, is very much significant, to bring into limelight the least-hybridized, place-bound, less political, more conservative and shy communities. In this age in which multiple peasant identities are interacting in more complex socio-cultural and ecologically place-based but socially spatial-based domain, these identities develop complex dialectical relatiolnships. Indigenous communities, such as Kolhi community, that are still attached to or trapped in the past than to the present localize ideology and the reality, prioritize ‗place‘ over ‗space‘ create localized boundaries, connect to ‗other‘ communities selectively, ―and in some cases [renew] history-making skills..‖ (Escobar, 2001, p. 169). All this localization and reconstruction of history is probably going on in Kolhi community and other ethnically discriminated Dalit communities of lower Sindh.

The issues of marginalized ethnic groups and peasants like landlessness and debt bondage and their role as change agents is very much relevant to the issues of national, economic and political policies, that also in times when ― market supply meets corporate, rather than human needs‖ generating hunger and ecological disasters (McMichael, 2008, p. 224). The distribution of land and wealth amongst the local ecological places or niches, in accordance with the potential of individual members of the community or locality, is the principle that almost all contemporary post-developmentalist scientists are forcefully attesting. How peasant activists from within communities articulate their demands, and how the governments, political parties, and the civil society respond to them, is necessary to understand for all to better strategize change towards emancipation of the marginalized.

Understanding of the politics of marginalized peasant-Dalit communities is also important from the ‗national interest‘, ‗nation-building‘ and ‗good governance‘ perspective. Instead of letting them Dalitianised on their own, or to let them get drifted towards anti-statist, or anti- Pakistan steam, government and the state would serve its interests well by incorporating and integrating Dalits into Pakistani society, and for to achieve that understanding of emerging Dalit discourse is extremely important.

1.4 Objectives of the Study  To understand the processes of social change, which are involved in

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the transformation of ethnic peasant identities.  To know the causes and predict the consequences of Parkari Kolhi ethnic activism, peasant resistance, and its impact on the shaping and reconstruction of Parkari Kolhi identity, ethnicity and culture.

 To look for ideological space at the level of peasant-village to coexist peacefully with other ethnic, national and state-defined identities at local, provincial, national and international levels.  To assess peasants‘ willingness or reluctance to accommodate with the dominant discourses at national level.

1.5 Research Question

 How Kolhi peasant identities are being transformed under the impact of social forces, such as Kolhi peasant activists, NGOs, social and Marxist activists, civil society activism, influence of mass media and social media networks?  Why mostly Kolhi (Dalit) peasants are landless, victims of bonded labour and socio-ethnic discrimination?

1.6 Ethnographic Case-study Ethnography literally means the ‗respesentation of culture‘ and case-study is a kind of research strategy, not a method (Hartley, 2004, p. 323). Ethnographers look for patterns, describe local relationships (formal and informal), understandings and meanings (tacit and explicit), and try to make sense of a place and a case in relation to the entire social setting and all social relationships. They also contextualize these in wider contexts (.g., the wider economy, government policies, etc.). While a typical traditional ethnography requires staying longer in the field, ethnographic case studies can be conducted for shorter periods to explore limited and issue-based context. Moreover, contextualizing issues in larger context can also be approached through ethnographic case-study. (Parthasarathy, 2008)

Kolhi peasant activism is as much place-bound as it is space-based. Peasant activists move in space on social media, gather at different places, and remain mobile. To study them

14 through traditional ethnographic approach, by waiting for them at a single specific field area, to limit the participant observation to a single geographical locale may not serve the purpose of research well here. Hence, taking the lead from Parthasarathy (2008) lead in this ethnographic case-study focused ethnographic approach was found more suitable to explore and focus on identities and peasant activism. The thrust of our ethnographic exploration to study the ‗process peasntivist and ethnic activism‘, and not the merely to do cultural study of a place-bound Kolhi community of Naon Dumbālo. The purpose of research is to study the intra-communal and inter-communal political processes of ethnic-peasant community of Naon Dumbālo, and to do so, the ethnographer had to change its position, move in space and time, and shift from one place to another to observe peasant activism as it related to Kohli-peasant community of Naon Dumbālo. The culture and communal life has been observed to the extent that it could help understand Kolhi-peasant activism. Hence, it is an essentially an issue-based focused ethnography that has tried to understand the disempowering processes (debt bondage, social bondage, Serrri or unpaid labour, ethnic discrimination etc) and the empowering processes (registering votes, contesting elections, resisting landlords, launching rallies and staging protests etc.).

1.6.1 Focused Ethnography Participant Observation during the stay at various places, throughout the field work of 60 days, was complemented by intensive data collection through audio-visual aids to capture on the spot Kolhi peasant activism. Intensive collection of data during ethnographic field is called focused ethnography. Focused ethnography is complementary extension of conventional ethnography. According to Hubert Knoblauch (2005), focused ethnography entails short-term field visits, intensive use of audio-visuals, QDA, focus of ‗communicative activities, networking instead of on ‗field‘ or ‗social groups‘. According to Knoblauch:

The pluralization of life-worlds and the enormous specialization of professional activities demand ever detailed descriptions of people‘s ways of life and their increasingly specialized and fragmented activities. (Knoblauch, 2005) Peasant activism is the process that links the urban with the rural, peasant with the educated activist, and farmer with the city miller or middleman. Moreover, transportation, roads, and the mass media have opened up the window to cultures all around the world. With such a kind of global scenario at the back of the mind and the limitations set by time

15 and budget, it was deemed befitting to conduct FGDs added by the intensive audio-visual documentation of lived experience. Such a kind of ethnography is very much in line with the contextual possibilities of conducting research on activism, and also academically befitting as a kind of focused ethnography.

For the thick description of the issue, it is essential to read the documents and relevant literature on organisaitons and communities that matter (Silverman, 2010, p. 17). Hence, the audio-visual material, pamphlets, and books provided Parkari Kolhi originations and Peasant activists was also analyzed to supplement the participant observation. Moreover, constant literature review throughout field work and after field work has shaped this research a great deal.

1.6.1.2 Research Techniques 1.6.1.2.1 Rapport Building Rapport building precedes the conduct of participant observation, FGDs and interviews, but it is also the continual process that has to go on throughout field work. Constant yet cautious interaction with the community develops into good rapport while increasing ethnographer‘s abilitiy to introspect deeper into communal life and its culture (Fetterman, 2010, p. 16) The level of rapport building in this particular political ethnography varied considerably depending on the openness of peasant activists and Parkari Kolhis to share and express their political views in the presence of researcher.

Most of peasant activists, while interviewing, maintained that making their identities anonymous or not, does not matter much, as they are already well known in concerned circles and Sindhi civil society and that there is little difference in their public and private statements. Moreover they said that the truth should come out, whether in their favor or not. Yet there were also some who seemed reluctant to be interviewed and avoided even meeting for interviews. Despite my persistent effort to contact them, some of the activists from NGO sector, a few ethno-political workers and few Marxist friends did not respond or did not take my approaching them with seriousness. The researcher , on his part, have however tried to anonymize their identities where necessary, although some of the activists in fact had instead insisted that their names and their words should be as much publicized as possible, no matter what may happen to them.

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Controlled comparative method (Eggan, 1954) has been used to compare and contrast the political utterances and actions of Parkari Kolhi peasants, peasant activists and other agents. Controlled comparison will allow us to compare and contrast between multiple identities and ‗dialogical selves‘ (Meijl, 2008). Hence, the overall approach qualifies this ethnography as a Focused political ethnography.

1.6.1.2.2 Participant Observation Traditionally, ethnography has relied more on direct participation observation. In participation observation, researcher establishes direct relationship with the actors, says in their environment with the purpose to observe and describe their social actions. The researcher interacts with their subjects and participates in their rituals and ceremonials, and tries to learn their language to understand their behavior. (Silverman, 2010, p. 17)

As this ethnography was focused mainly on Parkari Kolhi peasant activism, participant observation was not limited to any single village settlement of Kolhis. Of the 60 days of field work, participant observation moved from one location to another, yet constantly revolved around Parkari Kolhi community of Naon Dumbālo. The researcher was allowed to stay with Parkari Kolhis inside their settlements for 15 days and nights only with different intervals. The rest of observation was done at various places where Parkari Kolhis got together, arranged rally, a communal meeting, or where they participated in a seminar, or in a protest.

Reflexive validity checks were made throughout the research processes by asking research participants if researcher‘s interpretations are accurate. ‗I‘, as an ethnographer was continually and consciously reflected upon to represent my own self‘s egocentric and socio- centric aspects, to the extent possible.

1.6.1.2.3 Conversational Interviews According to Michael Moerman (1988, p.18) in ethnography, to understand the relationship between ―society, culture and language‖, to resolve the ―disjunction between society and culture‖ the best approach is to concentrate on the ‗commonplace‘ ‗everyday talk‘, by engaging locals in conversational interviews.

Forty focused yet in-depth conversational interviews were conducted in natural conditions

17 during participant observation, to reach the saturation level sufficient to deduct some useful generalizations. Analysis of conversational interviews was not delayed for latter analysis but it continued throughout the ethnographic field work. There may be chances of this study being gender-biased, as all persons interviewed were males, an indicator of gender barriers and gender segregation. Although segregation in the agriculture field while doing work was loosely maintained, and even in close kinship clusters of settlements, it was loosely practiced, for the researcher, it was not easy to engage Kolhi women in conversational interviews at will.

1.6.1.2.4 Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) FGDs are not usually conducted during ethnographies. Yet its use in ethnography is being legitimized on two grounds. Firstly, it furnishes ‗frames of interpretation‘ having added significance. Secondly, FGD‘s transcript analysis adds depth to analysis. (Agar & MacDonald, 1995, p. 78)

During participant observation and conversational interviews with Parkari Kolhi activists, four times such a situation arose that allowed to conduct FGDs. Hence, to ask specific queries that arose during interviews and observation, four FGDs were conducted, two at Versi Kolhi colony, and other two at Karachi Paaro , with common Kolhi peasants, Kolhi laborers, shopkeepers, Kolhi women, sharecroppers, Kolhi peasant activists, and outside social and peasant activists. Certain meaningful and systematically edited portions of audio-visual recordings of FGDs were transcribed for thematic analysis so that tacit themes, implicit meanings and lived-experiences of peasants could be surfaced.

Debriefing was compulsorily practiced at the end of the each session in case of FGDs and focused interviews. Getting cooperation from Kolhi sharecroppers and community members and being cooperative to them and peasant activist remained the core ethical principle

1.6.1.2.4.1 Topics and Issues of FGD Major topics and issues that were covered during FGDs and focused interviews are outlined below:

1. Sharecropper-Landlord 2. Feudalism Relationship 3. Debt bondage

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4. Serri and Unpaid Labour 11. NGO-led development 5. Landlessness 12. History and origin of Kolhi tribe 6. Seasonal Migration 13. Dalit politics 7. Drought 14. Doing politics 8. Establishment of Kolhi Colonies 15. Islamisation 9. Peasant Activism 16. Education and development 10. Ethnic and religious discrimination

1.6.1.2.5 Socio-economic Survey To know the opinion of Kolhi peasants of Karachi Paaro and Versi Kolhi Colony, and to collect variation over the years in the incidence of social bondage, debt bondage, landlessness, unpaid labour, migration and resettlement, four types of socio-economic survey forms were filled.

1.7 Ethical Concerns This research is delimited by four factors, namely, academic requirements, researcher‘s personal interest, the level of informed consent sought and the risks involved in doing ethnography. In his essay Jun Li March (2008) reflects on the ethical challenges of ethnographic fieldwork, personally experienced in a female gambling study. He responded to such ethical dilemmas by adjusting the level of involvement, participating in female gambling culture as an insider and observing it as an outsider. This fieldwork suggests that the ethics of participant observation should be addressed in relation to the sensitivity of the research topic, the vulnerability of the research individuals, and the plasticity of field membership roles (March, 2008). In doing ethnography among Kolhi peasants, the insights of this particular essay has helped in the establishment of rapport with female Kolhi peasants and to assess the possibility of doing covert observation without harming research subjects.

1.7.1 Reflexivity To assume, a priori, that Parkari Kolhi sharecropper‘s life-world as a backward, undeveloped, negative or pessimistic, is concomitant to put forward prejudiced value- judgements. That is against principles of critical scientific realism and morally unethical. ―Tolerance for other‘s posited meanings and for other‘s implicit or explicit ethical stances is critical for knowledge to expand (Olson, 2008).

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An ethnographer has to maintain an etic-emic balance and immerse himself / herself in the field, subjects and the topic of study. As far as, this study is concerned and the fact that the ethnographer belongs to the Muslim community, doing ethnography among minority lower caste Hindu community is strongly disapproved by the family members of Muslim ethnographer in Sindh. There is always the possibility of being stigmatized for life if the family members of the ethnographer came to knew that the ethnographer has slept in Kolhi‘s beds, or ate and drunk in their utensils. Same was the case with the researcher and with research while conducting this study. Nevertheless, potential of ethnography to disclose and deconstruct the structural exploitation, inequity and the domination, (Burawoy, 2000) justifies the harm the over or covert ethnographic research may inflict on the dominating exploiter. Therefore, disclosing or exposing the exploitative arrangements between landless Kolhi peasant and the dominant Sindhi landlord should not be taken as wholly unethical.

The oral and written consent forms (adapted from AAA‘s samples), given in appendix of this thesis report clearly highlights researcher‘s position and status as an ethnographer among research subjects. Research subjects were unequivocally briefed about the background of the researcher and the purpose of doing research. Consent was sought in Sindhi language, as well as in Parkari language.

Another fact while formulating research objectives that should be given consideration, and was duly kept in mind while doing this particular study, is that the researcher should not ignore the role of his/her personal values and political orientations in the identification of the research problem and the approach towards the understanding of that problem.

1.7.2. ‘I’ as an ethnographer: Reflexive note of an ethnographer Scientific research is not wholly neutral, and research objectives are partly based on researcher‘s values (Zavisca, 2013). Therefore, ethnographic research and analysis should be self-reflective and should explicitly delineate researcher‘s scientific as well as political biases and agendas. Therefore, an ethnographer must make it clear at the outset of this research that research objectives may be influenced by ethnographer‘s personal background as a Sindhi villager, a landowner and a small farmer from Sindh. An ethnographer favors

20 land reforms and the allotment of state lands to landless peasants. He believes in equality (or equity) of all religions, castes and regions. An ethnographer‘s previous background as a sociologist with mystic mindset could also influence his research, both positively and negatively. Although scientific impartiality has been tried to maintain as much as possible, and all necessary codes of ethnographic field work and rigorous scientific analysis have been applied, the fact that an ethnographer belongs to the Muslim Sunni family, doing research on minority outcaste Hindus, would always have an element of chance for the bias towards and the Kolhi-Dalit culture.

Ethnography is not like the controlled blind-folded investigation. An ethnographer as an outside interventionist within the communal life of Kolhi ushered in its own social dynamics. The researcher as an ethnographer and researcher was in a position of power and dominance over Kolhis of Dumbālo. Being a Muslim from the tribal culture upper Sindh, an ethnographer was taken as quite a formidable person. Moreover, his proficiency in language, refined accent, superior knowledge background, and the ability to speak English was sufficient to overwhelm not only Kolhi peasant but their landlords as well. But the most influential impression was ethnographer‘s coming to them from the seat of political power that is Islamabad, the capital of Pakistan. A man on mission from Islamabad, the capital is always taken as somebody that should be taken seriously.

In the field, during interviews different activists perceived ethnographer quite differently. Marxists took ethnographer as a postmodernist, and nationalists as ‗a socialist‘. NGO-men took as the novice learner, who was striving to create space for himself in the job market. While some amongst them were suspicious even of ethnographer‘s credentials as a researcher and mistook him for a man on espionage mission. When, for instance, one of the civil society activist was enquired about some contradictions within the civil society, he questioned other member, ―who brought him (researcher) here‖, as if the researcher were an unexpected intruder in their hallowed and well-guarded business.

Some social activist at a civil society gathering commented on this research effort as an immature exercise, that the researcher is still a novice, a pygmy in that field, that they had gone through such research processes, and that they know all about peasant and social activism. They believed that there was no need for them to do any research on peasant

21 activism as they were very much familiar with all stakeholders in the civil society and knew very well their weakness and strengths.

1.8 Field Area To explore Parkari Kolhi peasant activism from the emic perspective the cluster of two specific Kolhi settlements from two Union Councils of Talluka Matli, namely Naon Dumbālo and Halepota, have been purposefully selected. The purpose of selection of specific settlements for study was to understand the causes of reported structural changes, and ethnic peasant activism in Kolhi community which is usually believed to be docile, non- aggressive, accommodative and compromising. Those pro-active settlements are: a) Versi Kolhi Colony (which is permanent settlement newly constructed by the Kolhi sharecroppers of Karachi Paaro, and Kapri Mori. b) Karachi Pāro literally means ‗neighborhood of Karachi‘ named metaphorically to signify once densely populated closely knit cluster of Kolhi hutments. Karachi Paaro is one of the temporary settlements of Parkari Kolhis that are scattered in that area. These socially interconnected settlements either fall in UC Halepota or in New Dumbālo and have social, marital and political relationships with each other and with Kolhis of Versi Kolhi Colony. Several Parkari Kolhis of Karachi Paaro settlement have migrated either to Versi Kolhi Colony, Nihalo Kohi Colony or to New Dumbālo town. Yet still many are living there. In this study the transitional nature of Kolhis of Parkari Kolhis and their association Versi Kolhi, and with peasant activists has been studied.

Figure 1:Map 1:Georgaphical location of Parkari Kohi settlements at New Dumbālo. Source:https://maps.google.com/. (Modified)(2014) 22

To further attest the findings, New Dumbālo town two other concerned and nearby Kolhi settlements were also observed and visited, namely;

c) Nihālo Kolhi Colony, which lies in U.C Halepota of Talluka Matli. It is also a newly constructed permanent settlement of the Parkari Kolhi peasants. d) Kapri Mori. It is the Sindhi village in U.C Halepota on distance of 4 Kms from Versi Kolhi Colony. Bulk of inhabitants of Versi Kolhi Colony have migrated there from Kapri Mori. e) Shankar Paaro f) Bheemo Paaro g) Pareemo Paaro h) Lahore Paaro

1.8 Key informants Key informants were selected out of the local volunteers, sharecroppers, peasant activists, simple villagers and local leaders. No one was forced to serve as a key informant and information was sought through voluntary cooperation of key peasant activists and Parkari ethnic leaders.

1.9 Duration of Field Work This study got finished in a period of 2 months starting from October, 08, 2013, and end up on December 08, 2013. The data was also collected during field work done in February 2013, for fifteen days as a preliminary pilot study and should also be considered as included as field work as few preliminary interviews did generate useful analyzable data for this thesis report.

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1.10 Medium of Communication Most of the communication in the research field was made through medium of Sindhi local dialect as the researcher‘s native language was also Sindhi. Interviews were also conducted in Sindhi and the key informants who were well versed in Sindhi also assisted as translators where necessary. Yet, the assistance of Parkari translator was sought only on rare occasion while conversing with very old Parkari Kolhi women and men.

1.11 Key terms: Definition and Explanation

1.11.1 Caste as Class In South Asia division of labour has been caste-based. Where in other regions of the world, classes have been largely economically determined categories, in South Asia class relations had been harmonized with caste boundaries (Rahman T. , 2010). Parkari Kolhis as a tribal caste, has been taken as an economic class of the marginalized community whose labor and social prowess have been exploited by landlords, feudals, Rajputs, Kings, Rajas, Arbabs, Aryan and almost every race, nation, class and the caste except untouchables. Taimur Rehman‘s leftist interpretation of castes as classes, in South Asian context, has been taken as the departing theoretical starting point in this research, as Parkari Kolhi seems to be the tribal class of landless peasant-pastoralists under debt and social bondage, dominated, subjugated and exploited by another ethnic group of tribes of Aryan and Muslim origin.

1.11.2 Culture

Kolhi culture has been approached with the loose notion of culture as ―constantly ―in the making‖. Culture is not fixed but a kind of dynamic process that produces meaningful ―reciprocal symbolic relations‖ through interaction. (Sökefeld, 1999). In today‘s globalizing world, culture cannot be taken as a reified entity, but as a ―political process of contestation‖ among groups to redefine their social contexts. (Wright, 1998). Culture is the dynamic field of contestation, in which differently positioned individuals and groups try to dominate eachother, prevent hegmonizing, or marginalize the opponent (Meijl, 2008). As culture is not fixed and it cannot be reified beyond certain temporary situations to have a temporary perspective on something, researcher has focused on striving and struggling Kolhi sharecroppers that strive to create a sense of having Kolhi culture out of

24 their inherent marginalisation. Sökefeld (1999) explains that if culture has to understand then study those who are struggling, those who are not allowed to share and celeberate culture with their surrounding gropus and people, those who want to be the part of larger culture and for that they struggle to seek ―renewed importance‖ in larger society (Sökefeld, 1999). In anthropology now, the relationship between culture and identity and its interpretation in terms of ‗sameness‘ and ‗stability‘, or ‗homogeneity‘ and ‗stability‘ has been discouraged. (Meijl, 2008) . Hence, Kolhi community its culture and identities have been approached as the dynamic ever changing system of symbols in which Parkari Kolhi peasants are struggling to redefine their socio-cultural existence.

1.11.3 Peasant According to Encyclopedia Britannica, ‗peasant‘ is, ―any member of a class of persons who till the soil as small landowners or as agricultural laborers‖. Yet a transnational peasant organization has redefined ‗peasant‘ in much broaher perspective. A peasant is a man or woman of the land, who has a direct and special relationship with the land and nature through the production of food and/or other agricultural products. Peasants work the land themselves; rely above all on family labor and other small-scale forms of organizing labor. Peasants are traditionally embedded in their local communities and they take care of local landscapes and of agro- ecological systems. The term peasant can apply to any person engaged in agriculture, -raising, and pastoralism, handicrafts-related to agriculture or a related occupation in a rural area. This includes indigenous people working on the land. (La Via Campesina, March 2011)

The term peasant also applies to landless peasants. According to the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO, 1984) definition, the following categories of people are considered to be landless and are likely to face difficulties in ensuring their livelihood:  Agricultural labor households with little or no land;  Non-agricultural households in rural areas, with little or no land, whose members are engaged in various activities such as fishing, making crafts for the local market, or providing services.

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 Other rural households of pastoralists, nomads, peasants practicing shifting cultivation, hunters and gatherers, and people with similar livelihoods.

1.11.4 Farmer and Sharecropper According to Merriam Webster‘s , ‗a farmer who works land owned by another and pays rent either in cash or in shares of produce‘ is called as a tenant farmer. The term tenant-farmer is usually used interchangeably with the term ‗sharecropper‘ with slight variations in connotations, but more specifically ‗tenant farmer‘ is relatively generic term encompassing several sub-types of tenants, land-leasers, including sharecroppers. Share- tenancy is the most prevalent farming method in Pakistan wherein one-third of peasants are tenant farmers with Sindh having half of its peasants engaged in share-tenancy or sharecropping. In Pakistan, ‗tenancy‘ has been defined as ―parcel of land held by a tenant of landlord under one lease or one set of conditions‖. (PILER, 2010) According to Merriam Webster‘s dictionary, ―a sharecropper is ‗a tenant farmer…who is provided with credit for seed, tools, living quarters, and food, who works the land, and who receives an agreed share of the value of the crop minus charges‘, and also in general sense it means, ‗one who operates a farm owned by another, pays a share of the crop as rent, and provides labor, power and implements, and usu. his share of seed and fertilizer.‘ In line with above definitions, a sharecropper as typical peasant category is a basic unit of analysis in our study. Kolhi peasantry has been explored starting with the issues of landless sharecroppers, dialogically extended to peasant activists, farm laborers, other share- tenants and small landowners etc. Any villager having peasant-like life style, either a share- tenant or sharecropper, a small land-owner, small farmer, small owner-cultivator or the one indulged in animal husbandry, small scale fish-farming, donkey-cart owner or anyone related to, or identifying himself with peasant-like life-style, even a simple Kolhi villager, men, women and even children have been the subjects and objects of field research as they all shared Kolhian Peasantivist way of life.

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1.11.5 Peasant Activism Peasant Activism has been used here in its broader meaning, and hence may include, social activism involving peasants, peasant political movements, everyday routine life resistance against landlords, social welfare and advocacy based activities of the civil society organizations for peasants. Peasant activism has been further elaborated in the theoretical framework.

1.11.6 Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) The term NGO or ‗Non-governmental Organization‘ is used differently and meant differently in different contexts, but in this study has been used to mean:

…an exogenous or indigenous voluntary private non-profit organizations that are engaged in relief, rehabilitation and development programs using finance raised from voluntary, private sources, and donor agencies and managing themselves autonomously at local, national and/or international levels. (Bagci, 2003, p. 299)

1.11.7 Civil Society Oxford define civil society as, ―Society considered as a community of citizens linked by common interests and collective activity.‖ John Keane has explained ‗civil society‘ by contrasting it with ‗government‘ as the field of ―social life‖ that occurs within:

charitable groups, clubs, voluntary associations, independent churches and publishing houses…that tend to be nonviolent, self-organizing, self-reflexive, and permanently in tension, both with each other and with the governmental institutions that ‗‗frame,‘‘ constrict and enable their activities. (Keane, 2009)

Sociologically, civil society is neither a class, nor a group of well-educated citizens, though it may consist mostly of well educated, responsible citizens. There can never be a single definition or interpretation of the civil society because of the fact that its structure and functions vary both spatially and temporally. Yet in a somewhat broader sense, , civil society, which is based on liberal ideology and various ‗freedoms‘ is meant, understood and acted differently by different groups, sections and organizations of the society. Some groups or organization within civil society at some points favors socialist change, whereas some other favors capitalist changes. Hence, ‗civil society‘ is not merely the follower of any capitalist liberalist agenda, and may well include any group, even Marxists or communist

27 that label it as essentially a capitalist hoax.

1.11.8 Peasant’s identity/ identities/ identification

Identity is a set of references we use to have to make sense of our life. It implies to discover the inner life of the individual and the social life. That means what we have in the environment to create a self-definition of what we think we are; what we use for differentiation (from others) and representation of ourselves (in front of others). Hall (1996) has been cited by Meijl (2008), who explains ‗identity‘ as never-ending, always unfinished and open-ended processual positioning in varying discursive and intersecting practices. The meaning of ‗identity‘ has changed fundamentally recently. Earlier it meant ‗sameness‘, selfsameness and as fixed entity related to ‗personality‘ or merely an ―ethnic identity‖ (Sökefeld, 1999). But, ―the new conception of identity refers simultaneously to the difference and sameness of self and other‖ (Meijl, 2008). Today ‗identity‘ is ―often discussed with reference to difference‖. identities, hence shift in emphasis from ‗shared group identity‘ to individual‘s management of multiple identities, the process which was labeled as ‗self‘. Hence it was assumed ―impossible to conceive of the actions of individuals embracing a plurality of identities without referring to a self‖. (Sökefeld, 1999) According to Sökefeld (1999), anthropologists have always struggled to attribute ―a self to the people they are writing about‖. While doing ethnography among Kolhi peasants and then writing it, researcher has been on guard, not to impose his self on subjects, or take them as non-self-individuals driven by their shared-identities as an ethnic Kolhi community. Postmodernist interpretation of the ‗identity [ies]‘ is consistent with what is proposed by Sökefeld. For postmodernists, ―meaning is contextual, bounded by time and space. It‘s not fixed neither foundational, fixed nor identical, instead it is the ever changing and moving flow or web of significations, that is, ‗diffe‘rance‘. (Sökefeld, 1999). Bhikhu (2008), on the other hand, classifies three main identities as: subjective personal identity; social identity rooted in social norms and power relations in groups, and ‗Human‘ or ‗Universal‘ identity which is shared by all human beings to differentiate it from the rest of the world.

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In this research the main concern is to study the socio-political aspect of peasant identities as represented by the Kolhi sharecroppers and as acted by them in different socio-political situtations. That is to see how multiple Kolhi identities enact in different contexts to create space for their faimilies and community. Despite that multiple reality of Kolhi identity, for the purpose of gradual analysis the start has been made from the essential conception of ‗identity‘. Because of the fact that, in practice persons tend to believe to have relatively certain fixed identity or identities, it is useful to compare their identity perceptions and cultural constructions with that of the constructivist academic discourse on multiple, unbounded, hybrid and fluid identities.

1.11.9. Social and Ethnic identities

Barth has been particularly criticized for overlooking processes of ―external categorization‖ (Jenkins, 2004), often explained to be the result of differences in social capital and power. Insisting that reflexive self-identity is not a modern phenomenon, the core argument of Jenkins is that both individual and collective identity can be understood using the same model, as 'internal' and 'external' processes. Richard Jenkins argues that ethnic identity is to be understood and theorized as an example of social identity in general, and that externally located processes of social categorization are enormously influential in the production and reproduction of social identities. However, much research concerned with ethnicity, particularly social anthropological research, inspired, whether directly or indirectly, by Barth's ‗Ethnic Groups and Boundaries‘, has concentrated upon internal process of group identification, at the expense of categorization. To acknowledge the necessary role of categorization in the social construction of ethnic identity is also to recognize (a) the importance of power and authority relations (domination) in that process, and (b) a distinction, which is developed between the nominal and the virtual dimensions of ethnic and other social identities. (Jenkins, 2010)

Commenting on the of Sökefeld (1999), Henkdriessen hints on the importance of and loophole in the stance of Richard Jenkins (1996) that identities are formed through the dialectical process of identification of ‗similarity-difference‘ and ‗internal-external‘ categorization. Jenkin proposes a unitary model of ‗identity‘ as ‗self‘ rich

29 with cultural stuff, but is unable to explain properly the link between ‗culture‘ and ‗self‘, which is, however, established by Sökefeld.

The reconstruction of Kolhi peasant identities by external influence of power relations, dominance of landlords, and emerging internal cohesion of Kolhi peasant community has been approached from the Jenkin‘s theoretical standpoint, and Sökefeld (1999) has been resorted to understand the formation of ‗Kolhian self‘ and its interaction with other identities in larger cultural context. Kholian categorization of themsevelves as ‗Parkari‘, ‗underpriviledged‘ ‗socially segregated‘ community, and the ‗other‘ such as dominant ‗landlord‘, ‗muslim religion‘, ‗Sindhi cultuer‘ has been analysed keeping Jenkin‘s way of theorizing social identity in perspective.

Bhikhu Parekh‘s theory of identity have been sought to combine respect for diversity with a commitment to redistributive justice and rationality. Bhikhu Parekh (2008) applies this theory to a range of key current debates on national identity, nationalism, fundamentalism and terrorism setting out the case for dialogue, global , and multiple ethics within the framework of a shared global morality. ―The increasing human interdependence brought about by our globalizing world has made the cultivation of human identity both possible and necessary to a degree previously unimagined‖ (Bhikhu, 2008, p. 28) To relate the goal of nation-building to provide space for marginalized communities such as, Parkari Kolhi community of landless peasants, suggestive identity construction model of Bhikhu Parekh (2008) was found to be more relevant as the theoretical departing point. Parekh vouchsafes for respect for diversity of social identities, and redistributive justice to tackle the challenges of nation building, ethno-nationalism and extremism. He suggests dialogue and respect for the ethics of each social identity ‗within the framework of a shared global morality, the suggestion which in this trans-nationalising world seems very much pertinent in case of ethnically marginalized peasant communities such as Kolhi community which is trying to seek attention of the state and the dominant feudal-Muslim society of Pakistan.

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1.12 Theoretical Framework

1.12.1 Situational Analysis and Controlled Comparative Method There is not a single social or political theory that has been relied upon to understand and theorize about the Kolhi-Peasant Activism, identity reconstruction and their Dalitianisation. Several sociological and anthropological theoretical concepts have influenced, implicitly and explicitly, the understanding and writing of this thesis. As this is a focused issue-based ethnography analysed through an intensive ethnological and historical comparison of Kolhis, Dalits, ethnic and religious minorities, pastoralists and local feudal lords, it had to be theoretically compared and contrasted in the light of major theories on ethnic identity, social identity, literature on the origins of tribes, castes and races, and the theories of development, post-development and nation-building.

All major theoretical concepts and categories such as ‗activism‘, ‗everyday forms of resistance‘, ‗peasant‘, land reform discourse, ‗pastoralism‘, ‗Kolhi community‘, ‗sharecropper‘, ‗untouchables‘, ‗Parkari language‘, ‗marginalized Kolhi peasantry‘, ‗dominant landlordism‘, assumed power relations, ‗subsistence economy‘, ‗ethnicity‘ and assumptions about family system…all such concepts and categories were applied tentatively or provisionally, liable to be modified in the light of situated ethnographic evidence and the actual lived conditions, processes and actions of individual Kolhi sharecroppers.

As the things stand, in the current political discourse, ‗Kolhi community‘ and the ‗landless peasants‘ are considered as distinctive categories of people who have been ethnically discriminated, politically subjugated and economically exploited. In reality, at ground level, a bit different rules of the game were also observed. Kolhi identities have had multiple dimensions. Even ethnic identities among Kolhis were not the same. Research found multiple dimensions of and interaction between ethnic identities, political identities, social identities, religious identities and economic identities etc. Hence, the theoretical framework, in fact, evolved throughout research process as new findings surfaced and new insights were had. It turned out to be a kind of situational analysis of ethnographic findings of particular Parkari Kolhi community in relation to other Dalit communities and the dominant Muslim landlord communities.

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In the initial phase of the research, theoretical analysis was situational and context bound and then gradually expanded to relate to other contexts, communities and the issues of landless peasants of lower Sindh and that of ethnically marginalised Dalit communities. Situational analysis eventually turned into a rich description and interpretation of the different situations and contexts in which individual Kolhi peasant‘s social and political life was embedded. It aims at identifying the key players and key issues of the landless Kolhi peasants their hidden discourse and the dominant public discourse. It also looked into the reality of dominant local discourses, but mainly aimed at grasping Kolhi sharecropper‘s perspective on peasant activism and on their perceived ethnic marginality.

The ‗narrative self‘, of how persons construct their self-image, ―has to relate to the identities embraced by the ‗self‘. Identities are indeed connected with ‗given‘ or ‗shared‘ images such as stereotypes, expectations and roles, but the ‗self‘ is not exhausted by them. Identities can be considered as building blocks for the construction of an image of the self. (Sökefeld, 1999). While doing ethnography among Kolhi peasants, researcher tried to understand how to construct their self-image through various discourses, ‗hidden transcripts‘ and ‗public transcripts‘ (Scott J. C., 1990). It would lead to ask, how Kolhi sharecroppers manage and negotiate their identities while being with their landlords and or in their absence; how the balance/imbalance of power relations do affects and shapes Kolhi sharecroppers and peasant‘s identity.

How the ‗self‘ of a Kolhi peasant manages multiples identities and their corresponding roles has been explored hermeneutically to generate the thick description. As a theoretical starting point, and to understand how multiple ethnic peasant identities change or shift and maintain themselves, it proved useful to approach a ‗thinking self‘ as the key agent who perpetually negotiates its identities with ‗others‘ or when in different situations ‗(difference/ diffe´rance)‘ (Sökefeld, 1999). The researcher, during his field work tried his best to put himself at the center of political activities that was going on within Parkari Kolhis, to identify shifts and swings in their identities as they demanded, protested, avoided, and resisted in different contexts and at different places. Researcher, not only reflected on his own way of negotiating with the Kolhi peasants, Dalit activists, but he has also tried to

32 deeply reflect upon the way Kolhi peasants negotiated their identities in different situations at different times, at different places and with different ethno-political actors.

Political ethnography of peasant activism does not merely explore Kolhi culture or Kolhi customs or within-community politics, instead, as a point of departure and starting point explores ‗ethnic boundary‘ that defines landless Kolhi peasants as a distinctively separate group from that of other landless Sindhi Muslim peasants. Barth‘s ‗relational theory of ethnicity has also been resorted for analytic and interpretative purposes, to better understand the (ethnic) identity of peasants. In this investigation of peasant identities, apprehensions of the dynamic relationship between peasants, culture and the outside intruders or peasant activists and other external agents, should add to our understanding of the nature of peasant identity. As Barth (1969), puts it that ―continuing dichotomization between members and outsiders allows us to specify the nature of continuity, and investigate the changing cultural form and content‖. Peasant identities have been tried to recognize on the basis of factors that may have some sort of social significance for peasants, as Barth (1969) has emphasized that ―socially relevant factors alone become diagnostic for membership, not the overt, 'objective' differences which are generated by other factors‖.

Peasant identities have been generally identified based on the rules of exclusion and inclusion determined by non-peasant actors, and in case of Kolhi-Dalits, non-Dalit upper caste Hindus and the dominant Sindhi Muslim actors have defined for them their limits, boundaries and discourse. Taking the lead from Barth (1969) and Jenkins (2004), understanding of the social boundaries, rather than territorial, racial or cultural, have been emphasized.

Controlled comparative method (Eggan, 1954) will be applied as it is compatible with the Fredrick Barth‘s relational theory of ethnic identity (Barth, 1969). It is also compativle with the concepts of ‗dialogical self‘ (Meijl, 2008) and issue-based nature of this research. It has helped to critically explore the ‗internal ethnic boundary‘ (Barth, 1969) that Kolhi-Dalit peasants draw as well ―external categorization‖ that makes perceive themselves differently from ‗other‘ peasants (Jenkins, 2010). The rationale behind using controlled comparative method is to assess the universalizing claims of peasant activists and

33 quantitative researchers regarding peasant identity in Sindh. Peasant-activists‘ tendency to stereotype almost all peasants as similarly victimized, structurally unequal and socially constrained could be problematized by comparing various Kolhi and non-Kolhi peasant identities across regions and villages. Controlled comparative method reassesses the universalizing claims of peasant activists and quantitative researchers regarding peasant identity in Sindh. Peasant-activists‘ tendency to stereotype almost all peasants as similarly victimized, structurally unequal and socially constrained, have been problematized by comparing Kolhi-Dalit peasant identities with non-Dalit Muslim peasants. Kolhi sharecroppers have been approached, not as passive cultural entities, but as active, self-conscious individuals managing composite and fluid identities and as manipulators of cultural resources. Life histories have been traced of the key informants and peasant activists of Kolhi origin. During observation and analysis of Kolhi culture, peasants and individuals, neither culture and reified conceptions of ethnic identity, nor the individual agents and creative selves were prioritized over one another. Horizontal and mutually relationships of the whole community have been focused, instead of solely focusing on individual Kolhi leaders.

Research is based on the belief that [Kolhi] culture can be best understood if approached to explore with the assumption that the ‗self‘ has reflexivity, as well as, agency. It would be an interesting query to explore ―how specific [Kolhi] selves conceive of and act towards what we call [Kolhi] culture‖ (Sökefeld, 1999). Therefore, throughout my research in my research framework, I have tried to maintain the distinction between ‗self‘ and ‗identity‘ to facilitate the analysis of multiple and every shifting Kolhi identities and the discourse analysis of objectified categories such as Kolhi tribe, Kolhi nation, Dalit community, landless peasants and ethnic discrimination. Maintenance of distinction between ‗ consistent self‘ around which the play of ‗ shifting identities‘ occurs, allowed to understand how Kolhis change, assert and shift their identities in different contexts ―while retaining a sense of remaining the same‖ (Sökefeld, 1999). According to M. Sökefeld, ―social actors [are] quite competent social analysts—it is only that they mostly have to remain silent about their knowledge in order not to defeat its practical purpose.‖ Effort has been made to look through Kolhi-Dalit community‘s silence and the knowledge of the field that they hide for their own reason.

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1.12.2 Peasant Culture and Self

Meijl (2008) citing Wright (1989) critiques the traditional meaning of culture that has been defined as ―a bounded, small scale entity…unchanging, in balanced equilibrium or self-reproducing… a so called ‗authentic culture‘…with identical, homogenous individuals‖. Cultures and societies, however, have not been bounded but a part of larger world which has been dominated, in different times, by different political superstructures like colonialism, nation-states, international capitalism and international agencies (Wolf, 1982). Whereas postmodernists reject the self as a locus of knowledge, and a ‗self‘ or ‗individual‘ as ―sovereign subject‖ (Foucault, 2005). Meijl (2008) citing Murray (1993) explains the postmodernist connotation of ‗Self‘ as a ―mere function of social practice‖ and ―as pluralist, fragmented, emergent, dialogical, relational, inconsistent and culturally determined‖. The relationship between individual and society is now understood more as dialectical one, ―in which individual and society are related by mutual constitution or ‗‗structuration,‘‘ (Giddens, 1984). Consequentially, what an individual do or say cannot be separated from its field or context or the society as it constantly remains engaged with other member of the society and, thus, leading to ―an ongoing process of mutual structuration and transformation.‖ (Sökefeld, 1999) The concept of ‗structuration‘ leads the researcher here to explore, what and how cultural concepts and supposed social structures restrict and enable Dalit ethnic minority peasants or Kolhis, sharecroppers and landlords. Also, as to how individual Kolhi peasants and sharecroppers create and shape culture and vice versa. According to Sökefeld (1999), distinciton cannot be easily made between the conception of the ‗self‘ in particular culture and the actual ‗self‘. Culture is the expression of power. According to Geertz (1966), Culture is a ―model of‖, as well as a ―model for‖. Meijl (2008) has explained the ‗self‘ expanding upon the notion of Brian Morris (1994) that ―the most crucial form of interaction and exchange….takes place between self and her or his cultural environment as mediated in social practices‖. Therefore, the concept of ‗culture‘ and reality in it has been approached here in Kolhi peasant culture‘s context, in its dynamic and heterogeneous sense. How Kolhis peasants are moulded by their culture and to what

35 extent individual Kolhi-peasant activists mould culture to address to their contextual demands. Given the fact that ‗culture‘ is not fixed, but a kind of dynamic process (Sökefeld, 1999, p. 433) of ―domination and marginalization‖ (Meijl, 2008, p. 166), and that, it cannot be reified beyond certain temporary constructs, and that, it has political dimensions embedded in it (Wright, 1998) , this study focused on the dynamic change agents within Kolhi community. Kolhi community and individual Kolhi peasant activists, who were striving and struggling to create a sense of having Kolhi culture, were focused upon. Sökefeld (1999, 429) emphasizes that while understanding culture importance should be given to actual struggling individuals. ―Culture and self are complementary concepts that have to be studied in relation to one another to avoid reification‖ (Sökefeld, 1999, pp. 429,430) To understand the emergence of peasant activism among Kolhi community, it was deemed pertinent to understand the role of individual key agents in motivating Kolhi sharecroppers to get rid of their assumed marginality. Therefore Kolhi identities were not prefixed on the basis of reports and a priori documentary evidence. Instead, key active individuals were observed doing, acting or performing different communal and peasantivist tasks.

1.12.3 Extended Kinship migration

Kolhi pastoral and seasonal migration has played great role in the identity reconstruction, peasant activism and ethnic assertiveness of Parkari Kolhi community. Parkari, as well as Katchhi Kolhis, being a pastoralist community, has been a migratory community always in search for green pastures for their cattle. Their migration has largely been influenced by extended family or kingship decisions to survive from severe droughts. The research community, while studying migration patterns, has focused more on individual migrants, not communities and/or households. Oda (2005), on the other hand, basing on the study of Stark and Bloom (1985) and on the theoretical framework of ‗New Economics of Labor Migration (NELM) maintains that migration decisions are taken collectively by family members. (Oda, 2005, p. 39)

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Kolhi migration has been studied from the perspective of extended family or Kinship groups that tend to migrate due to specific reasons. Extended family approach to internal migration based on quantitative analysis, has been previously applied to study rural to urban migration that brings about remittances back to original families (Hussain S. T., 2005). No such study, however, was found that applied qualitative or quantitative extended family approach to rural-rural migration in Pakistan that may analyze more than mere remittances. Kolhi migration particularly that of Parkari Kolhi, being the extended kinship migration, this study has been approached as the qualitative study of internal rural-rural migration of extended kinship groups.

Moreover, most of the studies on rural-rural migration have merely indicated the lack of improvement in socio-economic conditions of rural-rural migration, but none of them have been able to substantially explain why rural-rural migrants are unable to improve their lot (G.M.Arif, 2005). This study is an effort to explain, by plunging into the history, and then relating it to existing socio-economic and political condition, that why an specific ethnic group, in this case Kolhi community, could not have been able to improve their lot. It explains how overall general impact of modernization and intervention of social activists is leading rural-rural Kolhi migrants to break away from centuries of stagnation and outmoded migratory patterns, while at the same time looking for ways to defend their historical indigenous rights as a migratory community.

The last population census was carried out in 1998, and ironically, it did not identify the place of birth of lifetime migrants by rural and urban areas, thus making it impossible to analyze the direction of internal migratory flows (G.M.Arif, 2005, p. 71). According to Labor Force survey 1997-08 and Provincial Census Reports 1998 most of the migration in Sindh is internal (Memon, 2005, p. 15) Moreover, although, ―of the total lifetime migrants are inter-district migrants in Pakistan as well as in Sindh (G.M.Arif, 2005), it has not been studied why certain rural communities choose to migrate from one district to another, or to specific cluster of districts. Although researchers attest to the prevalence of landlessness of migratory communities and seasonal migration from rain-fed areas, they lament the fact that not much ‗informed research‘ is available to predict and explain such migration (Memon, 2005). Hence, to analyze the migratory waves and patterns among Parkari Kolhi, this study

37 will help understand the causes behind it and the resultant social positioning of Kolhis in barrage area of lower Sindh.

1.12.4. Peasant Resistance and Peasant Movements (Activism) As far as theoretical literature on the issues of peasant movements in Sindh is concerned, it is either of unscientific or merely of unreliable historical importance, or it is based on rapid assessments and survey based overgeneralizations. Quantitative researchers, and also economists that have delved on peasant movements in Sindh have tended to abstract culture, values and the traditions while explaining economic phenomenon, inequality and economic exploitation. They have tended to reify concepts and develop rigid categories. That is what has been done with the concepts of ‗sharecropping‘, ‗landlordism‘, ‗agriculture‘ and ‗peasant activism‘, in Sindh and in Pakistan. Keeping that research lacunae in mind, this research has aimed to present a broad and holistic picture, particularly highlighting political aspects of Kolhi-Dalit peasants, in which their economy and assumed economic and ethnic inequality or inequity is, in fact, embedded. James C. Scott‘s (1985) emphasis on the theoretical and practical importance of ‗everyday forms of peasant resistance‘ initially inspired and informed this study. It has been partially adapted to focus on landless Kolhi sharecropper‘s interaction with their respective landlords and their lands. Scott stresses the importance of placing individual agents, in their particular settings, at the center of analysis (Scott J. C., 1985). Following Scott‘s strategy, Kolhi community has been analyzed, beginning with individual landless Kolhi peasants as active agents, resisting to the dominance and exploitation of the landlords, in everyday routine life. Kolhi peasant‘s subjectivity, analytically, has been related and contrasted with inter-communal, regional and national identities, so that Kolhi peasant‘s social and political status in Pakistan could be brought about in the limelight. Self-image and the worldview of Kolhi‘s and Kolhi resistance has been analyzed and interpreted in the light of ‗hidden‘ and ‗public transcripts‘ (Scott J. C., 1990, pp. 26, 27, 33, 38), that were found evident in Kolhi community. It helped to understand how Kolhi sharecroppers manage and negotiate their identities while in presence of their landlords, or in their absence. It helped to understand the balance and imbalance of power relations shaping Kolhi peasant‘s identities.

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To understand cultural underpinnings of Kolhi resistance and activism, the ethnographic studies of James Scott were found very much pertinent. According to James Scott (1985), ―inordinate attention has been paid to the rare occurrences of open revolt by peasants‖, and too little to ordinary, everyday forms of resistance and their symbolic and ideological underpinnings. He also stresses the importance of placing individual agents, in their particular settings, at the center of analysis (Scott J. C., 1985). Everyday forms of peasant resistance, which is in fermentation to transform itself into sustainable yet Dalitianized peasant activism will reveal several new and contextual realities and ideological underpinnings. Following Scott‘s strategy, Kolhi community has been analyzed, beginning with the analysis of individual Kolhi sharecroppers in their hapless place-bound context in which they are usually found trapped in social and debt bondage. Landless Kolhi peasant‘s plight and their resistance then have been related to other peasants of the local area, and with other Dalit and non-Dalit communities of lower Sindh. Gradually the scope of analysis is broadened to look at Kolhi peasant activism and their ethnic marginalization from national perspective to link it with the goal of nation-building. Analysis of peasant activism does not remain unidirectional but evolves both ways from micro-political as community level, to macro-political at national and global level. Hence, philosophically, it‘s hermeneutical, and is meant to generate thick description of the process of Dalitianisation, neo-casteism and peasant activism. Such a kind of part (Kolhi community) to whole (Pakistan as a nation) analysis has been very helpful in the understanding of peasant activism‘s sustainability and its implications for nation building.

As far as ‗genuine resistance‘ is concerned, it has to meet four criteria. It must be collective and organized rather than private and unorganized; it must be principled and selfless rather than opportunistic and selfish; it must have revolutionary consequences; and it must negate rather than accept the basis of domination. (Scott J. C., 1990).

None of these requirements make sense when one looks at Sedaka. The case of Kolhi peasants at Dumbālo is bit different. They seemed to be resisting at both levels, at everyday individualistic as well as at external and open collectivist, having semi- revolutionary as well as reformative aspects. As James Scott‘s theoretical approach did not help much, beyond the understanding of ‗everyday forms of peasant resistance‘, critical

39 theoretical approach, as well as, Marxist analytic approach was also adopted to critically analyze the active, open and externalized peasant resistance, and the whole political process of demands of land reforms and extermination of bonded labour. Adoption of critical approach was also deemed appropriate to give value-relevant comments and generate emancipatory arguments or discourse for the marginalised Dalit communities and economically exploited landless Kolhi peasants. Agrarian and rural political economy of lower Sindh and the tensions within it has also been analyzed here in international and global context. Agrarian transformations within and across countries have been significantly and dynamically altered during the past few decades compared to previous eras, provoking a variety of reactions from rural poor communities worldwide. The changed and changing agrarian terrain has also influenced recent rethinking in critical inquiry into the nature, scope, pace and direction of agrarian transformations and development. This can be seen in terms of theorizing, linking with development policy and politics, and thinking about methodologies. (M.Borras, 2009) Keeping in mind the Lindeman‘s (2010) conclusions about the peasant activism in Brazil, this research has looked at what ‗ideologies of resistance‘ are being formed and reconstructed through Kolhi peasant activism and general peasantivist, Dalit, leftist, ethno- nationalist and Marxist activism in lower Sindh. It has been looked into if their resistance, organization, mobilization and reconstruction for peasant and ethnic rights are proving to be counter-productive, leading to further discrimination and exploitation. And if Kolhi activists are emphasizing similarities and common interests across religious, linguistic, cultural, and caste differences? Or, are they fomenting differences leading to the extremist and fanatical political polarization of society?

In the context of peasant societies, Hamza Alavi considers the problematic comprehended in a distinction between a class-in-itself (an economic category) and a class- for-itself (a political group) recognizing that the process of transformation of one into the other is mediated by primordial ties such as those of kinship (Alavi, Peasant Classes and Primordial Loyalties, 1973). Alavi outlines an approach which seeks to extend the framework of class analysis. Hamza Alavi‘s ideas regarding the potential of ‗middle peasant proprietors‘ to revolt against feudal system‘ has also guided here to assess the level of peasant activism among different peasant identities. Alavi‘s thoughts on peasantry are

40 very much pertinent to understand peasantry in provincial, national (Pakistani) and the South Asian context.

Debal K. Singha Roy (2004) focuses on the issues that create feelings of anxiety and unrest among peasant communities are relevant to everyday forms of resistance that James.C. Scott has explored and have been kept in analytic perspective while understanding the perceptions of Kolhi community about their marginalization, identity and resistance. D.K.Roy argues that radicalism in peasant movements is inversely proportional to institutionalization. As spontaneous expressions of discontent against oppression and marginalization become institutionalized movements, the space for radical challenge shrinks (Roy, 2004). D.K.Roy seeks to understand issues that are of enduring relevance in the Indian countryside that continues to simmer with unrest even as it comes to grips with a new economic situation. Kolhi-Peasant activism is still not much institutionalized, and it is still largely spontaneous expression of discontent against landlordism, debt bondage, ethnic discrimination and religious persecution. Yet the process Dalitianisation, spurred by mass media, may lead to fast-paced institutionalization, which may lead into any direction from ethnic polarization, religious politicization, dissipation of feeling of marginalization and also to state‘s interest to create space for the neglected, discriminated, and marginalized Kolhis and Dalits of Pakistan.

Pakistan‘s countryside is not much different culturally from the Indian one, so parallels can be drawn and useful insights into peasant resistance can be had from Roy‘s analysis of the Tebhaga (, 1946-47), Telengana (Andhra, 1948-52) and Naxalite (North Bengal, 1967-71) movements to study the ways in which grassroot mobilizations proceed, but that is probably beyond the scope of this study.

1.12.5. Critical Discourse Analysis of Peasant Practices Critical discourse analysis (CDA) has been done to identify issues meaningful to peasants, raise awareness about the marginalization of minorities and to understand the dynamics of ‗human rights‘ ‗development discourse‘ and structural barriers in relation to the formation of the peasant identity. CDA helps in the understanding of the questioning of status quo, ―nature of discursive practices‖ and in the analysis of the abuse of power as it emanates from the public discourse. It helps to facilitate meaningful communication ―by

41 removing the barriers of assumed beliefs legitimized through discourse‖. (Tenorio, 2013, pp. 187,88)

The influence of J.Habermas (1984, 1987) and M.Foucalt (2005) to the critical understanding of discursive practices of Kolhi-Dalit peasants, and to ethnic-peasant development, has remained in the hindsight of this research, although references to Habermas or Foucault or the mention of their specific theoretical concepts has not been made at several places. Moreover, CDA as a theoretical guide to analyze and develop arguments has been not been followed strictly as its proponents may have suggested but as a rough guide to a scholar responsible for the wellbeing of society and oppressed communities. Habermas‘s notion of ―validity claims‖ (Tenorio, 2013) that are supposed to form the basic part of all discourses, helped to critique dominant Muslim-feudal discourse; his notion of about the ‗strategic‘ use of language helped critique the depoliticizing impact of donor-funded NGOs, and his stress on ‗communicative action‘ (Habermas, TCA, 1987; Habermas, TCA 1, 1984)helped to look for alternatives (mutually enriching and free dialogue) to rationalize Kolhi-peasant‘s life-world to recouple it with the larger system. Foucault‘s notion of how discourses are generated by those having resources dominate the socio-psychological and political fields (Tenorio, 2013, pp. 188,189; Foucault, 2005), helped to understand the structured inequality by Muslim feudals have all the resources that enable them to implicitly and imperceptibly implement their will through the power of discourse over those, such as Kolhi-Dalit peasant community, whose discourse has thus been marginalized.

1.12.6 Learning from Transnational and Global ethnic Peasant Activism Kolhi culture and society has been taken as a marginalized section of larger regional Sindhi culture and Pakistani society, yet it is also interlinked with international, transnational and global networks. William Bloom‘s (1990) exposition of ‗identification theory‘ that relates mass psychological processes to international relations and theoretical problem of how to aggregate from individual attitudes to mass behavior, has helped understand peasant‘s mass behavior, transnational Dalit activism on social media and the formation trans-regional Dalit organizations such as ISDN, PSDN and the activism of Kolhi

42 organization on social media. His insights helped to understand the psychological processes of peasant resistance and to relate them with ethnicity and nation-building To understand the peasantry in its global and international context, Philip Mc Michael‘s post-developmental critique of neo-liberal globalization, provides, probably, the most plausible explanations of the status and identity of peasantry. Taking lead from Philip Mc Michael, Kolhi-peasant activism has been explored through the peasant discourse and practices generated by peasant activists and Kolhi leaders to understand contemporary and historicial peasant movements in lower Sindh. The relevance of ‗agrarian question‘ in this globalizing era in which ―capital has become organizing principle‖ instead of the ‗state‘, as critiqued by P.McMichael (2008) and A.Escobar (2012, 2001) has been revisited in Kolhi- peasan‘s context. According to Philip McMichael; Agrarian mobilizations are viewed here as barometers of contemporary political- economic relations. In politicizing the socio-ecological crisis of neoliberalism, they problematize extant categories of political and sociological analysis, re-centering agriculture and food as key to democratic and sustainable relations of social production. (Michael, 2008)

In the context of Parkari Kolhi community, their migration from ecologically unsustainable region of Tharr desert, their status as bonded agricultural laborers at Barrage area, and the current debate in Sindh on corporate versus cooperative farming have been analyzed in the light of the theories of Philip Mc Michael (2008) and Arturo Escobar (2001,2012). Shah Inayat‘s socialist slogan that ‗the land and its produce primarily belongs to the tiller‘ ( K. H., 2012; Badshah, 2011; , 2011; G.M.Sayed, 2011) has parallel in the 21st century post-developmentalist theorists. Believing that the ‗culture sits in places‘ (Escobar, 2001), the distribution of land and wealth amongst the local ecological places or niches, in accordance with the potential of individual members of the community or locality, is the principle that almost all contemporary post-developmentalist scientists are forcefully are attesting. Neo-Marxist and post-Marxist interpretations of Marxism, put forward by Slavoj Žižek (2012), Goran Therborn (2008) and Terry Eagleton (2011), have been applied to look into the contradictions in the political programs and practices of Marxist and leftist peasant activists that interact with Kolhis and Dalit communities in lower Sindh. Reformatory socialist program of ‗alternatives to

43 development‘ outlined and being implemented by Venezuela, Bolivia (Buen Vivir4 as an altnerative) and in Ecuador (Sumak Kawsay), which is derived from Bolivarian political ideology (Pearson, 2009; Lang, 2013; Escobar, 2012; Gudynas, 2011), was found very much pertinent to suggest and recommend decentralizing and community empowering development program for Kolhi-Dalit peasant communities in particular, and rural communities in general.

The Parkari Kolhi community being environmentally and ecologically vulnerable had also to be analyzed from the perspective of ―environmental justice‖ (Schlosberg, 2007, p. 188) to pinpoint loopholes in the developmentalist agenda, state law and legal codes relating to environment and government policies or the lack of the same for the development of indigenous migratory communities, such as Kolhi community, of lower Sindh. Much of development discourse on Parkari Kolhi community and its peasantist and ethnic resistance has also been analyzed in relation to theoretical literature of NGOs, and the Sindhi civil society thinker.

4 ――Buen Vivir‖ is an expression that owes a great deal to traditional forms of knowledge, especially Andean ones. Its best-known points of reference are the sumac kawsay of the Ecuadorian Kichwa and the suma qamaña of the Bolivian Aymara… , Buen Vivir is a set of attempts to build other social and economic orders that break free of the bounds imposed by Modernity‖ (Gudynas, Debates on development and its alternatives in Latin America:A brief heterodox guide, 2013).

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Chapter 2: Area Profile and Kolhi Migration

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2.1 Demographic Composition of Parkari Kolhis

Koli/Kolhi5 are historically, geographically, politically as well as economically marginal people. Their geographical position and persistent migration across ecological zones, and political borders between existing Gujarat, Katchch, and Sindh and in Rajasthan have defined

Map 1: Geographical location of Naon Dumbālo, and Lower Sindh. Source. Google Maps (2013) and shaped their marginal identity. Before delving deeper into their migratory pattern, it is pertinent to briefly explain their existing status in Pakistan and their historical origins.

2.2.1 Economic Inequality or Inequity and Rural Poverty of Lower Sindh According to the Pakistan Integrated Household Survey (PIHS-2001-02) most authentic household survey data available rural poverty is strongly correlated with lack of asset or ownership rights, that is, landlessness. About 75% families own no landed property in Pakistan wherein 0.05% families own more than 4 acres of land in Sindh and . Highly skewed landownership ratio resulted in sharecropping arrangements that further led to very high prevalence of absolute poverty in Sindh (Anwar, Sarfarz.K.Qureshi, & Ali, January 2005)

Dalit (Scheduled Caste) are an ethnic and religious minority living under perpetual poverty since several centuries, whereby ‗poverty‘ means denial of ―access to financial resources and political, cultural, social, religious and economic rights‖ leading to the social deprivation and reduction in ―capabilities for human freedom‖ (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 29). Although

5 The word ‗Koli‘ is commonly used in India and Gujarat to refer to same tribe/ race/samaj/, whereas in Sindhi in Sindhi script). Whereas, Parkari Kolhi have ڪىلهي :and in Sindh it written and pronounced as Kolhi (Kuli started blurring their identities by identifying themselves with ‗Kohli‘ tribe as well, which is essentially a Punjabi tribe of Scythian origin?

46 about 33 percent of live below poverty line, and rural poverty estimates range from 39% to 48% (Anwar, Sarfarz.K.Qureshi, & Ali, January 2005), ―the survey confirms prevalence of high incidences of poverty among scheduled castes, as they have poor housing facilities without toilet facilities and other amenities, and no health and schooling facilities.‖ (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 30). Majority of Parkari Kolhis and Dalits in Pakistan live in the poorest districts of Sindh, i.e. Tharparkar and Badin. Parkari Kolhis predominate in Nangarparkar Talluka of Tharparkar that shares Pakistani border with India. All communities living in or in Tharparkar discrtict have pastoral background. Therefore, their their own perception of poverty is derived from the ownership of domestic animals.

A poor man was one who owned no cattle or goats. The valley of Nangarparkar is richer in vegetable growth, which supports a large variety of livestock such as cattle, camels, goats and sheep. (Rajar, Hernai, & Dakhan, 2007, pp. 121,122)

Prosperity for them means timely and optimum Mansoon rains and misery is evaluated in terms of prevalence of drought conditions. Hence, Parkari Kolhi people‘s sense of well being has been greatly molded by environmental, ecological and pastoral reality of their lived experiences. Yet the international and global indicators measure poverty, not in local terms, but in universalised generic indices. According to an SDPI (2012) survey report, 58.7 million Pakistanis live in ‗multidimensional poverty‘, out of which 46% live in rural areas and 18 percent live in urban areas. South-eastern part of Sindh (eastern part of Lower Sindh) has been identified as the worst affected region with Tharparparkar district having the highest poverty percent (47%) followed by (44%), Badin (42% ), ( 41% ). All above districts fall in the region where Parkari and Dalit (Scheduled Caste) Hindu communities live. (Sumra, 2014; Naveed & Ali, 2012)

2.2 Tharparkar, Lower Sindh, Parkari Kolhis and Dalit population

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Tharparkar ―district was called as ‗Thar and Parkar‘ by the British, but in post-colonial Pakistan it has become the single district of Tharparkar.‖ (Ibrahim, 2005, p. 1624) According to Population Census Organization, population of Tharparkar in 1981 was 5, 40,985, and with the annual growth rate of 3.31%, it reached to 9, 14,291 persons in 1998 (Population Census

Figure 2: Koli concentration area in Sindh. Data Courtesy: World Language Organisation: Mapping System (2013), http://llmap.org/languages/kvx.html ((Modified and adapted) Government of Pakistan, 2014). Estimating data on the basis of same growth rate, population of Tharparkar in 2013 should be 13, 43,550. Considering the fact that about 80 percent of the population of Tharparkar belongs to Dalit community and Kolhi, particularly Parkari Kolhi, being the largest community it should be at least about a 1,34,355 (10 percent of Tharparkar‘s population ) in Tharparkar and Barrage area of Sindh.

Authentic population figures about Parkari Kolhi are unavailable as caste-based census has not been conducted in

Figure 3 Map showing concentration areas of Kolhi population in Pakistan Pakistan. The sources and India. Source. Bethany World Prayer Center (1997). http://www.prayway.com/unreached/clusters/8081.html for data on Kolhi-Dalit population was,

Map 2: Concentration of Koli/Kolhi population in South Asia.Source: Joshua Project (2013) 48 therefore, collected from websites of certain welfare and advocacy-based organizations that work in Tharparkar and Badin districts. Apart from scores of small donor-funded NGOs, Thardeep and Baanh-Beli are the two main NGOs working in Tharparkar, and Badin districts for more than a decade (Rajar, Hernai, & Dakhan, 2007, p. 108). The literature on Tharparkar can also be accessed through internet available on personal blogs and websites of several civil society organizations.

One source puts Parkari Kolhi population figures around 250,000 in 1995 (A Digital Library of Language Relathionships, 2013). According to one estimate Parkari Kolhis are estimated to be just 0.31% percent of the whole Kolhi/Koli race/tribe which at that time numbered12, 339,000 in the entire world. There are more than 12,299,000 Kolis in India, entitling it to be one of the largest communities in India, and making up ―10.5 percent (6.4 million) of the general population of Gujrat state. Whereas, according to the Encyclopedia Britannica, ―in the early 20th century the Kolis constituted about 20 percent of the population of Gujarat, nearly 10 percent of the population of and Rajasthan, and from 2 to 5 percent of the populations of Bengal and Orissa and .‖ (Gujjar International Secretariat, 2014). As these figures are not updated, they probably underestimate the Kolhi population outside India as in Pakistan only there are at least more than 1, 34,355 Kolhis. According to an ‗‘ of the languages of the world, Population of Parkari Kolhis in 1995 was 250,000 (1995). Whereas, according to another reliable source, Population of Parkari Kolhi of Nangarparkar together with other Kolhis and Parkari Katchhi (Kuchi) that speak Parkari or Katchhi Koli language but live in Katchh in India, Barrage area of Sindh is about 361,000 souls. Parkari Kolhi are 60% percent of the population of Nangarparkar Talluka, and about 35% of the population of Tharparkar District (Mal, 2000). Parkari Kolhis have been classified by ‗Ethnologue‘ as part of Rajasthan cluster, although they are living in existing Pakistan. .‖ ( Koli Samaj.org; Joshua Project, 2013; Gujjar International Secretariat, 2014; Ethnologue, 2014; People Groups, 2014). In terms of Kolhis and particularly, Parkari Kolhis, population estimates may prove to be elusive as Kolhi pastoralists keep migrating and used either to hide their caste name, due to the fear of being discriminated and hated, or modify its . Religion-wise 80 percent Kolhis are Hindus,

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19 percent Buddhists, 0.8 percent Christians and 0.2 percent Muslims (People Groups, 2014; Ethnologue, 2014)

Kolhis are one of forty tribal caste groups of Pakistan that are officially counted as Scheduled castes in Pakistan and as Dalits by Hindu minority activists. Historically and socially they have been derogatorily stigmatized as ‗untouchables‘, and as the lowest outcaste grouping in the Hindu caste system. Hence, one can say that they are twice condemned socially in Pakistan, being the non-Muslim, and as ―ostracized group within a minority‘ (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 5). According to official estimates Scheduled caste population is merely 0.25% (350,000) of the Pakistan‘s population (Population Census Organisation: Government of Pakistan, 2014; Population Welfare Department:Government of Sindh, 2014), but the real numerical strength of Dalits in Pakistan may be around two to three million. (International Dalit Solidarity Network, 2013; Meghwal, 2013). No serious effort has been made by government to collect authentic data about the status of Scheduled castes.

Scheduled Caste Population of Pakistan Scheduled Castes Population Rural No & (%) Urban No & (%) Pakistan 3,32,343 3,07,509 (93) 24,834 (7) Sindh Province 3,00,308 2,79,223 (93) 21,085 (7) Punjab Province 23,782 21,258 (89) 2,524 (11) Table 1. Scheduled Caste Population of Pakistan. Source: Population Censu Report(1998) Eighty nine percent of Dalit population in Pakistan lives in, either five districts of Mirpurkhas division in lower Sindh or in Bahawalpur district in Punjab, and interestingly, all of these districts share border with India. (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 27) . Province-wise,

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93% of the Dalit (Scheduled caste) population of Pakistan lives in Sindh.

Map 3: Districts of Sindh in diagonal shape that fall under Barrage area of lower Sindh. Source: University of Sindh (2013) (Adapted and Modified) Eighty percent of the collective Hindu-Dalit population of Pakistan lives in Sindh. Before 1971, Tharparkar in Sindh was the only dominant Hindu-Dalit district (65%) of Pakistan. After and during war in 1971 many Tharparkaris, particularly upper caste Hindus of Tharparkar migrated to India. Yet Tharparkar has, officially, still very large Hindu, particularly Dalit population, as about 40 percent of it makes up Hindu/Dalit population. Upper caste Hindus and Brahmins constitute only 20 percent of the overall Hindu-Dalit population. Due to the increase in the incidences of kidnaping for ransom, most of upper caste Hindus are migrating to India (Faruqi, 2011, p. 33), the demographic trend which may decrease upper caste Hindu population, and may further Dalitianise Hindu population of Sindh.

Table 2.Scheduled Caste population in Sindh. Source: Population Census Report-1998

District-wise Break-up of Scheduled Castes Population in Sindh District (Sindh) Population Tharparkar 1,52,612 Umerkot 54,603 Mirpurkhas 33,595 Badin 22,609 Hyderabad 16,294

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Untouchables are not alone in Thar. Some Muslim tribes also inhabit it since centuries. Muslim tribes can be categorized into three distinctive ethnic types, those belonging to Rajput tribes, those belonging original Aryan Sindhi people called Samat, and those belonging to Balochi ethnic tribes that live at the periphery of the Thar. A Samaat tribe Bajeer was a slave tribe of Thar when Rajputs ruled there. (Mahboob, 2010). Hence, one can hypothesize that Samaat tribes of Thar that became Muslims were probably one of those untouchables or lower castes, or aboriginals that may have been the butt of extreme kind of suppression and exploitation. Hence, there is the possibility that if Kolhi peasant activism, and Meghwar liberalism further flourished and resultantly they got politically organized, then other historically suppressed Muslim castes and tribes of Tharparkar and Barrage areas, may be the first amongst those who would join them.

Recently, however, Bajeers and other Samaat Sindhi Muslim tribes have made some progress in education and small businesses. For example, from a small Maliar village, with the effort of a few literate locals, there are now two to three doctors and engineers from them and some are studying in universities whereas others work in NGOs. (Mahboob, 2010)

The resources of Thar have little increased over the years, as compared to the increase in human (5.4 in in 1988 to 7.4 lakhs in 2006) and animal population, thus, straining the economy of Thar. (Rajar, Hernai, & Dakhan, 2007, p. 110). The climate of Thar6 is very dry and rainfall is a rare phenomenon, due to which vegetation is sparse suitable only for animal grazing, and not for extensive cropping. Thar has dramatically changed since 1987, making transition from barter economy to cash economy (Mahboob, 2010). New merchant shops have been opened, non-metaled mud structures are being replaced by steel-enforced blocks, Thari-huts (Chaunras) are being replaced by semi-pacca houses, stainless steel and plastic utensils are being used in place of baked-mud ones. Although Literacy ratio has considerably increased (18.32 percent), with the male literacy

6 ‗Thar‘ is the desert area consisting of ―(i). Bahawalpur (ii) Judhpur (Indian state) (iii), some parts of Jesalmer (Indian state) (iv), Obaro and Mirpur Mathelo talukas of district (v). Eastern part of (vi). Some parts of and Umerkot talukas and (vii) and present Tharparkar.‖ (Rajar, Hernai, & Dakhan, 2007). Its shares boudries with Cholistan desert in north-west and with in India in it South- west.(Herani 2002:1).

52 ratio at 28.33 percent and female at 6.91 percent, yet only 17.3 percent of the population aged 10 years or above are educated. Health-wise, there is only one bed in government hospitals in Tharparkar for 7,190 Tharis. (Rajar, Hernai, & Dakhan, 2007, pp. 113,114).

It took thirty years to Tharis to shift from barter to cash economy. Metaled roads have replaced camels and horses, telecommunications have interconnected Thar with the rest of Sindh and Pakistan, water pumping stations have made water available to areas where it is scarce, and private schools have been opened at some places. Although many such positive changes have lessened the chances of droughts impacting as badly as they have had in the past, due to roads and communication facilities. (Mahboob, 2010)

Tharparkaris, whether Muslims or Hindus and Dalits are probably the least religious-minded people in Pakistan. Tharparkar has been under the influence of non-violent and peaceful religions, such as and . In Parkar Talluka of Tharparkar district there are more than twenty archeological sites there. Parkar was has been the site of Jain civilization. Jain and Buddhist temples there testify to the non-Hindu moralist religious roots of local population. Jainist population of Nangarparkar, that was probably Kolhi ethnically, was severely persecuted by upper caste Hindus. (Kolhi V. , Kolhi Politics, 2013) Most of Muslim landless peasants and lower castes of Tharparkar and barrage area are of sufic disposition that are as far away from Islamist extremism as Dalit peasants are from extremist Hinduism. Sufi Muslim peasants, however, differ from Dalit peasantry in that they are not socially segregated, and at least have their own houses, and live together in same village with their landlords. Whereas Dalit peasants not only lack ownership of houses and land in barrage-area but they are also socially segregated and are not allowed to build houses into Sindhi Muslim villages.

2.3: Major Marginalized Dalit Communities of Lower Sindh Kolhi Bheel and Meghwar are three major Dalit communities that live in Punjab and Sindh and are mainly concentrated in lower Sindh. Dalit make up 85% of the religious minorities of Pakistan, and, according to one claim by a Kolhi activist, Dalits constitute 1/5th of the population of Sindh. (Kolhi B. M., 2014; Kolhi C. K., Pracheen Lok Jo Almiyo, 2014)

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2.3.1 Bheel

Bheels, which, in known history, belonged to Mewar (Balfour, 1885; Mahboob, 2010) region in India, on the other hand, were aboriginal hunters and gatherers. They came in Sindh, not as hunters and gatherers, but as soldiers of Sodha (Rajput rulers) who came in Thar and Sindh from (Rajasthan). Hence, one can find Bheels in Sindh, wherever, there were Sodhas in Thar. They knew to make and use arrow and bow, due to which they, in later centuries, were often recruited as soldiers by different warring rulers. During the British rule, Bheels (former soldiers of Sodhas) and Khosa tribes of Thar which had been soldiers in ‘s era were also recommended for recruitment in the police. Despite, that Bheels in Sindh, by and large, could not incorporate themselves with the dominant culture of Thar and Sindh, and remained migratory nomadic tribe up till recent past. (Mahboob, 2010).

Historically, like Kolhis, Bheel nation also has been a warrior race that formed bulk of the Rajput army against Mughals, Pathans and Khiljis. In recognition of their martial spirit, the self-serving myth came in vogue that Rajputs and Bheels are descendants of two sisters, Raani, and Maani. Hence offspring of Raani later became Ranas (Sodha Rajputs), and Bheel descendants of Maani became Maanas. In Sindh several sub-castes of Bheels are named as such, as Maani Bheel, Manjhi Rana Bheel, Meraan, and Kaaba. Bheel worship two main deities, Paboo Bhalaaro, and Devi Maalin. Paabo Bhalaaro was believed to be a Rajput King of Umerkot who succeeded in getting married Devi Maalin after two Bheel warriors Chando and Dheemon facilitated their marriage by blocking the enemy attempts.

2.3.2 Meghwar

Meghwars, like Bheels, also worship Satis (seven female Goddesses), such as Devi Maalhin, Chaurnd Mata, Vaankal Devi, Deval Devi, Kalka Devi. Each goddess is worshiped by a different nukh (subcaste); locally these deities are called ‗Kur Dev‘ (major deities). Meghwars and Bheels both also worship ‗Paabo Bhaalaro‘ or ‗Paabu Vero‘, or ‗Pabu Jee‘. Kolhi, Bheel, Meghwars and even some Rajputs of Tharparkar worship certain trees as a totem. Meghwars have been (dealing in animal skins, leather-work and hides). They are peaceful and calm people happy to live simple lives. People used to hate them very

54 much due to their stinky business and also due to their historical past as scavenging humans that used to subsist on the meat of dead animals. They, in fact, had been influenced by Buddhism for some time in the past that found it hard to abandon their old habits of eating animals. Hence, they found a solution in eating meat of freshly dead animals, instead of culling the live ones. Buddhist influence declined when they were brutally hunted by Brahmins in 5th and 6th century A.D, and the Buddhist followers belonging to Meghwar tribe were incorporated by Brahmins into untouchables. Yet Buddhist influence is still very much evident from their mystic, liberal and peaceful disposition. A Bheel may be a fanatic and a fundamentalist but not Meghwar (Mahboob, 2010). Meghwars identity went through fundamental shift when British labeled them as Scheduled caste to give them preferential treatment in the provision of educational facilities and scholarships. They were neither fighters nor nomads like Bheels, so they had to work hard for living wherever they went. Housing construction, building mosques and temples, shoe-making and the making of water-bags is usually done by Meghwars in Thar.

2.3.3 Values and social attitudes and political dispositions

Kolhi values are very different from even from other native aboriginal groups. They do not take religion seriously. When Christian and Qadiani missionaries approach Kolhi or Bheel to convert them to Christianity or Qadiani faith, a few of them may happily get converted, but usually revert back when financial support is withdrawn (Mahboob, 2010). They eat those animals which are tabooed by others. They are simple, unsophisticated, rough and habitually timid people.

Historically, it has been Bheels, who seem to have been, relatively, more prominent in anti-state resistances and in movements against imperialist powers for land and forest rights, than Kolhis. Regional geographical identity of Kolhis as Parkaris, coupled with their demographic dense and homogenous concentration in the same area (Naon Dumbālo and Chamber), and have made Kolhis more organized socially and politically, as compared to Bheels that are dispersed in Barrage areas and whole of Tharparkar district. Kolhi activism and communal-geographical organization has kept Kolhis relatively less prone to debt bondage and exploitation, as compared to Bheels. The sharecroppers released from debt

55 bondage by N.G.Os mostly belonged to Bheel community, indicating the incidence of debt and social bondage is higher in Bheel community, as compared to other Hindu untouchables and lower caste Muslim castes, particularly community.

Meghwar (untouchable caste) activists are, in fact, far ahead of Kolhis and Bheels, Khaskhelis and Jogis (Muslim lower castes). Some of the notable Meghwars of the Thar and lower Sindh, are Dr.Khatumal Jeevan Meghwar of Umerkot (former MNA, now MPA of PPPP on reserved seat for minorities), Engineer Giyaan Chand Meghwar of Diplo, PPP candidate fought election against the Arbab Rahim, the most influential feudal of the Tharparkar, and lost by the close margin. Some others have established themselves in development sector like Dr. Sono Khangrani and Naru Mal Meghawaar ( of TRDP). Meghwar, generally, are relatively more literate than Kolhis and Bheels, have established themselves in NGOs, small and medium businesses and clerical jobs in the area. Some families have political connections with mainstream right wing political parties like PPPP and PML-N. Despite the fact that few Meghwar have recently been members in provincial and national assemblies, they are the least assertive of legislators and dependent for their assembly positions on the larger political agenda of their parities and on the whims of upper caste Hindu influentials. Their role to uplift their Thari community, except in development sector, is very minimal in reality.

2.4 Parkari Kolhis of Barrage area With the assistance of Christian missionaries, Parkari Christian NGOs and Sindhi ethno- nationalist peasant activists, Parkari Kolhis are transforming their identities and culture. Two case-studies of Parkari Kolhis of Barrage area can be presented as a ideal type (in a Weberian sense), as also as a socio-cultural models of community-based social change. These Kolhi communities are;

1. Parkari Kolhi Community of Naon Dumbālo, District Badin 2. Francis Nagar, a village at Khipro in District Sindh.

Francis Nagar is a small colony of seventy families of Parkari Kolhis in the outskirts of Khipro town in Distric Sanghar. Kolhis began building their homes there in 1997 on the government land but with permission of local landlord. Francis Nagar and another village of

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Parkari Kolhis fifteen kilometers away from Khipro town, have now schools, latrines, water bores and electricity, the privileges that were deprived to them previously. It has been a difficult transition from enslavement of the feudal system to freedom and responsibility of living on their own. (Missionaries, 2013; Friends of Khipro, 2014).

But the case of Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo is more interesting and attention-seeking than that of Kolhis of Khipro, mainly due to its ethnic peasant activism. Parkari Kolhi community of Naon Dumbālo has developed its own internal political and social dynamics to the extent that they started challenging the dominant feudal-system, ethnic discrimination and religious persecution.

2.4.1 Why Kolhi Peasants of Naon Dumbālo?

This research is to understand the activism of Kolhi peasant community of Naon Dumbālo, when it interacts with other social, political, cultural, ethnic, religious and geographical identities. We will see how Kolhi identity is being shaped and what impact, ecology, geography, region, religion, culture, economy and politics have on it. It is to be seen what implications Kolhi peasant activism has for the welfare and benefit of other landless peasants, untouchables, suppressed classes and communities of Sindh. What impact it could have on the politics of Sindh and Pakistan, on mainstream political parties and the leftist organizations. This research is an effort to make visible, the invisible marginal resistance.

Kolhi landless peasants are also semi-permanent type of seasonal migrants, but the trend is towards gradual permanent settlement in Barrage area of lower Sindh. Seasonal pastoral migration of Tharis to barrage area has hundreds of years of history. For thousands of Kolhi and other Tharparkari families, migration to Barrage areas is as meaningful as is the mirgration to urban areas or to Gulf countries for the the people of barrage area (Rajar, Hernai, & Dakhan, 2007, pp. 121,122). Barrage area is the land of hope, abundance and prosperity for the drought-stricken Thari population, the fact that has been ignored by ‗Pakistan Tracking Surveys‘ that have focused largely on the causes and consequences of out-migration and not on in-migration. (Innovative Development Strategies (Pvt) Ltd, 2013). In-migration in lower Sindh is more frequent than out-

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migration, therefore it require more serious and preferential attention there than the out- migration.

However, between 1987 and 1992, an ever increasing number of Tharis are migrating to the urban areas outside Thar to work as masons, as tailor masters in garment factories, as domestic servants, as laborer in sugar factories, and as employees in government departments. They earn between Rs. 1,000 to 4,000 per month. Villagers claim that families who receive remittance money from the cities have lost interest in agriculture and in many cases they are giving their lands to others on contract basis.‖ (Rajar, Hernai, & Dakhan, 2007, p. 121)

Kolhi peasant community of Naon Dumbālo, apparently, has all those characteristics, that lead one to infer that they are the primitive people, the earliest indigenous people who lived pastoral semi-nomadic life, even before the Dravidians came in the Indus. They are those people who belong to the earliest races, who had the civilization of their own before and Dravidians came in and conquered them. They are the people who, then opted to flee from the Aryan and later Dravidian states and settled on the deserted borders, subsisting on pastoral way of life. Hence, in James Scott‘s‘ (2009) terms, they are, probably, like ‗Zomian’ races who chose to remain outside states to escape taxes, contagious diseases, state surveillance and big wars. ―Zomia7 represents one of the world‘s longest-standing and largest refuges of populations who live in the shadow of states but who have not yet been fully incorporated‖. (Scott J. C., 2009, p. 325). Kolhis inhabit in the desert area which is difficult to access for the state authorities. Population is sparse. Life of Tharis is simple. Theft and kidnappings are non-existent. Tharparkar is one of those regions in the world which is economically backward with very high fertility and mortality rates, prone to regional migration and difficult to access (Rajar, Hernai, & Dakhan, 2007, p. 108), yet ideally peaceful. Land is for everyone. There is no concept of encroachment. People‘s movement and mobility is unrestricted. All such indicators testify to the fact that Tharis, in

7 ―Zomia is a new name for virtually all the lands at altitudes above roughly three hundred meters all the way from the Central Highlands of Vietnam to northeastern India and traversing five Southeast Asian nations (Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, and Burma) and four provinces of (Yunnan, Guizhou, Guangxi, and parts of Sichuan). It is an expanse of 2.5 million square kilometers containing about one hundred million minority peoples of truly bewildering ethnic and linguistic variety.‖ (Scott J. C., 2009, p. ix)

58 general, and Kolhis in particular, are free people who do not like to be controlled by the larger overarching entities like nation-states of the modern type. But, in recent years, since they have started settling in Barrage areas, they have started accepting the larger society. They have started responding to it, and reacting to its discriminatory practices. They have started understanding the contextual underpinnings of living as sharecroppers in barrage irrigated areas. They are now questioning their landlessness, migratory status, and debt bondage. They, now, weigh and consider their rights as humans, in national and global paradigms.

Historically, Parkari Kolhis used to, seasonally, migrate to areas near to in Sindh (Hasan, 2009, p. 75) before the times when Indus River was not locked into river banks. It used to flow freely making its own way. Throughout most of the known , the population of Sindh, in terms of residence and settlement, was divided into two type namely Katcha and Pakka; Pakka residents were permanent settlers that lived in settled villages (called or Goth) and cultivated irrigated lands, and the Katcha residents lived a semi-nomadic life settling where they found pastures and migrated to river flooded basin to grow crops and seek fodder for their animals. There semi-permanent and seasonal settlement on western bank of Sindh were called as ‗Thano’ or ‗Gidhan’. (Sibt-i-Hasan, 2011, pp. 125,126)

Anachronistic life style of the times when rivers would flow closer to Nangarparkar is still clung to Kolhi community. Before 1500 AD, one of the larger branches of river Indus called Haakro would flow near the Thar Desert. Haakro and river Indus were of mystical importance for them. Migration towards the river-flooded plains was not only an economic necessity for them, but also a kind of sacred ritual, a cultural practice and tradition. But then river basin was colonized by outside invaders like Dravidians, foreign Baloch tribes and Aryan races. The British built barrages and locked river Indus into banks. That made permanent settlements possible over the plain of river Indus. The British, in 1940s, institutionalized and legalized feudalism by awarding thousands of acres to local friendly tribal chiefs, with the rights to inherit from generation to generation (Ali M. , 2012, p. 114) .

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The nature and modes of conflict, resistance and exploitation in rural Sindh, stared taking current shape when tribal chiefs and influential yes-men were appointed as land revenue collectors (landlords) by the East India Company. Such authorized ‗landlords‘, which literally meant ‗officers‘ or ‗managers‘, as defined by East India Company (1813), gradually became virtual owners of the lands under their Jageers (feudal estates) (Khadarposh, 2002, p. 68; Badsha, 2005). Institutionalization of feudalism resulted in the formation of another institution that is, sharecropping. Hence, those who were previously indigenous owners of the land were redefined as sharecroppers under tenancy acts. Feudal lords turned real owners of the land, that is, local, peasant-farmers, into sharecroppers (Badsha, 2005), entitled only to receive half share in the produce through Batai (distribution of produce between landlord and sharecropper). Peasant‘s exploitation at the hands of landlords, its lack of interest in hard work over land and cropping is the direct consequence of Batai system (Khadarposh, 2002, p. 56). Feudalism, with the passage of time, changed its mould and reappeared in a new vigorous form of landlordism with the same elitist feudalistic mentality. It further perpetuated social bondage in Sindhi villages in upper Sindh, whereas it promoted debt bondage in Lower Sindh. Kolhi peasant‘s status, as landless temporary settlers, is the direct consequence of institutionalization of feudalism, sharecropping and the Batai system by the British Empire.

Demographic changes and migratory patterns of Thari people and particularly that of Kolhis of Nangarparkar call for serious attention by policy makers at governmental level. Some analysts of Tharparkari migrants suggest that normally, 15 percent of total population of Tharparkaris migrate in season of sugarcane harvest, gradually increasing to 40 percent in times of cotton-picking and wheat harvest. Fifty percent of Kolhis migrate in wheat harvesting season. Whereas, in years of drought, almost 70 percent Kolhis of Nangarparkar migrate to Barrage areas (Hasan, 2009, p. 76). Tharparkaris are economically dependent on the domestication of animals, sharecropping and wage laboring in Barrage areas of lower Sindh and remittances from Karachi and Hyderabad. (Rajar, Hernai, & Dakhan, 2007, p. 121)

About 80 percent of Tharis are debtors to local motely lenders (Mahajans) and pay 3% of income on paying interest rate each month. Debt is usually incurred during drought months

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(Rajar, Hernai, & Dakhan, 2007, p. 124). Tharparkar has the highest population growth ratio in Pakistan which is 3.1 per annum. ―It was 3.12 in 1981-1998 per annum. With this growth rate up to 2020 the population will be double.‖ (Rajar, Hernai, & Dakhan, 2007, p. 124). Such demographic changes at Tharparkar have had far reaching impact on the demography and culture of barrage irrigated areas. Such indicators point to several further demographic pressures on the drought-prone region of Thar as well. Thari migration, on seasonal, as well as, permanent basis, will increase in manifold, making cheap farm laborers easily available for landlords of barrage areas. Casual laborers will increase, and sharecropping will decline also due to the fact that landlord families are also multiplying leading to the uneconomic and smaller land holdings. Many former landlords in the area have started cultivating their land by themselves, the trend that has already occurred in other parts of Pakistan, particularly Punjab province. Casual labour and shop-keeping is also highly preferable for those who are sick of debt bondage under sharecropping. There is, then, highly plausible reason for inducing that demographic pressures together with dislike for debt bondage, naturally led Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo to the communal consensus to get rid of landlessness and sharecropping, and to shift to alternative sources of income generation. They, however, are quite pragmatic in following their future agenda. They are leaving sharecropping gradually.

2.5 Demographic and ecological composition of District Badin Naon Dumbālo town and its surrounding area where Parkari Kolhi community is situated lies in Barrage agricultural area of district Badin in lower Sindh. is comprised of five Talluka, and New Dumbālo lies in its Talluka Matli. Neighboring districts of Badin are Hyderabad and in the west, Mirpurkhas in the north and Tharparkar in the east, and Arabian Sea and Rann of Katchh (India) in its west.

Badin is the closest district to Parkari Kolhis of Nangarparkar of Tharparkar, the area from where Parkari Kolhis have used to migrate both seasonally, cyclically as well as due to socio-political pressures, to Badin and other Barrage districts of lower Sindh. Badin district shares boundary with Rann of Kutch in the Indian state of Gujarat. The disputed Sir Creek maritime boundary, that lies at the intersection of Badin, Katchhh and Tharpakar is still the bone of contention between India and Pakistan. It is believed to be an easily resolvable

61 issue, yet instead of resolving it, extensive policing of bordering area of Badin has added to the misery and the deprivation of of low lying peasant communities and the fishermen of their indigenous fishing rights. (Shah M. A., 2005)

Population Size and Growth of District Badin

S.# District Badin Figures 1 Area (sq: Km) 6270.K.M 2 Density Per Sq.K.M 169.sq.K.M 3 Population (Male) 703254 4 Population (Female) 593050 5 Population b/w 01 & 14 45798 6 Population (60 & above) 5.10% 7 Population Growth Rate 2.26% 8 Literacy Rate 24.6 9 Total Fertility Rate 4.90% 10 Contraceptive Prevalence Rate 15.10% Table 3. Population size and growth of district Badin. Source: Population Welfare Department: Government of Sindh (2014)

2.5.1 Badin as a part of Barrage area of Lower Sindh Total area of Badin District is ―6726 Sq: Kilometers with population of 11, 93,081. The district lies between latitude 24o-5 to 25o-25 and longitude 68o-15 to 69o-25 E of Greenwich‖. It is predominantly a rural (83%) area crisscrossed by irrigated canals flowing from barrages built over river Indus. Akram canal, Phuleli canal and Guni Canals flow

Map 4: Barrage area, river Indus, its canal system, and location of Nangarparkar. Source: Author (2013) 62 from Barrage, and Naseer Canal of Sukkur Barrage irrigate lands of Badin. Its main crops are Sugarcane, and wheat. There are also six sugar mills and 30 rice mills in Badin district. It is estimated that Badin district produces 50% of the crude oil of Pakistan, yet it is one of the poorest districts, partly due to governmental negligence, and partly due to climatic disasters. (Population Welfare Department:Government of Sindh, 2014)

2.5.2 Population of Talluka Matli Talluka Matli of District Badin is the most populated Talluka of district Badin where Parkari Kolhis are used to migrate in all seasons particularly during drought season. It is the region where Parkaris have found refuge as landless peasants, thus providing for cheap labour force and easy victim of economic and social exploitation by the local landlords.

Population estimates of Talluka Matli

Name of Year Year Projected Projected S.NO Projected 2025 Talluka 1998 2008 2015 2020 1 Matli 372459 456634 528873 588635 655150 Table 4. Population estimates of Talluka Matli. Source: Population Welfare Department: Government of Sindh (2014)

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2.6 Naon/New Dumbālo and its Peasantivist Background

According to Paru Mal, 99 % of Parkari Kolhis that migrate from Parkar to barrage- area of lower Sindh get trapped in sharecropping as landless bonded laborers. They live there a semi-nomadic life shifting every year or a two from one landlord to another.

Although Parkari Kolhis are dispersed in all four districts of south-eastern barrage- area of Sindh, they are concentrated more in Badin district. New/Naon Dumbālo lies in the area of Badin district which is at the center of all four major districts of south-eastern Sindh. Chamber and Naon/New Dumbālo is the region w that lies at the intersection of district and Tando Ghulam Ali town in District Badin. This is the region that has been the hub of peasant movements in Sindh (Bhandar Sangat, 2012). Moreover, it was at Naon Dumbālo town where ‗All Sindh Kolhi Association‘ was registered in 1974 under Societies Act 1960, and Bhagwandas was appointed its first president (Mal, 2000).

Peasant movement8 in Sindh and particularly in lower Sindh has been, largely, village-based. The whole of villages had resisted to state oppression and struggled for peasant rights. They have fought with the police, courted arrests in masse, practiced non- cooperation with the feudal government, got landlords arrested and also enforced fines on them through Hari9 courts.

8 The term ‗Peasant Movement‘ has been loosely implied here to mean peasant activism in Sindh that mainly aimed at land reforms and tenancy rights for sharecroppers but, in recent decades has diversified in its agenda. Therefore, peasant movement or peasnt activism in Sindh may also include globalized peasantivist agenda in the sense used by Philip McMichael. By ‗peasant movement‘ he means a ―generic global movement that is nevertheless highly diverse, localized with specific social and ecological projects, and yet with a historic and common politics of resistance to the commodification of land, seed and food, [development projects initiated by international donors] and to a WTO trade regime whose policies systematically disadvantage and dispossess small farmers across the world.‖ (McMichael, 2008, p. 207) . 9 ‗Hari’ is the Sindhi term for ‗peasant farmer‘ who tills his own land, or engaged in sharecropping.

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Map 5. Geographic location of New Dumbālo in barrage-area of lower Sindh. Source. http://gmaps-samples- v3.googlecode.com/svn/trunk/styledmaps/wizard/index.html (Adapted and Modified)

In village Haji Khan Zanoar in Chamber Area, police was put on run and even army could not coerce them to accept feudalistic policies (Bhandar Sangat, 2012). Those villages are now largely inactive although some old and their new breed are a bit active. A small town Rahooki in Badin has also renowned for its organized peasant movement under the leadership of Maoist peasant leader Fazul Rahoo.

Another village Maqsoodo Rind in Shahdapur, in , was the center of Batai Hari Movement in 1947 (Maree, 2013). It was quite a successful movement of that time that locally enabled sharecroppers to have their due and equal share of the produce. But it could not have long lasting effects and could not even expand to the whole of Sindh. The current situation is that the sharecroppers of that village itself are even not being given due share of their produce by local landlords.

Kolhi community of Naon Dumbālo does not have illustrious history of peasant struggle as that of the peasants of Chamber town, and that of village Haji Khan Zanor, yet it is emerging and struggling in quite a different way, both actively and passively thorough multiple channels. Yet Chamber town and its area, as well as Tando Ghulam Ali still serve as local civic centers where local peasants, including Parkari Kolhis hold protests and rallies.

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2.6.1 Kolhi Peasant Culture and Activism at Naon Dumbālo Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo have temporarily settled on the land of local landlords as sharecroppers. Kolhis usually migrate back to Nangarparkar in case landlords snatch land from them. They have families and relatives at both places and remain in touch with one another. Some of the Kolhi families have small pieces of rain-fed agricultural land at Parkar as well, but produce from it is insufficient to sustain them in droughty season. In settlements at Naon Dumbālo, Kolhi teachers were observed teaching Kolhi students in Parkari language. Kolhis not only teach and learn Parkari language, but also recite sacred rhymes from the sacred Hindu book Gita, in school assembly. Each settlement has its own temple of Rama Pir, a localized totemic Hindu-Muslim God, with its distinctive flag hoisted over its small building. Some of the Kolhi peasants also pay holy visits to the shrines of Muslim saints. Their names and nomenclatures have been derived from Hindu mythology. Yet, several fundamental deviations from mainstream Hindu religion and similarities with Muslim practices and vice versa, can also be observed among Kolhi peasants. For example, Parkari Kolhis worship both Hindu and Muslim saints and do no express any ill will towards any Muslim mystic or Sufi. They strongly believe in black magic, as many rural Sindhi Muslims do. They bury the dead if unmarried and burn if married and taken burnt bones back to Parkar to throw into the sacred pond at Sardhro in Karoonjhar Mountains. Their graveyard is also separate located far away from Muslim graveyards, an indicator of extreme social and cultural segregation between Dalits and Muslims. This is the practice that almost all Sindhi Dalits practice. They do not take religion as seriously, as their neighboring Muslims and upper caste Hindus do. To reconstruct their religious identity, they have, however, recently started practicing most of the major Hindu rituals and celebrate Hindu festivals, which, a decade ago, were not practiced by them with such seriousness.

They have started associating themselves, not with untouchables, or Shudras or Vaish, which are the lower castes in Hindu Verna system, but with Kashtriya , that were warriors and hence inferior only to Brahmans. To prove their point, they eulogize their warring heroes like Rooplo Kolhi, who fought bravely against the British in Tharparkar in 1840s.

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Kolhi peasants are still largely dependent on the domestication of animals. One of the major factors that they engage in apparently uneven sharecropping practices is to ensure constant supply of fodder and water for their animals. Domestic animals serve for them as reserved source which could be used for economic, as well as other social purposes. Hence, sharecropping is not practiced just for earning the share from the produce; it serves multiple purposes for the Kolhi peasants. Sharecropping provides them with the land for house near to farms, when they migrate from drought ridden Nangarparkar, or shift from one landlord to another. Sharecropping socially connects Kolhi peasants to other non-Kolhi Parkaris, Hindus and Muslim sharecroppers of different origin and resultantly their identities and some cultural patterns have adapted to Baloch and Sindhi culture.

Literacy rate among Parkari Kolhi have been estimated to be below 5% (Ethnologue, 2014; People Groups, 2014).Studies based on the data from Labour Force Survey, have found that rural-urban migration has significantly added to migrant‘s educational and technical capabilities (G.M.Arif, 2005), but the data on the educational achievement of rural-rural migration is not available. Moreover, ―rural-rural migrants are not in general educated or skilled or semi-skilled. These migrants moved to other rural areas in search of land-based opportunities. Their destinations could be primarily fertile plain areas in Punjab and Sind, where tenurial pattern has changed overtime. Farm area operated by land owners has increased over time, and decline in sharecropping has also been observed. Thus land-based better economic opportunities may be very limited for rurl migrants at their destinations. It may have an adverse impact on their well-being.‖ (G.M.Arif, 2005).

2.6.2 Education of Parkari Children Reliable statistical data particularly on Parkari Kolhi‘s education is not available, however some data has found on the socio-economic condtion of Tharparkar. Kolhi children also suffer discrimination at private schools of Naon Dumbālo. Kolhi students are not allowed to be admitted in private, even though there are no clear rules forbidding Kolhi‘s children‘s admission. Authorities do not openly reject the admission of Kolhi students, but when Kolhi students go for admission, they are told that the school has limited seats and they should apply the next year. Kolhi children are not supposed by landlords to seek education.

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Landlords prefer to allot the land to those Kolhi, who have maximum number of children of working age. Children are caught in the vicious cycles of their parents‘ debt, and, thus, are constantly denied the right to education.

In Barrage areas, where there are government schools as well, Parkari Kolhi children are discriminated by teachers and Muslim students. Back-benches or broken benches are reserved for them and social distance is maintained by both Muslim students and teachers. Due to such social segregation and the forced teaching of Islamiat, instead of Hindu scriptures, have led Parkari Kolhi of Naon Dumbālo to open up their own voluntary schools. Parkari NGO, particularly, PCDP is in the forefront of funding and managing Parkari schools, one of which has been established at Versi Kolhi Colony. Education is, now, taken by Parkari Kolhi with much seriousness. They are running their schools on the model of English-medium Public Schools, imparting instructions mainly in Parkari language.

Caste and ethnic discrimination is at its extreme at Dumbālo and at surrounding towns, particularly Chamber, Tando Ghulam Ali, Dighri, and Tando Allahyar. The young Kolhi individual of any age cannot enter the premises of bigger well-furnished hotels or restaurants. They are first asked where are they going and who they are. If someone responds by saying they belong to the Kolhi tribe, it becomes impossible for them to enter the premises of such hotels. In some hotels admission is possible, but Kolhi‘s are allotted a completely separate set of utensils.

But in recent years, the novel phenomenon of the establishment of model colony-like village settlements and the migration of Parkari Kolhi from various different rural and urban areas and temporary settlements to those colonies, has led to social, political and economic empowerment of the Kolhi Community of Naon Dumbālo. Although, after partition in 1947, Kolhi tend to migrate internally in Sindh province, their migration is neither unidirectional nor total, but multidirectional, partial and strategically calculated. The pattern of Kolhi migration can serve as test case, a model for Dalits and marginalized communities to empower themselves, without any direct state-initiated support and through progressive use of multiple channels.

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2.7 Parkari Village Structure Parkari villages are called in Parkari as ‗Gaam’ or ‗Waandio’. Waandio is usually consisted of two, three or four ‗Werha’ (familial or kinship neighborhoods). Wandio is encircled by four to six feet thick thatched boundary. At the center of Waandio is ‗Otho’ (a raised platform) which is used as a meeting place or to feed birds and peacocks. Parkari Kolhis live in hutments made of thistles called ‗Chunro’. Outside village at some distance is ‗Bhaaron’ or ‗Gauchar’ (cattle place). Parkari Kolhi in Parkar tend to stay in ‗Waandh’, the place within standing rain-fed crops when crops become ripe. (Mal, 2000, pp. 204-05)

However, housing structures and their naming at New Dumbālo and in newly built Kolhi colonies has gone through fundamental change. Chunra hutments are being replaced by cemented rows of single- roomed kinship housing having common front yard and same boundary wall. At New Dumbālo and elsewhere in Barrage area, Parkari Kolhis do not call their villages as ‗Gaam’ or ‗Waandio’. Moreover their temporary settlements are called after the name of nearby Sindhi Muslim village, a local place. Whereas Map 6. Aerial View of Versi Kolhi Colony: Source. Imagery their large settlements have been named @2014 Digital Globe, Map dats @2014 Google innovatory differently, as for example, a cluster of small Kolhi settlements in New Dumbālo having large population has been named as ‗Karachi Paaro‘ (literally meaning, neighborhood of the Karachi city, the capital of Sindh). Similarly their permanent settlements and newly established segregated villages are named as ‗colony‘, which connotes to mean a modern neighborhood of the city. Such an innovative naming is indicative of the progressive and liberal mentality of the Parkari Kolhis of New Dumbālo that are willing to change to get rid of social exclusion, suppression, exploitation and alienation.

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Apart from Versi Kolhi Colony, Karachi Paaro, Kapri Mori and Nihao Kolhi Colony, four more nearby temporary settlements that are socially interlinked to Parkari Kolhis of Vesri Kolhi Colony and Karachi Paaro, were also visited during this study and their social status and their role in ethnic peasant activism was assessed. All these temporary settlements are suffixed as Paaro (neighborhood) and named either after the eldest member of their Kinship group, or according to the strength and population of settlement. Larger settlements are named after big cities, such as Karachi, and Lahore. Each settlement represents one or two kinship groups of 25 to 100 families and together in those settlements live more than 250 Parkari Kolhi families. These settlements are;

a) Shankar Paaro b) Bheemo Paaro c) Pareemo Paaro d) Lahore Paaro

Figure 4: In left picture, a medical camp operating in a Parkari village made of Chaunra houses at Nangarparkar contrasted with the cemented house of an extended family at Versi Kolhi colony. Source: Veerji Kolhi (2013, 2014)

Structure of Kolhi settlements provides the evidence of horizontal relationships, in which all Chaunra’ are surrounded by a common boundary hedge. Each settlement is the assortment of ‗Chaunra’, which is the traditional cone-shaped single-roomed house representing a Kolhi family. It is made of clay, thistles and raw wood, whereas, newly established permanent Kolhi villages are fundamentally different from temporary settlements. New Kolhi villages have houses made of baked bricks and cement, much like houses of other local Muslim Sindhi communities of Naon Dumbālo. Those shifted in newly established

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permanent villages previously used to live in Chaunra houses in temporary settlements. That shift in housing structure and living styles also brings into relief, the shift in economic and power relations, and social positioning. The whole cluster of Chaunra houses, that constitute a landless peasant settlement, is just like a single extended kinship group. When within that settlement, Kolhi peasants‘ identity is more like a Parkari, the indigenous area from where they tend to migrate.

2.8 Parkari Language, literature and Culture According to Paru Mal, Parkari culture and language are very rich. In his book, Lok Sagar Jaa Moti, he has tried to cover up Kolhi culture, literature and language as much of it as he could, yet at the same time he lamented that fact that the essence of Parkari language and centuries old cultural heritage had just recently waned, and that those old and elder Parkaris folk men had recently perished. Paru Mal (1992) wished to write his book on Parkari culture three decades back. Parkari Kolhis have distinctive way of life. Although much of Parkari culture has stark similarities with Gujarati and to a lesser extent Rajasthani culture, their dressing code, religion, folk songs, cultural and religious rituals, marriage ceremonies, folk dance all have unique Parkari Kolhian touch. In following section, Parkari Kolhi cultural transformation and changes over the decades would be perused briefly to understand their direction of social change.

2.8.1 Parkari Language and Migration

Parkari Kolhis, despite their self-claimed Dravidian and/or proto-Dravidian origin, speak Parkari which is Indo-Aryan language, a subgroup of Gujarati. (A Digital Library of Language Relathionships, 2013) Parkari Kolhis have remained immersed in Gujarati, Rajasthani and Malwi culture throughout the last 1500 years. Their language, literature and culture testify to that fact. In Kolhi folk songs one can find the names of the historical cities like , Mathra, Agra, , Pawan, Gadh, Kutch Wagar, Jam Nagar, Ghogho, Mompaee (), Paal, of India where they used to migrate to and from , seasonally and in times of droughts. (Mal, 2000, p. 168)

Parkari folk poet says:

―Baari Gaoee, Boli Badley, Taroor Badley Shakha,

Figure 5. Parkari Kolhi at Parkari village at Nangarparkar performing Parkari folk dance. Source: Veerji Kolhi 71

Bodhapirn mein, Kees Badley, Pirn Likhan na Badley laakha‖ It literally means that, ‗After every 36 kms dialect changes, so changes the texture of trees and plants. But human nature does change, neither after becoming old, nor by migrating to any place in the world‘ (Mal, 2000, p. 241). This may be true of culture and language of Parkari Kolhis as well. . Their identities have more in common with ethnic Gujarati, Rajasthani, Katchi, Sindhi and Marwari culture and language than with either predominant Hindu or Muslim Persian and Arabic culture of both India and Pakistan. Parkari, Katchhi, Sindhi, Gujarati, Marwari, Dhatki and Rajasthani, all share considerable similarities with each other and linguistically belong to the same Indo-Aryan stock One of the binding elements is the common language. Parkari language has been classified as the variant of Gujarati with 77%–83% lexical similarity with Marwari and 83% with Wadiyara Koli. (Ethnologue, 2014; People Groups, 2014). According to another source, Parkari language is the variant dialect of Gujarati. Parkari Kolhi dialect is unique in Sindh. Its similarity index with Sindhi is not as much encouraging (52%) as one might think of it, yet its similarity is remarkably far higher with Indian Gujarati (72%). (Junejo & Prem, 1994, p. 105)

Apart from Parkari Kolhis or Parkari Katchhi there live Katchhi Kolhis (151,000 in world and 131,000 in Pakistan) (Ethnologue, 2014; People Groups, 2014), in barrage- irrigated area that speak Sindhi Katchhi that resembles more with Marwari and Dhatki (Rajasthani) also called Thari or Thareli in Tharparkar district Sindh. It is the language that most of Tharis, except Parkari Kolhis, speak in Tharparkar Sindh. Parkari language of Kolhis resembles more with Tharadari Koli dialect of , both of which are influenced by Gujarati language. Hence, that linguistic contrast between Parkari Kolhis and

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Katchhi Kolhis is also indicative of ethnic origins and migratory background. In 1931, the date of the last census conducted by the British government, before the abolition of caste, Kolis/ Kolhis further dispersed throughout North India and Northwest India, mostly in the Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh and Rajputana.‖ (Gujjar International Secretariat, 2014). Hence, although Katchhi Kolhis either had already settled near existing river Indus in Sindh and interacted more with Sindhi people, or Parkari Kolhis probably entered Nangarparkar and then in lower Sindh several decades later, or were reluctant to interact with Sindhi people. Parkari Kolhis‘ interaction, probably, was equally divided between and Gujaratis.

2.9 Parkari Panchayat In Hindu culture, ‗Panchayat‘ is the informal socio-political headmanship that represents different castes, sub castes and tribes within the larger tribe or community. Panchayat is led by a Sarpanch (Chief headman), and the five or more members (jury) from each sub-tribe or community. In each Kolhi village there is a village panchayat called Gram panchayat which is headed by a ‗Patel‘. Patel is the head of the village yet he is dependent on the representatives of each sub-tribe and caste living in the village. Minor issues of the village are resolved by Patel, whereas issues of serious kind and the inter-village issues are resolved by larger Panchayat. (Mal, 2000)

Paru Mal (1992) writes in his book that five to seven decades back Panchayati system was so strong in Kolhi Samaj (community) that they would call it ‗Panj Atay Permeshwar’, meaning that five heads of Panchayat are Gods‘. People would fear Panchayat more than from the state or governmental call. Panchayat would deliver speedy justice and would equally satisfy all the parties within the norms of community. It was due to the strong Panchayati system that hardly anyone would commit inter-tribal, inter-communal or intra- communal crime.

That kind of ideal Panchayat of the old good days, however, is not found anywhere in Parkari Kolhis. Paru Mal (1992) attributes the

Figure 6: Veerji Kolhi standing in the middle addresses his own village Panchayat at Dhanagam in Nangarparkar 73 failure of Kolhi Panchayat system to the influence of formal government courts, and more importantly, to the settlement of Parkari Kolhis in Barrage areas where they live under the socio-political control of local Sindhi landlords. In Barrage-area issues of Kolhi community were being decided, resolved and exacerbated by the local landlord at his Otaq (guest house), or at Thano (Police Station). External influence of local Sindhi Muslim landlords and disintegration of Parkari Kolhis into small scattered temporary settlements in Barrage areas led to the disintegration and disorganization of Panchayat. Where Kolhi migration and dependence on Sindhi Muslim landlords demoralized Kolhi tribes, in recent past largely due to diversification of income base, Kolhis are reorganizing their socio-political community institutions more vigorously, yet rooting them in their traditional cultural and Panchayati system, the evidence of which can be had at Versi Kolhi colony and New Dumbālo. Parkari Kolhis and Kolhi Samaj in general is reorganizing itself on ethnic lines as Sindhi indigenous ethnic groups, through the formation of Kolhi associations, organizations and local Kolhi community units in Barrage areas.

2.10 Kolhi Dressing Code Fifty years ago, a Parkari Kolhi could easily be identified from his/her clothes and dressing. Kolhi men and children would wrap over waist and legs white four to 7 meters long ‗Bafto/Hirkh’ called, ‗Goad’, ‗Potri’, ‗Adhyoto’, ‗Treto’ or ‗Osaar’. They would wear ‗Pothio’ made of same cloth ‗Bafto’ instead of shirt or Qameez. According to Paru Mal Kolhi dressing code was not much different from Marhathas and Gujarati Rajputs. Parkari Kolhi men, like Marhathas, would keep dagger in their ‗Warr’ (waist-pocket of Potri). Men would wear ear-rings of silver or gold called ‗Murkiyun’ (Mal, 2000, p. 238)

Kolhi men would wear red five ‗waal’ (7 meters long) turbans in the past. As most of the Kolhis were poor and engaged in labour work in British era, railway workers, most of whom were Kolhis, also came to be identified by their red turban. Parkari

Figure 7:Turban styles. Gujarati worn by Veerji Kolhi; Rajasthani in the corner, and Parkari dressing code in above left corner. Source: Veerji Kolhi 74

Kolhis abandoned wearing red turban, when unpaid labor extortion of those wearing red turban excessively increased. (Mal, 2000, p. 166) Now Kolhi men wear white turban and white lungi in Parkar, whereas in barrage-area most of the Kolhis, except old ones wear Shalwar and Kameez like other Sindhis.

2.10.1 Dressing of Kolhi women Although Kolhi women once used to wear ‗Meenagar Pati‘, Lainboliya Bhaat‘ or 20 ‗waal‘ ( more than 20 meters) Ghaghro made of ‗Dumro Pati‘, they continue to wear the same dressing pattern

Figure 8: Parkari Kolhi Women in their traditional dress attending political gathering but the quality and type at Dhanagam Village.: Courtesy: Veerji Kolhi of cloth has degraded, and the cloth size has also considerably shrunk. Whereas Kolhi men, being relatively more independent socially and having more outside community exposure have changed much of their dressing and many wear Shalwar and Kameez much like other Sindhis, Kolhi women, one the other hand have kept continue wearing their traditional dress. Unmarried Kolhi women and girls wear Ghaghri on waist and legs, Pothio on body and clad head with ‗Odhani‘ till today. Yet after getting married they wear ‗Kapro/Gajj’ or ‗Kunjhro’. They wear ‗Chooro’ (white bangles) and ‗Baajo Band‘ on arms, ‗Wenti’ (nose ring) in

Figure 9. Kolhi Mother wrapped in 'Goonghat' sitting nose, ‗Walro’ and ‗Kanth Mala’ around neck, before turban-worn family men, mourning the death of her little child. Source: Veerji Kolhi (2013) ‗Darghula’ in ears, silver rings around feet, ‗Sametha’ and ‗Polriyun’ (finger rings) in fingers of feet.

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Like Hindu women, Kolhi women also put ‗Tilak’ on forehead. Kolhi women perform the ritual of ‗’ on 3rd day of , the ritual which is like a Hindu ritual ‗Rakhi Badhan’ that is performed by women-sisters for their brother‘s well-being, long life and prosperity. In return they receive some traditional gifts from their brothers.

To lament the death of husband, Kolhi wife castes off ‗Chooro’ (bangles) to send with the dead body of her husband to lay over his grave. Like most of Hindu women, Kolhi women also castes off all kind of jewelry, and thence forward starts wearing simple and cheap whitish or blackish clothes. Although widowed women search and arrange for the marriage of their children, they have been denied the right even to bless their own children at their marriage. Widow‘s blessings are assumed to be as bad omen and a curse. (Mal, 2000, pp. 238-39; Friends of Khipro, 2014). Due to the increasing influence of Sindhi Muslim culture, and counter-cultural instructions given by outside community developers against wearing bangles, observance of (Googhat) and gender-biased practice of widowhood as the ritual of life-long mourning are waning gradually. (Friends of Khipro, 2014; Kolhi K. , 2013)

The gender discrimination is a norm in Kolhi communities. In terms of sitting arrangements women are supposed sit at place lower in height where men sit. Usually when men sits or sleeps on a cot, women is supposed to sleep and sit on the floor. (Friends of Khipro, 2014) Relatively educated Kolhi women that got education upto college level do not wear traditional dress, and it seems that as the level of education of Kolhi women would increase, their dressing pattern would become more like other Sindhi Muslim and upper caste Hindu women.

2.11 Totemic Hindu Religion of Kolhi Paru Mal (2000) writes that although Kolhis believe in Bhagwaan, Gita, four Vedic scriptures and eighteen Purans, yet in reality they have little knowledge about these scriptures and Hindu religion. Their religion mainly has been totemic Hindu with each tribe having its own personal deity (Kul Dev) that sits on the gate of each tribe to protect them. Practically Kolhis have followed Hindu Sufic traditions and practice Bhagti (achieving unity god or have ‗Giyan’ of ultimate reality through deep mystic singing of Sufi hymns). Katchhi Kolhi in Sind mostly worships carved wooden images of tiger god called ‗Vaghdeva‘

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(Bethany World Prayer Centre, 2004-5). Parkari Kolhi also took in totemic sense certain animals (such as, peacock) due to its rare beauty and trees (such as, Rohiro) due to its uniqueness as only tree that serves multiple purposes for Tharis where trees are scarce. There is a social taboo on killing of peacock and cutting of Rohiro tree. Few decades back Kolhi people would also strongly believe in magic and shamanism which was indicative of their belief in superstitions as well. Yet, recently they have diverted themselves from extreme reliance on Bhopo (local shaman) and self-medication, and resort mostly to allopathic doctors. Although Kolhi are still predominantly syncretic, yet to redefine their social identity on more vigorous grounds, they have started taking Hindu ritual practices more seriously.

Based on archeological evidence of Neolithic sites in South-East Asia, many scholars of Hindu religion have hypothesized that Hindu religion is essentially a pre-Aryan religion. Particularly female deities, such as Kalka Devi, originated from Dravidian religion. The difference is only that of later introduction by Aryans of rigid hierarchical Verna (caste) system, in which the vanquished Dravidians and aboriginal ethnic groups were socially classified as Shudras, and some others as untouchable outcastes. (Mal, 2000; Vairam, 2008; Shaivam.org, 2014). Generally, Kolhi communities believe in what later Aryan-Brahmin myths explained their deistic origins. Each Kolhi community has its own totemic, and ancestral gods and goddesses. Presently, religion-wise 80 percent Kolhis are Hindus, 19 percent Buddhists, 0.8 percent Christians and 0.2 percent Muslims (People Groups, 2014; Ethnologue, 2014; Joshua Project, 2013).

Some Kolhi in Indian part of Gujarat claim to be;

…the descendent of Black Dwarf, that came forth from the body of Venna…. The Koli worship Guar Mati and Holi Mata among other deities of Hinduism, they also believe in and spirits. Depending on the region they will celebrate Namiya festival associated with fishing as well as Karbha, Bahan and other common festivals. A Brahmin priest will officiate at religious activities as well as rituals associated with the cycles of life…the Koli cremate their dead and practice death pollution for eleven days. (Joshua Project, 2013) Paru Mal (2000) believes that Kolhi are real and original Hindus. Aryans did not brought with themselves any Ved or Puran. Paru writes that Hindu gods, Shiv, Brahma, Vishnu, Raam and Krishna, all were not white skinned gods like today‘s dominant Aryans,

77 but they were black in color very much like indigenous racial and ethnic groups such as Bheel, Kol, Kolhi and Santal. Introduction of rigid caste system did not allow vanquished races that were degraded to untouchable status to enter into temples to worship their gods. They were not allowed even to touch the religious scriptures. Such discriminatory religious practices further alienated untouchables from their peaceful and female deities and gradually their religious practices reversibly changed from fully developed religion back to totemic tribal gods. Centuries of religious and social discrimination socially restructured for them new gods and goddesses, and developed in them an unconscious acceptance of their untouchability. (Mal, 2000; Ibrahim, 2005). Yet, to cure the ills of Hinduism and to emancipate untouchables Buddhism dawned in 3rd and 4th century B.C.

2.11.1 Syncretic Kolhi-Dalit religious practices and Sufism of Sindh It was Buddhist mysticism practiced by Kolhis, Bheels, Meghwars and other lower caste Sindhis that influenced Muslim preachers and consequently converted them into peculiarly Sindhian blend of mysticism (Sufism). Muslim Sufis were influenced by early Buddhist monks, and later Hindu yogis that were already under Buddhist influence. It is the so called miracle of the land of Sindh that through Sufism, ascetic alienation of Buddhism has been replaced and conditioned by the meditative engagement with the everyday routine life of common man. Faith has been made organically connected to pushes, pulls and forces of everyday material life, and inner content is believed to be achieved through peaceful living for the love of all, and respect for the beliefs of all people. It negates as well as accepts all faiths and religions at the same time and seeks synergies instead of contradictions in opinions and beliefs. In their pantheistic belief, external life is the chain of signifiers behind which lurks the transcendental signified, invisible and unexplainable in any language of the world.

Hence, it even deconstructs the postmodernist notion of ‗linguified context‘ as the transcendental signified in which language, discourse or context is sometimes elevated to the position of latest God. Instead it urges Sufis to live a normal life following the norms and values of the society of which they are part and urges them to do good, maintain peace, admire beauty and promote love, without being propagandist, or posing like a missionary. Stress on experiencing the everyday life to better direct ones actions, is the factor that makes

78 possible the marriage between the spiritual love and the message of peace of Sufism with the methodical praxis of socialism. There lies the space in Sufism for the introduction of socialism and for the dominant for power-sharing with the dominated and for ensuring the political participation for the marginalized

Parkari Kolhis are Hindus and worship several Hindu totemic deities, such Kul Devi, Chamunda Devi, Ragtiyo, Meltri Mata, Momaaee Devi, Baanbhryon. Generally ‘ and particularly Dalit and Parkari Kolhi religious beliefs and rituals have been more syncretic and Sufic. For example, Sindhi Hindus, Parkari Kolhis and also Sindhi Muslims celebrate the same Hindu ritual of rites of passage called Chatti, to name the newborn baby. Chatti is, in fact, a Hindu deity, yet Kolhi and Sindhi Muslims both celebrate it as a semi-religious cultural ritual. Sindhi Muslims in rural Sindh, in their everyday life used to follow and act accordingly, and it was only a four decades back that they shifted from Hindu Lunar calendar to Islamic and in recent years to Roman Calendar.

Parkari Kolhi and other Dalit communities, however, believe in several Sufi or mystic Hindu and Muslim saints of Sindh. Most of the Bhagats (folk mystic poets-cum- singers) have been Dalits. Kabir Bhagat and Meeran Bai were Kolhi that were and are still equally revered by Muslim Sufis of Sindh, Punjab and India. Several such Dalit Bhagats played their historic role to bring about social equity or equality and eradicate Casteism.

In Sindh Hindus and Sindhi Muslims, particularly Sufi Muslims have common deities, pirs and shrines, such as the temples of Ram Dev (Rama pir), shrine of Pir Pithoro, temple of Jhooley laal (Zindha Pir or Khawaja Khizr for Muslims), Laal Shahbaz, Hinglaaj Maata temple (Laahoot laa Makaan for Muslims), shrines of Sufi peots like Shah Abudl Latif Bhittai, Sachhal Sarmast.

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2.12 Kolhi Community of Naon Dumbālo and its Multiple Identities Identity or identities are sets of ―intersection of temporary attachments to different to different subject positions‖ in different contexts and keep shifting as the social, political, cultural, spatial and temporal context changes. (Sökefeld, 1999; Meijl, 2008) Similarly, Parkari Kolhi identities shift to assert and express different identities in different social contexts. Parkari Kolhi identities based on their shared or ‗given‘ self-image which Parkari Kolhis often share with their co-Parkari Kolhis can be graphically presented revolving around their core identity of ‗Parkari Kolhi‘ as follows:

Dalit (scheudled Parkari Indigenous Sindhi Caste)

Koli Kolhi Rajput

Hindu Parkari Kolhi Landless minority peasant member

Untouchable Sharecropper Bonded Resident of peasant Barrage-area

Figure 10: . Multiple Kolhi Identities. Source: Author (2014)

Kolhi peasants as Parkari Kolhis behave meekly and cooperatively with each other. Socio-economic insecurity and their status as migrants of the same area have kept them jelled together. They defend and protect themselves from outsiders and the landlords, through mutual strategizing and mobilization. Their actions are calculated and not merely spontaneous as Scott (1985) had observed while studying peasants of Sedaka10. Their discourse changes with the change in social context. They have their own versions

10 Sedaka, is the anonymous Malaysian village, inhabited by rice farmer, where James Scott spent two years (197880), to study everyday forms of peasant resistances.

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of ‗public transcripts‘ and ‗hidden transcripts‘ (Scott J. C., 1990) . In the presence of any outsider, non-Kolhi, or non-Parkari, or while they are in the field, they tend to behave submissively and with humbleness, and adopt the quiet posture. When threatened or intimidated by the landlord, they pose like a weak creature with extreme courtesy. But when alone, among Parkari or Kolhi‘s, they explain their slavish acting as an easy and sensible escape from useless and unnecessary.

2.12.1 Identity affiliations and inclinations of Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo Parkari Kolhis give socio-political priority to their local Parkari Kolhi community of Naon Dumbālo, and secondly to their spatially disjointed families, elders and kinship groups back at Nangarparkar. Hence, their ethnic identities have regional as well as spatial dimensions attached to it, the latter being identifiable to usual seasonal or permanent migrant families that depend on the remittances of their migrant family members. Kolhis do not assert their identity as landless peasants, or as victims of debt bondage. They are following the general trend of identifying mainly with the region and lineage, not with the occupation. Parkari Kolhis clearly differentiate between ‗Sindh‘ and ‗Parkar‘ as two different ‗Mulk’ (countries). Barrage-area of Sindh for them is ‗Sindh‘ proper, whereas, Parkar is some other country.

―We migrate to Sindh when drought occurs‖ (Kolhi V. , 2013)

―Our Mulk (country) is Parkar, and Sindh is this barrage-area‖ (Kolhi M. , 2013)

Yet, at Naon Dumbālo, initially with cautiousness and recently quite openly, they have condemned their exploitative treatment at the hands of landlords. Although, they do not assert their peasant-pastoralist way of life, yet it is one of their basic identity markers after skin color and physical features.

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Table 5: Major Identity Markers of Parkari Kolhi Community. Source: Author (2013)

Major Identity Markers of Parkari Kolhi Community Skin Color Dark Brown Skin color, together with their distinctive smaller height and physique, is the major ethnic identity marker for both Parkari Kolhis and for others. Language Parkari 72% resemblance with Gujarati, and 50% with Sindhi Dressig Code Chola Pari, Ghaghro Parkari Kolhi Women can be easily identified and Churo, Gujarati by their distinctive dressing code. Men in Turban Parkar, wear a colorful Gujarati Turban, which is different from Sindhi turban. Region Nangarparkar Nangarparkar being a part of Tharparkar, Parkari Kolhi culture is almost 70 percent resembles with other Dalit communities of Tharparkar Occupation Peasant-Pastoralist Mostly landless sharecroppers Religion Mystic Hinduism A syncretic religious practices, worshipping Muslim saints as well Housing Chaunro A cone shaped hut made of thistle and mud. Settled temporarily on the land provided by the landlord in Barrage-irrigated area. Whereas at Parkar they have their own land for housing where they are permanently settled Major Ethnic 1.Tribal-casteist ( as Parkari Kolhi) affiliations 2. Racial-ethnic (as Kolhi Rajput of Dravidian origin (that according to them includes all Kolhis in the world. ) 3. Regional-ecological ( as one belonging to the geographical region of Nangarparkar) 4.Tribal-economic (as Kolhi landless peasants of Sindh) Social integration Marginal Still in process of integration with the Sindhi community. Reshaping and reconstructing its identity, culture and occupational practices. Economic status Poor Political Status Under-represented One of the least empowered communities of Pakistan

2.12.2 Self-image of Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo are reconstructing their identity as the emerging Sindhi Hindu Rajput (Kshatriya) nation (race) of Dravidian origin, and as the true inheritors of great Indus civilization of Moen-jo-Daro. They have the deep realization of their historical marginalization and their exploitation as landless peasant-pastoralists under sharecropping.

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Parkari Kolhi‘s identification with different regional, religious, ethnic and linguistic identities has certain specific prioritized preference over the other, very much like give in the following hierarchical order, with the most commonly identified identity at the top.

1. Parkari Kolhi linked to Kinship groups and family members left behind at Nangarparkar ( hence identifying themselves as originally belonging to Nangarparkar, inheritors of pastoral way of life), hence (tribal-regional ) 2. Emerging identity as a Sindhi Kolhi Rajput of Dravidian origin (racial-ethnic) 3. Parkari (regional-ecological) Nangarparkar (Parkari Kolhis believe that Nangarparkar is primarily their country, although other communities and Muslim tribes also inhabit it. They wish prosperity and happiness for all inhabitants of Nangarparkar) 4. Kolhis in general, and Kolhi landless peasants in particular, of the whole Sindh (socio-economic) 5. Landless peasants and sharecroppers of Sindh (economic-ethnic) 6. Sindhi Community (Although before British took charge of Tharparkar and Rann of Katchh, they identified themselves, Nangarparkar and Thar with Rajasthan and Rajputana. After the British took control of Tharparkar and gave it under the control Sindh, Parkari Kolhis remained ambiguous in their larger identity- recognition. And, after partition in 1947, and the turning of soft borders into sealed borders after 1971 war, and with the cultural reformation of Sindh over the years, Parkari Kolhis have been decidedly driven to identify themselves as Sindhis, although their mother tongue and culture is more like that of Gujarati. Hence their identities have also been shaped by political changes in their localities. Sindh, being popularly known as the indigenous land of Dravidians, Kolhis claim to be the original inheritors of the civilization of Moen-jo-Daro, hence, original Sindhis) (ethno-national) 7. Dalits of Sindh (religio-ethnonational) 8. Dalits of Pakistan (religio-ethnic) 9. Pakistani minorities (Upper caste Hindus, Christians, Ahmadis) (Marginalised- statist) 10. Minorities and the Oppressed of the world ( Universally-marginalized) 11. Pakistani Nation (National-statist)

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Hence, their identification starts from their self to kinship, locality, region, and then larger nation-state, and not vice versa.

2.13 Sub-tribes of Kolhis Almost all Kolhi tribes are believed to have migrated in Sindh either from Gujarat or from Rajasthan and plateau. In Sindh, there live several tribes of Kolhi that speak different languages and have different culture and demographics. Paru Mal claims that the combined genealogical record of Kolhis and Rajputs, which is written Gujarati, is still preserved with Malji Bhaat at Bhatri village near Palanputan town in Gujarat. Yet such a practice of genealogical recording could not be continued after partition in 1947. (Mal, 2000).

There are seven main Kolhi tribes in Sindh (Ethnologue, 2014; A Digital Library of Language Relathionships, 2013; Adwani, 2008; Bethany World Prayer Centre, 2004-5; People Groups, 2014; Mal, 2000). Those tribes are:

1. Parkari Kolhi 2. Wadiyara Kolhi ( They are also Katchhi Kolhi) 3. Katchhi Kolhi (Waghria Kolhi (migrated in Sindh from Wagar in Kutch, and are mostly engaged in the occupation of blacksmith, hence also called as ‗Lohar‘. They are the most backward and powerless Kolhi tribe, yet believe themselves to be superior of all other Kolhi tribes. 4. Tharadari Kolhi 5. Mewasi Kolhi 6. Sanchuriya Kolhi 7. Neeara Kolhi

All above Kolhi tribes are Hindu, whereas there also live Muslim Kolhi (that use suffix ‗Kolhi‘ after their name) in Pakistan, out of which 24,000 live in Sindh province. Those indigenous Kolhi who have, ethno-linguistically, become Sindhi Muslims, and do not identify themselves as Kolhi, and do not use the ‗Kolhi‘ after their name. In this study, two main Kolhi tribes have been analyzed, namely Katchhi Kolhi and Parkari Kolhi,

84 that predominate in lower Sindh and still much of their economy is that of pastoral seasonal migrants, in case of Parkari Kolhis, and landless sharecroppers, in case of Katchhi Kolhi.

The strict rules of endogamy and exogamy within Kolhi communities are indicative of the ethnic discrimination and ethnocentrism within Kolhi communities. Most of the Parkari sub-tribes are endogamous and marry from within Parkari tribes. For example, Parkari Kolhi can marry from Chuhan Parkari Kolhis and vice versa. Yet their individual clans (sub-castes) within sub-tribes are exogamous groups in that they do not marry within the same clan (caste) (Bethany World Prayer Centre, 2004-5). For example, Parmar Parkari Kolhi would not marry from Parmar clan (caste). They also do not marry from another Kolhi caste/tribes related to them through affinal and maternal kinship. Parkari Kolhi do not often marry from Mewasi, Wadhiyara, Wagria (Katchhhi) Kolhis. Yet they intermarry with Sanchooriy, Chawra, Waghela, Daabhi, Baariya and Neeara Kolhis. According to Paru Mal, Waghria, Mewasi and Wadhiyara ethnically discriminate against Parkari Kolhis as inferiors to them, and avoid social contact with Parkari Kolhis. (Mal, 2000)

2.13.1 Parkari Kolhi Castes and Sub-castes (Nukh) at Versi Kolhi Colony, New Dumbālo Kolhi castes that live in Parkar (Nangarparkar) are called as Parkari Kolhi. Parkari Kolhi are proud of their Kolhi origins. According to Paru Mal, there are nine major castes in Kolhi, of which six inhabit in Parkar. All those six castes are believed to belong to Rajput Girasia Kolhis, namely, Parmar, Rathore, Chuhan, , Makwana, and Gohel (Mal, 2000, p. 167). Rajput literally means ‗son of the King‘, and ‗Girasia‘ were considered as low status Rajputs, although their Rajput credentials and identification with the prominent Rajput clans, such as Parmar, Rathore, Makwanam and Gohel were well recognized by all. Rajputs rose to supremacy in 7th century (Lal, Padmanabham, Krishnan, & Mohideen; Rathore, 2014) by ascending several lower castes warrior tribes and clans including Kolhis to increase their martial power. Parkari Kolhi tribes are endogamous groups having several exogamous castes and endogamous sub-castes called in Parkari as ‘Nukh‘. There are nine major Castes in Kolhis, namely;

1. Parmara Kolhi 2. Rathore Kolhi

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3. Makwana Kolhi 7. Waghela 4. Gohel Kolhi 8. Chawra 5. Chuhan Kolhi 9. Dabhi 6. Solanki Kolhi Not all Kolhi or Parkari Kolhi castes live at Versi Kolhi Colony or at New Dumbālo. Below, in tabulated form are classified five Parkari Kolhi castes, their strength and composition at Versi Kolhi Colony.

Table 6.Parkari Kolhi Castes and Sub castes at Versi Kolhi Colony. Source (2013)

Parkari Kolhi Castes and Sub castes at Versi Kolhi Colony Kolhi Castes NuKh Families at Immediate Migration From (Paaro) identified by Versi Kolhi Parkari Kolhis of Versi Colony Kolhi 1 Rathore Kolhi a) Dhakan 7 Karachi Paaro, Nangarparkar, Sinjhoro b) Moraiya c) Rahani d) Magani 2 Makwana a) Ladhani 30 Kapri Mori, some four Kilometers from Kolhi b) Bhawani Versi Kolhi Colony 3 Parmaar Kolhi 10 Karachi Paaro settlement which is three a) Phogarri Kms from Versi Kolhi Colony b) Udharani c) Modri d) Daoni 4 Gohel Kolhi a) Nazatia Gohel 12 Jhudo b) Naadhani 5 a) Hindu Chauhan 8 Pir Sakhi b) Sindhi Chauhan c) Madani d) Khorani e) Naangroo

To understand the internal social dynamics and social hierarchies within Parkari Kolhis at New Dumbālo, it is necessary to explain briefly their sub-castiest social status within community.

2.13.1 Parmara Kolhi Ten families of Parmar Kolhis live at Versi Kolhi Colony. Parmara have several sub-castes. Most of them are Hindu yet few in India have also converted to . Twenty nine different sub castes have been mentioned by Paru Mal (Mal, 2000). Yet the sub-castes of Parmaar that live at Versi Kolhi colony and/or have planned to migrate there are:

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e) Phogarri f) Udharani g) Modri h) Daoni

Most of Parmaara have migrated from Karachi Paaro settlement which is three Kms from Versi Kolhi Colony. Still many of them living at Karachi Paaro have purchased plots at Versi Kolhi Colony and plan to migrate there in coming years. Parmara has been traditionally the leading tribe that produced warrior heroes like that of Rooplo Kolhi. Versi Kolhi is also Parmar and colony has been named after him. Versi, being educated and traditionally belonging to the leading sub caste has been allowed to represent Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo on various social and political fora.

2 .13.2 Rathore Kolhi ‗Rathore‘ literally means ‗strong and hard‘. Rathore Rajputs ruled over Rajasthan only, and never allowed outside Khilfi, Pathan and Mughals to conquer them. To seek refuge from internal warefares at Rajasthan, some migrated to Parkar and settled in a village called Kashvi (Kasbo). Some Rathore families of Morya descent later migrated from Kasbo to settle in Veri Kolhi and Pardharo and still live there. Around 1899 in the aftermath of severe Chapno drought, some Morya Rathore families migrated from Rajasthan to Tando Muhammad Khan in lower Sindh and adopted trading business. Bhagwandas Rathore, a prominent Sindhi minority politician was from those Morya Rajputs. Bhagwandas was an ethno-nationalist politician and would defend the rights of minorities and Dalits communities. Bhagwandas played major role during the 1958 land reforms and got some lands allotted to the people of Rathore, Kolhi and other Dalit communities in Tando Muhammad Khan and Badin. He also inspired and assisted some budding Dalit leaders, such as Paru Mal, to contest and win elections during 1958. Rathore Kolhis can be further divided into four sub-castes (Nukhs). There are eleven sub castes within Rathore Kolhis. Yet out of them four families of Rathore Kolhis are living at Versi Kolhi Colony or planning to shift there in near future.

a) Dhakan b) Moraiya c) Rahani d) Magani

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2.13.3 Makwana Kolhi Makwana Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo are the relatives of Kolhis that live at Jhudo in Mirpurkhas. Makwana of Jhudo was the first known Kolhi peasant activist subtribe of barrage area, which openly resisted against landlords in 1971. They successfully won 11cases against landlords on issue of seed expenses. Kolhis declined to pay the share in seed as the newly promulgated law upheld that the provision of the seed was the responsibility of the landlord.

Makwana are also called Jhala which is a tribal clan of Rajputs of Suryavanshi lineage descended from Harpaldev and Shaktidevi. Makwana are found both in Gujarat and Rajasthan. Jhala Makwanas once ruled over much of Gujarat and Rajshthan then called Jhalwar that later under British rule was reduced to Jhalwar state. Apart from Jhalwar, Makwanas ruled over several princely states in Gujarat and Rajashtan region, such as , , , Wadhawan, Lakhtar, Sayla and Chuda. (McLeod, 1999, pp. 8-9) Maharana Partap (1540- 1597) whose is prided by Rajputs as an exemplary warrior leader, who fought bravely against Mughals, was Makwana Rajput ruler of Mewar in present Rajasthan (Sarkar, 1994, p. 48).

Kolhi Makwana fought for Makwana Rajputs against Rathore Rajputs in . The first Jhala Makwana came in Parkar from Jheenjhowar and Jhalawar, Rajashthan. Due to internal feuds, some of the Makwana of Jeenjhwar and Jhalawar migrated to settle in Bahrano and Bandho in Parkar. Some of the Makwana Kolhi families would plunder and loot in drought season or whereas most of them would migrate to Malwa region of India, and subsist on rain-fed cropping and pastoralism in after-rain season. Makwana Kolhis, despite being bandits, were very hospitable and in some cases would materially assist Sodha Rajputs of Parkar as well. They were very formidable people and had resisted Khosas and Sodha Rajput‘s dominance in Parkar. There are about 28 sub-castes within Makwana Kolhi (Mal, 2000), and few of them in India have also converted to Sunni Islam as well, yet Parkari Kolhis at Versi Kolhi colony identified two major sub-castes;

a) Ladhani b) Bhawani

Makwana Kolhis are in majority at Versi Kolhi Colony with 30 families living there. Most of Makwana migrated to Versi Kolhi Colony from Kapri Mori a nearby temporary settlement at the distance of 4 kms from Versi Kolhi Colony. Based on their numerical strength the traditional headman called ‗Patel‘ has also been appointed from Makwana. Kanji Makwana Kolhi is the

88 current Patel of Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo which resolves internal issues of Parkari Kolhis of Versi Kolhi colony, Karachi Paaro and some other nearby 25 Parkari Kolhi settlements.

2.13.4 Gohel Kolhi

The Gohel name has been derived from ‗guhu’, which means ‗cave‘, because its founder Muhideosur Gohadit (Guhil) has born in a cave in 542 A.D. Ghohel are Suryavanshi Rajputs that, in ancient times, rules over (Kathiawar), and later spread their small kingdoms and states through out north India. Gohels of Ramchanrea and the Vallbhi (Kathiarwar) dynasty migrated to Mewar to establish a Gohel dynasty in 6th century A.D. Gohel Rajputs left dynasties that later established ―kingdoms , in Rajputana, Saurashtra and Gujarat, Central India and the Deccan, and from which also emanated the Ranas of ‖ (Singh, 2009). Internet documentary sources generated by particular Rajput tribes are biased in terms of associating Rajput heroes to their tribes. For example, Maharan Rajput by some is associated with Gohel Rajputs (Singh, 2009), whereas others identify him with Makwana Rajputs (Sarkar, 1994).

According to Paru Mal, in Parkar Gohels came from ‗Gohel Gam‘ which is in Gujarat. Probably before the British came in India in later 17th century, Kohi Gohel had established their social identity as the progeny of Bhupat Kolhi Gohel who had separated from Rajput Gohels and established its own Girasia fiefdom (Thakur-ro/Rajuro) of small Bhakori state in Gujarat. The descendents of Bhopat Kolhi live in Parkar, interior Sindh and Gujarat and belong to Bhoptai subcaste. (Mal, 2000, pp. 188,189)

The most eulogized Parkari hero Rooplo Kolhi, who, together with Sodha Rajputs, fought against the British in 1849 and won initial battles, belonged to Gohel sub-tribe of Kolhis. Sarup Chand Gohel of Pholgari village of Parkar is another prominent ethnic political activist who in 1920s in Parkar van guarded ‗Quit India‘ and other non-violent political movements from the platform of Congress. With the assistance from Congress, Sarup Chand succeeded in opening up Gujarati schools in Kolhi Veri and Pholpuri in 1922, and in Nangarpark he opened up Harijan Asharam for Dalits where they were imparted education in English. Alam Chand Gohel, son of Sarup Chand, got his early education in those schools and after partition rose up as the prominent Dalit political leader of socialist mindset. He had full support of peasant socialists such as Ali Baksh Talpur, Mir Muhammad Talpur, Miskeen Jahan Khan Khoso and Comrade Ghulam Muhammad Laghari. Alam Chand was elected as Chairman in local body‘s

89 elections in 1966 and in it he defeated Sodha Rajput Rana Achal Singh. It was the first Kolhi- Dalit victory over hegemony of the upper caste Hindus and Sindhi feudals of Tharparkar. Although after 1971 war, Alam Chand left Parkar and Sindh and migrated to Desa in Gujarat, it was political inspiration of Alam Chand and his father Sarup Chand Gohel that paved the way for Kolhis and Dalits in the fields of politics, education and other occupations. (Mal, 2000)

Twelve families of Gohel (also Gohil) Kolhis live at Versi Kolhi Colony and all of them have migrated there from Jhudo where they used to live as landless sharecroppers. There are about 19 sub-castes within Gohels, yet Kolhis of Versi Kolhi Colony at New Dumbālo could recall only two of them.

a) Najatia b) Naadhani

The legendary Parkari hero Rooplo Gohel, who fought against the British in 1849, belonged to Naadhani Gohel sub-tribe. Nazatia Gohel are deemed as the meanest of all Kolhi castes. The word Nazatia literally means ‗having no caste‘ at all. Nazatia Kolhi do not live at Versi Kolhi Colony.

2.13.5 Chauhan Kolhi Historically Chauhan is believed to be the most superior caste of Rajputs, yet in Parkar, Kolhi Chauhan are ranked second after Parmar Kolhi. Chauhan is a tribal clan of Rajputs that ruled over certain areas of Rajasthan and Delhi from 700 AD to 1192 AD, when their warrior king Prithviraj Chauhan was defeated by Muhammad Ghori in the battle of Terain. Chauhan rulers of Rajasthan fought several battles with invading and Turks throughout the medieval period. Their major cities were Ajmer and Sambhar. Chuhan worship Devi ‗Anpurna‘. (Gupta & Bakshi, 2008; Mal, 2000) Rajudhar Chauhan was another prominent Rajput that ruled over a small area of Suigam which lies in Gujarat near Rajasthan borders and at the cross borders between Parkar and Rann of Kutch. Around 1442, due to the unrest and Muslim invasions and atrocities, Chauhan migrated from Rajasthan into Parkar and some of them turned from their essentially Rajput identity into Kolhi Girasia (Thakur-) (Mal, 2000). Chauhan Rajputs degraded their social status by marrying into/from lowest untouchable castes such as Pavli and Kaolin. Some of Kolhi Chauhan that

90 migrated from Kutarwara Gujarat to settle in Pardharo village in Parkar were formidable bandits. Kasbo village of Parkari that is famous for horticulture is also named after Chauhan Kolhi called Keshwo whose progeny calls itself Kaahuya. Another Chauhan warrior that fought bravely with the British and Khosas were Mado Chauhan whose progeny called Madai Chauhan lives in Ralkoi in Parkar. Kolhi Chauhan are now spread throughout Parkar and Barrage area. Some of the turned Muslims and still live in lower Sindh. Sindhi Chauhan first were Muslim, and then became Hindus. Some are still Muslims and one of its major sub castes is called Gurgej living in Lunwari town near Badin city in Badin District Sindh. Eight families of Chauhan Kolhis live at Naon Dumbālo, and all of them have migrated there from Pir Sakhi. Naangro Chauhan lives at Versi Kolhi Colony. Sindhi Chauhan do not live at Versi Kolhi Colony. There are 16 sub-castes (Nukhs) in Chauhan Kolhis. (Mal, 2000)Yet Kolhis of Versi Kolhi Colony could identify only three that live in the area of under study.

a) Madani b) Khorani c) Naangroo

2.14 Distribution of Kolhi Castes (Paaras) and Sub-castes (Nukh)in Parkari Kolhis of Versi Kolhi Colony

Naon Dumbālo town and its rural area is in District Badin, situated at the confluence of three main cities of Barrage area of lower Sindh, namely, Hyderabad, Badin and Mirpurkhas. Naon Dumbālo lies on a Tando Ghulam Ali, Matli and Dighri road. The road to Dighri connects Naon Dumbālo with towns of Tharparkar and villages of Nangarparkar. Nangarparkar is about 190 kms in the east of Naon Dumbālo, and Hyderabad city is about 90 kms in the west of it.

The distribution of castes and subcastes within Kolhis clearly shows that there exists hierarchical caste relationship even within Parkari Kolhi community, with Parmaar (Parmara) Kolhis at the top, followed by Makwana Kolhis and Nazatia Gohel being at the bottom of all. Still their social relationing is largely horizontal and least segregated. Impending external threats, vulnerability and historical exploitation of all Kolhi castes do not let them take internal differences seriously. Yet there is going on internal politics within Parkari Kolhis, some of them are implicitly against Versi Kolhi, while majority seems to favour him. Hence, there prevail two different discourses

91 within Kolhi community as well, one looking for alternatives through active transformation of society, the other a bit conservative and opportunistic allying with their landords that prefer to remain aloof from much of political and social activism.

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Chapter 3: Socio-economic Issues of Dalit and Kolhi Peasants

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3.1 Legal and Constitutional status of Dalits (Scheduled Castes) After the collapse of Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman Empires, right after First World War that had resulted in the persecution of minorities it was felt to formulate laws between 1919- 20, to protect the rights of religious and ethnic minorities in newly formed nation-states. Several conventions were subsequently passed to prevent discrimination, genocide, and prohibited they physical destruction of ethnic and religious groups, and protected the fundamental cultural rights of minorities (Faruqi, 2011, pp. 18, 20)

The article 27, of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), that was also ratified by Pakistan in 2010, stipulated that ―In those States in which ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities exist, persons belonging to such minorities shall not be denied the right, in community with the other members of their group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practice their own religion, or to use their own language‖ (Faruqi, 2011, p. 19). Pakistan has also ratified ‗International Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination‘, and the constitution of Pakistan also ―forbids any discrimination on the basis of religion, caste and ethnicity.‖ (The News , 2012)

Although there are general laws that stipulate that minorities be protected, there is no clear-cut law in Pakistan that may ensure caste-based discrimination or discrimination against Dalits (untouchables). (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 6). Islamabad-based, think-tank, Jinnah Institute has also recently documented the state-regulated political, economic and social discrimination and violence against minorities in the name of Islamic constitution and ‗controversial‘ blasphemy laws. (Jinnah Institute, 2013). Dalits, particularly Parkari Kolhis, have often been suspected of being agents of the India, and consequently discriminated and persecuted by the Pakistani state. Deliberate Islamisation in Hindu and Dalit neighborhood has increased to unbearable limits. ―Even in a Hindu neighborhood of 500 homes there is a madrassa and a mosque and residents wonder why it is there when Muslims don‘t even live or come here‖ (Faruqi, 2011, p. 34; Kolhi V. , Kolhi Politics, 2013).

Pakistan‘s blasphemy laws disproportionately affect Hindus, Christians and Ahmadis. Hindus have been arrested and abused in recent years due to their religious identity. They have also been subject to violence by Muslim radicals. For example, in 2005 and 2006,

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there were a number of noted kidnappings of Hindu girls who were then forced to convert to Islam and marry Muslim men. Also noted were kidnappings of successful Hindu businessmen who were held for ransom. (Faruqi, 2011, p. 34)

Although there have been formed several minority organizations in Pakistan, the most prominent amongst them being ‗All Pakistan Minorities Alliance (APMA), and ‗Pakistan Hindu Welfare Association‘, and several other coalitions of Hindu Panchayats, none of them really brings into consideration the internal discrimination within minorities (Faruqi, 2011, p. 34), and Dalit persecution at the hands of upper caste Hindus (Sodha Rajputs and Luhanas). Hence, Dalits felt the need to establish their own organizations such as ‗Scheduled Castes Federation of Pakistan (SCFP)‖ (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 38), and ‗Pakistan Dalit Solidarity Network‘ (PDSN) by linking it with ‗International Dalits Solidarity Network‘ (IDSN) (International Dalit Solidarity Network, 2013).

Scheduled castes (Dalits) in Pakistan are politically disempowered as it is evident from their representation in Senate and National Assembly. Out of the total of 446 seats of the Parliament, there is only a single member from Dalit community, and there is no minister or advisor from Scheduled caste .Although seats of parliament were increased from 200 to 342, seats reserved for minorities were not increased and still remain 10. In Sindh where majority of Dalits live, they are not represented in Sindh Assembly by any independent and genuine Dalit leader, thus leading to further exclusion of Dalits from policy-making, and fund-allocation processes, and consequently their funds are then spent up by upper caste Hindu minority members (The News , 2012)

Dalit leaders are no more than lackeys of non-Dalit upper caste Hindu of Sindhi Muslim leaders in Pakistan. Common Dalit population being economically and socially under bondage of feudal lords is not allowed to exercise their right to vote freely. Dalit marginalization is also largely the product of internal schisms within Dalit community, as they themselves practice untouchability taboos and discriminate one Dalit community from another. It is one of the prime reasons that despite being majority within minority among Hindus, Dalits are dominated in elections by influential upper caste and economically well off Hindus. After the promulgation of joint electoral system, Dalits are looking forward to contest elections independently instead of joining any party, although seats for minorities have also been reserved in national and provincial assemblies. They condemn reservation criterion as illegitimate because it does not

95 further differentiate between Hindu and Dalit electorates, and resultantly, most of the seats are allotted by mainstream political parties to influential upper caste Hindus, that, according to Dalit leadership, have been erroneously enumerated as in majority in Pakistan. (Meghwal, 2013; Kolhi V. , PCDP, 2013; Kolhi V. , Kolhi Politics, 2013)

According to a Dalit leader Malji Meghwar;

In new parliament system President of Pakistan has announced the joint Electoral system and seats reserved for Non-Muslims (0/100) in Senate, (10/342) in National Assembly, Provincial Assemblies 1.Punjab (8/371), 2.Sindh (9/168), 3.NWFP (3/124), 4.Balochistan (3/65). The selection Methodology of Non-Muslims was the nomination by Election contesting Political parties. In Pakistan there are 3 big parties, Pakistan People‘s Party Parliamentarian (PPPP), Muslim League (Nawaz), Muslim League (Q), out of these only one ML (N) has given ticket to Dalit Mr.Kirshan Lal Bheel in National Assembly, and in Sindh () MQM has given ticket to Mr.Poonjo Mal Bheel, but both are crippled they cannot support to their Dalit brothers. (Meghwal, 2013)

Kolhis Bheels, Meghwars are politically insignificant castes. Although a few untouchables have been elected as MNAs or MPAs on minority seats, they have never been offered any ministry or politically powerful post. In the past, feudal politicians used to make an untouchable stand before their opponent in provincial, national or local bodies elections, to demoralize the contesting landlords. To contest election with the untouchable or insignificant Kolhi was, and to some extent still, considered as disgraceful. Things have considerably changed over the years, to the extent that now Kolhis contest elections on their own, for the cause of all marginalized communities of the electorates. Kolhis, however, are still waiting for their emancipator. The most significant that still exist for Kolhis is the Rooplo Kolhi, the warrior who fought against British forces for indigenous land rights, and was subsequently hanged. As the identities are not fixed and are ideological constructs (Barnett, 1974), Kolhi peasants are in search of creating new respectable identities by questioning the myth of untouchability, and by raising voices against their ascribed statuses of landlessness and debt bondage.

Like Parkari Kolhis in Sindh Pakistan, Dalit population in India are also still struggling ―to achieve its preconditions, their organization and recognition from other communities of their dignity‖, like, for example, OBCs, (Other Backward Castes, Non-Brahmins, and Dravidian identities). They could not have acquired a required minimum autonomy, self-respect and are not sufficiently empowered to eradicate Casteism from India (Omvedt, 2013; Ibrahim, 34, 2011;

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Ibrahim, 2005). Hence Casteism in India is getting stronger largely due to the reformation within lower castes (Christophe, 2003). In case of Parkari Kolhis of lower Sindh, similar urge to assert themselves at communal level can be evidenced as there are at least half a dozen of Kolhi organizations, more than any other ethnic caste or tribe in Sindh has, that are working for the uplift of Parkari Kolhi community. (Kolhi V. , Kolhi Politics, 2013)

3.2 Articulation of Social Problems by Kolhi Peasant Activists

Social problems of Kolhi peasants are mostly same, as that of other peasant farmers, and sharecroppers, namely, forced and unpaid labour, debt bondage and landlessness. Yet their historically marginalized ethnic and migratory status, adds additional negative dimensions to their social problems. Historically they have been underdogs, treated by upper caste Hindus as unworthy, even to touch, hence, untouchables. After being pushed to the deserted areas by the powerful Aryan races, Kolhis subsisted on the domestication of drought resistant cattle and crops. Yet they kept migrating to the flooded Indus plain in monsoon season, or when drought at Thar got prolonged. Social and economic problems got increased for them when other nations and races started to settle in the lower Indus plain, and, subsequently, were conferred legal rights over land by the subsequent rulers of Sindh. Hence, their traditional migratory pastoralist cycle got disturbed and they were reduced to the status of landless peasant-pastoralists. Landlessness, ethnic and religious discrimination manifest itself into various practices that further lead to other social and economic problems for the Kolhi community. Debt bondage, social bondage, unpaid labor, forced migration, uneconomic land allotment, low farm wages and forced religious conversions (Faruqi, 2011, p. 55), are some of the major problems Kolhi peasants are beset with. Another common fear prevailing among Kolhi peasants is that of kidnapping, particularly, of young Kolhi women and girls. Several Kolhi and other lower caste young women have been molested by the dominant Sindhi, Baloch and Muslim landlords, in the recent past.

Kolhi children also suffer discrimination at private schools of Naon Dumbālo. Kolhi students are not allowed to be admitted in private, even though there are no clear rules forbidding Kolhi‘s children‘s admission. Authorities do not openly reject the admission of Kolhi students, but when Kolhi students go for admission, they are told that the school has limited seats and they should apply the next year. Kolhi children are not supposed by landlords to seek education. Landlords prefer to allot the land to those Kolhis, who have maximum number of children of

97 working age. Children are caught in the vicious cycles of their parents‘ debt, and, thus, are constantly denied the right to education.

Caste and ethnic discrimination is at its extreme at Dumbālo and at surrounding towns, particularly Chamber, Tando Ghulam Ali, Dighri, and Tando Allahyar. The young Kolhi individual of any age cannot enter the premises of bigger well-furnished hotels or restaurants. They are first asked where are they going and who they are. If someone responds by saying they belong to the Kolhi tribe, it becomes impossible for them to enter the premises of such hotels. In some hotels admission is possible, but Kolhi‘s are allotted a completely separate set of utensils.

Kolhi landless peasant‘s biggest concern, probably, is their insecurity of sharecropping contract which can be revoked by the landlord at any time. End of sudden sharecropping contract also leads Kolhi sharecropper to evacuate plot provided by the landlord, and migrate to another area. Such kind of internal displacement impairs the sharecropper, not only economically and socially, but also psychologically. Children‘s education suffers, graveyards of Kolhis are bulldozed, social contacts get disoriented, and the sharecropper stigmatized as the untrustworthy of contracting, by landlords.

3.3 Social exclusion, structured inequality and exploitation

In case of Dalits (Scheduled castes), social exclusion is structurally embedded in caste system in Indian in Pakistani society. Although caste discrimination affects 260 million people through the world, its majority victims are Dalits of India and Pakistan. Dalits organizations condemn both Hindu and Muslim caste systems as a kind of socio-economic domination by upper castes of lower castes. According to a Dalit leader Malji Meghwar, ―Government facilities for religious minorities are almost monopolized by the country more powerful and organized Christian and upper caste Hindu communities leaving the Dalits Untouched‖ (Meghwal, 2013).

Labelling of Dalits as ‗outcastes ‗in Hindu caste system, in fact, puts them out of customary competition with well recognized castes on equal footing (International Dalit Solidarity Network, 2013). About 79 percent of Dalits face discriminatory treatment of one or another kind. Discrimination is expressed as hatred towards Dalits, as harsh treatment, unpaid labor, debt bondage, and ignoring in development schemes. Social exclusion of Dalits (Scheduled castes) and Kolhis starts at official level during Census, by which almost 90 percent

98 of Dalits either go missing, are marked wrongly in other categories (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, pp. 17, 35, 36) . Due to rampant social discrimination, seeking of National Identity Cards is also problematic for lower caste Hindus, which further led to discrimination due to lack of access to governmental funds such as Benazir Income Support Schemes. (Faruqi, 2011, p. 34; Meghwal, 2013) About 83% percent of Dalit population is landless and the remaining 17% that own small pieces of land have, on average not more than one to five acres. Landlessness among Dalits is at its extreme in Southern Punjab. In Tharparkar, however most of Dalits own small pieces of rain- fed land. (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 28)

Kolhi are landless Dalit peasants, many of whom have either recently got relief from debt bondage, and many of them are still suffering from all kinds of social discrimination. About eighty percent of landless sharecroppers in Sindh province are from Dalit (Scheduled caste) communities. Substantive number of landless Dalit peasants are still suffering from severe kind of debt bondage although international organizations like HRCP and local non-governmental organizations and peasant activists have been active since last 20 years and have helped release several bonded peasants. (Meghwal, 2013; Bhandaar Sangat, 2013; Sario, Local Bodies Elections, 2013)

In Tharparkar, Dalits are under the debt of usurious money lender (Bania), whereas in barrage- area, they are under debt bondage that in fact, turns them into virtual slaves. According to a Dalit leader

If they protest against false indebt ness or refuse to give the free labour, the false fictitious police cases lodged against them and the police don‘t protect them. Local Administration (police, Revenue and Judiciary) get bribe from them and routinely harass them and supports to Upper caste and even forcibly take away their cattle and other such belongings. (Meghwal, 2013) Studies have found that problems of ‗social exclusion‘ persist even after land reforms, and that access to land may serve merely as a ‗primary strategy‘ for landless peasants to reposition themselves in the society. ―…land reform strategies are not sufficient on their own to redress uneven social relations and power. Put in other words, the ways that land reform policies are currently constructed limit the opportunities, and may exacerbate the difficulties, experienced by those who gain access to land through ‗landless peasant‘ activism.‖ (Lindemann, June 2010). In case of Kolhi landless peasants, they do not seem to be gaining access to land through land reforms as the feudal-political structure is still strong in Sindh. Yet,

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Kolhis themselves, also realize that land reforms for them may not occur, and even if it happens, casteism, tribalism, and the negative sentiments of ethno-religious discrimination are so much deep rooted that the mere land reforms, or governmental efforts to redress their economic woes, may not enable to socially reposition a Hindu untouchable communities of lower Sindh as equally prestigious, honorable and responsible citizens of Pakistan.

Taboos related to untouchability are still widely practiced in Sindh, mainly due to the impact of Hindu caste-system that it has had for centuries, despite the fact that Islam doesn‘t allow to differentiate on the basis of caste and ethnicity. Even the poorest of Muslim peasants in rural Sindh, usually, avoid bodily contact with Kolhis, Bheels, Baghris and Meghwars, the practice they one may not find among the Muslims of and Africa where Casteism of the Indian type have never prevailed in the past. (International Dalit Solidarity Network, 2013; Mal, 2000; Khadarposh, 2002; Bethany World Prayer Centre, 2004-5; Ercelawn & Nauman, 2001)

Hindu and Dalit community‘s vulnerability in lower Sindh is evident from several cases of religious extremism. In Barrage area, ethno-nationalist Sindhis with Sufic sentiments always come to rescue Dalits and Hindus when they are attacked by Muslims on religious grounds. When, for instance, Hindu-Dalits were attacked by speaking extremist Muslim in on fake charges of blasphemy, it was their Sindhi Muslim ethno-nationalist that rescued them. Hindus and Muslims, in general, in Barrage area of lower Sindh, and in Tharparkar have always lived harmoniously largely practicing syncretic beliefs (Faruqi, 2011, pp. 47,59)‖

Hence, Hindu minority being Sindhi and the considerable Sindhi Muslims being Sufic in religious outlook, identify more closely with each other than with the Urdu speaking conservative Muslim population that is derogatorily considered as Muhajir that is latter migrants into the area, and not the indigenous Sindhis.

Despite the soft corner for Dalits in the hearts of Sindhi Muslim‘s of Sufic disposition, casteism is ubiquitous and it is practiced as much by upper caste Hindus as by Muslims. In hospitals, doctors and nurses avoid to touch body parts of Dalits. They are denied services at barber shops, restaurants and hotels serve them in separate crockery, and mostly Parkari Kolhis are not invited in the wedding parties or any other such ceremonies. (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 32).

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In rural Tharparkar, Dalits are being forced to migrate and evacuate lands of migrant upper caste Hindus, on which they have lived for decades. In urban areas they find refuge in peripheral slums segregated from the Muslim populations. Even there Dalits are at the target of land mafia (Meghwal, 2013)

3.3.1 Social exclusion by local government, development sector and International donors Social exclusion of Dalits is not only practiced by local government, but international donor agencies as well. World Bank, Asian Development Bank and such other organizations have not specifically targetized marginalized communities, particularly scheduled castes of Pakistan. Governmental programs such as Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) and Mid Term Development Framework (MTDF) do not specifically address the issues of lower castes. Moreover, government documents related to development hardly recognize the category of ‗scheduled caste‘, or ‗marginalized caste or tribal-based communities‘. (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 51)

Although social exclusion is the actual lived practice of the hierarchical society of Pakistan, particularly of lower Sindh, yet the state of Pakistan assumes it to have been resolved by egalitarian Islamic principles. Hence, instead of rationally confessing the existing caste-based structured inequalities within Pakistani society, it merely reasserts ideological principles of Islam, believing that there is no room for any kind of discrimination in an Islamic state. Dalits being considered as inferior are often unable to secure high profit job in government or development sector, and resultantly most of them are employed in underpaid menial work. Contracted as sharecroppers in the field, Dalit peasants are happy to get whatever wage they are offered by the landlord. Their weaker bargaining position always keeps them underpaid and over-labored. Wages are not paid to them in time and due to monopolistic and over-invoiced record-keeping by the landlord, most of their labor in field remains no more than a free and unpaid labor. (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, pp. 42,43,44)

Most of the research reports and rapid assessments conducted by NGOs or semi- governmental organizations conclude by recommendations to the government or state, which implies that they strongly believe that the change would come from the above. Their protests and rallies all demand governmental action. Almost none of their rallies were directly against the communal, social and cultural practices of discrimination. They even assign the task of bringing about changes in behaviors to government to whom they hold the as the most responsible actor.

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They do not dare confront or address feudals, N.G.Os, civil society, Hindu upper castes, and religious extremists directly, as is evident from the following recommendations.

3.3.2 Ethnic discrimination, Casteism and Social Segregation in lower Sind Dalits of the lower Sindh are trapped in debt bondage by landlords and brick-kiln owners and then on that basis, oppressed by them. They put restraint on their physical movement, beat them and harass their women sexually. (Faruqi, 2011; International Dalit Solidarity Network, 2013). Both upper caste Hindus (Thakurs, Luhanas) and Muslim castes discriminate against Dalits in all walks of life. Dalits are not allowed by upper caste Hindus to share same utensils, build houses near or adjacent to their houses, and let their children intermingle with Dalit children. At public places, in busses, at barber shops, by dentists, at hospitals social distances is maintained from Dalits by other castes, and generally, are not attended properly by doctors at hospital, and by teachers school. (Meghwal, 2013; Kolhi K. , 2013; Kolhi V. , , 2009)

In district Tharparkar near to border line of India in villages Dalits have no right to fetch the water from well of upper caste Hindus/Muslims they can‘t graze their cattle in the land without their permission, they can‘t wear any good quality cloth, turban, their females cannot wear golden/silver ornaments they can‘t ride on horse/camel at the time of wedding ceremony they cannot sit on cot in their homes, though in the Otaque/houses of upper caste Hindus / Muslims gives/allows no any chair, cot, Farasi, Dari. In some cases they are not allowed to sit on the open space without any carpet (Farasi) where dogs and donkeys move and excrete without any restriction.(Meghwal, 2013) The whole rural structure of upper and lower Sindh testifies to the fact of caste segregation. Rural villages of Sindh are in fact caste-based villages, and even within village there are few segregated neighborhoods based on hierarchical caste system. The villages of Baloch may hardly have a Sindhi inhabitant and vice versa. (Hussain, Mohyuddin, & Ahmed, 2013; Hussain, Mohyuddin, & Mahesar, 2013)

Unlike tribal and caste based residential segregation in general, segregation of scheduled castes carries the element of hate and discrimination. Bagris are made to have residence in the outskirt of village as they are considered untouchable and polluted and other castes want to remain 'clean by keeping them at a distance….Every schedule caste is considered as Hindus, where as in most of cases, Hindus do not consider them as their religious brothers. In the districts where survey was conducted, scheduled caste residential areas/ villages/ colonies were located separate from the main localities of other castes or the main village and town. Although there was no formal forced segregation, the scheduled castes themselves have accepted the reality that they should have separate housing

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because of their inferior social set up… in Tharparkar, where Bheel, Meghwar, Kolhi and Odhs have their own separate settlements. (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 34) Hence, spatial or residential segregation in case of Dalits is even more extreme. Sindhi and Baloch villagers never allow Kolhis to erect their hutment near their houses. Kolhis are, however, provided some open space, a rangeland nearby their tenanted land.

In rural areas the huts of Dalits are located in separate settlements outside the main village and they generally lack even basic amenities like water supply, drainage, telephone, road, transport facility etc. Large number of Dalits also led a nomadic existence, traveling from village to village in search of job. Many Dalits live in temporary structure in the lands of landlords for whom they work and they can be expelled from there whenever the landlords wish, having no little to the land. (Meghwal, 2013) Not a single non-Kolhi can even think of living inside Kolhi villages. Hence, Kolhi‘s communal segregation is total, enforced upon them by the customary laws of ‗untouchability‘ and Casteism. Casteism is just taken for granted by Dalits themselves, with the result that there prevails casteist discrimination with Dalits (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 35). Kolhis avoid intermingling with Bheels, and Bheels with Kolhis, and Meghwars avoid contact with both Bheels and Kolhis.

3.3.3.1 Discrimination at Schools and in Education According to UNESCO, ―the illiteracy percentage was 79 percent in Pakistan in 2012 and the number of Pakistan was 180 in the list of 221 in countries in the world‖ (Tauqir, 2013) .In 2013, with 56% literacy rate, ―Pakistan ranks at 113th position among 120 countries of the world (Khan G. M., 2013). Although Pakistan‘s overall indicators do not seem any better, the condition of marginalized regions and communities is even worst. Marginalization of Dalits can be easily assessed from the discrimination practiced in terms of educational facilities available to Dalit population. Due to sidelining, ―only 26 per cent of literacy compared to 58 per cent of general literacy rate in the country, according to a survey report‖ (The News , 2012). All major Districts of lower Sindh where Dalits are populated have the lowest rates of literacy. Literacy rate of Tharparkar, the native district of Kolhis and Dalits, is only 18 percent, and overall 74% of Dalits in Pakistan are illiterate (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 30).

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At schools social discrimination is practiced by Muslim and Hindu teachers and Muslim students, which prove to be a kind of psychological barrier to develop healthy and humanistic attitudes. ―Scheduled castes students and their parents complained that fellow students and teachers humiliate them due to their poor clothing and appearance‖. (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, pp. 31, 61). Dalit activist Malji Meghwar has also explained similar kind of discrimination faced by Dalits in Pakistan. In Primary Schools in the villages, Dalit students discriminated from the first day when he enrolled, the Muslim or upper caste Hindu teacher writes his half name with his father‘s name and routinely faces discrimination and not allowed to sit on the wooden bench and to use utensils that are used by other students. Dalit students are often badly treated by upper caste Muslim teachers up to college level from where branches divide to Professional Education... Despite being the poorest of the poor, they don‘t receive any scholarships from Government in the name of Scheduled caste scholarship…generally, children withdrawn from schools at an early age to engage in manual work to help supplement the family‘s meager income. In many cases Dalits don‘t send their girls to school/College/University fearing that they might be kidnapped, raped, or forcibly convert to Islam. (Meghwal, 2013)

Moreover, curriculum devised by the government is also biased as it does not reflect Dalit religious beliefs. Although constitution of Pakistan guarantees basic human rights of minorities including the practice and teaching of religion, Islamiat is being forcibly taught as a compulsory subject to non-Muslim students including Dalits (scheduled castes). (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 31) . Text books on history are also biased towards Hindus and Dalits as these are tinged with the discourse of ‗Two-nation Theory‘ that depicts Hindus as the enemy of Muslims. As Dalits are officially considered Hindus and they themselves believe themselves to be Hindu Sufis, such a kind of teaching of , India and South Asia, can only further sensitize them about the structured exploitation that is being done by the government and the state. , a peasant and minorities Activist of Sindh, maintains that such a kind of discrimination, instead of leading to nation-building, will lead to further disintegration and alienation of non- Muslims. (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 61)

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3.4 Kolhi Sharecroppers, Debt bondage and Landlessness

3.4.1 Sharecropping in Lower Sindh: Historical Background Several historical records suggest that sharecropping in South Asia and in Sindh is only few centuries old. Sindhi and societies were village communes systems in which land was a collective communal property and each did his/ her bit to contribute to the collective wealth of the commune. That communal system was first disturbed by Mughals, and then by the imperial British, resulting in the class of landless peasants and sharecroppers under the system of ‗batai‘ (that sharing the produce with the government, or landlord). (T.J.Byres, 2005, p. 29; Ahmed F. , 1984, pp. A-161) The practice of sharecropping varies considerably throughout Sindhi. Whereas in upper Sindh, particularly in Sindh rice belt is less exploitative and equally prevalent among all inhabiting casts and tribes (Hussain, Mohyuddin, & Ahmed, 2013; Hussain, Mohyuddin, & Mahesar, 2013), in barrage-irrigated area of lower Sindh it is highly exploitative of the landless peasants (Shah Z. , Dec 2007; Khadarposh, 2002; PILER, 2010; Bhandar Sangat, 2012).

Although sharecropping was very much in vogue in Sindh before the British came in, it was not that much exploitative as mostly Sindhi Samat tribes and lower class Sindhi speaking Muslims that had settled in tribal villages, were engaged in it. Untouchables like Kolhi were not even deemed fit to be contracted as sharecroppers, except semi-nomadic wagri horticulturalist tribe that used to be contracted to grow vegetables. Sharecropper-landlord system was so strong in Sindh ―that the British, who conquered Sindh in 1843, seemed to have had no difficulty in recognizing [landlord‘s] rights‖ (Ahmed F. , Agrarian Change and Class Formation in Sindh, 1984, pp. A-153).

―The British preferred to have individual owners engage in revenue payment, and they found them in Sindh. Village community, which sustained communal ownership/holding elsewhere, had been in an advanced stage of decay. The Sindh village was no more than a mechanical aggregation of unconnected hamlets, inhabited usually by an extended faimily or kindred. The Sindhi was poor substitute of the corporate village community of Northern India, and wadero (elder) was a village headman only in name.‖ (Ahmed F. , Agrarian Change and Class Formation in Sindh, 1984, pp. A-153)

Major shift from pastoralism to agriculture in south-eastern part of lower Sindh occurred when barrages were built over the Indus by the British and the river waters were controlled by raising banks of river Indus. In 1932, largest irrigation system of that time became functional when Sukkur (Lloyd) Barrage was built on the Indus river in upper Sindh that brought about 7 million

105 acres of land under cultivation. It was hoped by the local peasants and underprivileged indigenous peasant-pastoralists that they would be allotted some lands for agriculture (Siddiqi, 2012, pp. 79,80; Khan A. , 2002, p. 218). Instead of favoring the landless peasants, the British, in 1940s, institutionalized and legalized feudalism by awarding thousands of acres to local tribal chiefs, with the rights to inherit from generation to generation (Ali M. , 2012, p. 114) . Moreover the British policy being, capitalist and profit-oriented kept allotting fertile tracts of Sindh to reputedly more hard-working landlords from central and lower Punjab (Siddiqi, 2012, pp. 79,80; Khan A. , 2002, p. 218).

People from Punjab were settled in areas of Sindh, such as Sukkur and later Sanghar, following the construction of the Sukkur barrage. Migration of similar nature also took place in the post-independence era, when after the construction of the Ghulam Muhammad Barrage, migrants from Punjab settled in the district of Badin. (Memon, Determinants and Trends of Internal Migration in Pakistan, 2005, p. 1)

Apart from newly allotted lands to the outsiders, the lands that were brought under cultivation were either already in of Sindhi and Baloch tribals from Talpur era (Khan A. , 2002, pp. 214,215) , or mortgaged to Hindu Mahajans, that would not allow the so-called untouchable tribes such as Kolhis to be permanent sharecroppers or worthy of allotment. Hence, Kolhis, both Parkari and Katchhi, instead of being favored with some fertile tracts of land in Barrage area, were left to roam around seasonally to lower Sindh for fodder, and to central Sindh as wage- laborers for cotton picking, and wheat harvesting (Ahmed F. , 1984, pp. A-157). That deliberate disenfranchisement, in later years resulted in temporary settlements of Parkari Kolhi in barrage- irrigated areas, as landless peasants under debt bondage. Although, historically, Parkari Kolhi, Bheels of Tharparkar and lower caste landless peasants should have been the more rightful claimants to the land newly brought to irrigation in lower Sindh, the lands were allotted to big landlords, Baloch feudals, Punjabi migrants, and retired army personnel.

3.4.2 Kolhi transhumance and sharecropping? Parkari Kolhis, before turning to sharecropping, have been peasant-pastoralists largely depending on cattle to procure their economic needs. Their turning to sharecropping is the recent phenomenon which is only a century old, and was adopted as the temporary settlement mechanism to ensure constant supply of fodder for their animal during dry months. Becoming sharecroppers also brought about change in their seasonal migratory patterns.

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Kolhi migration has gone through several migratory shifts, from early nomadic-pastoral cycles to transhumance (seasonal migration) (Blench, 2001) before 1947. Kolhi migration, in recent past, however, cannot be explained in traditional anthropological theories of nomadic pastoral cycles, as Kolhi migration has taken a totally different pattern during last few decades.

Before eighteenth century A.D, Parkari and Katchhi Kolhis would seasonally migrate to present barrage-area of lower Sindh only in times when either droughts were less severe or when there occurred good rains in lower Sindh. Otherwise, in severe drought conditions, seasonal migration would give way to cyclical migration in which Parkari Kolhis would migrate to Malwa plateau of Madhaya Pradesh by crossing existing Katchch and Gujarat. In less severe droughts they would subsist on loot and plunder of Gujarat and Rajasthan while staying in Karoonjhar hills. (Mal, 2000, p. 74; Byly, 2008, p. 84; Batchu, 2009; CARD, 2005).

Parkari Kolhi pastoralists used to freely migrate in Sindh, Katchh, Gujarat, and Rajasthan. (Bharwada & Mahajan, 2006) Before 1900 A.D, peasant-pastoralists of Tharparkar, particularly Parkari Kolhi differed socioeconomically from Katchhi Kolhi and other pastoral communities of Sindh in many ways as their dry climate, and desert ecology made their positioning and networking uniquely different from the rest of peasants in Sindh. Whereas, most of other communities occupied specific ecologically fertile and viable places, and took irrigated agriculture seriously, Parkari and Katchhi Kolhis kept mainly depending on cattle culture. While Sammat and Jatt pastoralists preferred to stay in semi-permanent settlements called ‗Wandh’ in upper Sindh, Kolhi along with most untouchable Tharis kept their practice of seasonal migration continue, and ―accounted for the largest intra-regional migration in Sindh‖ (T.Postans & M.R.A.S, 1843, p. 24). Tharis and Parkaris migrated primarily to arrange fodder for their cattle and to sell their secondary animal products. Their seasonal migration sometimes got prolonged, in specific years, particularly during years of drought that recurred cyclically every third, fourth year or in a decade. (Rajar, Hernai, & Dakhan, 2007, p. 121).

In 1931, the date of the last census conducted by the British government, before the abolition of caste, Kolis/ Kolhi tribes had well dispersed throughout North India and Northwest India, mostly in the Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh and Rajputana.‖ (Gujjar International Secretariat, 2014). Although Katchhi Kolhis either had already settled near existing river Indus in Sindh and interacted more with Sindhi people, Parkari Kolhis probably entered Nangarparkar and settled there to seasonally

107 migrate for fodder in lower Sindh, and remained reluctant to interact with mainstream society. The stigma of untouchability also played its role in Kolhi social segregation from the rest of the society. Hence, Parkari Kolhi‘ transhumance went on for centuries in the region where state boundaries did not matter much and had remained blurred, border crossing was the norm. In fact it constituted the vast zone of homogenous pastoral migration in which migration occurred in multiple directions.

Although some of the Parkari Kolhi were already settled in Nangarparkar, some of them entered from Indian Gujarat to settle there, and in Barrage area during the drought of 1889, the period when the Jamaro canal was also being dug in Barrage area of lower Sindh.

Kolhi migration after 1930s has been affected by two major factors.

A) Building of barrages, that led to an increase in wage-labour and sharecropping among Kolhi B) Severe and recurring droughts in the Katchh area and subsequent desertification of Banni grasslands, leading to the exodus of Sindhi and Katchhi Maldhari pastoralists to Sindh

Parkari Kolhi shift to migrate more to northward to Sindh is also understandable as the newly built Sukkur barrage 1930s, had created new economic opportunities for them in the form of wage labour and sharecropping in lower Sindh, particularly in Mirpurkhas and Umerkot districts. It was, probably also the time when instead of subsisting on pastoral economy and seasonal migration, Parkari Kolhi started changing their life style from semi-nomadic seasonal migrants to semi-permanent wage laborers and sharecroppers. Sodha Rajputs of Umerkot and Tharparkar also encouraged Parkari Kolhi, Bheel and Meghwar (then called Harijans) to settle in Tharparkar and lower Sindh (Sodha, 2010)

3.4.3 Bonded Labor in Agriculture and Land Rights

South-eastern part of lower Sindh is the debt-ridden region where mostly Dalit peasants bonded under debt of landlords. Peasant-pastoralists that migrate from the drought-stricken district Tharparkar to river irrigated areas are the worst victims of debt and social bondage (Maliha, Razzaq, & Shazreh, 2004). In barrage-area, however, they suffer at the hands of landlord. They are trapped in debt bondage and compelled to labour for years under that debt.

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Although several international and national laws recently made have nullified bonded labour, practically is still being largely practiced in lower Sindh. According to a report by peasant and labour organization (PILER), ―Pakistan has not ratified the Right of Association (Agriculture) Convention (No.11) adopted by the ILO in 1921 and neither it has ratified the Rural Workers' Organizations Convention (No. 141)‖. Whereas Pakistan has ratified core ILO labor standards (ILO Conventions No.87 on freedom of association, and No 98 on right to collective bargaining) yet these standards have not yet been legislated to be fully implementable in country. And ―where specific legislation exists, such as the Bonded Labor System (Abolition) Act 1992 and the Employment of Children Act 1991‖ cancelling of existing bonded debts and forbids to sue to recover such debts, ―implementation is totally lacking.‖ (PILER, 2010; International Dalit Solidarity Network, 2013). According to the prominent peasant activist of Sindh; In Pakistan, definition of bondage or bonded labour generally focuses on debt bondage under which poor workers are coerced into a situation where they are compelled to work against their wishes not only for years but for generations with restricted movement and no freedom of choice. The latest law in Pakistan also accepts compulsory work against credit as bonded labour. (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 64) Landless sharecropping families, due to their precarious socio-economic status, are compelled to take loans from the landlords for daily subsistence and agricultural inputs. The landlord's greed and inhumanity, and the tenant's disempowerment transforms the work relations in to debt bondage; peasants families, particularly women and children, lose their freedom to move and/or choose another employment till the accumulated debt is paid off to the satisfaction of the landlord. (Ercelawn & Nauman, 2001; PILER, 2010; Bhandaar Sangat, 2013; Shah Z. , Dec 2007). Although similar kind of bondage also prevails in India, and Nepal, its most severe in south-eastern part of Sindhi in Pakistan. (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 64)

According to Agricultural Census 2000, 1.5 million peasant households are under debt in Pakistan. Moreover, about 6.7 million people are exploited through ‗Begar11‘ the practice of traditional unpaid labour, and thus collectively there are more than 20 million people being exploited through forced labour or one or the other type. According to Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, during two years 2008-9, about 1270 bonded peasants, mostly Dalits of

11 ‗Begar‘ is the exploitative practice, by which sharecroppers are supposed to do some extra unpaid agriculture- related work of the landlord.

109 south-eastern lower Sindh, were freed through 46 different interventions. (PILER, 2010; International Dalit Solidarity Network, 2013).

It is the stark indictor of prevailing debt bondage and social bondage in South-eastern part of lower Sindh. The governmental empathy, on the other hand can be assessed from the fact that, it had established a Bonded Labour Fund in 2002, for the rehabilitation of the child victims of bonded labour. Yet, due to the utter neglect of the government officials and the lack of interest the bulk of funds remained utilized, and released children are still living in Hari camps under subhuman conditions. (International Dalit Solidarity Network, 2013)

According to the PILER (2010) report, Labor Policy 2010 is deeply flawed. Core labor rights are being flagrantly violated in Pakistan. Agricultural workers, being put in informal sector, have been denied the ―right of association and collective bargaining.‖ (PILER, 2010). Bondage in sharecropping manifests itself in severe forms of oppression, from physical restraint on movement of families to beating, threatening and sexual harassment of female workers. Most of the reported victims of such abuse have been Bheel, Kolhi and Meghwar peasants. A decade ago bondage in agriculture in lower Sindh took the most oppressive form as landlords faced severe economic constraints, which led, at certain places, to virtually enchain women and child peasants like prisoners. (International Dalit Solidarity Network, 2013; PILER, 2010) Some unlucky families suffer still more heinous situation. Kolhi guests from Khipro of Kolhis of Karachi Paaro, during field visits narrated some incidences in which simple Kolhi and Dalit peasants were lured by professional middle-men into bonded laborer in private jails of landlords, particularly in Sanghar district. Incidences of bonded laborers freed from private jails, however, have greatly lessened indicating the decline in that such a heinous crime. Similar types of incidences have also been reported in India and some other countries in the world affecting both internal and international migrants (Srivastava, 2005, p. vi)

3.4.4 Parkari Kolhis as Tharparkaris under Debt Bondage

Nangarparkar is the bordering Talluka of District Tharparkar from where Parkari Kolhi seasonally migrate to Barrage areas most of whom have in fact have settled there as landless peasants. Tharparkar falls in ‗low human development‘ category. Per capita income of Tharis is the lowest in Pakistan, most of whom are landless peasants belonging to excluded groups such as

110 scheduled castes. (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 63) In lower Sindh, where Parkari Kolhis tend to migrate, debt and social bondage are tied to each other. Eighty four percent of released bonded laborers in Barrage area of lower Sindh belong to scheduled castes, particularly Kolhi, Bheel and Meghwar. (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 66; International Dalit Solidarity Network, 2013; Meghwal, 2013)

3.4.5 Landlessness, State Laws and Peasant Exploitation

Some of the major distributive causes of the prevalence of sharecropping and its related malaise in Sindh are ―skewed landholdings, fragmentation of farms and increasing landlessness‖ (PILER, 2010). Landlessness, tenancy, poverty, lower caste status and untouchable status are interlinked and perpetuate each other (Anwar, Sarfarz.K.Qureshi, & Ali, January 2005; A.R.Desai, 1979; Ahmed F. , 1984; Alavi, 1973; Bhandar Sangat, 2012; International Dalit Solidarity Network, 2013) PILER report depicts the macro picture of agricultural workers. Depicting the picture of existing feudalistic structure and demographic facts, it brings to the fore contrasting facts and figures about the status of land distribution in Pakistan. One percent population of Pakistan owns 100 acres or above, an ―0.05% households own greater than 2 hectares of land in Punjab as well as in Sindh suggesting a highly skewed land ownership pattern‖. (Anwar, Sarfarz.K.Qureshi, & Ali, January 2005; PILER, 2010). Large tracts of government land are lying vacant without adding anything productive to the country‘s economy that can be distributive to landless and shelterless Dalit communities; the government or the political parties show no will or desire whatsoever to do so. Lack of shelter, particularly in case of Kolhis and other Dalits that migrate from Parkar to barrage-area, is one of the factors that weaken bargaining position of landless sharecroppers and adds to the power of landlord to exploit peasants as bonded laborers (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 46)

The percentage of landless households in Sindh and Punjab is 69 and 55 respectively. The situation becomes the worst when it comes to scheduled castes, as 84 per cent scheduled castes are landlessness, which is far greater than general patterns of landlessness in overall country. The 16 per cent who owned land have a small piece of land just up to five acres. In Tharparkar district, the land is barani, which can only be cultivated on rainwater. This land hardly contributes to household income and the agriculture products if possible are used for the fodder for livestock.‖ (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 44)

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Moreover, due to uneconomic landholding, majority of rural population has turned to non-farm wage labour. According to an estimate, 100,000 workers are pushed out of agriculture annually‖ Although due to increasing population people engage in non-farm agricultural labour more often recently, the absolute number of agricultural workers, has rather increased despite mechanized agriculture. That increased burden on rural agrarian economy has generated increase in wage labour in agriculture that has further led to increase in rural poverty. According to Pakistan Integrated Household Survey (PIHS 2001-02) which is as yet the most authentic household survey data available, ―The unequal land ownership in the country is found to be one of the major causes of absolute poverty as poverty level was the highest among the landless households followed by nonagricultural households‖ (Anwar, Sarfarz.K.Qureshi, & Ali, January 2005; PILER, 2010) Parkari Kolhis make up a typical type of landless community. Whereas in Pakistan, other communities or general peasants are either landowners or landless, Parkari Kolhi are both landowners at one place, and landless at the other. Most of them have landed property for both housing and for cropping at Nangarparkar, but at Barrage area they are landless, having no permanent land either for housing or for cropping. Hence, in case of Parkari Kolhis, landownership in itself does not matter much as the quality of land and the availability of irrigation water do. Landlessness has never been the cause of migration but, instead the effect or unintended outcome of it. The most important motivating factor has been to look for pastures and forage for their domestic animals that initially caused them to migrate to Barrage areas.

Landlessness is also related to sharecropping as most of the landless peasants are sharecroppers. Moreover sharecropping as method of surplus appropriation allows landlords to live on the surplus of labour of sharecroppers (R.Pearce, 2005, p. 51; Ahmed F. , 1984) Exploitative arrangements of surplus appropriation in sharecropping in South Asia have widely been practiced in one form or another (R.Pearce, 2005). Similar exploitative systems that lead to the uneven distribution of productive resources (produce of crop etc.) exist in Sindh, in the form of Serri, unpaid labour, (Begar) and also domestic labour (Ahmed F. , 1984; Khadarposh, 2002; Bhandaar Sangat, 2013). In India and Pakistan, Casteism and ethnic discrimination based on nations of untouchability are serving as perpetual reinforcing factors in sharecropping and peasant-landlord relations, binding the whole of social ethic groups, and peasant castes into perpetual dominant-dominated relation.

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Landlessness, debt and social bondage and peasant‘s haplessness are not exclusively economic phenomenon requiring economic readjustments like land reforms to bring about equality or equity. Inequality and social discrimination persists even if land reforms were implemented, as it is deeply embedded in caste-based, tribal, racial and even religious identities that intercept and influence the legal constitutional, administrative processes and hamper the successful implementation of fundamental structural changes in the socio-political system of any country.

3.4.6 Wage Labour and unpaid labour Three major types of unpaid labour are prevalent in Sindh, i.e. Serri, Checherr/Vangar, and general Begar. Begar (unpaid labour) is an exploitative mechanism of surplus appropriation common in both upper and lower rural areas of Sindh. T.J.Byres (2005) has quoted Lambton on unpaid labour, who mentions it as various kinds of, ‗dues‘ or ‗personal servitudes, that may include ―liability to transport the landlord‘s share from threshing floor to granary‖, ‗begar’ (unpaid field labour), provision of donkey or bull to transport goods, provision of butter, cheese, eggs, hens, ―a lamb, a kid‖ and obligation to entertain landlord‘s guests.

One might, indeed, hypothesize that the surplus appropriated in toto by the landlord class from the sharecropping peasant, via both rental share and ‗dues‘ [unpaid labour], was such as to drive the peasant family to the barest minimum consistent with its reproduction as a cultivating unit.‖ (T.J.Byres, 2005, p. 28)

Hence, sharecropper is, in fact, paid merely a 10 percent of his/her overall labour which is extracted out in various ways. Persistent engagement in unpaid labour of the landlord does not allow sharecroppers enough time to invest his/her energies into other productive activity, and resultantly the whole family remains unavoidably under social bondage of landlord

Unpaid labour of exploitative nature flourished during British period. During British period, Sindhi society got polarized into the classes of landlords and the class of untenured peasants, and the middle class of peasant proprietors was very small. Increase in share-cropping, also brought about increase in wage-labour, ―particularly in the form Kolhi cotton-pickers in barrage-area. (Hussain & Mohyuddin, 2014; Ahmed F. , 1984, pp. A-175)

According to a Marxist writer Feroz Ahmed during British period:

The harshness of feudal-type oppression continued unmitigated, despite legal ban on many of the abwabs and services demand of the peasants. In spite of the abolition of

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―statutory labour‖ in 1857, beggar (forced and unpaid labour for personal services) and checher (unpaid labour en masse for works) were exacted by small as well as large landlords, and even by the government which utilized the services of to mobilize the peasants for the repairs of canals road and other public works. A well- developed ideological superstructure, predating the British, remained intact to reinforce and legitimize the oppression of peasants. (Ahmed F. , Agrarian Change and Class Formation in Sindh, 1984) Ethnic discrimination is practiced at work place in agricultural fields, and at guest houses (Otaq) of landlords. Structured discriminatory custom demands that Dalits should behave subserviently in the presence of landlords. The beating and humiliation of Dalits by their to force them to do extra labour, is not considered as serious offense liable to be sued or punished. According to an estimate, about 50 percent of scheduled castes in Tharparkar and certain districts of lower Sindh are engaged in agricultural work on daily wages, whereas more than 11% work as domestic workers. Although Pakistan is the signatory to Equal Remuneration Convention No 100, and the Discrimination (at Employment and Occupation) Convention 111 to ensure equal remuneration and equal treatment at workplace, it has not been implemented anywhere. Resultantly, Dalit (scheduled caste) workers are paid 35% less than official wage limit. (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, pp. 29, 39,41)

3.4.7 Peasant Activists of Sindh and Kolhi Peasant Activism Individual traits of the Sharecropper and landlord greatly mould their relationship‖ (Maliha, Razzaq, & Shazreh, 2004) along with the impact of caste, tribe, village or group affiliations. In today‘s highly diversified and globalized arena, one cannot divorce sharecropper from his other identities, his/her other roles, multiple affiliations, alternative sources of income, and the ease of doing sharecropping due to mechanization. All these factors and cultural forces give agency to the sharecropper as well to maneuver, or to have a backup plan, when crop is totally damaged.

Above facts makes it understandable why, mostly, the Kolhi ethnic peasants and other untouchable peasant castes are landless bonded laborers, and why, Muslims, Sindhis, and Baloch are, mostly, landlords over them. Apart from scheduled caste landless bonded peasants, some other lower caste Muslim peasants are also equally bonded as landless peasants. Case-studies conducted by local NGOs show that 70 percent of victims of forced and bonded labour in sharecropping in lower Sindh are Kolhis, Bheels, Meghwars and some other untouchables, whereas 30 percent are lower caste Muslims like Khaskheli, Machi and Shaikh. Landlords

114 belong to higher castes like Halepoto, Nizamani, Marree, Rind, Laghari, Chang, Shah, and Talpur. (Bhandaar Sangat, 2013; Bhandar Sangat, 2012). Hence, there is a strong relationship between upper Casteism and landlessness, landlordism and ethnic discrimination, Religion and landlessness, access to political institutions and Casteism in lower Sindh.

3.5 Peasant Activists of Sindh Currently the agendas of peasant activist organizations are framed more in line with leftist-Marxist interpretations (Bhandar Hari Sangat; Oxfam GB, 2012) that do not bring specific structurally exploited tribal-communal groups into relief. Most of peasant activists seem to be apprehensive of the different socio-economic and cultural contexts of peasants of different sub- regions within Sindh, and, therefore, want to introduce context-apprehensive clauses in Sindh Tenancy Act, and Bonded Labor Abolition Act. (Maliha, Razzaq, & Shazreh, 2004; PILER, 2010). They also seem to understand, as do Latin American peasants, that mere land reforms will not bring about equality or improve their social standing in the larger community (Lindemann, June 2010, pp. 17, 19).Yet, the peasant activists of Sindh, could not have delineated what those specific contextual peculiarities are, that should be incorporated in the larger and more comprehensive suggestive policy framework. However, their demands related to the provision of health insurance for peasants, provincial social security, old age benefits, property rights of peasant women, increase in minimum wage of agricultural workers (Bhandar Hari Sangat; Oxfam GB, 2012, p. 6) and registration of wage laborers as formal workers, are highly commendable. Yet these demands do not address contextual and regional issues of peasants, such as a chronic issue of Parkari Kolhi peasant-pastoralists that migrate to barrage-are in droughts or in dry season. To know those peasant peculiarities, and to interpret contextual reality into policy measures, peasant ‗life-world‘ has to be further explored through consultation, meeting and intermingling with actual peasants in their natural settings, with the purpose, to subsequently relate those finding to its context-bound ‗systemic‘ or local requirements.

Whereas, elsewhere in the world, where land reforms were brought about with some success, issues of landlessness and land related exclusion persisted. It has been observed that such land reforms alone or any economic transformation may not lead to social inclusion of extremely marginalized communities. Therefore, landless peasants in other regions of the world are fighting not just for land to live and cultivate, but also for better social positions to have

115 access to ―a wider range of social interactions and networks‖ and for better place in society‖ (Lindemann, June 2010).

3.6.1 Lower Caste, Landless Class and Ethnic Exploitation In South Asia division of labour has been caste-based. Where in other regions of the world, classes have been largely economically determined categories, in South Asia class relations had been harmonized with caste boundaries (Rahman T. , 2010). Parkari Kolhis as a tribal caste, has been taken as an economic class of the marginalized community whose labor and social prowess have been exploited by landlords, feudals, Rajputs, Kings, Rajas, Arbabs, Aryan and almost every race, nation, class and the caste except untouchables. Taimur Rehman‘s leftist interpretation of castes as classes, in South Asian context, has been taken as the departing theoretical starting point in this research, as Parkari Kolhi seems to be the tribal class of landless peasant-pastoralists under debt and social bondage, dominated, subjugated and exploited by another ethnic group of tribes of Aryan and Muslim origin.

Loan taking untouchabil (Debt ity (Ethnic Bondage, Disrcimination unpaid ) labour)

Landlessness (Social Bondage)

Economic Exploitation and Social discrimination

Figure 11: Social factors that lead to Social and economic exploitation of Kolhis peasants: Author (2013) Parkari Kolhi, together with other Dalit, Adivāsi, untouchable or scheduled caste communities like Bheel and Meghawar, are the major communal groups that have been systematically and structurally discriminated in walks of life. They have been reduced to live the life as second rate citizens in Pakistan. Majority of them works as landless peasants. "Hari, who

116 is considered a fuel for revolution has now become Adiwasi or untouchable. So now Hari does not stand up for a movement. is forcing Haris to live in his bondage and they are socially and psychologically depressed. Every political party has its own Hari committee, but none is working for the rights of Haris." (Shah Z. , Long Behind Schedule:A Study on Plight of Scheduled Caste Hindus in Pakistan, Dec 2007, p. 26)

―Landlessness is an ascribed status which has proven difficult to transcend‖ (Lindemann, June 2010, p. 21; Borras, Edelman, & Kay, 2008; Borras, 2008). Hence, very much like other landless people anywhere in the world, Kolhis also inherit landlessness as an ascribed status. In other words Kolhi as a caste, and other Dalits are landless because they are Dalits (former untouchables), and they are still hated and discriminated as untouchables because they are landless and (economically dependent) on Baloch-Sindhi-Sammat-Muslim landlords. Currently it is predominantly Baloch landlords and feudals that hold sway over the feudal politics of Sindh, although they have adopted Sindhi culture and mostly speak Sindhi. Due to their martial services for Mughals and ―some time before the arrival of the British, they acquired vast lands in the province with the result that a large number of present-day Sindhi landlords are of origin. According to the 1941 census, which was the last one held before Partition Baluchis formed 23% of the total Muslim population of Sindh.‖ (Abdullah, 2009, p. 5; Badsha, 2005; Sheedai R. K., 2006)

Hence, as the figures indicate, landlords are predominantly Sindhi-Baloch Muslims whereas as peasants, particularly landless peasants are Hindu Dalits and lower caste Sindhi Muslim. Hence peasant identities in lower Sindh are starkly polarized with Muslim Sindhi- Baloch feudals at one pole and the Dalit landless peasants on the other, leading not only to unequal land distribution but also to ethnic, racial, religious and regional discrimination. Policy and decision-makers and peasant activists are bound to fail if they merely tried to seek solutions through top-down land reforms, without realizing the ethnic, religious and tribal barriers that may thwart the ultimate purpose of bringing about, not just an economic but overall social equality. Landlessness spawns scores of social pathologies in the peasant society of lower Sindh, and social and debt bondage and unpaid labour are two main such maladies. ――Pakistan is among a few countries in the world where slavery exists in the form of bonded labour even in this 21st century.‖ (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 63). Thus Kolhis being ascribed as landless also inherit, generation after generation, debt bondage and unpaid labour.

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Chapter 4: Shifting and Reconstructing Kolhi Peasant Identities

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4.1 Imagined Ethnic Identities, Misrepresentation and Underrepresentation of Kolhis

Kolhi identity can be understood by explaining its three different aspects. i.e., what they were in the past, what they are in reality (scientifically), and what they believe or make believe about their ethnic origins. Hence, Kolhi identity can be explained from historical, scientific and political perspective. The claims of being original indigenous people to set up nationalist, or any political agenda, have been problematized due to lack of sure empirical evidence. Bryant and Patton write on ambiguity surrounding origin myth as:

"... we now exist in an era where one's use of evidence is inevitably suspect of being linked to nationalist, colonialist, or cultural agendas ... No issue is more illustrative of this impasse than the debate about Aryan origins ..." (Bryant & Patton, 2005)

More than Aryan origins, it‘s probably aboriginal, pre-Dravidian and Dravidian origins that pose the greater challenge to paleoarcheologists and scientific historians. Nevertheless, some of the convincing evidences suggest that ―Negritos were the earliest inhabitants of India‖, followed by Proto-Australoids and then by Astro-Asiatic, Dravidians and Indo Aryans (Gumlopwicz & Horowitz, 1980). Evidence from genetic research suggests Andamanese aboriginals as similar to Negritos sharing unique genetic features, that came in South Asia around 30-60 thousands years ago (Wells, 2002; Mason, 2005; MOFA, 2008, p. 113), were later displaced by Australoid people12 (K.V.Zvelebil, 1982). Santals, Bheels13 and Gonds being one of them 14 (A.B.Chaudhuri, 1949), although Bheels speak Indo-Aryan language, and Gonds speak Dravidian. At the end of the Ice Age, homeland of Australoids and ‘s ‗aborigines‘ ―stretched from the middle of India eastward into Southeast Asia... As agriculture spread from its centers in Southeast Asia, these pre-Australoid forager people moved farther southward to New

12 "... into the low jungles of the Nilgiris (such movement might have been instigated by the advancing Australoids pushing out an earlier pre-Australoid ...)" CITATION KVZ82 \l 1033 (K.V.Zvelebil, 1982) 13 Bhil, Kol and Koli are usually considered to more closely associated with each other than with Gonds and Santhal/Santal races, despite the fact that all belong to Australoid racial group, and the bulk of which is also believed to constitute Dravidian race in later millennia.

14 "... The Santals belong to his second "main race", the Proto-Australoid, which he considers arrived in India soon after the Negritos ..." (A.B.Chaudhuri, 1949)

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Guinea and Australia." (Mason, 2005). ‗Bheel‘, ‗Kol’ and ‗Koli’ are usually considered to be more closely associated with each other than with Gonds and Santhal/Santal races, despite the fact that all belong to Australoid racial group, and the bulk of which is also believed, particularly by Kolhis and Bheels, to constitute Dravidian race in later millennia (Mal, 2000; Kolhi V. , Kolhi Politics, 2013; Kolhi B. M., Paracheen Lok: Ekweeheen Sadi Jey Aaeeney Mein, 2014).

South Asian ethnic racial groups, while can be distinctively identified and recognized from their morphological features, have had intermingling and interbreeding influence on each other. Papiha (1996, p.610) has categorized five such major racial groups along with their approximate population and the region where they predominate in South Asia.

1. Negritos: bearing some physical similarity to Australian Aborigines and Melanesians (306 million; Andaman Islands and Nilghiri Hills) 2. Negroid: tribes vaguely resembling Africans and Negritos (15,000; western coast) 3. Australoid or Proto-Australoid (50 million; western and southern India) 4. Europoid or Caucasoid (779 million; all over the country) 5. Mongoloid (15 million; northeast and sub-Himalayan regions)

4.1.1 Dravidian origins of Kolhi: Looking for evidence from Evolutionary Genetics

Comparative Genetic difference and similarity studies have not been conducted on Parkari Kolhis and Sindhi Muslim lower castes. However, similar studies on Kolis in India have been done to assess ethnic differences.

The Kolis, being socially low caste group, had limited mixing with Tibetans or with the Kanet. They show the lowest admixture of Mongoloid genes (15%), and several genetic systems clearly differentiate the Koli from the local Kanet population. Within the same small geographic region and with similar ecological conditions, the mating structure produces clear genetic differences between two cohabiting populations. (S.S.Papiha, 1996, p. 622) Evolutionary biologists have concluded that, centuries long social and mating segregation of endogamous tribal groups of the subcontinent have shaped their biological and physical characteristics differently than non-tribal exogamous population. Genetic differences between different occupational castes are minimal as compared to genetic differences between

121 endogamous tribes and castes. Moreover most of the tribes of India, such as Bheel15, Santal, Kol, Oraon, share greater biological similarity, which is probably indicative of their prehistoric amalgamation and same/similar racial origin, despite the fact that they speak either Dravidian or Indo-Aryan languages. Genetic differences between racial groups are believed to have developed due social segregation, lack of social and spatial mobility and also due to linguistic barriers.

Moreover different ecological and climatic peculiarities of the region also show their biological and physical impact on social groups that may have been isolated and segregated for centuries. Therefore, ―the role of differential selective process in generating genetic diversity cannot be ruled out.‖ (S.S.Papiha, 1996, pp. 624, 625) So even if one may nullify the claims of Kolhis of their indigenous aboriginal and Dravidian, their centuries long tribal segregation from so called dominant Aryan tribes, that has kept their gene pool different from the rest of Indian castes and tribes, may entitle them to claim to have distinctive non-Aryan ethnic tribal identity.

Hence, to trace the racial and ethnic origin, one cannot solely depend on linguistic affiliations that can be highly misleading. Kolis of Gujrat and Parkari Kolhis of Tharparkar, both speak Indo-Aryan, not Dravidian language. That linguistic change, if one believes in proto-Dravidian origin of Parkari Kolhis, may have occurred under the influence of Aryan, Scythian, Hun and later Turkish influences all of them either Indo-Aryan languages. The traces of Dravidian culture, such as Dravidian way of counting (in multipliers of tens and twenties) that still prevails among Parkari ways of reasoning that still leave some reason to believe in Dravidian or proto- Dravidian origins of Parkari Kolhis. As the Dravidian language aboriginal speakers of the Southern India adopted Dravidian language under the influence of Dravidian culture, similarly, Pro-Dravidian aboriginals, or Dravidians themselves may have adapted their languages to Indo- Aryan languages. As Paipiha writes:

With regard to the linguistic map, the people of greater India (India before the 1947 partition) can be divided into speakers of five major linguistic families: Iranian, Indo- Aryan, Austro-Asiatic, Tibeto-Burmese, and Dravidian. Most people speak an Indo- Aryan language. The Dravidian-speaking tribes of southern and central India may be descendants of the original inhabitants of the who adopted Dravidian in preference to their own original language. The Austro-Asiatic speakers were

15 ‗Bheel‘ also spelt as ‗Bhil‘ is the term sometimes has also been used as a generic term to include ‗Kolhi‘ or ‗Koli‘ tribes as well. Whereas, the term ‗Adivasi‘ is yet more generic that includes, Bhil, Kol, Santal, Gonds and several other aboriginal tribes of South-east Asia.

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indigenous to or migrated to the eastern region of the subcontinent in ancient times.‖ (S.S.Papiha, 1996, p. 610)

4.1.2 Tracing Kolhi Aboriginal (Adivāsi) and Dravidian Origins

The history of Neolithic period in South Asia (4500-4000 B.C) which was the age in which flourished pre-Dravidian and Dravidian culture and civilization is very much ambiguous and inconsistent. Even the evidences about the culture and civilization of the later Metal Age (1500 BC- 1000 BC) are fragmentary. Yet, according to S.S Paphiha (1996), most of archeologists are agree that ―Maracan coast‖, Mehargarh in Balochistan and Iranian plateau are probably the regions from where originated Harappan culture including Moen-jo-Daro civilization which is the largest and the most impressive site. Adivāsis (Aborigines) lived side by side with Dravidians and Aryans throughout history, and merged themselves with them and several other later historical migrants and/or invaders, such as ―Greeks (400-200 BC), Sakas (200 B.C), Kushans (A.D 100), Huns (A.D. 200-500), and Arabs (A.D 800), and Muslim Turks and Afghans during (A.D 988-1030). (S.S.Papiha, 1996, p. 608; Adwani, 2008; Sheedai R. K., 2006) The term ‗adivāsi’, commonly used in India was coined in 1030s, which can mean original indigenous, native people, (Barnes, Gray, & Kingsbury, 1995) or ‗hill people, or ‗forest dwellers‘. The terms ‗adivāsi’ and ‗scheduled castes‘, both are used interchangeably for sociopolitical purposes by the whole untouchable section of society, and by it is meant those people whose autonomy and freedom had been disenfranchised by foreigners, outside invaders, and particularly by British imperialist power, and that needs to be restored back.16 (Waite, 2006). Adivāsis (Bhil, Kol, Santal), though primitive (Irudayam & Mangubhai, 2004), have always been considered as untouchables in India, yet have always been valued by upper caste Hindus over Dalits and Scheduled Caste, largely due to the fact that they had played substantial role in early formation of Brahmanism and in the writings of Hindu sacred epics and Vedas (Barnes, Gray, & Kingsbury, 1995; C.R.Bijoy, 2003; Naik, 2008)17. Valmiki a great Hindu epic writer, for instance, was an adivāsi belonging to ‗Bheel‘ race (Naik, 2008). Moreover, indigenous and native people (Adivāsis) of South Asia, unlike other untouchables (outcastes and Scheduled

17 "... Adivasis are not, as a general rule, regarded as unclean by caste Hindus in the same way as Dalits are. But they continue to face prejudice (as lesser humans), they are socially distanced and often face violence from society ..." (C.R.Bijoy, 2003)

123 castes) or Shudras, have enjoyed autonomous communal hunting, gathering and farming life, till the beginning of Mughal era. Over the centuries, there have taken place sufficient intermarriage between indigenous people and upper caste Rjputs (Kashtriya) that several hybrid tribes have emerged over the years that claim to be descendants from Kshatriya Rajputs yet many of them are still condemned to live as untouchables or more euphemistically as ‗Scheduled tribes and castes.. (Balfour, 1885; R.K.Sinha, 1995; Irudayam & Mangubhai, 2004; R.Singh, 2000) Some indigenous communities have even succeeded in maintaining their small feudalistic yet egalitarian and communal kingdoms for centuries, and their approval and support in certain matters would be considered as necessary, by Hindu rulers. (Barnes, Gray, & Kingsbury, 1995; Sinha, 1987; Chisholm, 1910). Parkari Kolhis, in the light of above theoretical and historical speculations, seem to be the mixture of Dravidian (Koli), Rajput-Girasia (petty Kshatriya tribal lords) and ‗Kol‘ that is adivāsi or aboriginal origins. Hence, ‗Kol‘ Adivāsi and ‗Kshatriya‘ Dravidian both are different racial and ethnic groups and still exist in India and have maintained their distinctiveness by not mixing themselves with ‗Kohli‘ or Koli‘. But Parkari Kolhi do not hesitate to pronounce all similarly pronounced racial groups (kol, Kohli, Kolhi/Koli) as meaning the same racial group. Yet, as the historical evidences do not suggest ‗sameness‘ but an intermixing and amalgamation (of lesser degree) at certain points of some aboriginal ethnic groups with Kshatriya Rajputs, and Parkari Kolhi history also seems to be in line with such intermarriage of Kolhis with Rajputs (Mal, 2000). Therefore one can speculate that aboriginal ‗Kol‘ and, or ‗Bheel‘ racial tribes mixed up with some Dravidian ‗Kashtriya‘ tribal caste groups of Rajputana (Rajasthan) to form another hybrid ‗Koli‘ or ‗Kolhi‘ Kashtriya ethnic group. Parkari Kolhis, though have Rajput Girasia background, are not officially counted as Rajput Hindus, but Scheduled caste, that fact which is indicative of their racial-ethnic marginal status. They fall neither clearly in aborigines with Bheel and Kols, nor with Kshatriya Rajputs and untouchable Shudras. Yet Kolhis share some racial ethnic and cultural traits with all of them, such as untouchability, skin color and physique with Bheels and Kol, warrior-like temper with Rajputs and Bheel, syncretic religious practices with Meghwars, Bheels, Sindhis and Buddhists, and culture, language and geographical proximity and similar terrain with Sindh, Gujarat, Kutch, and Rajasthan.

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4.1.3 Meaning and Origin of Kolhi (Koli) Although literally the term ‗Kolhi‘ or ‗Koli‘ has several meaning, yet the most authentic one has been put forward by an Anthropologist, Susan Byly. The term, ‗Koli/Kolhi/Colleris and Kallar‘ are Tamil [Dravidian] words which, in Dravidian language literally means [‗ and Jujubee trees and shrubs‘], and ‗pastoral‘ people. (Byly, 2008). Koli is meant to be ‗fisherman‘ in southern Gujarat where they are engaged in fishing and in making fish nets (Joshua Project, 2013). Kolhi ethnic group is an amalgam of different tribes and clans that came into formation during social and political strife, ethnic conflicts and wars, and also due to migration during severe droughts and floods. In fact, caste names like Koli and Rajput are occupational and status entitlements that identified person‘s and groups‘ socio-economic position in the society (Byly, 2008). Hence, Kolhis are not homogenous group having single genealogical descent, due to which there is found internal ethnic discrimination eve within Kolhis. Kolhis of Parkar identify themselves as the descendants of Rajput Kshatriyas that left Malwa, Gujarat and Rajasthan to settle in Parkar. Yet they continued to be pastoralists-cum-bandits that would seasonally migrate to and from Malwa plateau in Madhaya Pradesh in east of Gujarat, and sometimes took to plundering in times of drought and would hide themselves in the Karoonjhar mountains in Nangarparkar (Mal, 2000; Byly, 2008; Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2014; CARD, 2005).

4.1.4 ‘Kol’, ‘Koli’, ‘Kolhi’, ‘Kohli’ and Identity Reconstruction The word ‗Koli‘ is commonly used in India and Gujarat to refer to same ‗Kolhi‘ tribe/ race/samaj/ that constitute part of Scheduled castes in Pakistan. In Sindhi dialect it written and Although Parkari Kolhis trace their golden past to .(ڪىلهي :pronounced as ‗Kolhi‘ (Kulhee Dravidian and proto-Dravidian origins rooted in the Harrapan civilization Moen-jo-Daro, they are unclear about the historical origins of phonetically similar ‗Kol‘ one of the established earliest proto-Dravidian aborigines, and ‗Kohli‘ tribes of Scythian origin, and their association with Koli or Kolhi (Kuli). (Kolhi V. , Kolhi Politics, 2013; Kolhi V. , PCDP, 2013) Historical evidences suggest that ‗Kol‘ are pre-Dravidian aborigines, and ‗Kohli‘ are later Aryans called as ‗Scythians‘ that entered in Punjab around 200 BC. Yet, hoodwinking historical facts, Parkari Kolhi have started blurring their identities by identifying themselves with ‗Kohli‘ tribe as well, which is essentially a Punjabi Rajput tribe of Scythian origin. That phonetic misunderstanding has also been created by writers having little knowledge of the history and of etymological differences, who have spelt ‗Koli‘ or ‗Kolhi‘ as Kohli in their writings (Gazdar,

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2003, p. 17; IUCN Pakistan Sindh Programme, 2004; World Sindhi Congress, 2014; Friends of Khipro, 2014) Recently, Parkari Kolhi activists have tried to use ‗Kohli‘ as a suffix to represent their tribal caste instead of former Kolhi, believing that Kohli and Kolhi are the same castes. Although Parkari Kolhis are not truly certain if Punjabi speaking Kohli and they Parkari Kolhis belong to the same stock, they prefer to be associated and identified with them as Punjabi Kohlis are considered as socially prestigious caste-group most of whom are either Hindus or Muslims by religion. Muslim Kohlis of Punjab do not use Kolhi suffix and instead prefer using sub-caste names such as, , Sethi, etc. Whereas, on the other hand, Kohlis trace their lineage differently, and are mostly concentrated in upper central Punjab in Pakistan and India. This liminalizing the caste labels by Parkari Kolhis is probably the result of their unconscious activism to raise the social prestige level of their Parkari community.

4.1.5 Imagined Dravidian culture of Kolhis Risley‘s mapping of ethno-racial groupings, puts Sindh and Southern Gujrat as dominated by ―Scytho-Dravidian type‖ (Bernhard, 1983, p. 102), the racial identities that Kolhis are also historically as well as mythically believed to inherit. For Koli historians, it is they Dravidians (that later became Kashtriyans), not Aryan-Brahmans, that played major role in the evolution of Indus Valley Civilization. (Patel S. K., 2010, p. 7; Mal, 2000). Great King Mandhata is associated with the Dravidian Koli (Kolhi) kingdom of Moen-jo-Daro, and his ―deeds of valor, and yajna are‖ praised by Kolhi writers like S.K Patel (2010).

Ishvaku was another great King of the ‗Sun Dynasty Koli Kings‘ and so Mandhata and Shree Ram were said to be of Ishvaku Sun Dynasty. This Dynasty later got divided into nine major sub groups, all claiming their roots to the Kshtria Caste. They are: Malla, Janak, Videhi, Koliye, Morya, Lichchhvi, Janatri, Vajji, and Shakya.‘‖ (Patel S. K., 2010, p. 7)

Kolhis have also fought several other wars with Muslim rulers in the past.

The Musalman historians speak of the Kolis as Marathas and the Kolis have a tradition that before the time of Shivaji, Marathas and Kolis ate and drank together and intermarried. …many Kunbis are said to have joined the Kolis... Muhammad Tughlaq about A.D 1340 was opposed by Nagnak, a Koli chieftain in Kondhana, near Poona; and in A.D 1410, the Kolis inhabiting the town of Asaval (now Ahmadabad) rebelled against the first Gujarat Sultan Muzaffar Khan….in Eighth or Ninth Century A.D, the Country of Gujarat was in the possession of Rajputs and Kolis…..In A.D 1178 when Mui‘izzuddin

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of Ghazni was defeated by the Hindus, the captured Moslems were incorporated in the various tribes of Rajputs and Kolis. (Master, 1939, pp. 1010,1011)

It is probably one the main reasons that some Kolis and also some Parkari Kolhis sometimes claim to be Rajput, Rathores and twice-born Kshatriyas. Another explanation that is put forward to understand Rajput credentials of Koli or Kolhi, Bheel and some other lower caste tribes is the institution of hypergamous marriages to raise social status (Shah A. M., 2007, p. 112.113; Mal, 2000).

4.1.6 Dravidians to Kshatriyas: Semi- mythical Interpretations of Parkari Kolhi origins Two major Parkari Kolhi tribes, Parmar and Chauhan Kolhis trace their origin to their mythical ancestor Gods. Origin of Parmar is historically unknown and therefore, has been explained only through Aryan mythical interpretations. Parmar (also known as Parmara and Panwar) are believed to be the descendants of mythological dynasty called Agnivansha (begotten of Agni, the Vedic god of fire). Agnivansha is a sub-clan of Suryavansha (Ikshvaku) Kashtriya Dynasty, and has three major Rajput clans, namely Parmar, Chauhan, and Parihar out of which Chauhan is believed to be the most superior. According to the theory of Agnivanshi origin of the Kashtriyas, Parsuram, an incarnation of Vishnu, once exterminated the entire Kashtriya caste. To defend their faith and territory, Brahamins felt a need to create a Kashtriya caste again. To achieve that they started offering prayers at Mount Abu, and resultantly four Khashtriya warriors (Chauhan, Parmar, Parihar, and Solanki) sprang up from the fire-pit, that later became known as Rjputs. (Unnithan-Kuma, 1997, p. 135; World Organisations of Rajputs, 2014; Gupta & Bakshi, 2008) According to Paru Mal (1992), Parmar Kolhi, Solanki Kolhi and Chauhan Kolhi were born out of chanting magical divine by Duhun Mirkh, for the specific purpose to crush Rakshasa (Dravidian race, according to alternative interpretation, to which Kolhis originally belonged. See: (Race and History.Com, 2000-2009; Pillai, 1996)). Parmar Khashtriya race (some Dravidian and aboriginal converts to Aryan hegemonic faith (Vairam, 2008) ) is believed to succeed in defending Rishi Munis (Brahamins), and established their kingdom at mount Abu, and later in Ujain in . From thence Dhani Brah, a Parmar Sodha came to establish their rule in Marwar, Parkar, Rato Kot, Amar Kot in Sindh and distributed small kingdoms into his nine Parmar Sodha brothers. In Sindh, they came to be called as Sodha Rajputs and ‗Rano/Rana‘. Dhanji Parmar, the last Rana of Rato Kot left Rato to establish its rule at Veera Wah in Parkar. Before the British came in Sindh, Tharparkar and Umerkot was

127 under the rule and influence of Sodha Parmar Rajputs. Kolhi Parmar Rajputs of Parkar are, however, differentiated and discriminated by Soadha Rajputs as an inferior strand of . Yet Parmar Kolhi are considered superior from other Kolhi tribes and subtribes, by Sodha Rajputs. The first known Parmar Rajput leader is Vikramajeet, who pushed Scythians and Greeks out the India. Yet there have also been several famous philanthropists, ascetics and mystics in Parmar Rajputs. These Parmars still live in Marwar, Parkar and Thar and most of them have relegated back to their non-Rajput untouchable Kolhi status. (Mal, 2000) . Parkari Kolhis believe that legendary Sindhi heroines Sorath and Marvi were Parmar Rajputs. Sorath was the daughter of the wife of Raja Parmar, but she happened to be grown up in the house of a potter at Gujarat. Another queen of Raja Bhuj left Raja to live in Parkar where she gave birth to Marvi. Paru Mal believes that very much like those renegade Rajput Heroines, Parkari Kolhi were humanistic in their attitude and would intermingle, intermarry, inter-dine and help lower castes and untouchables in times of droughts and distress. Their egalitarian practices were against Hindu caste practices based on the notion of pure and impure (untouchability). Their such humanistic practices gradually reduced their social status in the Rajput-Kshatriya standing and the dominant Sodha Rajputs labelled them as Palvi ‗Tharkur-ras‘ (petty Rajputs) and Girasia ( petty independent local chiefs). (Mal, 2000, p. 178) Above interpretation of history shows that Kolhi Dravidian race fought against their own Dravidians to defend Aryan-Brahminic casteist system. Yet more rational interpretation of Kshatriya origins of Kolhis could be that they were raised to the status of Kshatriya by Brahmins when they felt its need to defend and sustain their Aryan-Vedic system against the ever-increasing revolts by emerging Dravidian tribes. Thus, mainly Kolhis and to some degree other lower castes, untouchables, and some aboriginal racial tribes such as Bheel and Kol were also elevated to the status of Kshatriya to reduce extremely polarized social discrimination and inequalities.

4.1.7 Religious-ethnic synergies between Muslims-Hindu Rajputs and Kolhis Kolhis, Bheels and Meghwars have been referred by British writers as tribes of ―indeterminate religion‖, despite the fact that censuses often represented them as Hindus. Their indeterminacy can also be understood by the fact that both Hindus and Muslims did not identify them with their respective religions, although Kolhis and Bheels believed themselves as Hindus. After the advent of Islam‖ (Ibrahim, 2005, pp. 1624-25; Raikes, 2009). On the basis of social-ethnic local histories, Hindu and are related to Kolhi Rajputs. Kinship ties and life-styles

128 across Kutch, Tharparkar and Rajasthan have had further blurring effect on ethnic, religious and national identies. Farhana Ibrahim writes on multiplicity of ethnic identies of Rajputs that:

Sodha rajputs were thought to be Hindus, and their women married into the royal family of Kachchh, but we also hear that some their women married into the ―raoma and noray tribes of Mohamedan origin‘. The noray in Kachchh are Muslim pastoralists in the region and even today are Muslim. In fact the term ‗Rajput‘ itself has been used to denote both Muslims as well as Hindus. Because of the multivocality of these terms, in practices it becomes difficult to talk of clearly enumerated identities.‖ (Ibrahim, Defining a Border:Harijan Migrants and the State in Kachch, 2005, pp. 1624-25)

In fact, caste names or tribal and regional titles such as ‗Koli‘ and ‗Rajput‘ are occupational and status entitlements that identified person‘s and groups‘ socio-economic position in the society (Byly, 2008). Hence, throughout history, Koli meant to be many things, and has been the generic group of several tribes that shared different racial and ethnic origins. Koli/Kolhi were pastoralists, plunderers, fighters, warriors, fishermen, weavers, and Rajas, some of them early indigenous aborigines, other Dravidian, while few of them were also Aryan and Hun descent. Some of the Kolhis were also of Iranian, Kurdish and Turkish origin that were earlier Muslims. ―In A.D 1178 when Mui‘izzuddin of Ghazni was defeated by the Hindus, the captured Moslems were incorporated in the various tribes of Rajputs and Kolis. ‖ (Master, 1939, pp. 1010,1011)

Hence, multiplicity of ethnic backrounds also led to the perpetuation of pluralist and syncretic beliefs and regious practices in Kolhis. Naturally, due their inclusive ethno-religious makeup, those relgions flourished among them that were also more inclusive and less hieracrchal, such as, Jainism and Budhism. More than Hindu and Muslim teachings, it has been Jainism (early Buddhism) and later Buddhist practices that have contributed to the growth of Sufism in Sindh. Islamic influence made Sufism organic by conditioning it with living normal and simple everyday life, the factor that has made possible the marriage between the praxis of socialism and spiritual love and tolerance of mysticism.

In existing socio-political and religious context, practically Kolhi activists are ethnic-communal (Sindhi-Parkari Kolhis) but ideally they are sufic-socialists (Shrine-worshipping humanitarians). But as they are becoming aware about their rights, demographic and political strengths and spread their networks, they are getting drifted towards ethnic Casteism and Hinduistic ritualism; the identities that they believe, would make them socially as respectable as any other Muslim

129 landlord caste. Increasing Islamist extremism is also emerging as the new polarizing agent into an otherwise syncretic Sindhi society, the impact of which can also be visibly seen in the form of increasing counter-religiosity in non-Muslim communities and Dalits. That religiosity is what is feared most by Sindhi Sufis, ethno-nationalists, and certain Hindus as well as Dalits that is robbing them of their rather liminal Sufic traditions and socialist dispositions.

4.1.8 Impact of Dalit syncretism on Sindhi culture and Sufic-ethno-nationalist Ideology It is the syncretic and tolerant historical past of indigenous Sindhi people, that is, Kolhi, Bheel, and Meghwar, which is often generalized over the whole of Sindh to represent Sindh as the land of peace, mutual coexistence, hospitality and abundance. It is believed to the miracle of the land of Sindh that people of all colors and races that entered Sindh got merged into its singularity. Bheel, Kolhi and Meghwars were the earliest races, which are still believed to be the most tolerant and humane of all other tribal castes of Sindh. The semi-historical reality of peace- loving aboriginal races (Dalits) belonging originally to Sindh was converted into a vigorous Sufic and religio-political ideology by G.M.Sayed

G.M Sayed, the ethno-nationalist secular yet Sufi philosopher of Sindh, believed himself to be an evolutionary religio-political philosopher. While commenting on his personal political and ideological approach, G.M.Sayed writes:

Whosoever has read these books, may easily understand the ‗evolution of my approach towards politics and religion‘. Now, owing to my old age, I am afraid, I will not be in a position to write any more on these subjects separately. (G.M.Sayed, Sindhu Desh, 2013, p. 2) Hence, it is clear from there that G.M.Sayed's ideological and political attachments have shifted over time; he progressed from an immature to a mature politician (M.H.Panhwar, 2006). His approach towards political and social issues has never been fixed. He learnt from history, political events and also from his personal experiences to evolve his pluralist political theory of Sindhu Desh. Therefore, the person who believes in Sayed's ideology without evolving it further where he left is in fact not a true follower of his way of theorizing. If he had remained healthy and alive for a decade more, he might have written one another book, again summarizing the updates, making certain fundamental amendments; the practice that his current followers deem as a taboo.

For G.M.Sayed and Sindhi Sufis, its thousands of years old syncretic Sufic tradition that

130 incorporates multiple religious rituals and beliefs into a single whole that determines Sindhi ethos and should also determine Sindh‘s political and economic practices (G.M.Sayed, 2011). Sayed and most of Sindhi historians attribute peaceful Sufi disposition of Sindhis, particularly that of indigenous Sindhi ethnic tribes, to the abundance of material wealth and to its fertility that further enriched its culture by allowing several races and ethnic groups to amalgamate into Sindhi culture. Marxists may interpret Sindh‘s history differently. For Marxists or for evolutionary scientists, despite inhabiting in the fertile Indus plain, the fear of natural calamities, epidemics, unpredictability of climate or the fear of ecological catastrophes, kept tribal communities of Sindh to create a mutually coexisting plural and tolerant societies. (Ahmed I. , 2009).

4.1.9 Historical Politicization of Kolis and Identity Reconstruction According to Christophe (2003) and Fuller (1975) Gujarati Kolis amalgamated with Rajputs through the institution of hypergamy (Christophe, 2003, pp. 180-182) to raise their social status on par with Nairs and Namudirir Brahmins (Fuller, 1975, pp. 293-295). Some Kolis had small princely states before the British rule, whereas some others had been big landlords and sharecroppers in British period. Land reforms brought about by the British government, however, lowered their social standing vis-à-vis other Rajput communities of Gujrat (Basu, 2009, pp. 51-55; Singhji, 1994, p. 14). In early twentieth century, the Gujrati Kolis got further sanskiritized and politicized, as already recognized Rajputs accepted Kolis as one of the disadvantaged Rajput tribe, and sought their political assistance to enhance Rajput political standing. Rajputs of Gujrat were relatively disadvantaged as compared to Patidars, to whom Kolis were also averse. That fact brought Rajputs and Kolis politically close to each other along with the recognition of historical fact that Kolis had been excellent warriors that eventually led to the rise of Koli from being a criminal tribe and Scheduled Caste to Other Backward Caste (OBC) (National Commission fo Backward Classes ( India)). (India T. R., N.C.T. Delhi:Data Highlights: The Sheduled Castes, 2010-11; India T. R., Rajasthan, 2010-11)

In 1940s, the Kutch, Kathiawar, Gujarat Kshatriya Sabha (KKGKS) emerged as an association of Kshatriya castes, including Kolis. It is in fact, ―a good example of the way castes, with very different ritual status, join hands to defend their common interests. ... The use of the word Kshatriya was largely tactical and the original caste identity was seriously diluted." (Christophe, 2003, pp. 180-182)

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Kshatriyas would not usually wish to be associated with such a category and indeed it runs counter to the theory of sanskritisation, but in this instance it suited the socio-economic and political desires. By the 1950s, the KKGKS had established schools, loan systems and other mechanisms of communal self-help and it was demanding reforms to laws relating to land. It was also seeking alliances with political parties at state level The Kolis gained more from the actions of the KKGKS in these two decades than did the Rajputs, and C. Jaffrelot believes that it was around this time that a Koli intelligentsia emerged. (Christophe, 2003, pp. 180-182).

Ghanshyam Shah, a professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University, describes caste hierarchies by putting disadvantaged Rajputs of high prestige at the top, Kolis in the middle and semi-tribal Bheels at the bottom of social stratification. Emerging and reconstructing disadvantaged Rajput, Koli and Bheel secular identities are products of "a common economic interest, imagined folklore ―but more out of common resentment against the well-to-do castes" (Shah G. , 2004, p. 178). Impact of that politicization on Parkari Kolhi identity across the border can be visibly seen in their efforts to posit Kolhis as Rajputs and Kashtriyas. Despite such historical tactical efforts at diluting castes to raise social status and increase political power, the Koli or Kolhi community of Nangarparkar, remained stagnantly as one the untouchable tribes. Although some of the former untouchables like Jogis and Bazigars have got converted to Islam, and some others such as Meghwars have progressed economically and socially, yet still many have become much Sindhianised, shunning their tribal ways of life, many scheduled caste tribes are still clung to their semi-Hindu tribal ways of life.

4.1.10 Sindhi Historians and Parkari origins

Parkari Kolhi, which are counted as one of scheduled caste tribes in Sindh, taking lead from Sindhi historians believe that they are one of those early aboriginal races, that is ‗Kol‘. Sindhi writers mention in their books that ‗Kol‘, ‗Bhil‘ and Santhals are the earliest aboriginal groups that would inhabit in Sindh even before Dravidians came into Sindh (Adwani, 2008; Sheedai R. K., 2006). Despite the fact that ‗Kol‘ and ‗Bhil‘ are not clearly mentioned as Dravidians, but instead as a pre-Dravidian racial groups, Parkari Kolhi lump ‗Kol‘, and ‗Kolhi‘ together as constituting the same racial group, and at the same time maintain that are also Dravidians that established that great early Indus Civilization. (Kolhi V. , Kolhi Politics, 2013; Kolhi V. , PCDP, 2013)

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Whatever the case, presently that identity confusion is serving their intended purpose well, that is, to condemn Aryan-Brahmanism, Verna system, and untouchability. Kolhis, that few decades ago would hide their caste and tribe to avoid untouchability-attitude, have started to represent their Kolhian identity with pride.

A decade ago, we would hide or misrepresent our Kolhian identity. We would fear that if our caste became known in public, in situations such as while travelling in bus, both Muslims and upper caste Hindus keep distance from us, do not allow sitting near to them, avoid speaking, and sometimes openly express hatred towards us. (Kolhi V. , Kolhi Election, 2013)

No surprise that Kolhis hate Brahmanism and casteist Hinduism which reduces them to untouchables and outcastes. Kolhis have started vociferously identifying their community to warrior castes Kshatriyas and Rajputs. Their opening up to larger society and gradual weakening of old-type exclusive Muslim-Casteism, and few individual economic and social successes in recent times, have emboldened to assert their reconstructed identities.

4.1.11 Imagined Past and Identity Reconstruction Like most of tribes, nations and races, Kolhis also claim to be one of the earliest and most civilized races. There are certain semi-historical facts to support their claims. Shree Keshavbhai J Patel (2010) has tried to reconstruct proud historical past of Kolis by associating them with the Dravidian founders of early Indus Valley Civilization during 5000-3000 BC. ―The stone inscriptions [in Moen-jo-Daro] describe the great Koli Kings and their Panchayat method of administration in their kingdoms.‖ (Patel S. K., 2010, p. 7). It was the era well before 1500 BC when Aryans came to dominate the Indus civilization and culture.

Paru Mal, taking lead from ancient HinduVedas, believes that most of the Kashtriyas that became Rajas (Rajputs) were crushed by Brahmin Rishi Pursaram Karodh, fifty years before Ramchandar came upon the scene. Hence the ever weakening political position of Rajputs inclined them to bring non-Rajput warrior races and tribes, such as Kolhi, into the fold of Rajputs. Thus many untouchable castes were elevated to a higher status to tackle Barahminic power, and also to reduce extreme kind of social and caste discrimination during that period. (Viswanatha, 2007) Paru Mal believes that Kolhi, and to some extend Bheel are those ethnic groups that were again relegated to lower status due to their egalitarian, humanistic and anti- casteist practices. They used to intermingle with lower castes and untouchables as equals, the

133 practice that led to individuals and kinship groups of Kolhis to be ostracized and socially boycotted from the mainstream Kashtriya class. (Mal, 2000, pp. 169-70). Invasions of Aryans, Sycthians, Caucassian Mongols, Greeks, Turks, Arabs and the Afghans brought further close the upper Brahamin and Kashtriya Rajput castes and lower Kolhi, Bheel and other aborigines. These later invasions developed a Girasia Thakur class within Kolhis that established their own small Rajuras (Kingdoms). Some of those Girasia Thakur Rajputs left Rajasthan, Malwa and Gujarat to establish their chiefdoms in Parkar (Nangarparkar), and still inhabit there. All five major Parkari Kolhi sub-castes, namely, Parmar, Gohel, Chauhan, Rathore and Makwana are Kolhi Thakurs turned ‗Girasia Thakur-ra. They are also locally called as ‗Palvi Thakur-ra‘. Solanki Kolhis are also Girasia Thakurs but they do not live in Parkar. In Nangarpark Sodha Rajputs do not discriminate and differentiate much between Kolhi Tharkurs (Thakurars) and Rajputs, yet Sodha Rajputs do not consider Kolhis equally pure and equally prestigious. (Mal, 2000, pp. 171-72; Unnithan-Kumar, 1997)

4.2 Interpretation of Koli and Dalit origins by Historians and Parkari Kolhis

4.2.1 Dravidian, Kshatriya and untouchable origins of Kolhis Basing their judgment on the books written in Sindhi in last four to six decades, on the origin of races, latter Sindhi historians as well general readers of Sindhi origin believe that Sindhis are one of the earliest indigenous races (Kol, Bheel, and Santal) of South Asia (Adwani, 2008; Sheedai R. K., 2006). Kolhi of Sindh, on the basis of phonetic similarity of ‗Kol‘ and Kolhi‘ believe that they are in fact, the descendants of those early indigenous aborigines called ‗Kol‘. They further believe that they were the ones that latter in early era of Indus Valley Civilization, established the great cities of Moen-jo-Daro. According to G.M Sayed

Archeologists have pointed out that those people had the belief in the super-natural powers of animist and non-animist things. Animals, trees, sun, star worship traces were found from their remains. Phallus worship was also present among them. Among the things worshipped by them, ox or cow had a place. Afterwards the ideology of trinity adopted by Hindus also can be found out from their remains; god Shiv who was assigned to the power of creation and destruction, seems to have been borrowed by them through this old civilization. The sign of lingum, uni and ox, upon which Shiv used to ride and the idea of sacrifice and Swastika were symbols of Shiv worship. …The Shiv-worship that was adopted by the Aryans seems to have been borrowed from the Dravadian beliefs. Agriculture and trade necessitated peaceful environment; therefore people of that country were peaceful. They had not acquired an aggressive design. Therefore, their religious beliefs and conduct of life reflected their peaceful and non-violent habits. (G.M.Sayed, Sindhu Desh, 2013, p. 35)

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The fossilized skeletons of ‗Kol‘ that were found out from the ruins of Moen-jo-Daro are presented by Sindhi primordialist writhers as the evidence of Kolhi-Sindhi indigenousness. Then, they believe, were pushed by invading Aryans to Nangarparkar, and that they are living there since then. Dravidians and Kolhis still maintain their distinctive racial attributes. Although not all Dravidian tribes were darkish in skin color like aboriginal Kol and Santhal races (Adwani, 2008, p. 134), still one can safely say, most of them were darkish. They still maintain distinctive Dravidian dialects and religio-cultural traditions and number in several hundred millions (Sheedai R. K., 2006, p. 44) probably more than five hundred million throughout the world.

―The author of Mujmaul Tawarikh has quoted an extinct Sanskrit work according to which the original inhabitants of Sindh were Jats and Meds. Early Arab writers on Sindh also say that Jats and Meds were important tribes in their time‖ (Abdullah, 2009, p. 8) .Maide [Koli or Kolhi, Solangi, Machi, Meerani, Mallah] and most of untouchable Hindu castes of present Sindh and India, that are leading semi-nomadic and semi-pastoralist life today, are most probably descendents of those early Maide (Dravidian) race.. Some Kolhi communities of Sindh raised their social status by converting to Islam, and some of them even succeeded in establishing small states. In upper Sindh Machi (Kolhi) had their state which was later conquered by Chandio tribe to become Chandka. (Sheedai R. K., 2006, p. 333). It is, however, not known when Kolhis in Thar came and switched from fishing to pastoral life. Yet one can roughly generalize from the above data that majority of low-caste Sindhi Muslims and Hindu castes of contemporary Sindh, that are still marginalized, either belong to ancient aboriginals, Dravidians or to Proto- Austaloids. Superior castes that still occupy land and wield political power are, in fact, mostly later outside invaders and Aryans in origin.

According to Sindhi and Pakistani historians, around 1500-1700 BC Dravidian were pushed to the South by the invading Aryans leading to the decline of Indus Valley Civilizations (MOFA, 2008, p. 114; G.M.Sayed, Sindhu Desh, 2013). Both Adivāsis (aborigines) and the Indians were either reduced to Sudras (lowest class), or to untouchables. Some Dravidians and aborigines did not accept the Aryan society and culture and preferred to stay away from Aryan culture into jungles deserts and the mountains.

According to Tripathi:

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They were both geographically isolated and socially marginalized, and relegated to the bottom of the socioeconomic pyramid. They represented that section of the pre-Aryan population of India, which had retreated into the jungles and hills in the face of the Aryan advance, and remained by and large inaccessible to the conquering Aryan ‗civilization…there is abundant evidence in the…Sanskrit literature to show that these indigenous people were also treated as untouchables. (Tripathi, 2012, p. 195) Kolhi ethnic group is one of those groups, some of whose tribes relegated to Adivāsi life-style and preferred to live in jungles and deserts, while some Kolhi tribes that lived within Aryan society were reduced to Sudras or to outcastes. Some of Kolhis, however, later rose to the Kashtriya status due to Brahamanic-Kashtriya political expediency to crush emerging Dravidians and Buddhist cultures.

Aryans called Indus land, which constituted the area falls in present Paskistan, as ‗Sapta- Sindhava’ ‗the land of seven sacred rivers‘. (MOFA, 2008, p. 115). Sapta-Sindhava also included the areas of Punjab and Gujrat in India where Kolhi caste still constitutes largest caste group numbering more than 120 million. Around 1300-1000 BC, one of the seven rivers of Sindh, Sarasvati River used to flow in the Rann of Kutch constituting the largest desert Delta of the Indus near Arabian sea. (Daily Kawish (Encyclopedia Sindhiana, Volume 7), 2013, p. 8). Climatic changes dried down that river and in process it must have brought about significant demographic changes. Similarly Hakro branch of existing river Indus used to flow near Tharr desert and into Arabian Sea, the drying out of which must also have adversely affected the desert population. These climatic and ecological changes testify to the fact that Rajasthan, Gujrat and Runn of Kutch that look like to be a bordering buffer zones between two distinct civilizations, the Hindu and the Indus, as Aitizaz Ahsan has maintained, in fact have been the part of same Sapta-Sindhava (Indus Valley Civilization), and as much Indusian or Sindhian in origin as any other present ethnic region.

While some Indian historians believe that Aryan-Brahmanism led to the integration of isolated and fragmented Indian village society and Indians lived peacefully for centuries (Viswanatha, 2007), for other it started off the longest racial apartheid based on political hierarchical religion (Bandyopadhyaya, 2007; Race and History.Com, 2000-2009). Ancient Dravidian and aboriginal nations and races, due to historical enmity and being vanquished, were labeled as ‗Dasio’ meaning ‗bandit or rascal, ‗Karshan’ meaning ‗Black‘, Das’ meaning ‗Slave‘ and ‗Anas’ meaning ‗shameless‘ (Adwani, 2008, p. 134; G.M.Sayed, Sindhu Desh, 2013, p. 3; Pillai, 1996), whereas, according to alternative interpretation, Dravidians, in reality, were far more civilized

136 than the invading Aryans, on par with the Egyptian and Mesopotamian civilizations. Succeeding generations of Hindu-Brahaman writers, however, continued to sustain and attach stigmatized ‗untouchability‘ to Sudras and the Black people. Mr. M.C. Raja, a Hindu-Brhamanic writer has been quoted condemning Drividians that, ―You may breed cows and dogs in your house, you may drink the urine of cows and swallow to expiate your sins, but you shall not approach an Adi Dravida" (Race and History.Com, 2000-2009) In Hindu scriptures Shudras or Sudroid (Blacks) are meant to be ‗animals‘ and ‗subhuman‘ species, whereas Brahamins are equaled with Gods, as evident from verses below; ―Having killed a cat, an ichneumon, a blue jay, a frog, a dog, an iguana, an owl, or a crow, he shall perform the penance for the murder of a Sudra." -- [Manu IX.132] ―The murder of a Sudra by a Brahman is equal only to killing a cat or a frog or a cow " [Stat] [Wilk.248]. ―Elephants, horses, Sudras and contemptible , lions, tigers, and boars form the middle dark condition" -- [Manu i.43] [Muir I.41] Rakshashas in Brahaminic literature is/are meant to be a devil. Whereas, historically Rakshasas, in fact is the Dravidian race that fought and rebelled against increasing Aryan-Brahaminic imperialism.

Aryan literature is replete with references to the hated Rakshasas. Rakshasa is a term of contempt for Dravidians and other black aboriginals. Some Aryan apologists have claimed that this term means `demon' and does not refer to the aboriginals. This is entirely unfounded, however, because an overwhelming amount of evidence indicates that it is an abusive term applied to the native black populations of India (Dravidian, Kolarian, Kshudraka, etc.) (Race and History.Com, 2000-2009) Verna system that prevailed between 1500BC-1000 AD, was more like socio-economic class system in which certain racial and ethnic groups were condemned to dehumanizing treatment. ―The Brahmanic varna system (`varnashramadharma') is basically a genocidal apartheid system designed to exterminate the `black varna'. Caste systems in other parts of the world (eg. US South, Brazil, Islamic systems in the Ottoman Empire and the Delhi etc.) were by contrast far milder, permitting the co-existence of different races and discouraging miscegenation without extermination in mind.‖ (Race and History.Com, 2000-2009) Dravidian horizontal Jati system (symbolic ancestral caste system) is believed to have been replaced by Vertical racial Verna system by Aryans. In Dravidian peasant societies land was plenty and people used to live in small communes. Religion and faith were the personal matter of an individual. Wars between chiefs were used to be fought not for occupation and usurpation but

137 merely to assert ones power and symbolic supremacy. But the things changed once Aryans started penetrating in the Dravidian culture. (Vairam, 2008; Pillai, 1996; Bandyopadhyaya, 2007)

In recent past during last five or six decades, particularly in in India, Dravidian Movements and political organizations such as Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (Dravidian Progress Federation) or DMK, have tried to amalgamate Scheduled castes under the socialist- democratic ideology and Dravidian racial appeal. But, instead of horizontal casteless integration, Dravidian parties and organizations also served as power bases for dominant castes within Dravidians, ―all of which are in conflict with Scheduled Castes. (Swamy, 2014) Although Dravidian movements and DMK seems to have failed in uniting all Dravidians against Aryan, it has nevertheless made controversial the unilineal and monolithic mythical history of Hinduism inspired by Aryan-Brahmanic interpretations.

Not all Dravidians were black, or darkish, but most of them were probably ‗Sanwra or Sanwala’ in skin color very much like present Samat Sindhis. They had forts, castles, ships, and used to trade with the rest of world. Prakrat, which is the distorted and common version of Aryan Sanskrit, was developed by Dravidians to sustain their unique culture and traditions. (Sheedai R. K., 2006, p. 44). Dravidians lost to Aryans only because they had not learnt to temper iron. Aryans had iron weapons that Dravidians lacked; otherwise they were at least as superior as Aryans. (Adwani, 2008, p. 136)

Following the values of dominant tribes and castes of the area, Raikes too eulogizes the upper caste Sodhas, Ranas and Rajputs of Tharr, and considers Kolhis and Bheels as criminal nomads. He doesn‘t mention of the ethnic discrimination that Sodhas and Ranas practiced against untouchables at time.

Of the Bheels occupying the Thurr and Parkur generally, little need be said. Their rank in the social scale is very low; ignorant of the obligations of society, they are a good deal addicted to stealing; unaccustomed for generations to industrial and peaceable pursuits, they hardly knew till lately what such things were. In some seasons of the year, they think nothing of wandering about the jungle, with nothing but peeloo fruit and water to live on; generally, however, they look up to and readily acknowledge the supremacy of the chief or head of the tribe under whose protection they live. A reference to the criminal returns will show that a large proportion of the crime committed in the Thurr and Parkur, of late years, has been so by this class; at the same time it is worthy of remark, and speaks well for the heads of the different tribes, that the amount of crime committed in these districts has been of late years singularly small. (Raikes, 2009, p. 6)

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Molai Sheedai in ‗Jannatul Sindh‘ mistakes ‗Kolis‘ as ‗Kol‘, the latter being aboriginal plunderers that used to plunder from the Gulf of to Gujrat and Malwa (Sheedai R. K., 2006, p. 40). Whereas Kolhis or Kolis are not ‗Kol‘, but a different racial tribe of Dravidian origin. Moreover, Molai Sheedai does not differentiate between Hindus on the basis of hierarchical caste systems and the resultant inequality, being largely interested to justify the ways of Islamic conquest of the Sindh. He mentions briefly privileges that upper caste Hindus particularly enjoyed in Sindh from the times of Arab conquest (Sheedai R. K., 2006, pp. 627,628). The lower caste Hindus and untouchables are invisible even in the history books written by Sindhi Hindus in recent past. Both Bherumal Advani and Malkani, who have written on the history of Sindh, have taken for granted the hierarchaial Verna system and have stressed mystic and Sufic elements of Hinduism. Bherumal writes, the founders of Hindu civilization were ‗Rishis’(Hindu-mystic and prophetic poets) that chanted heavenly revealed Vedic hymns. Some of the Rishi poets were Brahmin, some Kshatriya, and some were sons of the slave-girls (Shudras)‖, that preached to live peacefully and tolerate each other. (Adwani, 2008, p. 407). Independent of its spiritual value for health of society, it clearly meant that Rishis urged the poor and oppressed to accept their unequal social and economic condition as the part of divine design. Although one may argue that Sindhi Sufism was the product of Hindu compromise to Muslim oppression, it in fact also existed in its pre-sufic yet mystic form before Islam in Sindh, in the form of Jainism and Buddhism to offset caste discrimination based on Verna system. Both Hindus and Muslims of Sindh, whether of upper caste or of lower castes, did not take Hinduism, like Punjabi Hindus or Islam, like Arabs and Afghans, with much seriousness and remained essentially Sindhi by their culture and life style. Whether Hindus influenced Muslim more (Malkani, 1997) or they came under the disorderly and religiously casual attitude of Sindhi Muslims that seemed to totally negate the discriminatory Verna system (T.Postans & M.R.A.S, 1843, p. 38), it has evolved into a mix of Sufism, at least ideologically, in which there is space for all regions as long as they profess peace, tolerance and universal brotherhood.

The fact that Koli tribe in itself is not a homogenous racial, ethnic or religious tribes, Parkari Kolhi are taking advantage of it diversified origins and trying to choose the best possible of combination, no matter how incompatible it may be. Hence, Kolhis believe they are the part of larger Koli/Kolhi/Kohli/Kol tribe (Mal, 2000) and, are in fact, Kolhi Rajputs of Kshatriya origin (Kolhi V. , PCDP, 2013), that were reduced to untouchability by the

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Dravidians (Kolhi V. , Kolhi Politics, 2013). Even if one may nullify the Dravidian origin claims of Kolhi, their centuries long tribal segregation from so called dominant Aryan tribes, that has kept their gene pool different from the rest of Indian castes and tribes (S.S.Papiha, 1996, p. 625), may entitle them to have distinctive non-Aryan ethnic tribal identity.

Similarly, to trace the racial and ethnic origin, one cannot solely depend on linguistic affiliations that can be highly misleading. Kolis of Gujrat and Parkari Kolhi of Tharparkar and Katchhi Kolis, as well as Sindhis speak Indo-Aryan, and not . That linguistic change, if one believes in proto-Dravidian origin of Parkari Kolhi, may have occurred under the influence of Aryan, Scythian, Hun and later Turkish influences all of them spoke of Indo-Aryan languages. The traces of Dravidian way of counting (in multipliers of tens and twenties), and division of daily times into eight ‗pahar’ (time-sections) that still prevails among Parkaris and ways of reasoning still leave reason to believe in Dravidian or proto-Dravidian origins of Parkari Kolhi. As the aboriginal speakers of the Southern India adopted Dravidian language under the influence of Dravidian culture, similarly, Pro-Dravidian aboriginals, or Dravidians themselves may have adapted their languages to Indo-Aryan languages. ―The genetic differences may be due to cultural and linguistic barriers and restricted mobility between different states, thereby promoting diversity through genetic drift. Also different ecological conditions exist in different regions for the subcontinent, so that the role of differential selective process in generating genetic diversity cannot be ruled out‖ (S.S.Papiha, 1996, p. 624).

Yet, despite all confusion and ambiguity, as far as Parkari and Katchhi Kolhi migration from the north-west to southern parts of Gujarat, and their claim to be the descendants of aboriginal ‗Kol‘ race may be assumed valid, in the beginning they may have migrated from northwestern regions of existing Sindh and Baluchistan to Gujarat and Katchch during that early era between 9500 and 7000 years from now. Whereas, if Kolhi claim of being Dravidian race may be taken as valid, then they might be one of the later pastoralists that migrated to Gujarat and Rajasthan region during Regionalization era (c. 3500-2600 BC) (Chase, 2010, p. 521)

4.2.2 Sindhi Primordialism, National Ideology and Kolhi Identity In fact, there are several fundamental logical contradictions in the interpretation of Sindhi, Aryan and untouchable history of Sindh. In Sayed‘s ideology there is one fundamental logical

140 contradiction. Whereas Sayed believes that religions evolve and are never final, he, in his primordial tone, at the same time maintains that national ideologies do not change.

If one goes through the evolutionary history of all the religions he may sense it is a continuous process. So let me say that, including Islam, all the religions of the world in their entirety are not final. But in every religion, there are certain principles, which adhere to common unity…. I acknowledge that all the divine books and the testaments of various religions are of immense value, as these contain valuable information, knowledge and wisdom. Although I do not treat their verdict as final in terms of knowledge and wisdom, because the ever-expanding knowledge with the passage of time is likely to open new vistas for mankind. (G.M.Sayed, Sindhu Desh, 2013, p. 14)

Hence, for Sayed, religious beliefs are different from national beliefs. For him religions are the product of the evolution of knowledge systems. It never occurs to him that religions and even notions of nationhood are the evolutionary ever reconstituting product of the whole cultural process that is impacted, moulded and transformed by multiple social, economic, political, geographical and ecological factors. He clearly prefers nationality over religion and considers religion as a byproduct of nationality, and in case of Sindh, Sufism, is believed by him such a cultural by product. G.M.Sayed is unable to see that nations, cultures, languages, heritage and traditions do also go through fundamental changes bringing changes in national ideologies as well. He bases the ‗perennial value‘ and changelessness of national ideologies on the ‗natural phenomenon‘ on the assumption that natural phenomenon do not change, so nations and ideologies also do not change.

Instead a nationality developed and established on geographical territory, language, heritage, culture and traditions, with the political and economic interests is much stronger and more lasting. To support this view, it may further be added that novel experiences and new discoveries in the given circumstances do not change the ideology. But since a nationhood based on certain factors is in fact the creation of natural phenomena, therefore it is of perennial value not to the people of a nation but to the world communities as a whole.‖ (G.M.Sayed, Sindhu Desh, 2013, p. 14).

It is amazing to note that G.M. Sayed can see that nations, races and tribes have migrated due to natural and climatic catastrophes, hence bringing about change in their locations. He knows that even earth surface, course of the rivers and the weather conditions have affected the cultures and languages, yet, without arguing much, he staunchly maintains that the national essence remains the same. Anthropological and archeological findings can hardly support G.M. Sayed‘s primordial convictions about the nationhood. Most of the anthropologists are convinced that

141 nations and the nationhood have so dramatically yet imperceptibly changed that it cannot be called as the same or even similar to their ancestral origins. Yet, it can be safely said that certain socially excluded or segregated groups like untouchables and outcastes in South Asia have been forced to keep certain ancestral traits intact like Skin color and physical features and certain rituals, and linguistic structures, yet despite that changes in their locations, impact of geographical and ecological changes, intermingling with other races, nations and tribes have fundamentally changed their notions of nationhood and political ideology.

4.2.3 Arab Conquest of Sindh, ‘Aryan-Brahmin’ and ‘Dravidian-Budhist’ differences Kolhi caste or tribe of Sindh has its unique ethnic background which is culturally and economically embedded in their peasant-pastoralist way of life. Being considered as untouchables throughout ages, they were not even welcomed by Arab Muslims in the fold of Islam. They either remained Buddhist or Hindu untouchables. Because of their dark brownish color of skin and stocky physical features they were discounted as human beings of baser racial origins. Brahmin rulers of Sindh and Hind always harbored deep hatred for them, whereas Kshatriyas did not despise them much. Before Muslim Arbas conquered Sindh in 712 AD, Brahmin kings ruled over Sindh whose attitude towards untouchables had been extremely discriminatory and hostile, whereas, Rajput princes of Rajputana had been not been so. (Gidumal, 2008, p. 6). Hence, one can infer that Rajputs of Rajputana were supportive of Meds (Kolhis Rajputs) and Jats (Sammat Rajputs of Sindh). Thus Kolhis, that struggled as warriors for Aryans sustain Brahmanism in early Vedic era, in later centuries fled from Brahminic hold to take refuge in Janism and Buddhism.

Hence, neither Hindu-Aryan, nor Arab-Muslim religious cultures could make deeper impact on Kolhis and other Dalit community‘s social practices. On the contrary their disposition was suited to find its expression in the practice less ambitious faiths like Jainism and Buddhism have greatly shaped their sociopolitical position in the history. There are several historical evidences that clearly indicate that Kolhis (the earliest Dravidians-turned Kshatriyas under the Hindu influence and then Buddhists, and then again reduced to untouchables due to intense suppression by Brahmins), Bheels, Meghwars and most of Sindhi untouchable tribal castes were influenced by Buddhism and Jainism more than by Hinduism, leading one to infer that they may have also been suppressed by Brhamin king to turn them into perpetual untouchable relics of the ancient past. Sufic and liberal lifestyle of untouchables or scheduled caste tribes, egalitarian culture Moen-jo-

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Daro, and Buddhist and Jain archeological sites at places where Kolhis and untouchable communities still live testify to their egalitarian Buddhist and mystic origins.

During about 200 BC to 800 AD Dalit population being structurally disenfranchised by the upper caste Hindus found hope for their emancipation in Janism and Buddhism. In an introduction to Chachnámah, the oldest extant historical record on Sindh, Gidumal, basing his claims about Buddhist Sindh on multiple historical sources writes:

[Chachnamah] shows us, in the first place, that Buddhism was the dominant religion in Sind, in the 7th century. The word Samání (originally Shráman) occurs several times, and we are told of Buddha temples, Buddha monasteries, and even of Buddha extremists, who considered it against their religion to take up arms in their own defense against the Mussalmans….The Buddhistic records now available to us show that Asóká did not make Buddhism a State Religion…There never was such a thing as a State Religion in India. Asóká certainly extended his patronage, formerly confined to Brahmans only, to the new brotherhood founded by Buddha, but there was nothing in India corresponding to a ‗Defender of the Faith‘… Hiouen-Thsang is corroborated by the Harsha-charita of Baná who was not a Buddhist, and by the original author of the Chachnámah, who was an Arab. We have thus Brahman, Buddhist, Greek, and Arab testimony as to the amicable relations subsisting between the followers of the two religions, up to the 7th century; and the testimony of the Arab, now given to the English-knowing world, for the first time, is, to my mind, of the greatest value. (Gidumal, 2008, pp. 3,4)

Buddhist-Dravidian identity assertion was the problemtique for the Brahmin-Aryan rulers during 6th, and 7th century A.D, and it remained so even up till nineteenth and twentieth century, when some of the former Buddhist-Kshatriyas had either clearly adopted Muslim faith and agrarian culture, or remained suppressed, like Kolhis, as untouchables, whereas, ―By and large, Brahmins and Vaishyas had not converted to Islam‖ and remained stuck to their politico-business credentials (Malkani, 1997, p. 90).

Brahmin Kings of Sindh had always kept Meds and Jats that were of Dravidian origin and Buddhist by religion, under their thumb. has quoted G.M. Sayed that ―The real reason for Bin Qasim‘s invasion of Sindh, Syed contends, was ‘s refusal to return Muhammad Bin Alafi, who had taken asylum under his government.‖ (Siddiqi, 2012, p. 86). Islamist version of interpretation explains the invasion of Sindh by Arabs as the result of looting and kidnapping by Sindhi pirates of ‘s convoy, and Raja Dahir‘s disregard to Khalifa‘s demand for explanation and the return of the kidnapped. British Historian Postans, in line with Sindhi nationalists, believes that the immediate causes of Arab invasion of Sindh have been put forward

143 differently by different historians. Yet such immediate causes do not matter much if one is looking for the structural and historical causes.

It is not, however, a matter of any very great moment; for it is obvious that in those days very trivial reasons were sufficient to justify Mahommedan aggression, and there are also grounds for concluding that Sindh, from its intrinsic wealth and position, as opening a high road to India, had previously been marked for early conquest, and the slightest opportunity gladly seized for fixing a quarrel. (T.Postans & M.R.A.S, 1843, p. 75)

Thus, there could possibly be the real immediate causes, a triggering event, as mentioned by Sindhi historians that may have led Muhammad Bind Qasim to attack Sindh. That does not however preclude other inner causes that may have facilitated the Arab invasion from within the Sindh. Whatever may be the immediate cause of Arab invasion, the defeat of Raja Dahir and the victory of Muhammad Bin Qasim was made possible by the internal schism and social discrimination practiced by the Brahmin rulers. Writing on the socio-political dimensions of Arab conquest of Sindh, Abdullah explains that:

The line of rulership before Islam runs thus: Siharus, Sahasi II, Chach, Dahir. The first two were Buddhist Rajputs and the last two Hindu Brahmins. The new Brahmin rulers were extremely hostile towards the Buddhists who were in substantial numbers in Sindh at that time and they had ruthlessly suppressed the Jats and Meds who formed the bulk of the peasantry. Humiliating conditions were imposed on the Jats depriving them of many civil rights…. It was because of this background that Mohammad Bin Qasim received cooperation from the Buddhists as well as the Jats and Meds during his campaigns in Sindh. Among others who did not oppose Mohamrnad Bin Qasim‘s advance and made peace with him was the tribe. In fact he was hailed as deliverer by several sections of local population. The humble position of the Buddhists in Sindh seeking support from outside can be read in the Chach Namah. (Abdullah, The Historical Background of Pakistan and its People, 2009, p. 6) Soomra Rajput tribe that used to live in present Badin district region also assisted Arab invaders in conquering Sindh (Bullo, 2003, p. 570). Hence, it is evident from the above passage that the conquest of Sindh by Arabs could not have been accomplished without the support of Buddhists, Meds, and lower caste Hindus and untouchables.

It is said that the Buddhists of Sindh had been receiving constant information from their co-religionists in and Turkistan about the extremely liberal treatment meted out to them by the Arab conquerors of those regions. In view of these reports, the Buddhist population of Sindh decided to extend full cooperation to Mohammad Bin Qasim and even acclaimed him as liberator from the Brahmin tyranny. Several

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principalities in Sindh were ruled by Buddhist Rajas. The Buddhist ruler of Nerun (Hyderabad) had secret correspondence with Mohammad Bin Qasim. Similarly, Bajhra and Kaka Kolak, Buddhist rajas of Sewastan, allied themselves with Mohammad Bin Qasim. On similar grounds, Jats also joined the Arabs against Dahir. (Abdullah, The Historical Background of Pakistan and its People, 2009, p. 12).

Arab invaders, or rather liberators, were greatly facilitated by the Buddhists also due to their belief in the rule to establish peace and harmony in society.

At a time when the Arabs were short of both food and fodder, Bhandarkan Samani, the man incharge of Nerunkot, surrendered that town. The Samanis or Shamans --- the Buddhist counterparts of Brahmins --- took the line that, as Buddhists, they were men of peace and not interested in who ruled the country. (Malkani, 1997, p. 36) In an attempt to interpret the braveness and integrity of Brahmins in the aftermath of conquest of Sindh by Arabs, Malkani, a Sindhi Hindu writer, argues that, ―Dahir‘s ―wife‖ Bai committed suttee to escape the hands of ―these [Muslim] chandals (untouchables) and cow-eaters‖ (Malkani, 1997). Although here Bai attributes untouchability to Muslim Arabs, such an argumentation shows that not only Malkani attests to the untouchability principle to some degree, but it was also used to be widely practiced in Sindh in times of Raja Dahir.

Although the conquest of Sindh by Arabs had political imperialistic and economic motives behind it to cater for the increasing Arab population of the barren desert, Arab conqueror‘s initial rule has not been completely downplayed by Hindu-Sindhi writers as unjust or oppressive. In forword to Malkani‘s book on history Sindh, Jethmalani writes:

The Arab conquest of Sindh was a major event in the life of Sindh and Hind. What manner of men were those who subjugated Sindh in the beginning of the 8th Century of the Christian era? Mohammed Bin Kasim and his soldiers were authentic Arabs and not bad Muslims, certainly more humane and civilised than those who followed in their wake some centuries later. They were strongly monotheistic and fervently believed in the message of the Prophet who had passed away earlier on June 7, 632 A.D. (Malkani, 1997, p. 11) Caste-based discrimination against untouchables continued throughout history. Magistrate of the ‗Thar and Parkar in 1856, S. Raikes, commented on the political demographic strength of Kolhis and Bheels, and the prevailing societal discrimination of untouchables by Hindus and upper caste Muslims thus, ―There are also great numbers of Bheels or Coolees [Kolhis], not acknowledged by either Mahomedans or Hindoos, though considering themselves Hindoos, and exercising by force of numbers a considerable influence in the district‖ (Raikes, 2009, p. 3).

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Their non-acceptance of code-bound Islam was also probably antithetical to their Buddhist mystic-like dispositions. The influence of syncretic choice of relgio-cultrual practices can still be evidenced in the general population of Sindh, Gujarat and Rajasthan. In case of lower Sindh, particularly, the impact of all historically disenfranchised racial classes (Dravidians, early aborigines), and/or ethnic groups (Bheel, Kol, Santhals, Meds or Kolis), and creeds (Buddhism and Jainism), is quite remarkable on the culture of this region of Sindh. More than Aryan-Hindu, Arab Muslim, Persian or Caucasian cultures, it has been probably the Jain-Buddhist-Dravidian creed of the underclass that has colored the of which Sindhis feel proud of today.

4.2.4 Kolhi ethnicity after Arab-Muslim rule and Historical Bias Parkari Kolhi caste or tribe of Sindh has its unique ethnic background which is culturally and economically embedded in their peasant-pastoralist way of life. Being considered as untouchables throughout ages, they were not even welcomed by Arab Muslims in the fold of Islam. They either remained Buddhist or Hindu untouchables. Color of skin and physical features they were discounted as human beings of lesser category than the fair skinned Aryans. Their non-acceptance of code-bound Islam was also probably antithetical to their Buddhist- mystic disposition. Nevertheless the impact of all disenfranchised racial classes like Dravidians, early aborigines, and ethnic groups, like Bheel, Kol, Santhals, Meds or Kolis and creeds like Buddhism and Jainism are quite remarkable on the culture of Sindh. More than Hindus, Arab Muslims, Persians or Caucasian, and the creeds introduced by them in Sindh, it has been probably the Jain-Buddhists-Dravidian creed of the underclass that has colored the culture of Sindh of which Sindhis feel proud of today. It was Buddhists mysticism that influenced Muslim preachers and consequently converted them into peculiarly Sindhian blend of mysticism which is called as Sufism.

The dominant early Aryan tribes remained Hindus throughout history, whereas lower castes, outcastes and some later Aryan invaders became Muslims. These later Aryans, of particularly Scythian origin today form bulk of prominent Sammat tribes of Sindh.

To begin with, the upper castes of Brahmins, Banias and Kayasthas had remained Hindu, only landlords, peasants, artisans, soldiers had become Muslim. So the earlier caste differentiation was now compounded by creedal differentiation. With modernization, the caste-community difference was reinforced by class differentiation. The fact that the ―higher‖ caste-class Hindu was also urban, only further heightened the difference --- and

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widened the gulf. This irked many Muslims. Leaving aside the mullahs, who were congenitally anti-Hindu. (Malkani, 1997) Whereas bulk of outcastes (untouchables) remained aloof from wholesome communal religious conversions and remained as untouchables throughout history. They have not even been considered as Hindus by upper caste Hindus, and sometimes, they themselves denied being labelled as Hindus. Hindus have been meant usually as upper class Hindus only by Hindu writers. Scheduled castes (Dalits) have not been considered as worthy of analysis by Hindu historian. For instance, Malkani (1997), a Hindu historian, seems to be biased towards untouchable, no wonder that he doesn‘t even mention the intra-Hindu discrimination due to which Kolhis, Bheels and Meghwars were reduced to live the pastoral life and as hunters and gatherers on the margins of the Sindhi society. In the same way recent Indian writers writing about the Sindhi Hindus, unconsciously preclude untouchables from the ‗Hindu‘ category, as one has written that ―The Hindus of Sindh are exceptional in being free of the caste-system‖ (Kothari, Sindhis: Hardening of Identities after Partition, 2004, p. 3885).

In an effort to construct superior Aryan origins of Sindhi people, Hindu-Sindhi historians have been led to ignore the existence, and reality of other races existing in India. Although ―Sindh emerges in a shady light in the . It is called ―paap-purna Pradesh‖ (a sinful province)‖ (Malkani, 1997, pp. 19,20), Hindu Sindhi writers do not shed enough light on the fact that why Sindh was called a land of sins. The Dravidian truth of defeat lurking behind the fabulous successes of Aryan Gods is conveniently ignored. However, one can also argue from Dravidian perspective that Mahabharata was an Aryan epic. It may have referred to Sind as evil because it was inhabited by people of Dravidian origin like Maids (Kolhis and later other untouchable‘s) and Jats that practiced other regions like Jainism and Buddhism and that kept resisting Aryan dominance throughout centuries. As Malkani, an upper caste Hindus Sindhi historian himself has written, ―Dushhala was pained to find the tribes of Jats and Medes in Sindh quarrelling endlessly. She therefore requested Duryodhana to send some Brahmins to tone up the socio-cultural life of Sindh. Duryodhana was good enough to send 30,000 Brahmins to Sindh.‖ (Malkani, 1997, p. 21)

Malkani, taking lead from Chachnama, writes that few decades before Arab conquest of Sindh,―The king was a Brahmin but there were too many Buddhists, making for social dissonance. The social tensions showed in hasty temper and bloodshed. Many of the Buddhists were traders who preferred peace to resistance.‖ (Malkani, 1997, p. 38). Malkani denounces the

147 peaceful, mystic yet suppressed existence of Buddhists, Maids and Jatts by calling them ‗cowards‘, as one of the major causes of Dahir‘s defeat. He argues, ―Yet another was the dubious position of many Buddhists, who conveniently camouflaged their cowardice as desire for peace, even though Dahir had placed them in important positions.‖ (Malkani, 1997, p. 38). The social and economic inequality and state oppression that prevailed in Sindh under Brahamin rule is alluded to by Malkani and Advani and other secular writers only with reference to the alleged higher inequalities that followed during Muslim, British and Pakistani rule. No substantive mention of untouchability and caste discrimination as a social evil is made by them. Even till today, although ethnicities have hybridized much, most of the races and castes that resisted to Aryan dominance constitute marginalized majority belonging to lower castes in existing Sindh. Gidumal, another Hindu writer, however, seems to be more conscientious, at least, in recognizing the politico-religious stance of Buddhist Sindhis.

Samání of Nirankot [Budhist rule over present Hyderabad] to save its precious head, entered into a private treaty with Hajjáj, and helped the Mussalmans, without the least compunction; and other Samánís persuaded the people to submit, because, forsooth, the religion of Buddha was a religion of peace. We also read of a very large class, I mean the Jats, labouring under extraordinary disabilities (Gidumal, 2008, p. 5).

Even English historians of the colonial era, like Napier ,Lambrick and T.Ponstans (see (T.Postans & M.R.A.S, 1843), and several recent Pakistani historians of Sindh (see (Abdullah, 2009) and also Sindhi Muslim writers ( (Sheedai R. K., 2006), have bypassed the life histories of untouchables, ignored the social reality of the lower classes, and have largely focused on the powerful, the ruling and the dominant groups, castes and tribes of Sindh.

The case of recent well-reputed liberal pro-Pakistani identity-reconstructions also does not fare any better than others in further marginalizing the marginalized. Historically marginalized Dalits and lower castes remain marginalized even theoretically and ideologically in recent efforts to construct an all-embracing Pakistani identity. Aitizaz Ahsan, the celebrated statesmen and officially acclaimed intellectual of Pakistan, reconstructed Pakistani identity as Indusian having roots in Indus Valley Civilization of the Aryans, (Siddiqi, 2012) seemed blinded by Persian, Caucasian and Islamic-oriented bias, and failed to identify or relocate the most ancient aborigines, Bheels, Kols, Santals, Dravidians and Dalit communities into the honorable framework of the Indusia. Aitzaz failed to identify the large Pakistani population that had still deeper roots into the Indus Valley Civilization.

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4.2.4.1 Imagining Peasantisation of Dalits in Lower Sindh Dalit leaders and activists believe that Dalit population is being increasingly peasntised and that it is gradually replacing Muslim Sindhi sharecroppers in lower Sindh. Rochi Ram a senior Dalit activist opined that:

In Sindh and parts of southern Punjab majority of Dalits are working on agricultural fields as Haris or peasants. In Sindh, Kolhis are replacing Muslims as peasants because being untouchable and non-Muslims Kolhis are docile in nature and do not confront with the landlords. Besides Kolhi, Bheel, Meghwars and Odhs are also scheduled castes and work as peasants in Sindh. "Hari, who is considered a fuel for revolution has now become Adiwasi or untouchable. (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 26)

4.2.5 Identity reconstruction efforts: Case-study of Rooplo Kolhi as a Parkari Hero Rooplo Kolhi, (locally called ‗Rupo‘) was a tribal Girasia chief of Gohel subtribe of Kolhis and lived in a village in Nangarparkar called Kumbhari. One of the prime examples of identity reconstruction effort by both Parkari Kolhis and Sindhi ethno-nationalists is to depict Rooplo as the Sindhi national hero. Historical evidences suggest that he fought as tribal general Kolhis under the united Kolhi-Rajput alliance against the British that encroached upon their region (Parkar) that they would, in local-ethnic discourse, distinctively differentiate from ‗Sindh‘ (barrage-area and upper Sindh) as a separate ‗Mulk’ (country). Hence, for them Parkar was one ‗Mulk’ and the ‗Sindh‘ was another ‗Mulk’, although administratively it had been under the Talpur rulers of Sindh.

Parkaris did not wished to be under the control of any outside rule or force, whether it be of Mirs of Sindh or the British. The Sindhi ethno-nationalist patriotism as it is expressed by Sindhi ethno-nationalists and Parkari ethno-nationalists was non-existent among Parkari warriors. For Parkaris, only Nangarparkar was their country and that inhabitants of Nangarparkar meant a nation distinctive from Sindhis. Moreover, the notion of nation as the inhabitant of distinctive geographical region was more dominant over the notion of nation as the homogenous ideological and linguistic group. Because some of the Parkari Kolhi sub-tribes such as Parmara, Kolhi Rathore and Gohel Kolhis enjoyed considerable political clout before the British influence increased in Nangarparkar, their alliance with traditional upper caste Sodha Rajputs was natural, to abet increasing influence of the British forces in the region.

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4.2.5.1 From ‘Rupo’ to Amar Rooplo Kolhi: Politics of Identity

The cemented ‗Slab‘ built on the memorial of Rooplo Kolhi does not show the date of death of Rooplo as they believe that he never died. The slab begins with the Hindu god‘s mystic symbol ‗Om’ written in Sanskrit, below it written in Sindh reads, ―Jeay Amar Rooplo Gohel, June, 26, 1765 Khaan”, which literally means, ‗up with eternal Rooplo Gohel Parkari Kolhis who lives on since 26, June 1765. Dalit community, and Sindhi ethno-nationalist all glorify Rooplo Kolhi as an ‗Amar Rooplo Kolhi‘ (Eternal Rooplo Kolhi), but for different yet overlapping sociopolitical purposes.

Figure 12. Veerji Kolhi with social activists at place in village Kumbhari in Nangarparkar where Rooplo Kolhi was born and lived.”.. Source: Barkat Noonari (2014)

Kolhis are still waiting for their ultimate emancipator. Yet most significant emancipating indigenous hero of Parkar and Parkari Kolhis was Rooplo Kolhi, the warrior who fought against the British for indigenous rights of Parkaris to own and till lands and rule over Parkar as Girasia Rajputs. Although previously most of the Parkari Kolhi sub-tribes have been Rajputs (Rajas and Kings), all of them originated in Indian Rajasthan, Gujarat and Mahdhiya Pradesh. Rajput credentials are, however, asserted by Kolhis whenever they are invoked, yet they do not

150 remember their past individual Rajput heroes. The case of Rooplo is different in that it was of relatively recent occurrence, localized and coincided with the defeat of Sindhi Talpur rulers. Rooplo Kolhi, a commander of Sodha Ladhu Singh, was the indigenous Parkari of Gohel sub- tribe of Kolhis. After partition in 1947, this localized identity of Rooplo has fascinated much to Parkari Kolhis and the Sindhi ethno-nationalists.

Figure 13.Dr.Barkat Noonari, a social activist, posing in front of under construction 'Amar Rooplo Kolhi' Memorial at Nangarparkar, built by a Sindhi leftisit ethno-nationalist party Awami Tehreek. Source: Barkat Noonari (2014) The example of Rooplo Kolhis is typical of how the ethnic identities area constructed in line with newly emerged political and territorial realities. It was a vigorous political and social identity reconstructor, during British rule and also after partition that served to reshape Kolhi, Parkari and Sindhi identity on ethnic and ethno-nationalist lines. Both Kolhi and Sindhi ethno- nationalists identify themselves more with existing Sindh than with Gujarat or Rajasthan, which was not at all the case before British rule.

One Hindu resident of Nangarparkar, who had spent one year as a missing person, accused of being an Indian agent, court martialed and finally released as it was found that the charge against him were fabricated, when asked if he would migrate to India told us ―I am committed to this land. My heart says to leave Sindh for Hind, but I cant.‖ (Faruqi, 2011, pp. 34,35)

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Parkari Kolhis‘ effort to identify Kolhi community with Sindh is largely motivated by their communal desire to create social and political space for their marginal community. Other Dalit communities of Sindh support them in their effort as it would also lead to their emancipation and enhance their social standing. Whereas ethno-nationalists have kept emphasizing, urging and propagating Rooplo as the Sindhi hero, to reconstruct supposedly docile, war-avoiding and fragmentary Sindhi society on the vigorous, assertive and the one that can physically retaliate for the national cause. In their effort to reconstruct Sindhi ethnic identities, Sindhi intellectuals depicted Rooplo as ‗Amar‘ (eternal) Sindhi hero who fought bravely for the cause of Sindh. He is often invoked when as Sindhi warrior at par with Hosh Muhammad Sheedi who also fought against the British forces and gave Sindh the slogan of ‘Marvesoon, par Sindh Na Desoon’ (We would die for Sindh, but never let to anybody). (Shah Z. , 2014; Kolhi V. , Kolhi Politics, 2013; Kolhi V. , 2011; Kolhi V. , Kolachi, 2009; Raikes, 2009; Kolhi B. M., Paracheen Lok: Ekweeheen Sadi Jey Aaeeney Mein, 2014)

4.2.5.2 Establishment of Versi Kolhi Colony and Issue of Identification Versi Kolhi Colony is the permanent settlement newly constructed by the Kolhi sharecroppers of Karachi Paaro, and Kapri Mori. Total population of Versi Kolhi Colony is 405, with 65 males, 65 females, and 275 children. It is registered with the name of ‗Kolhi Colony‘ but in inhabiting Kolhis call it ‗Versi Kolhi colony‘. Whereas, outside peasant activists prefer to call it as ―Rooplo Kolhi Colony‘. In fact, as the Versi Kolhi colony was established not all of a sudden, but gradually over the span of four years, its early inhabitants from Kapri Mori, being under the influence of outside peasant activists informally named it as ‗Rooplo Kolhi Colony‘, and when later on migrants from Karachi Paaro and other areas increased to form another kinship group, it came to be named as ‗Versi Kolhi Colony‘ after the name of Versi Kolhi, the leading Kolhi activist. Versi expressed his ethnic identity thus: This colony has been established by us. I have played a major instrumental role in it, and through mutual consensus of the community, we decided to name it after my name. It‘s also the name of my grandfather who was the Patel [headman] of our subtribe, and at Nangarparkar, my family has been the Patel family. Rooplo is our hero of the past, but he did not build this colony for us. (Kolhi V. , Civil Society Organisations, 2013)

This internal-external tension on the naming of Kolhi colony indicates a lot about the relationship between Kolhi community and major outside peasant activist organizations, particularly SHPC and Bhandar Sangat. Whereas Parkari Kolhis are thinking on more ethnic-

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Parkari Kolhi lines, outside peasant activists like to drag them into mainstream Sindhi ethno- nationalist politics and society by identifying Parkari Kolhis and Rooplo Kolhi (a legendary Parkari Kohli hero) with Sindhiyat (sense of belonging to Sindhi identity). Although Parkari Kolhis do not deny their Sindhi identity, they do still want to maintain their essentially Parkari Kolhi identity, and instead of relying more on distant ambiguous past they prefer to reconstruct their identity on Parkari-Kolhi ethnic lines. They feel proud of Rooplo Kolhi as the hero of Sindh that belonged to Parkar region and who is ethnically Kolhi. Believing in Rooplo being Kolhi first and then Parkari, are more significant identity markers for Parkari Kolhis than the representation of Rooplo as the Sindhi hero.

4.3 Kolhi Migration and Shifting Peasant Identities

Throughout history, population of Sindh has lived a pastoral life living in semi- permanent settlements called ‗Wandh’ in upper Sindh (T.Postans & M.R.A.S, 1843, p. 24), and ‗Thano’ or ‗Gidhan’ in Western lower Sindh (Sibt-i-Hasan, 2011, pp. 125,126). Throughout most the known history of Sindh, the population of Sindh, in terms of residence and settlement, was divided into two type namely Katcha and Pakka; Pakka residents were permanent settlers that lived in settled villages (called Landhi or Goth) and cultivated irrigated lands, and the Katcha lived a semi-nomadic life settling where they found pastures and migrated to river flooded basin to grow crops and seek fodder for their animals. (Sibt-i-Hasan, 2011, pp. 125,126).

Most of the population of Sindh, particularly that section of population living in barrage- area have adopted sedentary life by living in permanent village settlements. Yet there are communities and ethnic groups, particularly those that live in Thar desert, such as Kolhis, and in northern mountainous region such as ‗Brohis‘ are still living a life that has little diverged from semi-permanent pastoral existence. Parkari Kolhis fall in between permanent and semi-nomadic people as they had their permanent land at Parkar, yet they would migrate in dry months or in case droughts to Katcha area to seek green pastures, gather wild fruits and hunt fish and animals. Tharis and Parkaris were still unique in their migratory pattern and accounted for the largest itra- regional migration in Sind. (T.Postans & M.R.A.S, 1843, p. 24)

Kolhi people in general and Parkari Kolhis in particular, have remained marginal people throughout most of known history. Traditional border-crossers, having pastoral way of life, they have tended to migrate from one area to another, one region to the other and from one state to the

153 other. Partly, due to their constant migration across political and geographical demarcations, and their settlement at the peripheries of cities and civilizations, they could not have been assimilated to the dominant cultures of the particular eras. Hence, their identities have been marginal as well as marginalized throughout history. Better way to understand their shifting of identities, from hunters and gatherers to pastoralism and sharecropping, throughout centuries, it is useful to trace their migration routes and the habit of border crossing, to understand their migration patterns and causes behind migration.

4.3.1 Kolhi migration from different locations to permanently settled colonies

According to Pakistan Dalit Solidarity Netwrok (PDSN), a network of 30 Dalit civil society organizations that both upper caste Hindu, and lower caste Dalit diaspora is in its full swing in Pakistan, and that the lives of low caste Hindus and Christians is under ‗permanent threat‘ (The News , 2012) Although upper caste Hindus of Sindh, after being persecuted by the Muslims tend to migrate to India or elsewhere in the world, the Dalits of Tharparkar Nangarparkar, and even that of Barrage area do not wish to leave their native lands. When asked if they would leave their land they often reply, ‗Why should we leave our mother?‘ One Hindu resident of Nangarparkar, who had spent one year as a missing person, accused of being an Indian agent, court martialed and finally released as it was found that the charges against him were fabricated, when asked if he would migrate to India told us ―I am committed to this land. My heart says to leave Sindh for Hind, but I cant.‖ (Faruqi, 2011, pp. 34,35). Similar sentiments were expressed by Parkari Kolhis of New Dumbālo, when they were asked about migrating to India;

―We shall die here, but not leave Parkar‖ (Kolhi K. , 2013)

―Parkar and Sindh are our country. We are its real inheritors. Why should we leave it‖ (Kolhi V. , PCDP, 2013)

Another general conclusion by researchers of internal migration that lack of landed property for housing or cropping, leads to migration. That doesn‘t simply apply to Parkari migrants as they hold large tracts of land at Parkar for both living and cropping. (Memon, Determinants and Trends of Internal Migration in Pakistan, 2005, p. 28) Hence lack of landed property for housing or any other purpose is not the cause of migration. Instead, it‘s more a

154 historical habit of seasonal migration shaped by centuries of experience of impending droughts that led to migration.

With the assistance of Christian missionaries, Kolhi NGOs and Sindhi ethno nationalist peasant activists, Parkari Kolhi are transforming their identities and culture.

Parkari Kolhi of Barrage area have established a dozen of permanent village-colonies in different areas, four of them are, however, socio-politically more prominent.

1. Parkari Colony established by Paru Mal in Mirpurkhas (First permanent Kolhi village-colony established in the outskirts of Mirpurkhas city in 1971, over land left by Hindu migrant Manohar Lal) 2. Versi Kolhi Colony at Naon Dumbālo, District Badin ( Land purchased to build the first fully self-funded colony) 3. Nihalo Kolhi Colony at Naon Dumbālo, District Badin (land purchased to build colony) 4. Colony of Dr Ramchi Kolhi near Gujo Mori 5. Francis Nagar at Khipro, District Sanghar (land allotted by a local landlord) 6. Another four acres have been purchased near Versi Kolhi colony to establish one another colony.

4.3.2 Poverty and Parkari Migration Parkari Kolhi are a typical type of landless community. Where in Pakistan, other communities or general peasants are either landowners or landless, Parkari Kolhi community, being extended familial in nature, is both landowning at one place and landless at the other. Most of them have landed property for both housing and for cropping at Nangarparkar, but at barrage- irrigated area they are landless, having no permanent land either for housing or for cropping. Hence, in case of Parkari Kolhi, landownership in itself does not matter much as the quality of land and the availability of irrigation water do. Landlessness has never been the cause of migration but, instead the effect or unintended outcome of it. The most important motivating factor has been to look for pastures and forage for their domestic animals that initially caused them to migrate to barrage-irrigated areas.

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4.3.3 Politically forced migration Politically imposed migration of Kolhis as wells as Thari population occurred in the aftermath of 1965 war. It is surprising to note that Dalit population of Sindh, did not migrate to India during Partition in 1947, but the upper caste Hindus and that also mostly those living in upper Sindh and Mirpurkhas, Hyderabad and Karachi migrated to India. In fact, Sodha Rajputs and people of Thar, wanted Tharparkar and Umerkot being part of India, not that of Pakistan. But the political expediency overwhelmed their desire as administratively and politically Thar had been under jurisdiction of Sindh during British rule.

Hence, some parts of Tharparkar, particularly Nangarparkar and , historically had been part of Katchh, a Sindhi Hindu state. Hence, the debate over the ownership of Tharparkar went on throughout the British rule which, after partition, culminated in the Rann of Katchh war in 1965. 1965 war turned soft borders into hard ones hampering pastoral migration as well as free trade between centuries old traditional commercial markets of Gujarat, Sindh and Rajasthan.

1971 war was a bad omen for Tharis as it led to the complete sealing of borders thus ending their centuries old free pastoral migration. The defeat of Pakistan in 1971 war and the capture of Tharparkar by the Indian forces made Hindu and Dalit population suspicious in the eyes of Pakistani establishment. In Parkar particularly, Khosa tribe was given free hand to persecute Dalits population, and resultantly more than 50 thousand Parkari Kolhis and other Dalits were forced to migrate to India. Yet majority of Dalits again preferred to stay in Thar and Parkar. Migration to India may hardly have improved Kolhis and Meghwars‘ economic conditions or enhance their social status, and they would not have been welcomed there as were welcomed rich upper caste Hindu migrants from Sindh.

Before 1971, Tharparkar in Sindh was the only dominant Hindu-Dalit district (65%) of Pakistan. After and during war in 1971 many Tharparkaris, particularly upper caste Hindus of Tharparkar migrated to India. Yet Tharparkar has, officially, still very large Hindu, particularly Dalit population, as about 40 percent of it makes up Hindu/Dalit population. Upper caste Hindus and Brahmins constitute only 20 percent of the overall Hindu-Dalit population. Due to the increase in the incidences of kidnaping for ransom, most of upper caste Hindus are migrating to India (Faruqi, 2011, p. 33), the demographic trend which may decrease upper caste Hindu population, and may further Dalitianise Hindu population of Sindh.

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Looking at things, in the context of Indo-Pak border between Sindh and Rajasthan, the region of Thar has never been a social conflict zone for indigenous people of those regions even. The culture of people of Dhat (area between in India and Umerkot in Pakistan) is not changed much over the years despite sealing of borders after 1971 war. The war of 1971 resulted in the mass migration of about 65,000 Parkari Kolhis from Nangarparkar and Tharparkar to the other side of the border (Mal, 2000). Some Kolhi and other Dalit landless peasants of Sodha Rajputs that did not migrate to India and decided to remain in Tharparkar were also forced by Partwaris (land revenue officers) to migrate elsewhere after the migration of Sodha Rajputs to India in the aftermath of 1965 and 1971 wars (Meghwal, 2013).

Mass migration of Parkari Kolhis was as much the result of state persecution, as it was of upper caste Sodha feudals and Ranas of Umerkot. Two prominent Parkari Kolhi leaders, Alam Chand Kolhi, and Chitir Bhuj Chuhaan, also had to migrate. Strict surveillance of Indo-Pak border not only proved to be physical barrier between Dalit and Hindu communities that had previously been connected, but it also brought about further miseries and political challenges for the left over Dalit and Kolhi population of Pakistan. (Mal, 2000)

4.3.4 Parkari migration to Barrage-area: A Socially Integrating Process Parkari Kolhi are in the process of integration with the larger Sindhi community, and internal migration of Parkari Kolhi community has been instrumental in that integrating process. Kolhi inhabit in the desert area which is difficult to access for the state authorities. Population is sparse. Life of Tharis is simple. Theft and kidnappings are non-existent. Tharparkar is one of those regions in the world which is economically backward with very high fertility and mortality rates, prone to regional migration and difficult to access (Rajar, Hernai, & Dakhan, 2007, p. 108), yet ideally peaceful. Land is for everyone. There is no concept of encroachment. People‘s movement and mobility is unrestricted. All such indicators testify to the fact that Tharis, in general, and Kolhi in particular, are free people who do not like to be controlled by the larger overarching entities like nation-states of the modern type. But, in recent years, since they have started settling in Barrage areas, they have started accepting the larger society. They have started responding to it, and reacting to its discriminatory practices. They have started understanding the contextual underpinnings of living as sharecroppers in barrage irrigated areas. They are now questioning their landlessness, migratory status, and debt bondage. They, now, weigh and consider their social, economic and religious rights as equal citizens and as an ethnic community

157 of human beings equally respectable as any other ethnic entity in the world. Prosperity has entered Thar as well, yet population pressure is also there, and the situation is not as favorable as to keep Tharis from migrating to Barrage areas where there is abundance of fodder, diet, and employment resources. Migration to barrage area, however, has not been an all good for Thari migrants, particularly for landless Parkari Kolhi and Bheel migrants. Kolhi seasonal migration had been a liberal activity of Kolhis and other Tharis for centuries till river canals in 18th and 19th century were dug, and barrages in 20th were built that led to the permanent encroachments and settlements of Muslim Sammat and Baloch tribes in River Indus Basin. Later, legal introduction of sharecropping proved socio-economically fatal for Thari pastoralists that would bypass drought-months through liberal unimpeded migration to fertile and wet Indus basin region. To ensure fodder supply for their animals they were compelled to engage in sharecropping and contractual wage-labor in barrage-area. That practice, instead of relieving them, further entangled them into debt and social bondage, ethnic discrimination, social alienation and turned them into landlessness peasants. Hence, compelled by lack of resources, population pressure, unavailability of educational and health facilities and forced by drought and unemployment, Tharparkaris migrated to barrage irrigated areas, to engage there in casual laborers to collect remittances, to settle as landless sharecroppers to get loans from landlords and cater to their cattle and families.

Peasant-pastoralists that migrate from the drought-stricken district Tharparkar to river irrigated areas are the worst victims of debt and social bondage (Maliha, Razzaq, & Shazreh, 2004). In barrage-area, however, they suffer at the hands of landlord. They are trapped in debt bondage and compelled to labour for years under that debt. Some unlucky families suffer still more heinous situation. Kolhi guests from Khipro of Kolhis of Karachi Paaro, during field visit narrated some incidences in which simple Kolhi and Dalit peasants were lured by professional middle-men into bonded laborer in private jails of landlords, particularly in Sanghar district. Incidences of bonded laborers freed from private jails, however, have greatly lessened indicating the decline in that such a heinous crime. Similar types of incidences have also been reported in India and some other countries in the world affecting both internal and international migrants (Srivastava, 2005, p. vi)

After the analysis of Kolhi migration, it can be theoretically concluded that role of social and political activists and the impact of increasing intra-communal and transnational communication,

158 on Parkari and Katchhi Kolhis were found to be some of the major factors that are transforming Kolhi community‘s social identity, and its structure from seasonal-migrants to temporary settlers under debt bondage to permanent settlers in segregated Kolhi colonies in barrage area

Although, after partition in 1947, Kolhis have tended to migrate internally in Sindh province, their migration is neither unidirectional, nor total, but multidirectional, partial and strategically calculated. Multidirectional in the sense that severity of drought, changing state borders and political currents determined it. Partial in the sense that Kolhi families do not migrate in toto, some of the family members or kinship members remain back at Parkar or Thar to look after houses and wait for rain. Strategically calculated in the sense that migration has been there way of life, the drought-coping mechanism, but when they thought that transhumance migration has been rendered unproductive they brought about change in their attitudes by settling permanently in barrage-area, yet at the same time do not wish relinquish their association with Parkar and Thar.

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Chapter 5: Kolhi Peasant Activism and Emerging Kolhi Politics

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5.1 Emerging Kolhi Politics Peasant-pastoralists that migrate from the drought-stricken district Tharparkar to river irrigated areas have been the worst victims of debt and social bondage (Maliha, Razzaq, & Shazreh, 2004). Kolhi landless peasants of Nangarparkar make up the largest such migratory group. Kolhis traditionally, have been indigenous pastoralists belonging to the Nangarparkar Talluka of Tharparkar district of Sindh province. Naon Dumbālo is the barrage irrigated area in District Badin of Sind, which has been over the years populated by seasonal and semi-permanent Kolhi migrants from Parkar, providing local landlords with cheap agricultural labor.

Naon Dumbālo town is just 15 kms from Chamber town, which, historically, has been the bastion of peasant movements in Sindh since the last 40 years. It is the center from where peasant marches and rallies are still being launched against landlordism, water-shortage, police atrocities, and for land reforms. Kolhi peasant settlements at Naon Dumbālo were specifically opted to study peasant identities and activism, due to visible change in their life style, living condition and their active involvement in activities related to peasant activism. Prominent peasant activists and the Sindhi media coverage brought Kolhi peasant‘s activism in the limelight. Transformation of Kolhi peasant identities is phenomenal in that they had previously remained culturally, politically and socially stagnant for centuries

Multiple discriminatory practices that have traditionally continued in the area have kept Kolhi peasants in chronic poverty and debt. Worse than debt is the psychological discourse-generated imperialism that virtually killed Kolhis and other Dalits‘ ego to believe in their own worth as equally respectable human beings. Such a kind structured inequality and unconscious suppression does not uniquely exist in lower Sindh. Sindh and Pakistan share the larger part of history with each other that can also be evidenced from similar kind of exploitative structured inequalities still existing across the borders. The strong relationship between untouchability, debt and social bondage, forced labour, and suppression of marginalized cultures and other kinds of social exploitation, has been evidenced in India as well.

It can be hypothesized that the low visibility of the issue of bondage is due precisely to the fact that its many victims have a low social ascription and fewer perceived rights…Bonded laborers in India, form 76% of the Scheduled castes and Scheduled Tribes. (Srivastava, 2005, pp. 5,9) Similarly, in case of Kolhi peasant community of lower Sindh, there is strong intersecting relationship between pastoral life, sharecropping, landlessness, debt bondage, ethnic inferiority,

161 migratory lower class Hindu minority status and untouchability. The actual percentage of Dalits and Kolhis in bondage may closely correlate with that of the bondage prevalence in India.

The complicatedness of Kolhi peasant‘s marginality greatly determines Kolhi peasant‘s relationship with their Muslim landlords in a predominantly Islamic Sindhi village society of so called Islamic state. After the establishment of Pakistan, in principle and by law, Hindus were supposed to cease to be Hindus and Muslims were supposed to cease to be Muslims. But nothing of that sort happened, neither in principle, nor by law, and instead sociopolitical makeup got evolved in such a way that unique marginal community of bonded Dalit peasants was formed that still seems to be struggling to create respectable social space. Pakistani society and state is imagined by Kolhis as overtly Islamic, and Muslim Sindhi‘s as snobbishly prejudiced towards Hindu minority.

Since last two decades, however, things have started turning and, gradual increase in self- awareness, political and social awareness about human rights, and also partly due to the impact of modern education, communication and media, Dalits, in general, and Parkari Kolhis in particular have started struggling and resisting. Their resistance is not uniform or organized in the sense of a political organization under the single banner, but due to the lot of social activity, intervention of Civil Society Organizations, a decade of democratic process and its failure to deliver are some of the factors that increased Dalits and Kolhis interaction with the larger society, little social space was created for them that led to their further social assertion.

Kolhis are resisting through active, as well as, passive resistance, in everyday routine life and at specific junctures, at public places through strikes and rallies, and at crop fields in the absence or presence of landlord. Their resistance is considerably organized, both internally, led by within- community Kolhi peasant activists, and externally, through outside peasant activists and Non- governmental Organizations (N.G.Os). Increased urban-rural interaction, use of electronic social media, and the social and political support by urban-based peasant activists, have increased the awareness of Kolhi peasant activists about the unrighteousness of the phenomenon of landlessness and debt bondage.

Debt bondage, social bondage, bondage in private jails, landlessness, ethnic discrimination, low farm wages, unpaid labor, Serri, and kidnapping of young ethnic minority women, are some of the negative social phenomenon, that were used to be taken as eternal facts of life by the lower

162 caste peasants of lower Sindh. Such practices have now been problematized as key issues that, migrant landless Kolhis, in particular, and Scheduled Caste Hindus (Dalits), in general, are facing in Lower Sindh. Kolhi peasant activists of Naon Dumbālo, if supported by other Dalits in the area, may well acquire a political strength to represent, support and vanguard the resistances of landless peasants and marginalized communities in lower Sindh.

During 1990s and early 2000s, Kolhis peasants asserted their social significance and political role on the basis of their deprivation, discrimination and their exploitation of labour by landlords under debt bondage. During the last two years, as the incidence of debt bondage and social bondage decreased, Kolhi and Dalit activists have started demanding their social, cultural and political rights on the basis of historical ethnic discrimination meted out to them by the upper caste Hindus, Muslim landlords, by the government and constitution-making bodies.

Hence, Kolhi peasant resistance, however, is not exclusively against landlordism, or, for peasant rights. It is primarily a socio-political resistance inter-related with regional ethnic and nationalistic politics. Kolhis advocate for land reforms and voice their economic, ethnic and religious woes, not only from peasant-led platforms, but also from all possible channels. Kolhis are gradually abandoning sharecropping and, are adopting multiple semi-skilled occupations and small businesses. This shift in occupational status has reduced Kolhi peasant‘s dependence on land and landlords. Consequently, landlords also have softened in their attitude and, have become accommodative. Such a positive change in landlord‘s attitudes, coupled with outside peasant activist‘s support, has further emboldened Kolhi peasants to resist and assert their identities still more forcefully. Social and political reality of Kolhi community in particular, and sharecroppers of the area, in general, has gone through dramatic speedy and irreversible change. Landless Kolhi peasants are no more the severe victims of debt and social bondage.

5.1.1 Major areas of focus of Kolhi ethnic peasant activists Kolhi peasants and activists have involved themselves in complicated discourse with different people falling in different ‗contact zones‘ (Meijl, 2008, p. 182). They are, simultaneously, tackling with multiple challenges at multiple levels to reform Kolhis and Dalits, revive time-tested Hindu and Parkari traditions, propagate reconstructed Kolhi-Dalit identities, and integrate and organize Kolhis and Dalits. Briefly their overlapping issues of interest can be outlined as follows:

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1. Regional issues relating to Nangarparkar and lower Sindh 2. Issues of Dalit community, ethnic and religious discrimination, revival of Parkari culture and Hindu religious rituals 3. Land reforms, Debt bondage, landlessness, marginal legal and constitutional status of Dalit communities, legal cases against landlords, 4. Minority rights, Human rights, women‘s rights 5. Seasonal migration of Kolhis 6. Election campaigns, Media Campaigns, Writing reformative literature Civil Society engagements, tackling with interventions of NGOs, formation of political panels and alliances.

5.2 Kolhi Ethnic Peasant Activism in Lower Sindh

Kolhis peasants are currently the emerging ethnic group that seems to have vowed to resist social structural inequities and discriminations openly. While understanding ‗resistance‘, one should look for those sites where resistance can grow freely, and unchecked by state authorities (Scott J. C., 1990, p. xii). The bureaucracy and democracy in Pakistan is more stratified, hierarchical, non-egalitarian and feudalistic based on colonial roots. In the other hand, agrarian societies are usually authoritarian and warring by nature (Gellner, 1988), so are peasant communities of lower Sindh. Kolhi peasants after remaining docile and accommodative for several decades have started challenging the lopsided social and political system. Kolhi peasant community of lower Sindh provides for the site, where such feudalistic and exploitative authority has been seriously challenged over the decades. Recently, Kolhi peasant activism has taken different route from their processors. Their resistance is more sustained and multidimensional, which is seething up both implicitly and explicitly with the potential to align other marginalized sections of the society to catch the attention of the state and policy makers at national level, if not at international level. Kolhis, now conscious of their marginalization and exploitation, seem ready to launch a full-blown struggle against landlords and ethnic discrimination. It is hot and seething from inside for the radical social change, yet there is no one worthy from the outside to consistently take their side till the end. Theirs is the pragmatic resistance which, together with other marginalized communities and Dalit peasants may take up a revolutionary and radical posture and may lead to some fundamental reforms in society. But, in no way it seems to go up

164 to take a rebellious or radical turn as did the indigenous Naxalite struggle (which recruits the untouchables, aboriginals and the marginalized (Rukmini, 2010; Tribune India, 2009; Dhar, 2009)) against economic exploitation, in India. Kolhi peasant activism, however, seem to have four major goals:

1. To resist landlordism, in field, in protests and rallies, to get rid of unpaid labour, debt bondage and landlessness 2. To resist dominant Sindhi-Islamic cultural practices that undermines or marginalize Kolhi ethnicity 3. To transform Kolhi peasant‘s life-style through literacy and educational initiatives, and occupational practices to shift from sharecropping to small and medium businesses 4. To reconstruct marginalized ethnic image, digging it from the past, from undoubles to historically equal humans to any other group.

5.2.1 What is peculiar about Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo (Versi Kolhi Colony) Scores of associations based on caste, ethnicity, religion, region and kinship can be evidenced in Sindh, yet the level of their internal integration and socio-political strength is not uniform and varies considerably. Most of these organizations are social, some of them are political as well; a few of them also perform economic functions through communal voluntarism. Of all such organizations or associations, those based on caste or kinship networking have been found to be stronger than other kinds of organizations. Whereas such kinship-based organizations have been studied in urban areas (Gazdar, 2003, p. 8), existence and socio-political strength of similar organizations and networks of organizations, has not been studied in rural-rural perspective. Castes, sub castes and subtribes are those kinship based organizations that are internally coherent and seem socially better functioning than formal registered associations or organizations. Bradaris (extended kinship systems), in Sindh are still major social and political decision- making and regulating bodies. Whereas, in Sindh generally Casteism, tribalism and Bradari system is giving way religion-based and secular organizations, among Parkari Kolhis ethnic casteist-tribalism is emerging, largely due to the reaction to Islamist fundamentalism, and increasing socio-political awareness within Kolhi community. Parkari Kolhi community of Naon-Dumbālo is not an association but a kind of organized community performing social, political and economic functions for the uplift of Parkari Kolhis. Kolhi identity reconstruction on tribal-Casteism lines is, however, not egoistic and conservative

165 like the tribal-bradari culture that prevails in much of upper Sindh. Their integration and reorganization is more on open and liberal lines to integrate and elevate their lowly status to get assimilated in the larger Sindhi society. Small town of lower Sindh that are representative cultural hubs of Sindhi society are marginal places that lie at the intersection of far flung rural areas and the city centers. Parkari Kolhi, themselves, marginal people are getting out of stagnation of ‗permanent liminal‘ (Thomassen, 2009, p. 15) state to the transitional or liminal one, using the physical channel available in the form of roads and transportation, telecommunication and the mass media that connects their rural life to city culture through town life. ―A liminal state, (or stage) is an anti-structure transitional state, which produces fluid, amorphous conditions during which preceding social structures, customs and traditions are replaced by newer ones‖ (Szakolczai, 2009, p. 141; Hussain, Mohyuddin, & Ahmed, 2013). ―In liminal state structures, norm and values of the society get dissolved, uncertainty prevails, and events become unpredictable. It is a hyper-active state of society that, usually cannot last for longer period of time.‖ (Horvath, Thomassen, & Wydra, 2009; Hussain, Mohyuddin, & Mahesar, 2013). Parkari Kolhis are in the process of integration with the larger Sindhi society, and internal migration of Parkari Kolhis has been instrumental in that integrating process. Kolhis in barrage- area, living in semi-permanent or temporary settlements since six to seven decades, have undergone that critical period in which they remained completely invisible in the public sphere of Sindhi society. Although they are still marginal, a minority, and generally considered by mainstream Sindhi society as people of lesser worth, they have started re-presenting their identities more robustly using all available modern means, such as modern education, social media, technology, social and political platforms. That over all societal liminal state, however, provides an opportunity of marginal communities of that society to reshape their culture and identities on more sound and socially respectable grounds. It also provides a level playing field for the civil society, political activists as well as for the feudal lords to reposition themselves. Hence, Parkari Kolhi‘ marginality attracted all kinds of activists to try their lot.

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5.2.2 Kolhi Peasant Activism, Everyday forms of Resistance and Hidden Scripts In Sindh during the last six decades peasant movements and rural-based socio-political movements have been mainly a single issue-based. single-issue based, such as Batai Tehreek18 in 1950s launched against unequal distribution of the produce, or the Allati Tehreek during partition years that focused solely on the issue of land allotment to amend about the local landless peasants that already tenanted lands left by Hindu peasantry. According to Malkani after partition in Sindh Muslim from India succeeded in grabbing ―60 acres‖ that were left by Hindu migrants to India, in a short span of few years (Malkani, 1997, p. 103) Thus, although these movements were issue-based and could not succeed in their avowed mission to get lands allotted to local indigenous peasants, nor could successfully got implemented equal share of the produce, these movements, however, did make impact on the over sharecropper- landlord relationships.

Another peasant-cum-ethnonationalist movement emerged on the issue that involved several political parties throughout Pakistan, and that was Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD). MRD had its prime purpose to restore democracy as against dictatorship, but in Sindh it was led by peasant leftist parties and leaders like Fazul Rahu of Awami Hari Tehreek. Similarly, Sindhi ethno-linguistic movement in 1971-72 against Urdu-ethnic urban population of Sindh was also issued based movement having base in rural Sindh, so were recent token long-march driven movements against Kala Bagh Dam launched by Awami Tehreek Pakistan, and a peasant long March by Zulfiqar Shah in 2010 for substantive land reforms. Hence, recent wave of peasant activism in lower Sindh, however, is different from that of the sociopolitical movements of the last few decades that were driven either by Marxist activists or by Sindhi nationalists, and were specifically single-issue based.

Peasant ‗movements‘ in Sindh, as labeled by local peasant activists, have become so much sustained, regular, multi-purpose and multi-method that the term ‗movement‘, which connotes large scale overt resistance, does not seem fit to explain the movement-like ‗activism‘ that is localized yet multidimensional in scope and influence, and sustainably resistant to dominant Sindhi-Muslim-Feudalistic discourse. It has been studied that overt peasant resistances

18 ‗Batai Tehreek‘, literally means, ‗Share-distribution Movement‘, which was launched under the leadership of Haider Bux Jatoi, and Qazi Faiz Muhammad, has been the most successful peasant movement leading to the passing of Sindh Tenancy Act in 1950s. After that, none of the so called peasant movements in Sindh could have succeeded in achieving its avowed goals.

167 occur rarely and have little long term impact on peasant societies. It is that movement-like sustained present resistance that matters much as far social-structural change is concerned. These are ‗everyday forms of peasant resistance‘ that emanate from peasant‘s regular non-cooperating routine practices that are important. (Scott J. C., 1985) It is on these lines that peasant resistance within Kolhi community has shaped itself. From the Kolhi peasant‘s perspective, the prevalent dominant and submissive discourses and worldviews in the Sindhi rural society can be classified into two types as tabulated on the next page.

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Table 7.Dominant, Suppressed and Emerging Feudal-Dalit Discourse in rural Sindh. Source: Author (2013)

Dominant, Suppressed and Emerging Discourses and Worldviews in rural Sindh

(Kolhian and Dalit perspective)

Suppressed and Emerging Discourse/ Dominant Worldview and discourse worldview

 Hindus and Dalits are indigenous and earliest Sindhis.  Islam is superior to all religions, and  Dalits should unite. Hindus should convert to Islam  State laws are discriminatory to minorities.  Inequality is natural and divinely  Social Inequality (untouchability) is ordained, therefore Kolhis and other unnatural. Dalits are inferior by birth, and would  Religious scriptures, both of Hindus and Religio- remain so till they accept Islam. Muslims are not final words, and have political  Islamic laws are supreme, modern and been manipulated by powerful ruling scientific. classes.  Spiritual leader (Pirs) should be obeyed  Sindh is the inheritor of great Indus Valley all the time. Civilisation. Sindh has been a peaceful  Sindh is the gateway to Islam. Sindh is country whose people were Sufis even the land of Muslim Sufis. Parkari are before Islam entered in Sindh. Sufic- untouchables Hindus, not Sufis. syncretic religious practices preclude the existence of untouchability

 Feudal lords have the right to land because their ancestors had acquired  Dalits have been the inheritors of great those lands on the dint of their abilities, history. They have ruled over the Sindh as strength, potential and services to their Dravidians, Khashtrias, and Rajputs etc. tribes, nation and to the rulers.  They have been deliberately kept behind,  Pakistan is an Islamic country and Islam and are further suppressed by the landlords Politico- does not forbid possessing large wealth and feudals. or landed property.  Pakistani state is the ‗Punjabi Economic  Certain ethnic communities (Dalits) do establishment‘; Pakistan Army as the not possess the sense to manage higher, ‗Punjabi Army‘, MQM19 is the fascist complicated economic tasks. They are organization, PPPP20 (Pakistan People‘s foolish and incapable to develop Partry Parliamentarian) is the feudal party, economically and Sindh as the nation struggling for its  PPP and MQM are democratic survival. parliamentary parties and truly represent the will of the people of Sindh. Socio-  Superior ethnic groups and castes belong  No caste, group or tribe is superior to the

19 Mutahida Qomi Moevement (MQM) is an urban-based political organization of Sindh whose major political clout and vote bank comes from Urdu-speaking population locally called ―Muhajars‖ that migrated from India, particularly from Utter Pradesh and settled in major cities of Sindh such as Hyderabad, Karachi, Mirpurkhas, and Sukkur. 20 Pakistan People‘s Party (Parliamentarian) is the rural-based major political party that usually succeeds in forming provincial government in most often in alliance with MQM.

169 political to Sammat (Aryan-Dravidian mix), to other. Kolhis and other Dalits are equally Sayed (Arab) or to Iranian Baloch tribes. superior. Superior tribes and castes can be  Social evils can be eradicated and for that identified by their white skin color, civil society, social and political activists Muslim religion, and Sindhi dialect. have to struggle.  Corruption, discrimination and  Votes should be casted to elect the local exploitation are bad, but there is no way leader from lower classes and from within except to indulge in it. Marginalised communities.  Votes should be given to the politically influential landlord, feudal, or to the charismatic leader (Bhutto).  Laar (lower Sindh) is the region where  Laar (Lower Sindh) is a peaceful region majority of population (Dalit) is of simple people, and Dalit population is suppressed and poor. It is getting violent concentrated here. due to increasing religious extremism. Ethnic-  Sindh is being deprived of its rights by  Votes should be given to the person of political the state. Votes should be given to the ones own community candidate. party that could win.  Parkar is the land of Parkaris and Kolhis.  Parkari Kolhi are from Parkar, but they Parkaris are indigenous Sindhis and Sindh are Sindhis. Sindh is the land of Sammat is the land of indigenous Dravidian nation Sindhi tribes. (Kolhi, Bheel, Meghwar)

Usually in their everyday field activities Kolhi peasants resist covertly against debt bondage and unpaid labor, by avoiding unpaid labour, hiding facts from landlords, committing petty thefts, or by pretending laziness, but, during the last five six to seven years, their resistance has got overtly organized that hidden discourse of peasants against landlords has not been rendered hidden anymore. Despite these developments Kolhi peasants still become meek and behave submissively before their landlords and praise their character. Such a kind of social behavior of peasants before landlords has been termed by James C Scott as the activation of ‗Public transcript‘. (Scott J. C., 1990) While in the absence of landlord, when Kolhi peasants get together inside their settlements, or when they are alone in the field, their action, attitude and language becomes anti-landlordish, aggressive, abusive and complaining of the landlord, the phenomenon which has also been observed by James C Scott (1990) while doing ethnography of peasants of Sedaka and labelled as ‗hidden script‘.

‗Public transcript‘ is largely determined by the prevalent public discourse. In barrage-area of lower Sindh, public discourse is pro-landlord and perpetuates landlordism. Landlords are not in favor of any economic concessions to sharecroppers, as they believe themselves to be equal investors in the crop. In public discourse in barrage-area of lower Sindh, Serri, unpaid labour

170 extraction is as much socially permissible as is the loan-taking by sharecroppers. Norms of the rural Sindh, on the whole, perpetuate and sustain exploitative relationship between the sharecropper and landlord, but when sharecropping involves Dalits and Kolhis it turns into social bondage and debt bondage. Hence, it is not much difficult for landlords to defend and justify their actions, whether just or unjust.

But, during the last decade, Kolhi peasants at Naon Dumbālo have started to subvert the public discourse by striving to change ‗public scripts‘. Kolhi peasants, workers and wage laborers have started questioning the practice of forced labor, conventions of debt bondage, institution of Serri, unpaid labor and selling of Kolhi sharecroppers to other landlords. Few years back, they would avoid confronting directly with their respective landlords and feudal lords, that were also their self-avowed and structurally imposed mainstream political leaders, but since Parkari Kolhis of Kapri Mori and Karachi Paaro shifted to Versi Kolhis colony, the distinctive change in social change in social behaviors of both, Kolhi sharecroppers and Landlords, have been observed. Landlords have become relatively reluctant, less dominating, and Kolhi sharecroppers and the rest of Kolhi settlers of temporary settlements (Paras) have become bold, expressive and independent. The distinction between ‗public‘ and ‗hidden script‘ (Scott J. C., 1990), and its exercise is getting blurred at Naon Dumbālo. The resistance, at both ends, is becoming more public and open. But the tension between the two has not completely vanished and still, when needed, while dealing specifically with their respective landlords, Kolhi sharecroppers employ ‗hidden scripts‘ (Scott J. C., 1990) to resist, mobilize and generate anti- landlord discourse. Before landlords, they pose like meek simpletons, much like their domestic animals. Their submission to the will of landlord is well thought out. Although, on surface they seem to comply to extract as much as they can, beneath it they are engaged in continual resistance, as observed by Scott at Sedaka (Scott J. C., 1985, pp. 273, 280). They hide facts about participation in rallies and strikes, distort the truth to please the landlord, and try to avoid contacting with the landlord. Whereas, when they are within kolhi community, they make plans as to how to tackle individual landlords, or through what imperceptible ways scores can be settled against him.

Kolhi peasants, for example, generate hidden discourse to resist landlords‘ insistence on sowing hybrid varies of crops. Hybrid seeds, being highly expensive, are beyond sharecropper‘s purchasing capacity. Landlord loses nothing, as seed expenses are either borne up by the

171 sharecropper, or added to sharecropper‘s credit account on heavy interest rates, by landlord. Hybrid varieties, is a kind of capital intensive cropping, which sharecroppers have no need to adopt, as they benefit a lot from subsistence cropping. Contrary to the will of sharecropper, landlords prefer cash-cropping and cash-driven economy, and propagate the usefulness of hybrid seed.

Kolhi sharecroppers react to that mildly when in public or before the landlord, but when they are inside their settlements or, Chunras, they critique landlordism, its hybrid seed choice, expensiveness of inputs, heavy interest rates, and the imposition of work without pay. Mutual debate and dialogue of whole kinship group leads to strategize to tackle landlord‘s perceived exploitative arrangements and organize hidden and passive resistance. Believing that, such imposed sharecropping will bring no benefit to them, they resort to non-cooperation, avoid unpaid labor and Serri, make lame excuses, work slowly, pretend sickness, behave like simpleton, start selling stolen sugarcane and bananas from the field, and try to invest their energies in alternative sources of income generation.

Landlords, on their part, do the reverse of that and try to further implicate sharecropper in free work, enforces orders through dominant ‗public discourse‘, in which the will of the landlord holds the sway, and he/ she is the final decision-maker. Landlords play the ‗blaming-the-victim‘ game and usually maintain that debt is not imposed upon sharecroppers by them, but that, they willingly take it. They justify unpaid labor and Serri, on grounds that they provide sharecroppers with the land to live on, and give them necessary loans when needed. Moreover, they believe that sharecroppers are thieves of the grain, fodder, and fruits.

5.2.2.1 Debt Relieving tactics: External-Activist mediated Resistance against Social Bondage A movie, Ram Chand Pakistani, based on a true life-story (Jabbar, 2008) of a Parkari Kolhi family, has truly depicted the seasonal Parkari Kolhi women and men‘s haplessness, before Sindhi Muslim landlords, in Barrage area. Social bondage has been so extreme that in that movie a Kolhi woman and her suitor are not even allowed and even by Kamdaar (deputy) of landlord to meet each other on an agricultural farm of the landlord and the prospective suitor is threatened of dire consequences. Yet Parkari Kolhis are not totally hapless anymore. They are assisted, and even encouraged by several outside social and peasant activists to resist landlords, avoid debt bondage and get freed from the social and economic domination of landlords.

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Peasant activists have devised the particular mechanism to free bonded peasants. To liberate them, bonded peasants are first identified and then mobilized. Dialogues are held with landlord on behalf of bonded sharecropper with the landlord. If unsuccessful, then cases are filed against the landlord, or he is threatened of legal action. And, in the end, if nothing works, then, the bonded peasant is assisted to flee from the landlord. Fled bonded peasants are then temporarily settled in Hari camps, till rehabilitated. Kolhi peasants of Dumbālo, use N.G.Os and urban peasant activists, as an economic and political leverage against landlord, when it serves their purpose. Sharecroppers sometimes deliberately maintain the appearance of being the extreme victims of exploitation when they see that somebody is there to help them.

In one instance at Naon Dumbālo, a Kolhi sharecropper kept taking loan from a landlord for several years, and resultantly got trapped in debt bondage. As they were unable to redeem themselves, landlords started extracting extra labor from them. He resisted it secretly through internal complaints, and tried to make up for the deficit incurred due to stoppage of further loan, through theft of fodder and sugarcane. But, when members of Bhandar Sangat, a pro-peasant N.G.O, mobilized him that it‘s not good to take loan from landlord, he planned to migrate secretly to another landlord or area. Peasant activists held talks with his landlord and tried to persuade him to wave off his loan, on the grounds that it is illegal to give so much undocumented loan to sharecroppers. When landlord could not be persuaded, they planned to coerce him through legal hostility. They filed suits against him alleging him of holding Kolhi peasant family in bondage for several years. Landlord was blamed of converting his home into a private jail. And then, after few days, landlords also filed a case against sharecropper‘s family that it has taken loan from me and have occupied my land. The police came in, at the behest of landlord and ordered them, not only to evacuate the houses but also to pay the loan of landlord instantly. They arrested some family members of Kolhi sharecropper as well. Following it, in the darkness of the night sharecropper‘s whole family escaped from their so called bonded homes and sought refuge in the N.G.Os office. In the end, after few months, Kolhi sharecropper won the case, as there is legal sanction against giving and taking of such loans and the loan given by landlord could not be proven in the court of law.

Hence, although hidden and open ‗transcripts‘ are there and are enacted in the absence or presence of landlords, these trancripts are gradually getting less important. Peasant activism, particularly in Dumbālo and Chamber area, is actively and openly perpetuating itself through its

173 various outside agents that include donor-led and voluntary N.G.Os, pro-peasant political parties, civil society activists, Marxists, Sindhi nationalists, minority associations, and the independent peasant activists

5.2.3 Civil Scociety Network, Peasant Activism and Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo Kolhi peasant activism asserts itself through various civil society platforms, most of which have been recently established or have reorganized itslelf more vigorously in the last decade. All Pakistan Kolhi Association is a member of a large confederation, Pakistan Dalit Solidarity Network, which is a network of 30 civil society organizations and associations (The News , 2012). PSDN, on its part, is in collaboration with ISDN (International Dalit Solidarity Network) that raises issues of Dalits on an international level.

Most of the issues raised by ISDN, PSDN, and Kolhi associations relate to landlessness, debt bondage and peasant rights. Hence, Kolhi peasant activism has clear ethnic background and kinship, tribal and ethnic relations to other marginalized Dalit communities most of whom are trapped in similar socio-economic problems. That similar marginalized socio-economic background, together with increasing extremism is making Dalits and Kolhis conscious of their communities as the underclass.

From a class-in-itself (economic Figure 14.Kolhi peasant activists standing with Sindhi Chrisitans to protest against religous and ethnic discrimination. Source: class), they are emerging as a ‗class-for- Veerji Kolhi (2013) itself‘ (political class) (Alavi, 1973). Dalits as a whole do not make up a middle-peasant proprietor class, and most of them are landless sharecropper or wage laborers, therefore they do not qualify to become a revolutionary class of peasants as Hamza Alavi has theorized. The force of middle peasant-proprietorship is however, compensated by the activism of outside peasant activist‘s, scores NGOs and the civil society

174 watchdogs. Any kind of economic help and social or political support, with few reservations and compromises, for the uplift of community is welcomed by Kolhi peasants. Hence, it‘s not an ideal revolutionary-Marxist equation as desired by Hamza Alavi, or by some Sindhi Marxists, yet it is playing a great role, though imperceptible, in the transformation and emancipation of Parkari Kolhi peasants and Dalit communities.

•NGOs, Human Rights Watchdogs, leftists (AWP, AP, PAT) and ethnonational activists (JSQM, TPP) •Social organisations (SHPC),Sindhi intellectual activists; Christian, Muslim, Hindu Outside- and Qadiani missionaries (Joshua Project, World Church Service, WYCLIFFE Global Community Alliance, Bethany World Prayer Centre, Presentation Sisters Union, and World political parties, Christian Service ). World Sindhi Congress, SANA civil society

•Parkari Community Development Programme(PCDP), Pakistan Dalit Solidarity Network(PDSN), International Dalit Solidarity Network (IDSN), Pakistan Kolhi Community Itehad, Sindh Kolhi Itehad, Sindh Kohi Students (SKS), Kolhi Students Organisation, affiliated Civil Minority organisations, Parkar Sujaag Panel. Society

•Parkari Kolhi activists that serve as an active bridge between the community and outside civil society and NGO activists are Versi Kolhi (dealing with political parties, Pehlaaj (dealing with Parkari NGOs and matters related to education), Netraaj Inside (affiliated with Bhandar Sangat, SHPC and other socio-political organisations), community civil Veerji Kolhi (dealing with both legal matters and political advocacy for the rights of society activists Kolhis ,Dalits), and minorities), leftist Kolhi comerades, and educated Parkari Kolhis

Figure 15: Internal and external direction of networking of Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo with NGOs, political parties, and Civil Society Organizations. Source. Author (2013) There have intervened more than fifty non-governmental, political and social organizations in Parkari Kolhi Community of Naon Dumbālo, but only four of them are worth mentioning with regard to their visibility, peasant activism and acceptability by the Parkari Kolhis. These organizations are:

1. Bhandar Sangat ( pesant rights advocacy based NGO ) 2. Awami Party ( a small leftist splinter party of the Awami Workers Party, led by Taj Marri) 3. Sindhi Hari Porihiat Council (Voluntary sociopolitical association of peasants for peasant rights, led by Punhal Sario). 4. Parkari Kolhi Development Program (PCDP). (An NGO engaged in social work and

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Parkari development).

5.2.4 Intervention of NGOs in Kolhi community of Naon Dumbālo Looking through the macro-political lens at national level, inevitable failure of both military-establishment and feudalistic democracy to uplift the poor, and the chronic corruption within state institutions and state-implemented development programs, created room for the flourishing of Non-governmental organizations in 1970s and 80s in other regions of the world and in late 1990s in Pakistan. (Ahmed N. , 2009; Bagci, 2003; International Finance Corporation, 2011)

Development sector spawned in 1990s in lower Sindh, recruiting in its ranks former Marxists, needy nationalists and unemployed educated Sindhi youth. Pakistan government being evidently inefficient, foreign donor agencies and Christian missionaries started pouring their donations into short-term western-oriented project-based development initiatives in the area. The state institutions were perceived to be playing to the whims of anti-peasant forces. (Bhandar Sangat, 2012). Several development and advocacy based pro-peasant NGOs (Hari Bhandar Sangat, Sami Foundation, GRDO, Thardeep, PILER, RDF, PCDP) came into existence, that somehow related to Kolhis and the issues of landless peasants.

As it has come to pass, foreign-funded NGOs, and the CSOs elsewhere in the world could not succeeded in developing and reforming the peasants as they had wished to, nor the social change has gone the way peasant themselves and the peasant activists had desired to happen (McMichael, 2008). Similarly, CSOs and NGOs engaged in peasant advocacy, land reform campaigns could not materialize their avowed goals, neither the alternatives land reforms launched by national governments could develop the peasants and Dalit peasant communities the way governments wished. On the contrary, Kolhi peasants in particular, and peasants in general have progressed in a direction which, although unintended, have benefited them and still seems to be promising for them.

The hood hiding the inefficacy, inability and inherent corruption of donor-led NGOs has been uncovered and its hollowness of sophisticated project cycles is very much evident from the failure of several projects, evidence of the prevalence of rampant corruption, embezzlement of funds, and from stagnation of society as no visible NGO led structural change has occurred. (Bano, 2008). NGOs protagonists discourse in Pakistan is brazenly business-oriented, not

176 development oriented. Foreign-funded NGOs in Pakistan often speak of development in terms of partnership with stakeholders (government, IFIs, INGOs and other NGOs), and not in terms of cooperation with CBOs, or for CBOs. They speak about the success of the project, not about the political and social empowerment of people. More importantly, IFIs itself are funded by MNCs and politically supported by the capitalist block of G-20 countries (Ahmed N. , 2009; Bagci, 2003; International Finance Corporation, 2011)

Kolhi peasant activists, however, are very much aware of the limitations and long-term inefficacy of the token financial assistance, in cash or in kind, provided to them by N.G.Os, to uplift them. Kolhi peasant‘s response to the call, from outside activists, for strikes and rallies is largely mediated through Kolhi peasant activists. Without well-educated Kolhi peasant activists, Kolhi peasants may have never come out to gather in towns and cities to protest against landlordism. N.G.Os and outside peasant activists alone could never have convinced Kolhi peasants to openly resist, and that their lives can be changed through activism.

Political peasant organizations like Sindh Hari Porihiat Council (SHP), and Marxist activists, particularly belonging to Awami Worker‘s Party, are very much active in the area of Naon Dumbālo and Chamber. Local Marxist activists, as well as, Kolhi peasant activists expressed their dissatisfaction at the role of outside community Marxists and activists that supposedly lead the local activists. Much of activism of outside activists is limited to indoor study sessions, and weekly meetings of urban activists at urban centers. Their visits to mobilize local rural peasants and Kolhis are less frequent. Kolhi‘s liked those outside peasant activists most, who spend nights with them discussing and debating peasant issues and politics. It was evident from the admiration of Himat Ali, an outside peasant activist and chairman of SHPC, who used to organize Mach Katcheri (Bon Fire) at Kolhi settlements to provide for open informal platform for each and every sensible Kolhi peasant to debate Kolhi peasant issues to reach out mutual consensus and to devise strategies.

Most of the pro-peasant N.G.Os and political movements in Sindh claim to be the ‗continuity of peasant and labor movements of the subcontinent, particularly, the continuity of Shah Inayat Shaheed‘s Movement for peasants of Sindh. Their self-proclaimed missions are very high sounding, namely; to struggle for the rights of marginalized people, landless peasants, wage farm workers, and to bring about land reforms. (Bhandaar Sangat, 2013) Bhandar Sangat, a Hyderabad based N.G.O, intervened in Dumbālo area with the assistance of Oxfam GB and

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Trocaire, an Irish donor agency, in 2006 and tried to revitalized peasant movement there. (Bhandar Sangat, 2012) Bhandar Sangat is the leading pro-peasant N.G.O, practically engaged in the Dumbālo area. Kolhi peasant activists are linked to it in one way or another. Bhandar Sangat as an advocacy-based N.G.O, implicitly, links Kolhi peasants with Donor organizations, about whom they know very little. Kolhi peasants participate in rallies and demonstrations held by Bhandar Sangat before press club Hyderabad, or at central chowk of Chamber, a nearby town. One can infer from the avowed agenda and the mission of Bhandar Sangat, the political, ethnic and cultural assumptions of peasant activists and their viewpoint on constitutional issues and legal rights of peasants. Kolhi peasants are mobilized by outside peasant activists, as well as by the dozen of peasant activists from within the community to participate in rallies and protests sponsored by such N.G.Os. As the protests and rallies are organized in towns and city centers in front of public buildings and press clubs, participating Kolhi peasants do not get involved into open confrontation with their respective landlords. Kolhi peasants keep such participation and engagements hidden from their respective landlords, lest they may snatch lands, and try to avoid open confrontation with them. Such hiding and deception, presently, seems to be working well, in their favor.

5.2.4.1 Intervention of Bhandar Sangat, Awami Party Pakistan in Naon Dumbālo and Chamber Area It was in early 1990s, in the aftermath of dissolution of Soviet Union, that Maoist peasant activists and some Marxists modified their revolutionary plan to a reformist one. Successive governmental failures to deliver to the masses, and the newly emerging development/social sector provided for them an opportunity to survive economically, and at the same time continue their peasant activism. That approach led to the induction of several former leftists and Marxists into non-governmental organizations. The creation of Bhandar Hari Sangat and several other such NGOs was the result of that socio-economic and political change at national and international level.

In the middle of 1990s, when landless peasants were freed from bonded labor and temporarily settled in Hari Camps, the new legal issues of forced labor, migratory status of peasants and the resettlement emerged. (Bhandar Sangat, 2012, p. 11; Maree, 2013; Ercelawn & Nauman, 2001, pp.

Figure 16.Comarade Taaj Marri of Awami Party and Bhandaar Sangat, Comerade Photo Rustumani and Comerade Siddique Solangi protesting for peasant rights. Source: Bhandar Sangat (2013) 178

15,16,17) These newly emerging issues increased peasant awareness about the actual workable mechanism to resolve peasant issues. Leftist social workers including Maoists, once again got reorganized, adopting more formal and democratic means to resovle peasant issues. They started establishing registered associations and organizations (N.G.Os) and sought formal assistance from international well-wishers. The establishement of Bhandar Hari Sangat (later renamed as Bhandar Sangat) was result of such sociopolitical changes.

Figure 17: Hari Haqdaar Rally at Chambar, 21st May 2012. Source: www.bhandarsangat.com Bhandar Sangat is the most prominent peasantist NGO registered in 1999, which has been the most active since 2006, in Chamber, Tando Ghulam Ali and Naon Dumbālo Area. Comrade Ramazan Memon, Shaheena Ramzan, and Taj Marri are its main patrons; all of them have been formerly affiliated with Maoist faction of communist party. Later they joined Marxist Awami Workers Party, yet the tension remained between paid-activism approach and voluntary activism within the AWP, and they paid the activists entered in and entered out of the party several times. Marxist NGO activists tried to continue their political-socialists and reformist programs together, and did not totally depended on donor-funding to continue working for the welfare of local suppressed peasant communities. They did also used Bhandar‘s offices‘ and infrastructure for multiple voluntary services for peasants, yet despite their overall sincerity to the cause of peasant uplift, local peasants, as well as their Marxist friends did not seem much happy with their ways of activism. Yet, their dependence on Bhandar Sangat works collaboratively with some major peasant and labour NGOs, INGOs and international donors, such as Action aid , PILER, SAP– PAK, HRCP, Trocaire, for advocacy and welfare of peasants and laborers.

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Bhandar Sangat, despite being donor-funded is against capitalist policies and interventions of government supported corporate-farming or agrarian reforms. Bhandar Sangat together with SHPC have always staunchly opposed any such state-sponsored acts, and have always advocated for the rights of indigenous peasants to own lands and grow crops in their own way. They want to bring about land reforms, not agrarian reforms, and majority of Sindhi peasant activists demand the same. They want the redistribution of state land, military land and the land encroached upon, legally or illegally, by feudal lords. They are demanding that underutilized cultivable waste land should be snatched from feudal lords and that, the government‘s land, instead of leasing to foreign corporate farmers, should be freely allotted to landless poor peasants while ensuring all necessary feasible arrangements.

Bhandar Sangat and SHPC are strictly opposed to the governmental efforts to lease such land to foreign corporate farmers. Whereas, there are also some donor-led NGOs in interior Sindh that see agrarian solutions in intensive technology driven farming based on the principles of maximum growth, efficient use of minimum inputs, and maximum profits. Independent of which of the camp is right or wrong, one can safely say that corporate farming will definitely generate capital that would go into the pockets of few while generating economic activity in the area making local peasants dependent on the fixed wages regulated by the company. It would also add to the national income and national growth in terms of GDP and the taxes collected. Whereas, the cooperative farming will let the local peasant cooperative to decide for themselves what they should grow, how much to invest, when they should grow, how much to sell in the market and where to sell. It will lead to the community empowerment and imbue them with the sense of ownership, belonging, and communal cooperation. Yet it will neither add hugely to the national income, nor to much modernization in the region. Peasants may control the level and speed of progress, growth and development according to their own internal cooperative dynamics.

5.2.4.2 Sindh Hari Porihiat Council (SPHC) At chamber and Naon Dumbālo, Bhandar Sangat (NGO) has worked relatively successfully, but they could hardly have an impact in the area without the support and collaboration of an informal self-funded, peasant-regulated voluntary association of peasants SPHC (Sindh Hari Porihiat Council). In 2007, Sindh Hari Porihiat Council (SHPC) was established create volunteers from within landless peasants and small owners. SHPC tried to fill in the vacuum that paid activists could never fulfill, that of generating and mobilizing the peasants to strive voluntarily for the

180 general welfare of peasants, land reforms and against debt bondage, unpaid labour and landlordism. Kolhi peasant activists of Versi Kolhi Colony told that, being voluntary members of SHPC, they enjoyed working with it, instead of with Bhandar Sangat or any other fund-driven NGO.

We respect and welcome all, but we loved to work with SHPC. It demanded nothing of us. No conditions. We worked with them voluntary for the lofty cause of peasant‘s emancipation (Kolhi P. , 2013) Mehru told about Punhal Sario, the Chairman of SPHC in these words:

Saeen [Sir] Punhal Sario spends time with us, and speaks about our own welfare. He has the program, and he is right…We discuss issues in the night on ‗Mach Katchehri‘ [Bonfire] (Kolhi M. , 2013) Versi Kolhi explained SPHC, PCPD and Bhandar Sangat thus:

To speak the truth, Bhandar Sangat and PCDP take interest in us, when they have some project. We participate in strikes and rallies on their call. But SHPC has always been with us. We are members of it. We are not members of Bhandar Sangat, yet our teachers are paid by PCDP… Programs of NGO lack passion but SHPC shows us some direction what lies ahead. (Kolhi V. , Civil Society Organisations, 2013) Similar sentiments were also expressed by a leading peasant Comrade G.M. Laghari at Chamber. NGO activists are not sincere with the cause. They leave us when the project is finished. They do not spend a penny from their pockets. This is not the proper way. (Laghari, 2013)

Figure 18. Punjal Sario, Veerji Kolhi, Pehlaaj;Three main social activists envolved in Kolhi peasant community's reformation. Source: Author (2013)

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Hence, the N.G.O‘s platform not helped much organize outside peasant activist‘s the way they had hoped to, nevertheless it did help them to earn some income by being NGO employers and employees. Neither could it inspire the actual victimized peasants to struggle openly and consistently, yet NGO‘s intervention provided them temporary relief and made some positive impact on the sharecropper-landlord relationship particularly in Sindhuri, Chamber and Naon Dumbālo area. NGOs also provided for former leftists a source of personal income and personal social security, but at the cost of abandoning original radical political agenda. Many former left- inclined comrades are now using Bhandar Sangat as social, and SHPC as a socio-political platform to advocate for the rights of peasants, laborers, and marginalized sections of Sindhi society. It helps them organize seminars, protests, rallies and peasant marches. They are providing to peasants economic assistance in cash or in kind, such as, the provision of goats to women and school going children. International donors like Trocaire, Action Aid and Oxfam GB assists them in their welfare activities and peasant rights advocacy. The efficacy and relevance of action agendas and development programs and their settlement with outside donor agencies, really depends on peasant activists‘ sensibility, knowledge of peasant‘s real issues and sincerity to the cause of peasant‘s emancipation.

5.2.4.3 Punhal Sario (SHPC): A case of Multiple-identity Peasant Activist Punhal Sario defined SHPC as the voluntary social organization funded by the common peasants through their token contributions from their annual crop produce. SHPC and Awami Party, although attached to NGOs and attend NGO sponsored civil society meetings, being short of finances, do not mind mobilizing masses with the mixed financial arrangements made from dono-led development sector funds, and voluntary contributions.

Peasant activism of Bhandar Sangat and SHPC leadership predates actual formation of SHPC and Awami Party. ComeradeTaj Marri, Comerade Ramzan Memon and Punhal Sario are one of those frequent civil society participant-activists that are deeply suspicious of civil society‘s capacity as a viable social or political forum due to its predominantly NGO-led opportunism. Their peasant activism dates more than two decades back when NGO culture had not penetrated much in Sindh. Hence, by and large theirs have been the voluatary comeradeship that has worked well for peasants particularly in Chamber, Tando Allahyar and Naon Dumbālo Area. In fact their performance, at least in Naon Dumbālo area outweighs that of their Marxist critics, as they are clearly being acknowledged by the local Kolhi peasants as having played a key in the

182 empowerment of the landless peasants and in the freedom of bonded laborers in Naon Dumbālo and Chamber area.

Punhal Sario and Taj Marri have been frequent visitors to Parkari Kolhi settlements of Naon Dumbālo. At various important occasions, such as holy celebrations, or Rooplo Kolhi day, or on special activism campaigns they go there, arrange simple seminars, deliver speeches and sometimes stay for a night to hold ‗Mach Katcheri‘ (Sindhi Bon-fire gathering) to discuss peasant issues and celebrate Sindhi culture.

Sindh Hari Porihiat Council, despite in claims of social and apolitical voluntarism, has not only participated in political rallies, marches, strikes for land reforms that are all political activities of no less importance, but has also acted as one of the key instrumental agent of political change for the common peasants. Whereas SPHC is formally an informal unregistered voluntary social organization for peasant and labour rights, it leadership has always participated in rallies and marches sponsored by ethno-nationalist parties. Their agendas and identities get blurred and almost all of its members hold multiple social and political affiliations. Punhal Sario, its fouding father, has also been active participant in all kinds of activities, whether social or political that advocate for the rights of peasants, Sindh and Sindhi nation. Sario is the multidimensional personality and is one of the most active social media activists advocating for the rights of peasants, minorities, fishermen, women folk and for the cause of Sindhi nation. He is the staunch believer in the political philosophy of the pioneer Sindhi ethno-nationalist GM.Sayed. Thus Sario‘s line of political reasoning is that of non-parliamentary leftist-separatist that matches closely to separatist ethno-nationalist political party of JSQM (BQ), instead of with other leftists parties, such as Awami Tehreek, Sindh Taraqi Pasand Party and the Marxist Awami Workers Party, that contest in general elections

Although Sario ideally believes that what is social cannot be political and clearly demarcates his social line of action from political (Sario, Local Bodies Elections, 2013), yet in practice he and his volunteers, in reality are as political as any other ethno-nationalist. Despite his making differentiation in social activism and political activism, Sario has served the vital purpose of joining the disjointed, that of social and political. Whereas, JSQM (BQ), the leading Sindhi ethno-nationalist party, has dealt the tribal and communal issue from political-to-social line of action, Punhal Sario has pursed it from his social position to politicize it within peasant communities, ethnic minorities and suppressed Sindhi rural classes. Very much on the similar

183 lines, Bhandar Hari Sangat is the social platform to reform peasants and wage laborers, yet its organizational leadership at the same time holds political credentials being largely leftists formally and variably associated with a Marxist ‗Awami Workers Party‘.

Most of political workers of ethno-nationalist political parties despite their well-articulated manifestoes, are confused about whether Sindh be separated first or feudalism be eradicated initially. Yet Sario is quite clear on that point. Feudalism cannot be waited out till Sindh gets right of self-determination. Sayed‘s message of universal equality, peace and brotherhood as outlined in his Sufic philosophy is there prioritized and the strategic acquisition of the right of national self-determination as delineated by Sayed is dealt by Sario as of secondary but necessary goal.

As regards Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo, SHPC leadership believes that it would be better for Kolhi activist not to accept any power-sharing offer of ruling feudalistic political parties, and that instead of being lured by temporary gains and hollow cooperation they should join hands with leftist parties and struggle for overhaul in political structure of Pakistan. When asked about the Parkari Kolhis‘ strategy to accept winning feudal party‘s feudal leadership‘s offer to accept few perks in the form of token seats in local government elections, Sario opined that:

―PPP‘s [Winning party‘s] offer of four counsellor‘s seats is in fact motivated by technical requirements to fulfill minimum 14 candidate criterion for each electorate. It‘s not an offer but an alm, a kind dole.‖ (Sario, Local Bodies Elections, 2013) Hence, it is evident that Sario and his organization is uncompromising on its fundamental principles and do not consider even that symbolic offer the ruling party to a formerly meaningless entity (Kolhi community) as the change in social attitudes. SHPC chairman, Punhal Sario strongly believes that political change is not possible without a political party and, so it would advisable for Kolhi activists to formally join any party instead of contesting elections independently (Sario, Local Bodies Elections, 2013). Although Sario suggesting joining of any party yet he is clearly suspicious of any substantial change through election-politics and holds no hope at all in parliamentary elections as, for him, the whole system has become chronically corrupt.

Accordingly, it can be deduced that most of the time peasant activists hold four major identifiable political identities that shift from one to the other as the context changes. They behave and act ethno-nationalistically when issues of and rights of Sindh and

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Sindhi people are in spotlight; they act as leftist-Marxists when issues of poverty and bonded labor overwhelm the socio-political discourse; and strive as social advocates and as social reformists when issues of intra-provincial ethnic and religious discrimination overwhelm the civil society circles; In times of extreme personal economic pressures they mostly depend on project-based donor-funded activism and justify it as the personal survival mechanism, or rationalize as much needed quick fix interventions.

5.2.4.4 PCDP: A Parkari NGO and Parkari Education Parkari Community Development Programme (PCDP) ―is a non-profit making organization, run by Parkaris for the socio-economic uplift of their own community.‖ It was formed in 1996, and was formally registered in 2003 under the Societies Act XXI 8160. (PCDP, 2014). PCPD is run and managed by a Parkari Kolhi Hindu-turned-Christian, and it is mostly funded by the Christian missionaries of the UK. PCDP has intervened in all four districts, where Parkari population is concentrated, that are, Mirpurkhas, Badin, Umerkot and Tharparkar Districts. PCDP has also been active among Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo since 2006, and is funding some small projects at Dumbālo since 2006. PCDP has opened up 27 schools and 92 stitching centers throughout North-eastern districts of Sindh for the uplift and welfare of Parkari community.

Its intervention in Kolhi peasant community and peasant advocacy have been instrumental in the uplift of Kolhi peasant community of Naon Dumbālo. It has opened up a Parkari schools in Kolhi villages in Naon Dumbālo. At Versi Kolhi Colony, they have established ‗Amar Rooplo Kolhi Parkari School‘. PCDP has built a spacious four-room building

Figure 19.A Stitching and sewing center installed at Karachi Pāro inside a for Poonam Paschal middle school Kolhi family’s house (Dumbālo) by PCDP. Source: Author (2013) with all relevant facilities where presently both schools are being run, that is, Rooplo Kolhi Parkari School, and Government Primary School Haji Ghulam Muhammad Ahmadani. Throughout researcher‘s stay at Versi

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Kolhi Colony, and during the frequent visit there, schools were observed to be operating properly. All students were found present in the school, and even daily evening coaching shifts were observed. Its remarkable progress if viewed from the standard of government primary schools in the area many of whom remain closed, understaffed or poorly regulated.

Adult literacy of Versi Kolhi Colony is 26.9%, and overall literacy rate, including school-going children, is 51.8%. The gap between adult and overall literacy rate indicates that in coming two to four years adult literacy rate of Versi Kolhi Colony would well go beyond 50%. All this could have become possible mainly due to PCDP‘s intervention there.

Figure 20: Versi with Mehru and young co-activists at PCDP School. Versi Kolhi and some other literate Kolhis’ attending briefing in PCDP’s school at Versi Kolhi Colony. Source: Author (2013)

Apart from Versi Kolhi Colony, PCDP is also providing similar facilities in other Kolhi colonies and settlements in the area. At Karachi Paaro and other nearby five Paaras, whose overall population exceeds 1800, and consists of more than 200 houses, PCDP has opened up similar Parkari schools. At Karachi Paaro, there are 120 students, where 2 male and 2 female teachers are teaching within the bounded settlement.

Kolhi and Bheel Share-tenants of Dumbālo, Chamber and Versi Kolhi colony also speak Parkari language. They have adapted Sindhi- to write it. Pamphlets and booklet in Parkari language were found to be used for instruction and awareness purposes. At Karachi Paaro there were also some intermediate pass female teachers teaching in school inside the settlement. They used Parkari, instead of Sindhi or Urdu, to explain the textbook lessons which were written in Sindhi. PCDP has produced a substantial Parkari literature, have devised Parkari syllabus, published Parkari textbooks, trained Parkari teachers for Parkari schools and developed a new

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Parkari script. PCDP‘s schools are teaching Parkari Kolhis in their own mother tongue, that is, Parkari. Radio awareness and education programs in Parkari are relayed in Barrage areas. PCDP encouraged Parkari Kolhis to establish their own village-like colonies, and established its school in Versi Kolhi colony. PCDP encouraged Kolhis to diversify their income base and established tailor shops at Versi Kolhi colony, Karachi Paaro and at other settlements of Parkari Kolhis (Kolhi V. , PCDP, 2013). PCDP is also providing token salary to voluntary teachers that teach in voluntary schools inside Kolhi settlements/ Kolhi Paras and at Versi Kolhi Colony.

Phelaaj Kolhi is serving as an animator, Rabta (cluster Incharge) in Advocacy and Awareness Project (AAP) for Naon Dumbālo area and instructor by PCDP at Dumbālo and for that job he is being paid only Rs.6, 000. Pehlaaj told that PCDP further aims at launching Adult Education Program, still more Stitching Centers, installation of water-pumping machines, opening up of annual medical camps and the veterinary training for two Parkari Kolhi doctors of the Dumbālo area. Commenting upon the teaching of Parkari language and the importance of Parkari schools, Pehlaaj Kolhi, a PCDP animator at Versi Kolhi colony told:

―Parkari is a rich language. It‘s easy for small children to grasp and understand in Parkari. Therefore, initially they are taught in Parkari in their primary classes… Opening up of Parkari schools have at least relieved Parkari students from being discriminated at government schools.‖ (Kolhi P. , 2013) Apart from educational facilities PCDP provided sewing machines to Kolhi women, she-goats on profit-sharing basis to the families of school-going children to fund their education and Parkari schools. And provided raw material and inputs to Kolhi women through Handicraft scheme and sewing schemes.

Both Phelaaj and Versi, however, expressed their dissatisfaction over the programs of PCDP and the Bhandaar Sangat, two main locally active ethnic and peasant NGOS. They expressed their mistrust of NGOs and questioned their sincerity. Both organizations interest in community is limited to funding the temporal duration of projects. They do not take much interest in community once the project is formally finished. That abrupt closure of development projects not only leads to organizational corruption, but also creates the sense of disappointment within community.

PCDP, however, has had its imprint on the socio-politics of Parkari Kolhis in a different way. PCDP is different from other NGOs in that its focus is specifically on a particular regional

187 community, and particularly on Parkari Kolhi uplift. In Sindh, there may be very few such foreign-funded NGOs that may have focused on a regional ethnic community. The secret of its relative success lies partly in its clear vision, focused agenda, and its long-term engagement with the spatially dispersed yet regional ethnic group. Its major donors are also committed to the uplift of specific marginalized communities, although they have certain specific missionary goals of their own as well. Regional-communal focus of PCDP has increased the ethnic-regional consciousness of Parkari Kolhis.

5.3 Christian and Qadiani Missionaries and Kolhi community Religion-wise, throughout world, 80 percent Kolhis are Hindus, 19 percent Buddhists, 0.8 percent Christians and 0.2 percent Muslims (People Groups, 2014; Ethnologue, 2014)

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Christian missionary organizations like Joshua Project, World Church Service, Wycliffe Global Alliance, Bethany World Prayer Centre, Presentation Sisters Union, and World Christian Service are socially active among Kolhi and other indigenous marginalized non-Muslim communities of lower Sindh. (Joshua Project, 2013; WYCLIFFE Global Alliance, 2013; Bethany World Prayer Centre, 2004-5; Presentation Sisters Union, 2008) Such missionaries are trying their best to reform Dalit communities to bring them into mainstream and to inculcate Christian values in supposedly de-religious communities that do not take organized religious rituals much seriously. These missionaries have adapted their mission to the development and humanitarian programs of international organizations like United Nations and Amnesty International. (Presentation Sisters Union, 2008). Their liaison with international organizations and unconditional support of international humanitarian organizations is novel privilege that Islamic and Hindu religious propagators and other local CSOs are devoid of. Social welfare activities are performed together with the propagation of soft Christian image. New Testament and other Christian scriptures have been written and published in Parkari by the Christian organizations (WYCLIFFE Global Alliance, 2013). But, Dalit communities, being less religious-minded do not get inclined to easily get converted. Yet, there have been evidences of few conversions due to the lure of money and economic well-being that accompany such conversation. But, most often convert Christian and Qadiani Dalits revert back to their original faith once the supply of money or economic benefits stops. Pehlaaj Kolhi at Versi Kolhi colony told that in Parkar and Barrage area there are several missionaries that want to convert us to their faith but they are happy with their Hindu-sufic way of life and would not convert.

Their offering of money and funds, if these are for us to accept Christian or Qadian faith, we would not. When they came to our village we candidly told them if they would ask to convert, or if they would tempt us to convert, then we do not need their help. (Kolhi P. , 2013) Nevertheless, Christian missionary-cum-welfare services are marching ahead with their mission. As most of the Parkari Kolhi are illiterate, the foremost mission of Christian CSOs is to educate them. Their focus is on basic child education as they rightly believe that it‘s easy to mould the children‘s mind than going all out in communities to teach them how to behave, act, and believe

They are teaching humane (Christian) values, in the best humanly way possible. Christian missionaries are aiming to enable them to read and write. Katchhi Kolhi, being only

189 one percent literate, has particularly been targeted by Bethany World Prayer Centre, and aim at the establishment of radio broadcasts and television programs to propagate the Christian belief system together with secular and liberal education. (Bethany World Prayer Centre, 2004-5). ―Presentation Sisters started their mission in 1986 with the ‗tribal‘ people of Sindh called 'Katchi Koli'‖. It is working there to spread Christian faith, impart ‗Pastoral Education‘, ‗Medical Care‘, Adult Literacy, and Women education.

At Tando Allahyar, Christian missionaries revived their activities in 1986. And have a boarding school for 30 to 37 Katchhi Kolhi girls aged 9 to 12 years old, at Tando Allahyar, which is about 25 kms from Naon Dumbālo and about 10 kms from Chamber. Whereas, Mill Hill Priests look after boarding house for boys there, and have admitted 50 Katchi Kolhi boys there. Overall 800 students of the town, mostly belonging to Dalit communities get education there. Recently they have established St. John‘s Parish. At St. John‘s Parish, Dalit women and men are invited to celebrate major international humanitarian days, including women‘s days, Labour Day, and arrange programs to sensitize Kolhis about gender rights, human rights and feudalism. In St. Mary‘s Presentation School, they have 340 children, mostly belonging to lower caste Hindu communities. They have also recently got engaged with Parkari Kolhis of the area. They are reconstructing Kolhi identity as the people naturally close to nature (Creation myth) being most of them engaged in farming, and, hence, presented as close to God and to the Christ. Gods are presented (Presentation Sisters Union, 2008).

While, at the same time, Christian welfare activists depict Hindu gods as the ‗violent‘ Gods. Kali Mata, for them is the violent Goddesses, and Vishnu is patriarchal character of unparalleled power and dominance. Hindu religion for them is based essentially on fear of the powerful, social inequality and the exploitation of the weak. (Anonymous, Kolhi Chrisitans, 2013) . Christian Missionaries, however, have been little successful in their Messianic mission in Parkar Kolhi community of Naon Dumbālo. Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo are apt enough to distinguish between the social and economic welfare services, and the ideological or religious filtration of ideas.

Qadiani and Christian missionaries and the civil society activists, on their part, have tried their best to reform their communities, their religion and culture, through advocacy and welfare services. But things have not happened the way they had wished to. Conversion of some Parkari Kolhi to Christianity testifies to the initial success of Christian missionaries, as most of them had

190 been converted, under especial circumstances, several decades ago. Religious conversion, particularly to Christianity, has almost ended during the last decade as mass media and general societal level of awareness have opened up new economic and cultural avenues for Parkari Kolhis that they can avail without losing their existing faith. Although, for instance, some Parkari Kolhi, numbering not more than few hundreds, converted to Christianity and other religions, many of them relapsed back to take their former beliefs still more seriously (Mahboob, 2010).

Therefore, efforts of Christian and Qadiani missionaries to reform their so called ‗backward‘ religious practices could not have substantially materialized. As the Parkari Kolhi culture is more syncretic (Ibrahim, 2005) and practical and less fundamentalist and the least theoretical, big ideas make little sense for them. Even Christian Kolhi of Francis Nagar, (a Kolhi Colony at Khipro in barrage area, helped build for Kolhis by Christian missionary service), have not abandoned most of their former beliefs, practices and rituals except few like burying than cremating. They keep intermingling with their Hindu-mystic brethren, and intermarry and inter- dine with them. Yet, on ideological grounds, with the continuous indoctrination and focus of sophisticated and resourceful missionaries, Christian and Qadiani Kolhi leader-converts do maintain and sometimes express certain differences between Christian and non-Christian Kolhis that they wish to mitigate by peacefully converting them to Christianity.

Much like Christian and Qadiani missionaries, leftist ethno-nationalists and Sindhi civil society activists also could not have succeeded in converting Kolhi mindset to essentially Sindhi ethno- nationalist mould. Ideological and political advocacy by NGOs, peasant activists, leftist, and the Marxists, instead replacing their former folk ideologies with the modern ones, have restructured and reformed their folk culture and ideas in their own way. It shows the limits and narrow- mindedness of both Christian missionaries and Sindhi civil society activists, and also shows the communal and cultural strength of Parkari Kolhi community. Both Katchhi and Parkari Kolhis, however, over the years, have started taking their tribal identity more seriously than ever before and trying to play their pro-active role at local-regional and national-international level. Their tendency to remain secluded from the social whole is vanishing as their interaction with the ‗other‘ communities and the larger world is increasing. They are reconstructing their identities on basis of socially approved and equally respectable identity-markers that incorporates Hindu,

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Christian, Muslim, and Sindhi, ethnic and ethno-nationalist values very selectively and not wholly.

Their efforts, however, to reconstruct their identities, cultural and occupational practices may lead to an increase in their level of social acceptance in the larger community, and subsequently may increase the level of social integration with other sub-castes of Kolhis, Dalit communities, Upper caste Sindhi Hindus, and also with Muslim Sindhi communities. Hence, homogenizing process of globalization, while blurring social hierarchies on the one side, may, on the other, help marginalized communities like Parkari Kolhi to reconstruct their identities on more humane, socially acceptable grounds. Yet there are certain extraneous factors as well that forcefully want to sabotage and suppress the Dalit communities in Kolhis and the biggest ethnic and religious polarizing and alienating agent in lower Sindh is Islamic religious extremism.

5.4 Islamist Preaching and propagation Common Kolhi peasants strongly disapprove the efforts of Christian missionaries and Muslim Ulemas21 like Pir22 Ameer Jan, which are applying ‗carrot and stick‘ tactics to convert lower caste Hindus to Islam and Christianity. Yet mainstream Kolhi activists are always with Christian missionaries and do not hesitate to sympathize with Christian minorities of Sindh and Pakistan in times of trouble.

They do not totally reject Christian missionaries that have been very active in the area of Nangarparkar, to Christianize the Kolhis, Bheels and other untouchables. For untouchables, religion has never been a matter of serious concern. Keeping that fact in mind, Christian missionaries and Muslim propagandists keep trying to sensitize Kolhis and other untouchables about the importance of religion and veracity of Islam and Christianity. Some untouchables, tempted by economic assistance and social prestige, get converted temporarily, but when the financial support is stopped, they again relapse back to their former lax beliefs. Kolhi activists, not only resist Ulemas and missionaries‘ excessive intervention, but they have also initiated reforming their Hindu beliefs. To that effect, they have started taking religious aspect of life seriously, by reinvigorating their syncretic rituals selectively, and by adopting some additional Hindu religious practices and worship modes that previously they did not took in interest in, and thus, reconstructing their ethnic-religious identity in a sort of Hindu-mystic mould.

21 ‗Ulema‘ is the Islamic religious scholar. 22 ‗Pir‘ is the Islamic spiritual leader of particular Sunni, or Mystic sect.

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5.4.1 Societal positioning of Kolhis and Rising Religious persecution of Kolhis of lower Sindh Kolhis are not only landless peasants, but they are also untouchable Hindu minority group inhabiting in a hostile and discriminatory Muslim Sindhi society. Deep-rooted cultural- ethnic discriminatory practices keep people of certain castes and races perpetually marginalized. Even in India, where Dalit and Dravidian political and social movements have kept struggling to end untouchability, ―caste continues to be highly correlated to both occupation and political power… In spite of a powerful cultural challenge, the ``'' culture remains hegemonic in the very centers which mounted a challenge to it‖. (Omvedt, 2013) .

Dalits are as much the victim of religious discrimination by fundamentalist Muslims, as they are of upper caste Hindus (Meghwal, 2013). Whereas, in the ancient past, upper caste Hindus would suppress and oppress the lower castes in Sindh, now it is increasingly dominant Muslim society and the state that are suppressing them. In Barrage-area, Kolhi and Dalit communities suffer from religious discrimination at the hands of dominant Muslim community. PSDN, a network of 30 civil society organizations of Dalits in Pakistan lamented the fact that although media and the government pays some attention to the plight of upper caste Hindus that are forced to migrate, the reality of Dalits being under permanent threat of persecution, and being trapped in social bondage to the extent that they could not even migrate out of the country, is never reported in media or noticed by the government. (The News , 2012)

In case of Kolhi community, almost all of the landlords are Muslims, either of Baloch, or of Samat23 Sindhi ethnic origin. Landlords either speak Balochi or Sindhi but the medium of communication for all is Sindhi. Kolhis speak Parkari that distinctively modifies their Sindhi dialect when they speak, thus, serving as social identifier for a Kolhis as distinctive ethno- linguistic group. So Kolhi peasants, being temporary settlers, are different from permanently settled landlord families in several ways. Kolhis, in the past used to eat some of those animals that are considered as ‗Haraam’, or forbidden in Islam. Therefore, probably, Kolhi‘s are not allowed to eat in those utensils that landlords use for their own eating; a social indicator of Kolhis as a low caste and unwanted and untouchable persons. Kolhi‘s are dark black in body color and smaller in body size than other Sindhis These racial, ethnic, religious and linguistic

23 ‗Samat‘ are indigenous high-caste Aryan Sindhis that pride in their superiority as the inheritors of great historical past, refined and developed Sindhi language, and the originality of their Sindhi castes.

193 differences make Kolhi peasant identity distinctively different from their landlords and the dominant Muslim Sindhi communities. Theirs are marginal identities as they have neither incorporated themselves with the dominant Muslim Sindhi ethnic groups, nor with other Hindu minorities. They are marginalized in the sense that their lower social status is deeply embedded in their marginalized historical, racial and ethnic roots. Aryan caste system ‗Verna‘, labeled almost all vanquished ancient pre-Aryan races of South Asia, either as the Shudras (lowest caste), or as outcastes or untouchables.

Moreover, ‗caste‘ is an ascribed status group in south Asia. Therefore, lower caste status has remained permanently clung to ancient indigenous races of the South Asia. To caste off untouchability, Dalits and particularly Parkari Kolhi peasant and ethnic activists have embarked upon the historical task to reconstruct their identities on more humanistic and egalitarian grounds. Kolhis although traditionally categorized as outcastes and untouchables, are trying to reclaim their identity as a warrior tribe of the ancient past. Versi Kolhi, the key informant and peasant activist, also claimed that they are the real Rajputs, thus defying wholesome social ethnic labels, whether historically true or false, that undermine Kolhi peasant identities

5.4.2 Islamist Extremism: Major Cause of Rising Kolhi and Dalit ethnic Identity Acts of religious suppression, discrimination and exploitation may include persecution under blasphemy laws, harassment in the name of religious propagation and in several other ways, yet religious persecution and Islamist extremism have manifested itself into three main distinctive forms in Sindh:

a) Alleged Blasphemies b) Kidnapping for religious conversion of young Kolhi and other Dalit and Hindu women. c) Segregation of Dalit-Muslim graveyards, desecration of Hindu temples and burning Kolhi and Dalit villages

5.4.2.1 Blasphemy Law: Tool of Religious Victimization Laws relating to Blasphemy in Pakistan have proved to be more a harm than a good, both for Islam and Pakistan. It is being used by extremist Islamists as the legally approved tool to harass and victimize Hindus, Dalits, Qadiani and the Christians. Acts of religious extremism committed upon Kolhis and other Dalits have recently manifested itself in many different suppressive and exploitative ways. In the last four months (November 2013 to February 2014)

194 four extreme acts of religious discrimination and suppression have occurred in Badin, Tharparkar and Hyderabad districts. In November, Bhooro Bheel‘s dead body was exhumed, in March at Naon Dumbālo, a Dalit child was accused of blasphemy, again after few days‘ gap Kali Mata‘s temple was desecrated at Hyderabad, after few days, Parbirham temple at Tharparkar was attacked and few days later Kolhi graveyard near Hoosri Hyderabad got desecrated allegedly by Islamist extremists. Such incidences of suppression, terrorism and persecution in the name of religion have become the usual feature in the recent past and seem s to be increasing in frequency.

Interfaith harmony had been natural and exemplary in Sindhi people before partition, but when Hindus migrated to India and Indian Urdu-speaking population settled in Sindh, the natural became artificial and more lopsided. The traces of that breakage can be now be observed when acts of religious extremism occur in Sindh. In one incident at Umerkot in lower Sindh, when a group of Hindu-Dalits was attacked [by Urdu speaking Muslims] recently in district Umerkot, Sindh, on charges of alleged blasphemy, it was their [Sindhi] Muslim neighbors who stood guard at their houses and provided protection to them.‖ (Faruqi, 2011, pp. 47,59) . Building of mosques and Madrasahs have multiplied manifold since 1947, both in urban and rural areas, and that increasing Islamisation has robbed Sindh of its syncretic Sufic life-style. ―Hindus and (particularly Sindh) Muslims have been living in peaceful environment and always celebrate their religious festivals jointly. Vested interests groups [religious fanatics and feudal lords] who want to compel Hindus to migrate have planned this.‖ (Faruqi, 2011, p. 47) Hence, it can be easily evidenced and socially perceived after spending few days with any Dalit community that Hindu-Dalit minority, being believed to be Sindhi, and the considerable Sindhi Muslim population being Sufic in religious outlook, identify more closely with each other than with the Urdu speaking conservative Muslim population which is considered as non-indigenous Muhajirs (later or recent migrants). Urdu print and electronic Media is also alleged by Sindhi ethno- nationalist for fanning religious extremism. Compared to Urdu media, Sindh media is more liberal in terms of religious representation and has maintained non-sectarian tenor throughout previous decade.

The print media, particularly mainstream Urdu newspapers, have also played their role in portraying Hindu as an enemy of Pakistan. This systematic image building has proved poisonous for Pakistani society; particularly it has made the lives of Hindus miserable. Hindus are suspected as agent of RAW and the poor and illiterate Hindus and schedule

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caste people are easy target to implicate in false cases to extort money. The Hindus living in Pakistan, particularly the low caste Hindus, are the worst victims because of their weak socio economic status. (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 62)

In the latest incidence At Meghwar (Dalit) Colony at Pir Sakhi ( s small village near Versi Kolhi Colony and Naon Dumbālo) on the eve of Holi celebrations, when a Meghwar child wrote his name ‗Ashok‘ on the floor, it extremist Islamists found an excuse to interpret it as if ‗Allah‘ Muslim God has been written. Whereas, in reality, the writing went unwittingly awry that it looked as if ―Allah‖ has been written. Muslim extremists, misinterpreting it as the name of ‗Allah‘ started gathering at the spot and threatened to burn the whole Meghwar Colony (Kolhi V. , 2014; Sario, 2014) . Versi Kolhi, the leading peasant and Dalit activist intervened to rescue his Meghwar co-religionists (Dalits) and police was called in that pacified the situation for the time being. But again, the next day pressure mounted on the police, FIR was registered by Maulana Ikramullah against Versi Kolhi, Naresh Meghwar and Ashok Meghwar. Subsequently all the three were arrested on the allegation of outraging religious feeling under the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC), Section 295-A. (Khoso, 2014) While these lines are being written, the fear of burning Meghwar and Kolhi colonies still lingers on and many Dalit families have abandoned their houses to take refuge into other areas.

The underlying cause of the event surfaced the day latter. In fact, to settle old scores with a peasant Bheel family of living nearby Pir Sakhi Usman Shah (New Dumbālo), and to encroach upon 12 acre land on which Meghwars had built their own permanent colony, local Muslim landlord and Maulana Ikramullah plotted that hoax. It was an ongoing contention on a socio-economic issue that was deliberately plotted and exacerbated in the name of religion.

Khaimpal described the issue of alleged defamation at Pir Sakhi thus;

Actually the village Pir Sakhi depends on 500 houses belonging to many different

Figure 21. Versi Kolhi's wife’ Marwan’ at press club Hyderabad protesting against the attacks on Hindu temples and for the release of Versi Kolhi. Source: Veerji Kolhi (2014) 196

communities like Shah, Kolhi, Meghwar, Kori, Junejo and many others. But the majority peoples belong to the communities which i have mentioned above. The Meghwars have their own field at least 10 or 12 acres on which their colony is built, and they have been living in this village since 30 or 40 years. Molvi Ikramullah‘s elder brother Wadero Inam Kori who is the local landlord of this area. He wanted to occupy on Meghwars field he tried many times but couldn‘t get success (Kolhi K. , Meghwar Colony, 2014)

Meghwars being Dalit-Hindus meant similar people for the Muslim Maulana (cleric) as Bheels that are also Dalit-Hindus. The issue became ethnic-religious that eventually involved some Kolhis families of Pir Sakhi as well. Pir Sakhi is at the distance of just one km from Versi Kolhi colony, and about eight Kolhi families of Versi Kolhi colony had already migrated, due to ethnic discrimination and economic exploitation, from Pir Sakhi to live at Versi Kolhi Colony. Hence, it was quite natural for Kolhis of Versi Kolhi Colony and the Versi Kolhi himself, being the leader of the Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo to come forward to demand protection from the government and administration against the charged fanatics that had gathered to burn Meghwar, Bhil and Kolhi houses, colonies and villages in Dumbālo area. In critical situations like these, Dalits are not left alone by their social and peasant activists that belong to Muslim sufic- nationalistic clout. Bhandar Sangat, SHPC, its leadership Taj Marri and Punhal Sario remained in the forefront even there to defend Kolhi and Meghwar against extremist Islamists.

The arrest of Versi and two Meghwars by the Police, without having any solid evidence, and the silence of the majority of Sindhi and Pakistani Muslims, is the prime example of how the dominant state-indoctrinated discourse makes the majority blind to see through the reality. Versi Kolhi and the Meghwars stood up to defend their right to live with dignity and peace, but the majority of Muslims in Pakistan have been incapacitated to view the reality of religious and ethnic minorities as such.

Independent of how Muslim majority wishes Dalit minority to act and behave, the arrest of Versi Kolhi and his intervention in the issue of Meghwars shows how the extremist acts of Muslims are brining Dalit communities closer to each other, and if that continued as it seems to, Dalits may one day rise up in unison to demand segregated safe-haven, in the form of two or three districts of lower Sindh specifically reserved for Dalits and Hindus to inhabit and live in accordance with their own religious, cultural and ethnic practices. From the other corner of Sindh, particularly in upper Sindh, due to the increase in the incidences of kidnapping of upper caste Hindus for ransom, migration to India is on the rise (Faruqi, 2011, p. 33). It is the

197 demographic trend, which may decrease upper caste Hindu population, and may lead to further Dalitianisation of Hindu population of Sindh. Looking from that demographic-religious angle, polarization of religious identities seems to be the real possibility in future, if one keep in mind the rising population of Dalits in lower Sindh, and given the fact that India will never burden its economy by allowing Dalits and Hindus from Sindh to settle in India.

5.4.2.2 Forced Religious Conversion and Abduction of Dalit and Hindu Women Dalit women, being poor, socially powerless, and weak, are considered by ambitious extremist Muslims as the easy prey to sexually molest in the name of faith conversion. That trend of religious ambitiousness to convert non-Muslims is so tempting for the religious-minded Muslims of lower Sindh that Mullahs (religious clerics) in their Friday sermons at mosques keep exhorting Muslim brethren to convert Hindu women to Islam. Several cases, over the years, have been reported by Sindhi newspapers and by some researchers in their studies, in which scheduled caste (Dalit) girls are lured, converted and declared as wives, and then after few months they are again left on the streets, divorced and made to run away. In such cases even girl‘s parents do not accept her.

Out of utter fear or socio-political domination of Muslims in all fields, cases of forced conversion often fail to be proven at any stage. Most incidences of kidnapping, rape and religious conversion of Hindu and Dalit women fail to come to surface as the state, government representatives, feudal politicians, local landlords, local loafers and Islamic religious clerics all made it difficult for the marginalized Dalits and Hindu minority victims to assert her will, and thus their voice is suppressed at every stage from initial temptation or attempts at tempting, to kidnapping, rape and religious conversion to fighting the case. Hence, out of utter fear or socio- political domination of Muslims in all fields, cases of forced conversion often fail to be proven at any stage. There have occurred more than hundred cases of abduction, rape, forced and tempted religious conversions of Hindu and Dalit women during the last decade or so. According to Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), about 25 Dalit and Hindu girls aged 13-18 years, on average in a month are forcibly or temptingly converted to Islam. (Rizvi, 2012; Asghar, 2013; Ali R. , 2010) Some of those cases that could luckily come into media spotlight are given below in table.

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There are two major Islamic Dargahs (shrines) which have, in fact, instructed their followers to strive to convert Hindus and Dalits to Islam, in whatever way they may do it. One of that Dargah lies in upper Sindh at Bharchundi Sharif in District, and another which has targetized Dalits including Kolhis is in Umerkot district at Taluka Samaro under the so called spiritual patronage of Pir Ayub Jan Sarhandi. Both these Islamic seats of religious conversion enjoy political support of the Pakistan People‘s Party (PPP), the major political party of interior Sindh. (Rizvi, 2012; Kolhi V. , Kolhi Politics, 2013; Solangi, 2013). ―Forced Conversion and subsequent marriages‖ in Pakistan are believed by some activists as ―nothing but state-sponsored rapes!!‖ (Asghar, 2013). Parkari Kolhis of Nangarparkar and Naon Dumbālo, for the first time, took strong stance against the gang rape of a 14-year-old sharecropper girl Kasturi Kohli in Mokario village, . Kasturi was gang raped by Sharjeel Memon‘s political allies. Due to the filing of law-suit against rapists, Veerji Kolhi, then a senior HRCP member and manager of Mehergarh Institute at Hyderabad, and his community was threatened of dire consequences by a powerful PPP-backed landlord Raees Bachal Khoso, father of a rapist, with the complicit support of another influential feudal Ghulam Qadir Mari, and subsequently, after few days, Veerji Kolhi was kidnapped and tortured. Veerji and Kolhi community took a strong stance against the culprits and got some of the rapists arrested after several weeks of peaceful struggle. (Kolhi V. , Kolhi Politics, 2013) The local police had refused to register the case, Veerji Kohli with his partners in solidarity took the issue to the provincial assembly and the national assembly which culminated in the form of Inspector General Police constituting a special inquiry board, including 3 District Police Officers…At the conclusion of this inquiry they suspended Superintendent Police Officer of and head Moharir of police station Nangarparkar. They also terminated Station House Officer (SHO) and Investigation Officer of police station Nagarparker. The Parliamentary Committee on Minority Affairs headed by MNA Mahesh Kumar Malani took a serious note of the case and asked all the relevant parties to present their point of view... [Consequently] the rapists Ramzan Bachal Khoso and Verio Guraro were arrested. (Hussain M. , 2010)

Before the case of Kasturi Kolhi, there had been reported several cases that came to surface and sued in the court of law, but failed to provide any substantive redress to the Dalit victim (Faruqi, 2011, pp. 55, 56),but the case of Kasturi, although could not bring full justice and redress to Kasturi and her family, did make Kolhis and other Dalit communities of conscious of the possibility to socio-politically defending themselves in the existing social system. Rapes, abductions and religious conversions of Kolhi girls and young women were the facts of life for

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Parkari Kolhis of Nangarparkar and barrage-area before 2010. But after the activism and peaceful open and systematic resistance by Veerji and his community, together with human rights activists of Sindh, frequency of the occurrence of such incidences, particularly in case of Kolhi community, has considerably decreased. The case of Kasturi Kolhi proved to be both a moral and political victory for Kolhis and greatly boosted their confidence to fight against any kind of ethnic, gender-based or religious persecution. Dalit leaders and moderate Pakistani Muslims condemn such ill-intentioned religious conversions and demand that instead of leaving the issue of religious conversions solely to fanatic Muslim Mullahs, the high level commission should be established at national level to safeguard religious minorities from the persecution of extremist Muslims. They have also moved application with Pakistan government urging it to ensure the handover of abducted Dalit girls back to her parents before enquiring after her later status vis-à-vis marriage and faith conversion. (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 72)

5.4.2.3 Segregation of Dalit graveyards Desecration of Religious Temples Sindhi Hindus and Sindhi Muslims, except on few occasions such as Masjid Manzil Gah incidence, have always lived peacefully in Sindh. Sindhi Muslims did not really abhorred Hindu way of life and sometimes participated in Hindu practices, and Hindus also respected Muslim practices. Enmity between Sindhi Hindus and Sindhi Muslims has often been spurred by Sindhi Muslims in the name of ‗Toheen-i-Risalat‖, and due to which Sindh has suffered throughout history. According to Dr. Mubarak Ali, it was the Sindhi Muslim enmity and intolerance towards the Sindhi Hindus, that led prominent Hindu leaders, such as Naon Mal, to rebel against Talpur to side with the British (Baloch, 2014). Similar history seems to be repeating itself in Sindh in years to come. Recent consistent incidences of desecration of Hindu temples have broken that traditional myth of peaceful mutual coexistence of which Sindhis feel proud of. In in February 2014, ―a frenzied mob attacked a and set a dharamshala on fire over alleged desecration of a holy book.‖ (Times of India, 2014) The reaction was so intense against Hindus that the government had to impose curfew. And then again after the lapse of few weeks, the temple of Kali Mata and Hanuman was desecrated at Hyderabad (Kolhi V. , Desecration of Kali Mata Temple, 2014). Veerji Kolhi, along with local social activists lodged an FIR against the culprits that not only desecrated temple but also threatened of dire consequences. And then yet again, after few days, the Parbirham temple near Mothi at Tharparkar was attacked by religious fanatics. (Kolhi V. , 2014).

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5.4.2.4 Exhumation of dead bodies of Dalits: Heinous Act of Religious Persecution Dalits are as much the victim of religious discrimination by upper caste Hindus, as they are of fundamentalist Muslims. Dalits have no/little places for cremating or burying the dead bodies. In fact, it had never been an issue in the past as both Dalits and Muslims would share same

Figure 22. Bhooro Bheel and his dead body after being dug out of the grave. In another picture, various CSOs and NGOs are staging a demonstration before press club Hyderabad against the exhumation of body of Bhoor Bheel Source. Veerji Kolhi (2013)

graveyard. In big cities some parts were reserved for Dalits now they have been come into center and many of these (graveyards & Temples) illegally occupied by local influential Muslims.‖ (Meghwal, 2013). Increasing religious extremism in lower Sindh can be evidenced from the recent event in which a dead body of a Dalit Bhooro Bheel was exhumed out of the grave in Pingrio town, District Badin, on the pretext that he was profane Hindu untouchable that could not be buried into Muslim graveyard (Samoon, 2013). Another heinous incidence occurred in April, 2014 when in a Noonari village near Hoosri in Hyderabad district, extremists set on fire the grave of a Kolhi in Karo Kolhi graveyard, and terrorized Kolhi community by firing over them. (Kolhi V. , 2014)

Community leaders and local intellectuals of lower Sindh attribute Dalit persecution to rising religious extremism. Rise in religious extremism is in lower Sindh is attributed to Islamic sectarian organizations that entered the lower Sindh ―in the garb of relief work‖ (Ahmed M. , 2014).

Mohammad Khan Samoo, who heads the Badin Development and Research Organisation (BDRO), a local non-governmental organization, puts the graveyard incidents down to a combination of religious intolerance, criminal activities and politics. But, according to him, religious extremism takes the lead role…Social and human rights activists in Badin, in their private conversations, hold Punjabi and Urdu-speaking settlers responsible for the increasing religious and sectarian intolerance. Sultanul , a madrasa set up by the settlers, is said to have played a pivotal role in fanning religious emotions over Bhoro

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Bheel‘s burial. In another instance of outside influence, Basit, the madrasa‘s administrator, had obtained the fatwa against Bhoro Bheel‘s burial from a madrasa in , Punjab. (Ahmed M. , 2014)

It was not the first incident of its kind. Dead bodies of Meeran Kolhi, and Maavo Kolhi were also exhumed out of their graves in the same area (Kolhi V. , 2013). Dalit leaders and Kolhi leaders complain that minorities are being forced to flee or change and are being treated as non-humans worse than slaves, and they vowed that they would not tolerate such treatment anymore.

Parkari Kolhis, particularly Kolhis of New Dumbālo have been in the forefront rallies and protests that raise voice for the security and protection of all minorities of Pakistan. To protest against the exhumation of Bhooro Bheel‘s body, Versi Kolhi led the group 35 Kolhi women and men to the press club, and opinionated on the gravity of the issue and increasing religious intolerance. Pehlaj Kumar, Versi Kohli, Mukesh Meghwar, Mool Chand Kohli are the young Parkari Kolhi leaders that are playing instrumental role in the advocacy and emancipation of all marginalized communities of Pakistan, particularly of lower Sindh (Kolhi V. , Kolhi Politics, 2013) After the protests and rallies of social activists, Dalit and Christian leaders, a symbolic case was filed by the police. Constant hue and cry in the media by social activists and Dalits in the media finally compelled the government to allot the land for Bheels and Hindu minority for shamshanghat and graveyard.

Capitalising on Miss-Reporting and Under-reporting Kolhi-Dalit activists do not hesistate to capitalize on any miss-reported or percievd catastrophe their communities face. Increasing persecution sometimes leads them to desparate misinterpretation and blame-game and they start everything slightly relevant to Islamist extremism. One of such horrific incident that occurred lately at Nangarparkar in which 100 Kolhi peasant‘s houses along domestic animals (Natan & Kolhi, 2014) got burnt accidently due to the fire sparked by small Kolhi child, was blindly alleged upon Islamist fanatics. In this age of mass media, in which any event becomes an instant news story, such events have instant impact on all Dalit communities in the world. Kolhi activists and international minority activist depict such persistent occurrences as ‗crimes against humanity‘ and acts of ethnic cleansing. An international human rights organization, International Unity for Freedom and Equality, of whose Veerji Kolhi is also the active member depicted Dalit and Hindu reality in Sindh thus:

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Nonstop attacks on Hindu temples and Hindu communities are committed daily by Muslim extremists! The [medias are[ not reporting these horrific acts! This is clearly an extremist attempt at ethnic cleansing! It cannot remain unnoticed by the international [medias[ or the international community! This is an urgent appeal for all human rights organizations worldwide with a mission to end this violence and preserve humanity to take every action to assist these communities and make every effort to put a stop to this needles and senseless violence! (Natan & Kolhi, 2014)

Nevertheless, such persistent attacks and increasing extremism have now made peaceful Hindus and Dalits to rethink their socio-political position and cultural values. They have started giving forth aggressive statements, which is not a good sign at all for the health of Sindhi society and for building the nation of Pakistan as a whole. A young social media activists belonging to Kolhi community of Naon Dumbālo appealed and warned thus:

―Friends! If Molvi the sacred, can declare the Hindu name written on floor as the name of Allah [alluding to Dumbālo incidence], and then declare Hindus as culprits of blasphemy of Allah and implicate in false cases…But this recent incidence [of desecrating Kali Mata temple] which is equally unforgivable. Will we remain silent even then? No, not at all, we have to unite on a single platform to raise the voice against such criminals, perpetrators of the worst crime so that they could be meted out the most severe punishment. Therefore, I request all friends to fully participate in a protest tomorrow 11:00 am, before press club, so that nobody could dare desecrate, even by chance, our (faith). Jai24 Bajrang Bali, Jai Kali Mata‖ (Kolhi K. , 2014)

5.4.3 Emerging Hindu religiosity among Parkari Kolhis

Whereas, Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo are totemic in their religious orientation, they, like other Dalits, also worship mystic deity; they call ‗Rama Pir‘ (), which is in fact syncretic Hindu-Muslim deity. Ramdev Pir is usually worshipped by all Dalit communities, particularly Meghwar Dalits of Barrage areas and Tharparkar. Ramdev Pir‘s origin is interpreted differently, yet usually it is believed to have originated in either 15th century or 17th century A.D. One of its plausible interpretations is that Ramdev was Rajput warrior who fought for the

24 ‗Jai‘ is the Sanskrit prefix used before political and religious slogans by Hindus. ‗Jai‘ means ‗up with‘. Figure 23:: Mehru Kolhi worshipping inside the temple of Rama Pir at Versi Kolhi Colony (Dumbālo). Source: Author (2013) 203 emancipation of peasant and artisan communities. Ramdev is still even today serves as the Sufic- Bhagti symbol of Dalit inclusion into mainstream and revered equally by Muslim and Hindus. Hindu temples of Katchh, Gujarat and lower Sindh depict Ramdev as equally great along the major Hindu deities. Meghwars also worship Ramdev and adhere to syncretic rajputized mix of Ismaili, tantric and Rajput beliefs and practices. Similarly Kolhi syncretic religion seems to be more influenced by Buddhists, moralists and Bhagats of the past. (Ibrahim, 2005, p. 1626)

Temples of Rama Pir at Versi Kolhi Colony and at Kolhi settlements are simple and Kolhis were often observed singing Bhajans of Ramdev pir there and the ritual of Arti. At Versi Kolhi Colony, temple of Ramdev was relatively well developed with arranged in single-roomed building with a flag hoisted over it, and decorated with graffiti, and colorful pictures of several Hindu deities, including Rama pir and some Muslim Sufi pirs. In smaller settlements there was not even temple-room. Temples of Ramdev made in semi-permanent settlements were of mere symbolic significance. A flag at the raised place with small mud and brick-made hood under it is made to represent Rama Pir temple. At semi-permanent settlements, particularly at Karachi Paaro, sharecroppers were not observed to worship as frequently as did Kolhis of Versi Kolhi Colony

The trend among almost all Dalit communities including Parkari Kolhis is to practice Hindu rituals that previously they did not take much seriously. The process of Dalitianisation seems to have just begun in them, and one can safely predict that their dominant religious tone will remain syncretic and Sufic for several decades to come, and the ultimate identity that may come to form may be Sufic-Dalit instead of merely Hinduistic. Parkari Kolhis at New Dumbālo District Badin have their own distinctive Parkari culture, language and religion. As

Figure 24: Father and mother of Kolhi peasant activist Veerji Kolhi the teachers teaching in the three worshipping Hindu deity. Source: Veerji Kolhi (2013) schools of Kolhi settlements were themselves Kolhi, they used Parkari language to instruct children. They teach Parkari language

204 and recite sacred hymns from Gita. Kolhi names and nomenclatures have been derived from Hindu mythology and put as a prefix the names of Hindu deities to qualify their names. They practice most of the major Hindu rituals and celebrate Hindu religious festivals with religious fervor. Kanji Kolhi, Patel (head of Versi Kolhi Colony) and some other elders often attend and participate in holy rituals to chant and sing Bhajans there. At school in Versi Kolhi Colony, Gayatri Mantra (highly revered Vedic-Sanskrit hymn) is chanted in chorus in morning assembly sessions. Students are taught about Hindu ethics and given moral religious lessons through excerpts and examples from the Hindu mythology and from the history of Kolhi Rajputs. Kolhis are represented before students as the inheritors of glorious city civilization of Moen-jo- Daro, and made to feel proud in their Dravidian-Khahstrian origin. All this is now happening in an organized and disciplined way at community level, which had never been the case before in Parkari Kolhi society.

It was the society of mutual peaceful coexistence during Dravidian era (1500-3000 BC) that germinated the seeds of mysticism/Sufism in Sindh. Therefore, Sufism is the product of societal practices, the epiphenomenon, the result, the sublimation of society at transcendental level. Geru dress used to be worn by specific Sufi bhikshus that had evolved a ritualistic path, and spiritual short cut to reach that sublime state. So, Sufism was not limited to Sufic schools of thought, Sufic dressing. Neither it could be promulgated or inculcated through the establishment of Sufi universities. It was the way of life, typical to Sindhi people, which is at stake now

For centuries, Hindus, Muslims and Dalits have lived peacefully, and at many places in lower Sindh they would share same graveyards. Yet recent tendency and drift of Dalit communities towards Hinduism and Sindhi ethno-nationalism can be partly explained through increasing religionism within Sindhi Muslims. Dalits have been made conscious of their distinctive religious and ethnic identity by militant Islamists in the region. The evidences of which are many, particularly kidnapping and forced religious conversion of young Dalit women and girls. Similarly, digging of dead body of Bhooro Bheel from the grave last year by religious fanatics is an incidence that no one could conceive of in the past. A prominent Pakistani columnist gravely writes about the unprecedented religious extremism that ―It is the advent of the hard-right militant Mullah into Sindh, the most secular part of Pakistan, as was Baluchistan, where Muslim and Hindu lived in harmony and peace, and mutual respect, that signals great danger for the State of Pakistan‖ (Shafi, 2013).

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This shift from non-seriousness to seriousness, from loose syncretism to clearly Hinduistic-sufisim, is indicative of Kolhian revival and new communal spirit, and seems to lead Kolhi community to gain more social recognition from other communities and to social acceptance as a respectable community. This internally motivated tilt towards Hinduistic religionism, together with the externally induced acts of increasing Islamic extremism against Kolhis and Dalits, may lead to the reorganization of overall Sindhi society from more Sufic- syncretic religious practices to an extremely polarized society that may further perpetuate religiosity, violence and persecution of religious minorities and Dalit communities like Kolhis. Given the fact that India has closed its doors for the Pakistani Hindus and Dalits and does not allow to taken in further burden of population on the Indian economy, Dalits of Pakistan are more likely to stay where they are and eventually may resist and get politically much like urban- based Muhajirs, to safeguard their religious and communal rights.

5.5 Kolhi Activism on Social Media Kolhi ethnic peasant activists are tackling their social and political problems through multiple channels. The computer literates among Kolhis are active on social media like Facebook, and on the satellite channels to assert their Kolhi, Parkari self, to decry landlessness and debt bondage and to mobilize the computer literate to protest against structured economic and social inequality.

Figure 25. (Left Pic)The original caption given to this depiction reads, “Kolhi soldiers attacked and defeated British army and General Taerwat on 15th April 1859 in the leadership of Rooplo Kolhi. (Right Pic) is the epithet installed in the memory of Rooplo Kolhi, which represents Rooplo as “Shaheed Rooplo Kolhi”. Shaheed is the Arabic word used for Muslim martyrs, but Sindhi ethno-nationalists have applied it to Rooplo’ martyrdom. Source: https://www.facebook.com/AmarRooploKolhi?ref=br_tf (2014)

Khempal, Chander Kumar and a few others from Versi Kolhi Colony also use Facebook to share views, pictures and videos with other Kolhis across the world. Kolhi activists in Sindh are linked to Kolis across border through Facebook, and remain active to reconstruct Kolhi identity as mystic and warrior-like that may have played historically important role in the past.

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Representations of their great imagined past is reconstructing their ethnic identities on more humane and respectable level. Representations of Rooplo Kolhi can be commonly found on Facebook pages of Kolhis that sometimes represent him as an essentially a Parkari hero, and sometimes as a Kolhi Rajput representative of Kolhis. Sindhi Muslim ethno-nationalists represent Rooplo as a Sindhi hero who fought to seek freedom for Sindhi people, and thus Rooplo‘s regional-Parkari identity is often de-emphasized by them. While Parkari Kolhis and more secular Sindhi use the epithet ―Amar‖ (eternal) before the name of Rooplo, Sindhi ethno- nationalists with Islamic predilections glorify him as ―Shaheed‖ (the Islamic word for a religious martyr). Yet, the glorification of Rooplo, in whatever way it may be done, is, however, liked by Kolhis, Dalits, and Sindhi ethno-nationalists alike.

Social media has contracted space and time to bring internationally dispersed persons with similar interests, ethnic identities on the same page. Social media, such as Facebook is serving as an identity reconstructor for Kolhis as they take inspiration from Kolis on the other side of the borders. Indian Kolis, irrespective of their Rajput or non-Rajput descent, claim and represent themselves as Kolhi Rajputs. The same message is picked up by the Kolhis in Sindh that have started believing more assertively in their Rajput Khashtria credentials. To

Figure 26. This pic of the ultramodern understand on what lines, marginalized Kolhis are asserting, Koli warrior that clearly represents the desire for change among educated constructing and reinvigorating their ethnic identity to push Kolhi community. It was uploaded by themselves from the margins of society into the middle of Sindhi Kolhi peasant activist on Facebook. Figure 35.Source: November Sindhi society, a masochistic pic of a ‗Kolhi Rajput‘ warrior 6, 2013: https://www.facebook.com/ghulamhu posted by a Sindhi Parkari Kolhi on his Facebook page, can tell ssain. a lot about the how they wish to act and be perceived by others. The imagined picture of Kolhi warrior, studded with several epithets glorifying Kolhi/Kolhi heroes, was liked by more than 50 Kolhis, Dalits and Sindhi primordialists. The ethnic slogan that glorified and identified Rooplo Kolhi, Mahatmma Bhuda, Tantiya Topi, and Valimiki as great Kolhis among several others read like:

jai koli samaj, jai veer mandhata, jai veer tanaji, jai veernari jhalkari bai, jai rooplo Kolhi, jai sadguru saint kabir, jai saint shree kanua baba, jai saint shree velnath, jai

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shakyakolimuni , jai valmiki, jai ved vyas, jai maharisi kashyap, jai mudiraja king kalabhra. (Koli Samaj, 2013) Hence, it can be evidenced from above representation of Kolhi heroes that all kinds of great people have also come forth from Kolhian roots. Kolhis have been revealed writers, revealed poets, saints, mystic-singers, prophets, as well as war-heroes.

Figure 27. Writing on the picture reads “ There are dozens of websites and Facebook pages launched by Koli Jignesh Thakor, Jay velnath bapu. Kolhis and Dalit organizations of Sindh that represent their actual Jay koli samaj.https://www.facebook.com/grou organizations throughout Sindh and Pakistan. For instance, Kolhi ps/256211667731947/ educated youth has formed ‗Kolhi Student Organization‘ (KSO) and remain active practically in community, and also virtually on its Facebook page. They have added themselves with other virtual Kolhi organizations of India, like Kolhi Samaj Sangathan Figure 28 Snippet of Kolhi Student Organization’s Facebook Page. Source: www.facebook.com (2013) (KSS) and Koli Pareevar. They have established social connections and networks with relevant people all around the world. In collaboration with local N.G.Os and social activists, they are raising their voices at all possible fora that intersect traditional, cultural, regional and national boundaries. Therefore, it is abundantly clear that where social media has led to homogenization of Kolhis, it has also led to their reintegration Kolhi identities through the diversification of Kolhi identity expression, formation and reconstruction through transnational social media.

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5.6 From Hidden Resistance to Open Activism

5.6.1 Historical background: Colonization of Indigenous People of South Asia

Kolhi peasant Activism has roots in the history of struggle of indigenous Dalit communities throughout South Asia against the colonizers. In recent years Dalit activists in India have also raised up their voice against the historical discriminatory treatment meted out to them Dalits as well as indigenous pre-Dravidian ‗Adivāsis‘ in India are often reported to be protesting against oppression by the superior sections of society, and demand jobs and land reforms. But, efforts at enfranchising indigenous people, in India and Nepal, have hardly succeeded in achieving their avowed goals, leading to frequent political unrests by organizations that attract the disenfranchised indigenous communities. (Ghurye, 1980)

Some of the prominent revolts that also involved, directly or indirectly, Dalit peasants and issues related to the right of indigenous communities of the subcontinent (Tribal Protests and Rebelions, 3013; Sharma, p. 32; A.R.Desai, 1979) were:

1. Great Kuki Invasion of 1860s 8. Santhal Revolt (1885–1886) 2. Gond rebellion, begun by Ramji Gond 9. Maria rebellion (1842–63) in Adilabad (1860) 10. Halba rebellion (1774–79) 3. Koi revolt (1859) 11. Bheel rebellion, begun by Tantya Tope 4. Bhopalpatnam Struggle (1795) in Banswara (1858) 5. Bheel rebellion (1822–1857) 12. First Freedom Struggle (1856–57) 6. Paralkot rebellion (1825) 13. Rani rebellion (1878–82) 7. Tarapur rebellion (1842–54) In Parkar, Rooplo Kolhi revolted against the Colonial forces during the war of independence in 1850-59, and his braveness is presented by Kolhis as a proof of their Kshatriya or warrior descent.

5.6.2 Barriers of borders, National Politics and Kolhi Migration Sodha and Thakur Rajputs of Sindh were politically, culturally and socially aligned to and Maharans of Gujarat and Rajasthan. Similarly, Parkari Kolhi Girasia chiefs also had social and political relationships with the Teelats of Gujarat. Before the British came in and also before Talpur rule, much of Tharparkar was under the Sodha Rajput authority that ruled from Umerkot. Sodhas of Umerkot were politically aligned to Jodhpure state of Rajashtan.

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Nangarparkar and some other areas of Tharparkar were under the authority of the ruler of Kutch. After British rule, the state of Kutch had permitted the British to detach Parkar from Bhuj (Kutch) to put under the Hyderabad electorate. Similar permit was also granted by the to the British to annex Umerkot to Thar and Parkar under Hyderabad Collectorate. (Goyal, 2013; Ibrahim, 2005; Ibrahim, 34, 2011; Islamic Voice, 2006; Hughes, 1876; Malkani, 1997; Raikes, 2009)

Hence, some parts of Tharparkar, particularly Nangarparkar and Mithi, historically had been part of Katchhh, a Sindhi Hindu state. Hence, the debate over the ownership of Tharparkar went on throughout the British rule which, after partition, culminated in the Rann of Katchhh war in 1965. 1965 war turned soft borders into hard ones hampering pastoral migration as well as free trade between centuries old traditional commercial markets of Gujarat, Sindh and Rajasthan. ―The weekly steamer service that connected Karachi with Bombay via Kachchh undertook its last voyage in 1965‖ (Ibrahim, 2005, p. 1625)

However, after settlement of disputes between Jodhpur state under Western Rajputana States Residency and the British Indian Empire after 1818, Umarkot (Tharparkar) was given, temporarily and only for strategic reasons, by Jodhphur to British to govern from Hyderabad Sindh, (Malkani, 1997; Miani, 2013; Kothari, Moving Words: Shifting Boundaries., 2013). Despite that Sodha Rajputs wielded considerable power and independence during , Talpur and Brisith rule and kept the allegiance with Rajputana continue (Goyal, 2013; Ibrahim, 2005; Ibrahim, 34, 2011; Islamic Voice, 2006) In 1858 the district of Thar and Parker was detached from Bhoj [Bhuj in Kutch, Gujarat] and placed under the Hyderabad Collectorate. Owing to the more regular system of administration, the Ranas of the desert lost some of the independence they earlier enjoyed, consequently they raised the Kolhis to revolt. (Rashid, 2013; Hughes, 1876; Raikes, 2009)

Although administrative boundaries shifted several times, throughout most of the years, Umerkot was the Talluka of the Thar and Parkar Political Superetendency. Mirpur was the seat of Deputy Collectorate and Hyderabad was the Collectorate. But in 1859 Mirpur was detached from Hyderabad and joined with Thar and Parkar Supretendency. (Hughes, 1876, p. 251) As the things stand, carved out political borders could not have blurred the shared identities of Hindu

210 and Dalit populations across borders, as before partition that region had not only remained the social and cultural unit but also a political one.

The Sodha Thakurs had fought long battles against the British for years to maintain their sovereignty over the territory which comprises Jodhpur, Barmer, Jaisalmer in India and Tharparkar and Umerkot in what later became Pakistan. It was perhaps the territorial contiguity and historical identity of the land and the people which kept the Jodhpur Maharaja from signing the instrument of accession with Indian Government soon after independence. Jodhpur joined the Indian union in 1948. (Islamic Voice, 2006) Apart from pastoral migration of Dalit communities across frontiers, Sodha Rajputs also used to migrate, establish strategic alliance, and amalgamate in kinship ties with the Rajas of Jodhpur and Kutch, as according to Hindu custom they cannot marry within the same sub-caste (gotra). Hence, they have always left one choice that is to marry from other sub-castes that reside in other regions adjacent region (Islamic Voice, 2006).

When under pressure from the authority of the Talpur Amirs who rule Sindh from their capital at Hyderabad in the north, the Rajput chiefs who controlled the south would often flee into Kachchh where the benefit of material ties with the ruling family assured them protection. During an earlier period these Rajputs had themselves moved into Kachchh from Sindh where they were known by the name Sama. (Ibrahim, Defining a Border:Harijan Migrants and the State in Kachch, 2005, p. 1624) During partition, most of the upper caste Hindus, that were anti-Congress, migrated to India, leaving behind Dalits (Kolhi, Bheel, and Meghwar) that supported and had the support of Congress. Hence, whatever little wealth the profiteering upper castes in Tharparkar, could have accumulated was taken to India. Very few that were left behind also remained entangled across border and did not take much interest in the welfare of local communities. The justice that prevailed in the British era vanished overnight. Police officers and Sodha Rajputs colluded to exploit Kolhi and Bheel communities. Those, such as Patel Mehri, which were imprisoned for the struggle of independence from the British, were jailed under false cases, under Safety Act. Before independence, Kolhi pastoralists were the virtual protectors of the rangelands and pastures. But after independence, Khosa tribe, Police and the Rangers, became the custodians and started cutting them for their own purposes. (Mal, 2000)

In 1950s, in Kasbo and Puran Rai villages of Parkar, vegetables would be cultivated through well-irrigation. Before partition, even English and government officials would purchase those vegetables according to the prevalent price-rate. But after partition, free and unpaid allocation and conveyance of such vegetables to Pakistani officials, Ranges, Sub-divisional

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Magistrates (Mukhtiarkar), became the forced norm. Extortion and forced looting increased to such an extent that Parkari horticulturalists had to migrate to Barrage area in lower Sindh. Parkar being close to border, poor Kolhi and Dalits would be alleged by the rangers and Khosa tribe of espionage and arrested to release in exchange of a he-goat, cock, bullock or a horse. Kolhi tribe of Parkar had only two options. Either to serve as unpaid laborers of Khosa and other powerful Hindus and Muslim castes, or to leave the Parkar. (Mal, 2000; Kolhi V. , Kolhi Politics, 2013; Kolhi V. , PCDP, 2013)

After partition Kolhi migration has been largely limited to Barrage area of lower Sindh, whereas, previously they used to migrate to Katchh and Rajasthan. Kolhi migration now became subject to specific rain and drought cycles of Sindh, and the politics of borders between India and Pakistan over issue of Sir Creek in Rann of Katchh.

Another factor that limited the migratory movement of Kolhi and other pastoral communities was the dissection in 1947, of geographically and culturally interlinked region of Katchh, Jodhpur, Tharparkar and lower Sindh. After partition the military vigilance across Pak- India borders hampered the pastoral migration and disturbed the social and tribal links among pastoral communities, particularly Kolhi and Maldharis (largely Muslim Sindhi tribes of Banni grasslands) (Friends of River Narmada, 2014; Dhaval, 2011; Geological Survey of India, 2014) of both newly established countries. ―Subsequent to the colonisation of Sindh by the British, the ‗problem‘ of Thar and Parkar remained. Situated as this area was, on the border between aKchchh and Sindh, somewhat on the periphery of the central authority in Sindh, under a deployment of British forces from Kachchh and Marwar, its politica and terrritorial allegiances were somewhat ambiguously defined..‖ (Ibrahim, 2005, p. 1624)

After partition, migration pattern shifted from Katchh in India to Barrage areas in Sindh. Cyclical Kohi migration to Katchhh and Banni grasslands decreased as the droughts virtually eliminated the Banni grasslands. Desertification of Banni grasslands (Thacker, 2002; Dhaval, 2011) and subsequent building of barrages in Sindh changed the migration pattern of Kolhi. A decade after the opening up of Kotri barrage in 1955 was followed by another wave of migration. For Tharis and Kolhi economic miseries wrought about by drought in Thar was somewhat compensated by increasing wage-labour and sharecropping in Barrage areas as the entry into already occupied irrigated region to settle temporarily for cattle fodder, was largely conditioned

212 by sharecropping contracts and contractual wage-labor. Although barrages were the major human-induced ecological factor that turned Parkari Kolhi from their essentially Guajarati and Katchhi identity into a newly reconstructed Sindhi Parkari, demarcation of borders between nation-states was the major political factor that redefined Kolhi migration and reconstructed Kolhi identity.

5.6.3 Kolhi Politics after Partition Kolhi politics in the beginning was the politics of accommodation. Mohan Lal Kolhi is the earliest known so called Kolhi politician that served merely as a puppet representative of Kolhi community of Tharparkar and Sindh. Mohan Lal, according to another Kolhi politician Paru Mal, was a selfish being who fulfilled vested interests in the name of the leader of Kolhi community. Mohan was an illiterate fellow and himself would be used by Meer Muhammad Jenejo, a PPP leader for his selfish ends. Mohan Lal was so simple that for getting registered Kolhi Association, his 80 acres of land was sold out by Meer Muhammad. (Mal, 2000, p. 50)

5.6.3.1 Formation of ‘All Sindh Kolhi Association’ After several abortive meetings and gatherings of sensible Kolhis at various places in Sindh, and despite the protest and agitations of Mohan Lal Kolhi, All Sindh Kolhi Association‘ was registered in 1974 under Societies Act 1960 at the meeting held at Naon Dumbālo, and Bhagwandas Rathore was made the first president of it. Formation of Kolhi Association served as the great communal booster for Kolhis and improved their general social status in Sindhi society. Those were the days when Kolhis were jelled together. Social problems of Kolhis somewhat lessened and trend towards getting education increased. In local body‘s elections, some Kolhi candidates also got elected as Chairmen. Kolhi Association served its purpose well and made Kolhis politically aware of their communal and political existence.

5.6.3.2 Role of Sindhi Marxists and Sindhi social activists in Kolhi emancipation Major external and outside community support that Parkari Kolhis received throughout past century came from the liberal Sufi Comrades of Sindh. The role of socialist Sufic comrades, social workers and humanists has been instrumental in the boosting of confidence of depressed Dalit communities. The most prominent social activists in 1960-90 have been Comrade Ghulam Muhammad Laghari, Comerade Mir Ali Baksh Talpur, Miskeen Jahan Khan Khoso, Fazul Rahu, Haji Usman Marree, and Haji Ibrahim of . It was the struggle of these early Marxists,

213 socialists and social activists that Ayub Khan in 1958, and Zulfiqar Bhutto in 1070s brought about land reforms and landless peasants including some Kolhi families were allotted sixteen acres of land per family. (Mal, 2000, pp. 147-61). Haji Ibrahim played major role in making Kunri area the hub of commercial activity and the prosperous haven for Dalit and other poor communities of Tharparkar and lower Sindh in 1940s. Englishmen opened up a cotton factory and built railway tracks there which led to the migration of Punjabi, Sindhi and Dalit population from all over Pakistan and Tharpparkar to Umerkot region which lies at the intersection of Thar Desert and Barrage area. Before and after partition, Haji Ibrahim played major role in the provision of civic amenities to the common people of Kunri. He got Kunri‘s status raised to town in British era before partition, and continued his vigilant practices for the welfare of common people even after partition in recognition of which Field Marshal Ayub Khan awarded him with a souvenir. (Mal, 2000, pp. 161-62) The first ever permanent Parakari Kolhi village in Barrage area at Mirpurkhas was established by Paru Mal with the support of Comrade Ghulam Muhammaed Laghari, and Mir Muhammad Talpur, in late 1970s on the land left by Hindu families of Manohar Lal and Gogar Bai that migrated to India after 1971 Indo-Pak War (Mal, 2000, p. 153). Mir Muhammad Talpur, despite belonging to the feudal class was antifedual in political field. He was the one that helped refine Zulfiqar Bhutto to refine his socialist agenda of ‗, Kapra aur Makan (Meal, Clothes and House) for everyone. Mir Muhammaed Talpur, together with Miskeen Jahan Khan Khoso would visit to Nangarparkar to tend to Parkari Kolhis. Both Comrades were political friends of Parkari Kolhi leaders Alam Chand and Chitir Bhuj Kolhi. Mir Muhammad Talpur was betrayed by Bhutto when Bhutto did not brought about substantial land reforms and for being vociferous for peasant rights, was subsequently tortured to death by Bhutto. Miskeen Jahan Kahan Khoso was Jamaedar in .He was the one who freed drought stricken Parkari Kolhis from the clutches of corrupt police of Mithi town, when they came there after being forced by drought at Nangarparkar in 1939. The police had implicated poor and hungry Kolhi in false case to extort some money. Miskeen, himself was also implicated in several false cases by landlords and feudals throughout his lifetime, but that could not weaken his resolve. For his selfless struggle, poor peasants and pastoralists of Thar and Parkar gave him the title of ‗Thar jo Gandhi‘ (Gandhi of Thar). In recognition of his social work, of America honored him with ‗Gold Record of Achievement Award‘ after 15 years of his death (Mal, 2000, p. 157).

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Fazul Rahu was the leading peasant leader of 1980s in lower Sindh. He formed Awami Hari Tehreek (People‘s Peasant Movement) taking inspiration from Maoism that did not discriminate between castes and ethnic communities and advocated equal economic, social and political rights and opportunities for all, particularly for landless peasants of Sindh. Parkari Kolhis were also alighned to Fazul Rahu and pinned hopes of emancipation in Fazul Rahu‘s socialist peasant movement. (Mal, 2000, p. 169) A Baloch tribal chief of lower Sindh Haji Usman Marri was most philanthropist of all local well off Thari chiefs or landlords. He was the friend of the poor and would help poor Dalits in times of need, both in cash and in kind. He was also the most judicious of chiefs. Paru Mal narrates in his book an event of the Kolhi women being kidnapped by Marri Baloch tribe under the pretext of Muslim conversion. Kolhi community complained about it to Haji Usman who compelled the kidnappers to either return back Kolhi women or give in return another Marri woman in exchange. Seeing no way out, Marri kidnappers released the Kolhi women and also begged symbolic forgiveness from Haji Usman and Kolhi community. (Mal, 2000, pp. 160-61).

5.6.3.3 General Elections 1985 Paru Mal writes about the Kolhi politics during 1985 elections that, ‗in the history of Kolhi community only two events can be written, one that of 1859 when Rooplo won the battle against the British, and another when in 1985, when two Kolhis got elected as members of provincial and national assembly. On the provincial assembly seat Teekam Das Makwana got elected, and on national assembly Paru Mal Parmar got elected. Both the members did their best to provide relief to the people of Tharparkar, particularly, Nangarpark. They opened up several schools, community centers, health care centers, built water tanks, provided electricity to villages and jobs to teachers, distributed millions of among the orphan and the poor, during severe drought of 1986 exerted the government and got special grant released for Tharparkar. Kolhi members virtually did whatever they could for their people. (Mal, 2000, pp. 54,55) Their elections is the proof of working democracy when members get elected from below and from within the lower classes.

5.6.3.4 Causes of Schisms within Kolhi community in 1990s Kolhis often Parkar and Sindh remained united till they had nothing to rely on in times of help and crises. After the establishment of Kolhi association and winning seats in 1985 general elections, they had considerably come out of the fear of external threats from other non-Dalit

215 communities. For the first time, Kolhis received huge relief package in the aftermath of 1986 drought.

In Tharparkar, political parties and leaders tend to play the politics over droughts. While non- Dalit feudal politicians were mum about the drought situation in Thar, Kolhis MNA, Paru Mal, alone had to lobby to get declared emergency situation in Tharparkar by the government. Drought-struck Thari families were provided with wheat, pulses, Dalda vanaspati, and some amount in cash. Kolhis and Parkaris were particularly prioritized to the extent that they even starting selling Dalda vanaspati in the market. That generous material assistance provided by the government made realized Tharparkari people, and particularly, Tharis the importance of elections, democratic process, and what it can offer to them. It also made realize the feudal politicians of the Tharparkar that what the bottom-up leadership can do to their vested interests, if they did not set up a Trojan horse within Dalit-Kolhi leadership. By the time, the next elections came in 1989 and 1990, selfishness, greed, opportunism and conspiracy had entangled the minds of newly literate and emerging Kolhi leadership, and plans had been well set by the dominant feudal politicians of Tharparkar. (Mal, 2000, pp. 56,57).

The inter-tribal politics gave way to intra-tribal and intra-village politics. Most of the conflicts emerged on petty issues as, for example, Kinship neighbors (Paras) within village started contesting over the installation of schemes in their neighborhood, and for prioritizing over other sub-tribes and sub-castes in jobs and funds. Such intra-tribal and intra-village tensions again provided opportunity for opportunistic Sodha-Thakurs and Muslim feudal politicians to increase rifts among non-Dalits, particularly in Kolhi community. Feudal politicians made their bonded Kolhi share-tenants fill nomination forms in 1989-90 that resulted in further rifts within Kolhi community, to the extent that kinship ties of maternal and paternal families got broken down and the whole social-communal unison got disorganized. (Mal, 2000, p. 57)

Whereas internal leadership at regional and provincial level could not have emerged among Katchhhi Kolhi, Parkari Kolhi have evolved some young leaders to represent them on multiple fora.

Unlike Katchhi Kolhi, there are independent voices within Parkari Kolhi community. Some associate themselves more with Nangarparkar, others to Barrage areas, while some others are doing politics as the members of marginalized communities of Tharparkar.

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5.7 Contesting Elections: Internal tensions and divisions within Kolhi community

5.7.1 Power Relations and Politics of Identity within Kolhi Community Although Kolhi peasant activists being leaders of the community are at the top of political hierarchy within Kolhi community, power relations are not centralized into a single person. Kolhi leaders and leadership roles within community are fluid and shifting. Versi Kolhi, for example, largely deals largely inter-communal and external issues, Kanji Kolhis is the Patel (traditional head) to deal issues specifically related to Versi Kolhi Colony and Kapri Mori. Each Kolhi Paara has its own Patel to look after their internal and external affairs. Pehlaaj Kolhi deals with issues related to development sector. Khaimpal a student activists deals with issues related to students and the youth. Thus there are several minor leaders and activists at each level that take decisions independently as well as collectively through cooperation, dialogue and mutual collaboration. Kolhi activists interact within Kolhi community largely on horizontal lines. Their social and economic status is very similar to each other. Mutual consultations and the practice of within-community dialogues make Kolhi peasant community highly egalitarian.

At macro-political level, one good thing about Kolhi activists is that, none of them is a big landlord, not to mention of a feudal lord. Their Peasantivist and economically lower poor class background can facilitate as the binding force for them. Although Kolhi Peasant activists are aware of the fact that they and their community are in a transitional stage, and that, they have yet a long way to go, this horizontal level playing field is yet to be perceived at macro- political and regional level by the Kolhi peasant activists if they wish to bring about major sociopolitical change in their community.

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Table 8. Some notable Parkari Kolhi leaders and their political political standing.Source: Author (2014)

Election Contesting by Parkari Kolhis in Various Elections Name of Kolhi Political Description Candidate 1 Alam Chand Contested in Local Bodies Elections in1963 and became Chairman 2 Saroop Chand Contested in Local Bodies Elections in 1963 became Counsellor 3 Chitirbhaj Kajaram Contested in Local Bodies Elections in 1963 and became a counsellor 4 Khatoo Mal Contested couple of times from Tharparkar on provincial and National Assembly seats

5 Vero/ Veeru Kolhi Contested in 2013 General Elections as an independent candidate (women) from Hyderabad 6 Versi Contested as an independent Candidate from PS-Matli 55 for provincial assembly seat 7 Bhooro Mal Contested several times from PS-62 Nangarparkar, also contested in B.D elections 8 Paru Mal Paru Mal became MNA after winning on national assembly seat from Tharparkar in 1985 9 Mohan Lal Mohan Lal Kolhi contested in 1980s on the PPP ticket 10 Teekam Das Teekam Das Kolhi became MPA after winning elections in 1985 11 Veerji Kolhi Formed a Parkar Sujaag Itehaad (Panel) in 2013 to contest in Local Government Election 2014 from Nangarparkar 12 Ram Kolhi Contested Election from Badin

Since 1963 several Kolhi candidates have contested general and local government elections. Their election results show that at national and provincial level Kolhi community, except on few occasions, have been disorganized and divided throughout much of its history. Despite individual Kolhi leaders‘ ‗clear stand against dominant feudal politicians, they allege each other and are alleged their opponents as a stooges, implanted in the body politic of Tharparkar by feudal

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Arbabs, PPPP leadership or by Shah Mahmud Qureshi‘s (PTI). They allege each other of disorienting the Parkari Kolhi voters. Yet, some extraneous factors like Islamist extremism may jell them together in coming years to form the ‗Party of Disenfranchised People‘ (PDP), that may defend the cause, not only of Kolhis but all the Dalit communities, ethnic and religious minorities.

Kolhi voting behavior, concentration of population in Badin and Tharparkar also shows their potential strength that if they voted unitedly to a single candidate from Nangarparkar or from Badin/Matli, they could either get their own candidates successfully elected, or make useful political bargains with other parties and ethnic groups. But, as the things stand in current political scenario, existing Kolhi leadership is not on the same page and there is a lot internal mistrust and misunderstandings exist between independent Kolhi candidates.

Like all social groups, there are independent voices within Parkari Kolhi community. Some associate themselves more with Nangarparkar, others to Barrage areas, while some others are doing politics as the members of marginalized communities of Tharparkar. Veerji Kolhi, Verru Kolhi, Versi Kolhi and Hemoon Kolhi are some of the emerging Parkari Kolhi politicians; some others like Bhooro Mal Kolhi have kept dabbling in politics in almost all major elections during two past decades.

Bhooro Mal Bhooro Mal, aged 60 and above, is a Kolhi lawyer of High Court and president of Bar Council Mithi. He lives in Islamkot and is currently the most experienced Parkari Kolhi politician. He is politically follower of Dr. Ambedkar and strongly believes in Ambedkarim. He not only contests in elections but he is also the writer of two books, the latest one is ‗Pracheen Lok‘ on the ancient history and culture of Dalits. In that book he gives an outline of how Dalits in Pakistan can be orgranised politically to struggle for Dalit‘s rights. In another booklet published in 2002, he has put forward a detailed regional development plan for Tharparkar in which he suggests the Figure 29. Bhooro Mal Kolhi. establishement of ‗Parkar Valley Development Authority‘ (Kolhi B. Source: Sindhi Language Authority (2014) M., 2002). Bhooro Mal visions and divides Tharparkar not in terms of an administrative units but as the eco-geographical regions traditionaliy divisible into 11 sub-regions, namely Parkar, Vatt, Samroti, Vango, Vicholo Thar, Dhaat,

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Kantrho, Mehrano, Naro, Achro Tharr, Khawaar, Kantho. . He views droughts, water scarcity and migration as the major problems of Thar and suggests, keeping in mind the sub regional ecological and climatic limits of sub-regions of Tharpakrar, construction of small dams, coal- mining, digging of Marvi and Renni canals as the permanent solutions to chronic problems of Thar and Parkar. (Kolhi B. M., 2002)

Bhooro Mal has been an assistant editor of weekly ―Sachai‖. He, together with Paru Mal celebrated the first Rooplo Kolhi anniversary at Nabi Sar, Mirupurkhas. In 1973 he arranged for the education of several poor children from the platform of All Sindhi Kolhi Association. He wrote a treatise on ―How Thar and Parkar can be developed‖ that was subsequently published in daily Ibrat. He contested in B.D elections from Islamkot, Tharparkar, and also from PS-62 Nangarparkar. (Sindhi Language Authority, 2014)

Bhooro Kolhi, being the most senior politician and social worker amongst Kolhis can still play the central role in strengthening and organizing Parkaris and Kolhis on a single platform. Bhooro Mal has written on how Tharparkar can be developed from the macro-national perspective putting the burden of initiative on the government and its institutions. Yet Bhooro can still devise and should devise the plan for the development of Kolhi community and Parkar by putting the burden of initiative on the community itself and on himself.

Veeru Kolhi Veeru Kolhin is probably the first Kolhi woman leader, formerly a victim of bonded labor, who contested independently in general election in May 2013 and secured some 400 votes (Mansoor, 2013). Although Veeru lost and secured very few votes, it had great symbolic success for women from Dalit background. Despite prevalent gender-bias and the dominance of feudal politicians, she stood and fought with the some moral and social support from civil society organizations. Veeru Kohli is one of the 1,500 women's leaders worldwide who have been supported by several NGOs, particularly the Aurat Foundation and Oxfam. These organizations train women leaders and arrange international visits for them to boost up their morale.

Veerji Kolhi Whereas internal leadership at regional and provincial level could not have emerged among Katchhi Kolhis,

Figure 30.Kolhi children at Versi Kolhi Colony paying standing ovation to Veerji Kolhi by showing rose-petals over him. Source: Veerji Kolhi (2013) 220

Parkari Kolhis, on the other hand, have evolved some young leaders to represent them on multiple fora.

Veerji Kolhi, aged 36, is a son of a former bonded peasant, is a High Court lawyer by profession. He is the multidimensional personality and, is probably the most dynamic Kolhi leader holding membership of several local, national and international organizations. Veerji Kolhi has played instrumental role in freeing several bonded laborers through filing cases against landlords and by providing legal assistance as a lawyer to bonded peasants. He has lots of social and political connections with various organizations, associations and NGOs. Veerji is the senior member of HRCP, and has been the president of ‗Progressive Hindu Alliance. He is the member of transnational organization ‗Unity for Equality‘. He also enjoys the support of several local social forums such as ‗Progressive Youth Forum‘ the forum that previous election mobilized and educated Parkaris and Tharis about politics, democracy and the value of voting the local peasant leaders. Veerji is got leadership training at Mehergarh Institute, Islamabad, and later started training youth there. He increased political awareness among Kolhis and prepared Pehlaaj, Versi and Khaimpal to play well informed progressive leadership role for Kolhis and Dalits.

Veerji has several times represented Dalits and Pakistani minorities in international conferences and seminars in other countries and on TV talk shows. Veerji usually remains active on social media, and frequently participates in strikes, rallies and protests related to the issues of peasants, bonded labor, Kolhis, Dalits and the Pakistani minorities, wherever these occur in Pakistan. He is the activist writer and also maintains personal blog on the internet. He is also running an advocacy-based NGO, DAMAN, and in recent drought at Tharparkar, he generated medicinal and material funds with the help of ‗Facebook‘ friends, and helped launched along with Ahmed Soomro and Dr. Barkat Noonari, ‗Sindh Facebook Friends‘ Medical Camp‘ at the villages of Nangarparkar.

Figure 31: Pamphlet for Local He is the trained leader and is now himself serving as the leadership Government Election of the Parakar Sujaag Panel' of Versi trainer at Mehergarh Institute Islamabad. Although he has Kolhi. Source: Veerji Kolhi (2013) participated in and arranged several political gatherings and processions at Nangarparkar, Naon Dumbālo and also at Hyderabad, but his active participation in mainstream politics is the recent one. He has formed a political panel ‗Parkaar Sujaag Itehaad‘

221 at Nangarparkar to contest in upcoming local government elections under the agenda of regional upliftment of indigenous Parkaris. The headline of the pamphlet issued by ‗Parkar Sujaag Panel‘ reads, ―Parkar is not the Jageer (feudal state) of anybody‖, and his first agenda reads, ―To evacuate Non-locals (non-Parkaris) from Parkar‖. Hence, one can easily infer what Veerji means from it. He wants eradicate feudalism, landlordism, debt bondage and feudal politics. And he believes that Parkaris (particularly Dalits and Kolhis of Parkar that constitute majority ethnic group) are the real indigenous inheritors of the land of Parkar. He certainly does not mean that other Sindhi castes should leave Parkar, but his demand is tactical in that he wants that, being remained marginalized for centuries, Dalits and particularly Kolhis be prioritized to develop.

Haemoon, Versi and Veerji: Politics of internal contestation and collaboration Haemoon Kolhi is the resident of village Paaru Dharo, which is 25 km in the west of Nangarparkar town. He is the young man in his early 30s having done LLB in 2007. In general elections held in May, 2013, Hemoon grabbed 4815 votes as an independent candidate from NA- 230 Tharparkar. He was the third highest vote-grabber out of 12 candidates that contested on general seats. (Election in Pakistan, 2014) Versi on the other hand contested from Barrage area of PS-55 Badin and grabbed 1396 votes, mostly of his own Parkari Kolhi community. Out of 21 candidates, Versi was 4th in position in terms of votes secured (, 2014) . Like Versi Kolhi, Hemoon also has some support from civil society organizations like Progressive Youth Forum (PYF) that held sessions to educate Tharis about political process and voting (Editorial Board (PYF), 2014).

Hemoon Kolhis has been quoted while giving forth his political views thus:

Two prominent political forces [PPP and Arbab Rahim] have been acting here since last 67 years. Having the basic feudalistic setup, the party‘s prominent figures are adding fuel to fire by supporting the same cruel system. The less-powerful feudals get party tickets from them and become part of their party, and later through their corrupt and cruel system, they rule people in the most unjustified way. ..I believe in common citizen politics and want laymen to be part of active politics of the country. I want to make Tharparker a land of progressive society where there is no injustice on the basis of cast, creed or religion. (Editorial Board (PYF), 2014). Despite Hemoon‘s clear stand against feudal Arbabs, he is alleged by some of his own Kolhi leaders as a puppet leader, a Trojan horse implanted in the body politic of Tharparkar by the feudal Arbabs to offset the impact of Shah Mahmud Qureshi (PTI), and to disorient the Parkari Kolhi voters (Kolhi V. , Kolhi Politics, 2013; Kolhi V. , PCDP, 2013). But there are also those

222 that support Haeman/ Hemoon Kolhi. The son of Bhooro Mal, another Kolhi politician, expressed his political views about Haeman and Kolhi politics thus:

I am son of Mr. Bhooro Mal Kolhi who was a candidate from PS-62 in election so my vote will be with my father. Although among the above said persons you mentioned my vote will be with Haman [Hemoon] Kolhi as [other notable candidate are] not considered sincere by our community… [Some Kolhi leaders] will never tell the success of any other Kolhi [leader] as [they] just want [their] own name. (Kolhi C. K., 2014) Whatever may be the political credentials of Hemoon Kolhi, his political agenda is anti-feudal in which, and at least apparently he condemns the prevailing feudal system. Hemoon was also helped, like Versi and Veerji, in his political campaign by civil society activists, particularly by Progressive Youth Forum (PYF) some of whose members are also affiliated with Awami Party Pakistan, peasant NGO Bhandar Sangat and with Mehrgarh Institute Islamabad from where Versi, Veerji and Pehlaj Kolhi have also got leadership trainings.

Versi Kolhi, Election, Ethnicity and the issue of Marxist Candidacy Ethnic Kolhi peasant at Naon Dumbālo, asserted itself, for the first time during 2008 general elections when they chosed to vote against the will of the landlord..Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo politically fall in provincial electoral area of PS-55 Matli in District Badin, the area from where Versi Kolhi contested elections. The statistics about the registered voters and Versi Kolhi‘s relative position in general elections is given below in table. 14. Versi Kolhi, with the support of Parkari Kolhis of New Dumbālo secured 1396 votes, and ranked 4th amongst the 21 candidates. It is being interpreted by Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo as their symbolic success, as previously they had not dared even to contest independently against well-established feudal politicians Figure 32.Election campaign pamphlet of Versi Kolhi, for general elections, 2013 for of the area. The results could have been more favorable for PS-55 Matli. Source: Veerji Kolhi Parkaris as still thousands of Parkari Kolhis and Dalit voters are not registered in the region, despite the fact that they have been living there since several decades as landless peasants.

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Table 9: PS-55 Badin-cum-T.M.Khan (Old Badin). Voting Statistics (General Elections, 2013): Source: Election Commission of Pakistan

Voting Statistics of Constituency Registered Votes 137487 Votes Polled 80945 Valid Votes 77086 Rejected Votes 4070 Percentage of Votes Polled to Registered Voters 59%

Out of the total 21 candidates, Kolhi was the only Dalit candidate who contested on provincial seat. He tried to form alliance with another self-styled Bhil candidate from (Tando Ghulam Ali) Badin for National Assembly seat, but it did not work well because Bheel candidate had not worked in his Bheel community. Although few Muslims, and some local Bhil and Meghwar families also votes for Versi in election, and expressed good will towards him, by and large, he got those 1396 solely on the dint of ethnic support by his own Kolhi community. Veerji Kolhi, however, assisted Versi in his campaign by printing pamphlets for him. The rest was done by Versi and the Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo. Versi had no money support his political campaign, neither anyone from outside, even outside peasant activists, encouraged him to contest indecently.

The political consciousness to contest in elections was infused in Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo by Awami Party. Awami party leadership, Comrade Ramzan Memon and Taj Marri‘s five to six year‘s socio-political engagement with Kolhi of Naon Dumbālo not only encouraged them to defy the landlord‘s political will, but, during elections in 2013, it also suggested Versi Kolhi and his community by directly offering them to contest in general elections from the platform of Awami Party. (Marri, 2013)

Awami Party succeeded in convincing Versi and others and they in fact agreed to be AP candidates. Versi himself also told that he was willing to contest as an AWP candidate, but his Kolhi community of Naon Dumbālo did not find it in their best interest. Versi told that AWP has not worked much within our community, and that Kolhis do not know much about their programs. Versi expressed his desire to contest the platform of a visionary political party thus:

―Yes…it is better to have a party and a program. Ours was the program for our community and for our area. Most of the politicians here are feudal. But Awami Party is not. Their team consisting of Shaheena Ramzan, and Taj Maree did come to us to contest

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on their party ticket. But they came late, neither had they come back. If they had worked a bit more together with us within our area, and within Kolhi community, then there may be the chances of contesting as an Awami Party candidate‖ (Kolhi V. , Kolhi Election, 2013) Taj Marri also confessed, although reluctantly, that they did not had sufficient dialogue with the Kolhi leaders of Naon Dumbālo, and were rather focused on other electorates where their party was contesting election. Marri also put blame of their failure to win Kolhi community candidate, on internal schism within Awami Party and Awami Workers Party.

The issue is that Versi, Netraj and Pehlaaj are politically aware and understand the imporatance of political parties. But their peasant community on which they rely they are still viewing politics ethnically and came under its pressure. Therefore they should not be blamed for not cooperating with us. Yet we have still to work with them. From my political party standing, I should tell that we formed a united Awami Workers Party, by merging our Awmi Party with Labor and Workers Party. That did not proved fruitful for our Awami Party faction, as our opinion remained marginalized. Our opinion was to organize the local leaders from within communities and that was opposed by the AWP leadership. So, due to internal weak position, when Kolhi leadership informed us about their decision to contest independently, we did not urge much on Kolhis. Our focus was then directed on the electorate of Shahpur Chakar, where we had launched a massive campaign, but got only 800-1000 votes from there…but if, even me, in my personal capacity, would gone to Versi and their community, they would never have declined me. But I could not do so...the mistake that I should confess (Marri, 2013) Whereas, on the other hand, Awami Worker‘s Party leader Bakhsha Thalho seems to be out rightly rejecting the ethnic communal reality of Pakistani society. For him peasants cannot be the forerunners of socialist revolutions as they wield some means of production in the form of the pair of bullocks, a hoe, a scythe etc. So both ideologically and ideally to bring about socialist revolution Marxists are focusing on urban-based industrial workers that do not possess any means of production.

Moreover, he believed that ethnicities based on races, castes, and tribes are not much important socialistically, and will sooner or later vanish away by itself, so it is futile to assist or encourage any ethnic or tribal community or to erect socialist politics on their model. Comerade Bakhshal was against paid activism that Taj Marri and other Awami Party leaders did not consider much anti-socialist. The Awami Party leadership‘s close liaison with most of advocacy-based NGOs and such reformist civil society organizations is considered antithetical to the socialist-Marxist notions. According to Bakhshal Thalho, a comrade should avoid and discourage identity politics. For him tribal and ethnic identities are pseudo-identities. (Thalho & Laghari, 2013) If viewed

225 from rural Sindh‘s Peasantivist perspective, this seems to be an extreme kind of Marxist idealism that AWP seems to believe in, in which peasants and ethnic communities are reduced to epiphenomenal socio-economic vestigial entities. From the above description one fact is quite evident that Marxist friends do not have penetrated enough inside the communal structure of Kolhis or in any other Dalit community. By not taking their ethnic-communal reality seriously, Marxists in fact negate it, the fact that even contradicts with their dialectical ‗praxis‘ model that asserts to remain continuously engaged with people at their ethnic and cultural level. Without deconstructing and decoding Kolhi or Dalit communal structure, how come Marxists may propose socialist thesis, is the problematique that Marxists have yet to resolve.

Versi Kolhi, however, did contest, on communal lines. Marxists did not accept their ethnic- communal orientation of politics and avoided to collaborate with them on the basis of logic that it would lead to further fragmentation, marginalization and would encourage imperialism. But, if they had worked with Kolhis would have started off from where Kolhi ethnic community wished to participate in larger politics, it would have gradually have educated Kolhis on leftist, if not socialist or Marxist lines. Their total negation of ethnic reality of politics, as in case of Kolhi community, seems to have made Kolhis further ethnically conscious of their Kolhian and Dalits reality. Their political isolation will not make them less ethnic but more as they are gradually getting conscious of their political, social, religious, cultural and economic identities, as the community trapped in debt bondage, landlessness, and as the community historically oppressed and discriminated.

By contesting elections independently, Versi Kolhi, however, proved that at least Kolhis and Dalits of Naon Dumbālo are with him. If he had been the candidate of some other well organized and resourceful party his votes may have well surpassed the highest votes secured (51037) by the feudal politician of the area. Versi is optimistic that with the votes of 30 percent voting population of Matli (which, Versi believe, is Dalit ethnically) and poverty struck lower caste landless Muslim peasants, Ahmadi and Christian minority vote, and with the social and political support leftist peasant activists and Sindhi nationalists, there could be created the possibility of winning elections.

Although both Versi Kolhi and Veeru Kolhi lost in elections, yet it clearly signified the symbolic, social and political change and the ever increasing level of awareness among the underprivileged and marginalized.

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In the past, Kolhis peasants, usually would find it useful for their community to negotiate their votes to seek collective monetary (in cash) benefits for the community, and would avoid confronting with feudal politicians. Versi Kolhi was approached by local landlords this time too, and was offered few lakhs of rupees in cash, but this time Versi Kolhi declined perks and opted rather to contest. Although previously Kolhis have kept contesting independently from Tharparkar where they are in majority, and where they not directly dependent on landlords, in case of Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo it was a revolutionary trend setting step to contest elections as it had been assumed inconceivable that landless Dalit community, particularly Kolhi candidate could ever contest independently against feudal politicians and that also against the will of their immediate landlords. Their act of contesting election independently symbolizes the shift towards egalitarian reformation in the culture and society of lower rural Sindh. Yet it is also indicative of the increasing ethno-political awareness among Kolhis, in particular and Dalits, in general.

5.7.2 Causal Factors that led Kolhis of Dumbālo to Peasant Activism Why certain relations of power between Kolhi sharecroppers and landlords exist at Dumbālo? What factors have led to the imbalance of power relations? To seek answers to these queries, several factors came up that could be represented sequentially to answer, partially some of the above queries.

Tribal peasants in South Asia that have been dependent on rain-fed agriculture tend to migrate mainly due to drought-prone conditions to river-irrigated areas where they reach as penniless wanderers creating need for taking loans from landlords (Srivastava, 2005, pp. 10,11). Seasonal and cyclical chronic climatic drought at Nangarparkar is the main ecological factor which forces Parkari communities to migrate to irrigated barrage areas like that of Naon Dumbālo and Chambar. It begets problems of food insecurity, disappearance of green pastures for cattle grazing, lack of potable water and desertification of fertile land. Ecological and climatic pressure forced the mass migration of Parkari Kolhi community to the irrigated plains of interior Sindh. Migration to barrage areas led to the establishment of temporary settlements over the landlord‘s land leading to landlessness.

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Figure 33. Female Kolhi women in the sugarcane field doing Serri and wage labour on nominal rates. Source: Author (2013) Landlessness or the lack of landed property to construct one‘s own permanent home in the barrage area is the main problem, the cause that leaves them virtually at the mercy of accommodating landlords. Landlessness coupled with Kolhi‘s low caste minority social status led to social segregation and threat of land-snatching making lower caste Kolhi sharecroppers vulnerable the landlords. Land-snatching by the landlord is the major concern of Kolhi sharecroppers, the nightmare for them. The fear of land-snatching keeps them under constant psychological insecurity. Landlord exploits peasants‘ such vulnerable condition and extracts from them extra labor without pay (Serri and Begar). Landlords exploit Kolhi sharecropper‘s vulnerable position and allot them uneconomic land tracts so that tenants could be further exploited and trapped into debt bondage. Debt Bondage converts peasant families into slaves of the landlords. The uneconomic land-allotment by the landlords and Serri and Begar (unpaid labor) sucks away their energies and consumes their extra time that they could, otherwise, invest in alternative income-generating pursuits.

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chronic Kolhi- Unecono cyclical Social Peasant landlessness mic land drought at Migration Bondage Activism holdings Debt Nangar to canal and , Serri & Out side Temporary Bondage Parkar irrigated Begaar support barrage settlments land-snatching and social areas over the awareness landlord's land

Figure 34: Causal process and major factors that led Kolhis to shift identities and to peasant activism. Source: Author (2013) Uneconomic land-allotment is believed to be increasing day by day; also due to the fact that population of landlord families has increased over the years, leading to the uneconomic division of agricultural land tracts. But, that fact does not preclude the deliberate attempt by landlords to allot economically inefficient land units so that Kolhi peasants could not be able to economically sustain themselves, and, could be enslaved through loan-giving. Sharecroppers, unable to fulfill their economic needs from the share of the produce, feel compelled to take loans from their landlords. Landlords are always willing to loan them on the basis of self-defined and self-imposed conditions. Credit books of Kolhi sharecroppers are maintained by landlords at their will, and thus, sharecroppers are controlled and exploited by their landlords, through debt bondage. Bonded peasants, then, serve like virtual slaves for years and sometimes for several generations.

Hence, a Kolhi tenant is caught in a vicious circle of debt bondage. Some powerful landlords used to turn Kolhi settlements into private jails and put restrictions on the movement of dissenting Kolhi peasant families (Solangi, 2013; Bhandaar Sangat, 2013; Kolhi V. , 2013; Kolhi V. , Kolhi Politics, 2013). Such an extreme kind of suppressive and oppressive practice is, however, vanishing quickly due to Kolhi peasant activism, and only one such event could be evidenced in the surrounding area of Naon Dumbālo.

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5.7.3 Establishment of Permanent Kolhi Colonies Versi Kolhi Colony is a community-initiated self-funded registered village established by landless Kolhi peasants to get rid of landlessness and social bondage. Establishment of Versi Kolhi Colony and other Kolhi colonies came to happen as a reaction against the political exploitation by the landlords. Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo, being landless used to live on the land provided by their respective landlords where they have formed small clustered settlements called as ‗Paaro’ (Neighborhood). Increasing political awareness and voting against the landlord‘s will, infuriated landlords to revoke sharecropping agreements and order the evacuation of settlements. Such triggering events helped Parkari Kolhis further organize, and to decide to look for permanent solution to their landlessness.

Hence, they decided to purchase land by selling women‘s jewelry and domestic animals such as goats and buffaloes, both sources usually owned by Kolhi women. They pooled their resource and purchased the nearby wasteland to establish their own colony. Versi Kolhi Colony is now serving as a model village in barrage-area for all Kolhis, Bheels and other landless peasants to get rid of social bondage, landlessness and landlordism.

Former locations of the residents of Versi Kolhi Colony, the places, villages, settlements and towns

People flock to cities to flee the poverty of villages, but Parkari Kolhis are beginning to establish model villages for their people where Kolhis from other cities and towns migrate to live an ideal communal life.

Table 10 Demographic Peculiarities of Parkari Kolhis o New Dumbālo. Source; Author (2013)

Demographic composition of Parkari Kolhis of Karachi Paaro, Nihalo Kolhi Colony and Village Versi Kolhi Colony, Deh Gujjo, Union Council Naon Dumbālo, Talluka Matli, District Badin. (Approximate Estimates) Settlement/village Houses/Families Population Family Size Karachi Paaro (Six Clusters 255 1805 7.05 of Settlements of Parkari Kolhis) Versi Kolhi Colony 65 405 6.2 Nihalo Kolhi Colony 11 58 5.2 Total 331 2268 6.8

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Pir Tando Gujjo Sakhi Allahyar Kunri Jhudo Pak

Shadi Tando Jan Large Muhammad

Karachi Karachi Paaro City

Versi Kapri Nangarpark Kolhi Mori ar Colony

Figure 35: . Former locations of migrants to Versi Kolhi Colony Source: Author (2013) Kolhis from 10 different nearby and distant locations have migrated there, and several others are planning establish such other colonies. Some five to six other permanent village-like colonies have been established in Naon Dumbālo area, yet Versi Kolhi colony is the first model Parakari Kolhi colony.

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Table 11. Former Locations and Number of Migrants from each location to Versi Kolhi Colony. Source. Author

S.No. Former locations Number of Migrant Families to Versi Kolhi Colony 1. Kapri Mori 32 2. Karachi Paaro 12 3. Shadi Large 1 4. Jhudo 7 5. Gujjo 1 6. Pir Sakhi 3 7. Tando Allahyar 1 8. Kunri Pak 4 9. Tando Jan Muhammad 3 10. Karachi City 1 11. Nangarparkar 1 Total 66

5.7.4 Background Causes of the establishment of Versi Kolhi Colony Kolhi landless peasant‘s biggest concern, probably, has been their insecurity of sharecropping contract which can be revoked by the landlord at any time. End of sudden sharecropping contract leads Kolhi sharecropper to evacuate plot provided by the landlord, and migrate to another area. Such kind of internal displacement impairs the sharecropper, not only economically and socially, but also psychologically. Children‘s education suffers, graveyards of Kolhi are bulldozed, social contacts get disoriented, and the sharecropper stigmatized as the untrustworthy of contracting by landlords. To resolve such an ever-impending issues, Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo finally took some major steps during the last five or six years.

5.7.5 Major causes of the establishment of Versi Kolhi Colony The increasing population strength of Parkari Kolhis in New Dumbālo area made Kolhis politically valuable for their landlords to exploit their votes. On the other hand, engagement of certain social activist organizations, such as SHPC, and some notable CSOs, particularly PCDP and Bhandar Sangat made them conscious of their social and political rights, and kept providing Kolhis moral, social and political support when needed. Moreover, democratic voting process of the general elections during the last two decades, further made Kolhi politically aware and conscious of their political strength in the

Figure 36.Versi Kolhi, the key informant, with his wife at his house near Shankar Paaro settlement. Source: Author (2013) 232 area. These socio-political developments in the social system, together with the economic space for some alternative ways of income generation, greatly emboldened Parkari Kolhis to defy the will of the landlord. Moreover, gradual land-divisions within landlord families made land distribution on sharecropping less attractive. It resulted in the reduction in allotment of land acreage in sharecropping, from four acres on average to 1.5 acres made land holdings economically counterproductive. These developments where decreased the power and influence of landlords, they led to the increase in the independence of sharecroppers.

Keeping changing sociopolitical and economic scenario in perspective, Parkari Kolhis of Karachi Paaro took the historic decision, under the leadership of Kanji Kolhi and Versi Kolhi. Kanji Kolhi and his Makwana kinship group was living at Kapri Mori on few Kms distance from Karachi Paaro, and about 13 kms from Versi Kolhi Colony. There they were doing sharecropping under the social bondage of Noondhani Baloch landlord. Increased awareness of Kolhis made it difficult for the landlord to further exploit their labour. Resultantly, issues between landlord and Kolhi sharecroppers erupted on produce-sharing, rate of wages, interest on loans, and on over invoicing of agricultural inputs. Kanji told that:

It is now more than a decade that landlords have stopped giving us loan for household expenses. It was like a blessing in disguise…but they continued overivoicing on agricultural inputs, such as, fertilizer, seed and pesticides. Moreover, they paid very little in terms of wages. The whole day of labour in sugarcane field would earn us meager 100 to 200 rupees. Moreover, they would extract unpaid labour in the form of household labour, to bring fodder for their animals, to tame them in the field, and would make us attend to their guests. These conditions were becoming increasingly unacceptable to us. (Kolhi K. , 2013) Seeing no other way to keep Kolhi sharecroppers under further subjugation, Noondhani landlord ordered them to evacuate his land. Thirty families of Makwana Kolhis of Kapri Mori, then decided to pool up resources to purchase the land to establish their own colony.

We, together with Kolhis of Karachi Paaro, sold fifteen buffaloes, and golden bangles and silver jewelry of our women to purchase four acres of wasteland to build a Kolhi colony of our own (Kolhi K. , 2013)

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Kolhi of Kapri Mori and Karachi Paaro were bonded to each other through affinal and social relationships. Versi Kolhi had opened up a school at Karachi Paaro, whose first batch is now studying in first year classes at Naon Dumbālo town. Students from Kapri Mori would come into Karachi Paaro to study in that school. Children of Kanji Kolhi, Patel of Kolhis of Kapri, would also come to study in a school at Karachi Paaro settlement. Such affinal and progressive social

Figure 37. Versi Kolhi in his new, under-construction house links helped both spatially segregated Kolhi at Versi Kolhi Colony. Source (2013) settlements to generate an internal discourse to resist, strive and take collective action against landlordism.

After few months, during election days, Kolhis of Karachi Paaro under the leadership of Versi Kolhi defied the landlord‘s will by voting to the pro-peasant candidate of their choice. That act of open defiance infuriated landlord who ordered them to evacuate the land on which Versi Kolhi‘s Kinship group was settled. Landlord‘s order to evacuate land was taken by Kolhis as the collective threat and led to further organization and integration of Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo. Thus, Versi Kolhi, together with Kanji Kolhi of Kapri Mori, a Patel of another nearby Kolhi settlement, responded by taking a landmark decision of the establishment of permanent Kolhi Colony. To achieve that, they pooled up resources, generated largely through women‘s golden jewelry and domestic animals, to purchase few acres of land to establish colony.

5.7.6.1 Nihalo Kolhi Colony Nihalo Kolhi Colony, on two kms from Versi Kolhi, was later established after being impressed by the establishment of Versi Kolhi colony. Nihalo Kolhi Colony is small colony of 12 families and is not as much developed as Versi Kolhi Colony. Nihalo Kolhi Colony has the advantage of being built near the main road that connects it with Naon Dumbālo on its right, and with Kapri Mori on its left. A primary school has been

Figure 38. Nihalo Kolhi with his wife at newly established Nihalo Kolhi colony. Source: Author (2013)

234 arranged in a shelter, on self-help basis there as well.

Although it‘s less developed and most of the families are engaged in sharecropping, its building has freed Kolhis from debt bondage and unpaid labour. Three years ago, when that colony was yet not built, Nihalo would cultivate 12 acres on sharecropping and together with other sharecroppers would do Serri (unpaid labour on extra land) of forty acres. Nihalo himself has opened up a small shop in his colony, some others do wage laboring, while four villagers of Nihalo colony are still cultivating 2 to 4 acres each

Figure 39.Class in progress in a primary school run on self-help plus Serri (unpaid labor) on 10 acres of the basis at the newly established Nihaalo Kolhi Colony. Source:Author (2013) landlord. Yet they are happy that the burden of Serri has reduced, Chechrr has become a history, and debt bondage has also become a thing of the past for them since they have shifted to Nihalo Kolhi Colony.

More or less similar kind of Kolhi activism driven by increasing demographic strength, political awareness, and triggered by landlord‘s orders to evacuate land, may be evidenced elsewhere in barrage area in near future. Hence, Kolhi peasant activism is dialectical in nature and can be as presented graphically as below.

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Increase in population and political awareness Reaction by (Thesis) landlords to evacuate (Antithesis)

Establisheme nt of permanent Further colonies increase in (Synthesis) population and political awareness (Thesis)

Figure 40: Dialectical process of social change due to Kolhi peasant Activism. Source: Author (2013) That dialectical process can also be presented in dialectically cycle detailed chart as presented below.

establishment Increase in of Versi kolhi Kolhi Colony Population

social Political integration exploitatio of Kolhis of n of Kolhis Naon by landlord Dumbaalo

increase in forced to political evacuate awareness land of Kolhis defiance of landlord's will

Figure 41: the trend and immediate causes of ever-recurring Kolhi peasant. Source: Author (2013)

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Thus, establishment of Kolhi colonies has the domino effect on the whole Parkari Kolhi population living in barrage-area as well as at Parkar. Establishment of Kolhi colonies may further lead in the increase of establishment of such colonies, and also leading to the further increase in population of Parkari Kolhis in barrage-area. Uninhabitably warm and drought-prone scenario predicted in Tharparkar in coming decades (Ilyas, 2014) is sure to lead to further migration to barrage-area, thus changing demographics further in favor of Parkari Kolhis and the Dalits. Establishment of Versi Kolhi colony symbolized Kolhi resistance and defiance of the dominant social order and its importance in future as the trend setter for other Kolhi settlements, and as uniting socio-political factor for all Kolhis, cannot be ignored.

5.8 Sindhi Ethno-nationalist Elements within Kolhi Peasant Activists Kolhi peasants have started re-thinking politically and are experimenting political affiliations at regional-provincial level in a politically charged environment in which certain alarming anti-state separatist voices are coming out of the mouths of peasant activists of Sindh. Toeing the line of Sindhi ethno-nationalist parties, peasant N.G.Os and Dalit social activists, sometimes, express strong Sindhi ethnic sentiments together with anti-Pakistani bias. Some Kolhi peasant activists are also at the same time ethnic Sindhi peasant activists, and can be observed chanting slogans in ethno-nationalists rallies and gatherings against the state and Pakistan. Kolhi activists, however, are not as openly anti-state as are far-left ethno-nationalists. Theirs is the center-left position and tactical identify themselves as the equal citizen of Pakistan, when it is deemed contextually appropriate.

―We are the Pakistani citizen, and we have the equal right to be the sharers in its bounties, blessings and woes. We will defend our country, if required of us. I am a Pakistani patriot, but the state oppressed me, and put a blame of being an Indian agent when I raised my voice for the rights of marginalized Dalit minority‖ (Kolhi V. , Kolhi Politics, 2013) Hence, Pakistan, is the country they love by heart, (Mahboob, 2010), yet they want to be paid attention by the national leaders and state authorities. State oppression and allegations have done more harm than good to the state itself, as the government and state institutions not only have failed to alleviate the grave concerns of Dalits and Kolhis, but instead, have further alienated them from the state. Taking lead from Sindhi nationalists, Pakistani state is identified as privileging the so called dominant province (Punjab) over the others. Kolhis are not against the nation or people of Punjab, but against the systemic structural exploitative arrangements in

237 which one province, on the basis of majority population, dominates the political economy of the country at the expense of the national and historical rights of minorities and the nations of other provinces. Social Activists and peasant activists of Sindh, with whom Versi Kolhi and his community is associated, seemed to harbor Sindhi nationalist inclinations that can be evidenced from their labelling of Pakistani state as ‗Punjabi establishment‘, the Pakistan Army as the ‗Punjabi Army‘, MQM25 as the fascist organization, PPPP26 (Pakistan People‘s Partry Parliamentarian) as the feudal party, and Sindh as the nation struggling for its survival. Some Kolhis, in their capacity as Sindhi peasants and peasant activists were observed as inclined to believe in anti-state ideology. The evidence of ethno-nationalist sentiments can also be easily had from the Facebook accounts of leading peasant activists. That anti-state and localized political stance has serious implications for Pakistan as a nation and as an Islamic state. It is indicative of the prevailing dissatisfaction with state institutions and evidence of self-awareness about their social status being politically marginalized.

Ethno-linguistic beliefs, commitments and affiliations of Parkari Kolhi activists somewhat shift with the change in context and place. Native language of Kolhis is Parkari and in their everyday internal communal life Kolhis identify Nanagraparkar as their ‗Mulk’ (country), but when they dabble in politics at provincial and national level, they identify themselves with the larger Sindh, speak Sindhi and consider Thar as a backward yet important part of Sindh, Parkari Kolhis as the original indigenous inheritors of Sindh.

5.9 Parkari Kolhi leadership, Open Activism and Internal Ethnic Coordination There are several precedents in recent past that attest to the fact that mass media, globalization, rural-urban migrations, increasing religious and ethnic discrimination, and the impact of the intervention of civil society organizations have increased the awareness among the marginalized and suppressed sections of the Pakistani society. Partly assisted by outside well- wishers, partly due to the impact of globalizing factors, and partly due to the increasing religious and ethnic discrimination, peasant activists from within Kolhi community have taken charge of their community‘s internal and external decision-making. They have evolved critical number of

25 Mutahida Qomi Movement (MQM) is an urban-based political organization of Sindh whose major political clout and vote bank comes from Urdu-speaking population locally called ―Muhajars‖ that migrated from India, particularly from Utter Pradesh and settled in major cities of Sindh such as Hyderabad, Karachi, Mirpurkhas, Nawabshah and Sukkur. 26 Pakistan People‘s Party (Parliamentarian) is the rural-based major political party that usually succeeds in forming provincial government in most often in alliance with MQM.

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educated Kolhi peasants which serve as the most reliable mediators between Kolhi community and outside-community social and political entities.

In this section, effort has been made to understand the intra-communal political dynamics of Kolhi peasant activism. To understand Kolhi peasant

Figure 42:. Versi discussing the peasant issue with the local Punjabi landlord. In left-pic, activism, it is necessary to Versi and Ghulam Hussain (ethnographer) with the tenant-friendly local landlord Khameeso Khan Korai Baloch, at his Guest House. Source: Author (2013) understand, what power relations exist within Kolhi sharecroppers, and how power relations shape the representations of ‗self‘, ‗personhood‘ and multiplicity of ‗identities‘ of individual Kolhi sharecroppers when they engage into intra- communal and external peasant activism on behalf of Parkari Kolhi community.

Kolhi peasant activists have started challenging centuries old notions of untouchability, ethnic discrimination and feudalism. They discuss these issues in their informal gatherings, express contempt and discontent over the lopsidedness of social system, and mobilize Kolhis at their houses to strive for change. They seem to be well prepared for the political battle against the status quo.

Parkari Kolhi leaders of Nangarparkar and barrage-area are encouraged and assisted by several outside agents. As the social activists and peasant activists are not distinctively different people working for the uplift of different people, and usually same persons are active at different times from different platforms and at different places, these multiple-platform activists intervene to assist all types of marginalized people wherever they find such opportunity. For example, Hemoon Kolhi, a candidate for National Assembly from Tharparkar, for instance, was also helped, like Versi and Veerji, in his political campaign by civil society activists, such as Progressive Youth Forum (PYF) some of whose members are also affiliated with Awami Party Pakistan, some others to peasant-advocacy based NGO Bhandar Sangat, and some to Mehargarh (Centre for Learning, Islamabad).

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Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo are also often engaged and/ or have also been engaged by different CSOs and socio-political organizations on different occasions to serve as change agents. Kolhis, however, as an ethnic group do not engage with outside activists unwittingly but take into consideration the social and political benefits that they may accrue. At Naon Dumbālo, as their leaders have not let them down in the past, and they collectively know that they have yet to fight to create the social space for their community, they are usually in unison on major issues and social actions.

Versi expressed his desire that all those who are suppressed, yet intelligent should fight for the emancipation of those who are suppressed. He believes that only leaders from within the marginalized communities can bring about genuine change.

―No one would come to our rescue. We have to do whatever, on our own, but we need moral, social and political support from people like you‖ (Kolhi V. , Civil Society Organisations, 2013) Kolhi community of Naon Dumbālo seems to be united under the leadership of Versi Kolhi, Pehlaaj Kolhi, Kanji Kolhi (Patel), Netraj Kolhi and Veerji Kolhi. Versi, aged 36, is peasant-wage laborer at Versi Kolhi Colony but at Parkar his kinship group wields some 80 acres of arid land. He is the leading Kolhi peasant activist, politician and local strategist for Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo. Versi Kolhi Colony is also named after him due to the initiative taken by him, and his kinship group. He is respected by the whole community, young and old, despite that fact that he is relatively a young leader himself, from the traditional standards of tribal leadership. Versi is the key person which serves as the link between the Parkari Kolhi community of Naon Dumbālo, and the outside peasant activists, NGOs and other Civil Society Organizations. He is also active outside his community and participates in rallies and strikes called by other organizations and associations throughout Pakistan. Social activities, connections of Versi Kolhi have been graphically networked in the diverging redial chart given below.

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Veerji Kolhi: AwamyPart Jeay the Politcal y (Marxist Sindh leader, lawyer, Peasant's Qoumi Political Awami peasant activist, Mehargar Mahaz trainer at Party ) Tehreek h Intittute (JSQM) Mehegarh Islamabad Islamabad SHPC, leading Kolhi peasant- Students activist Organisation organizatoi n Sindhi Kolhi Bhandar Students Sangat (SKS) (Peasant NGO) Sindh Kolhi Versi Parakari Itehaad Kolhi Community sharecropper Development turned Program (PCDP) Pakistan activiist Kolhi World Itehad Christian Service Kolhi Patels Pakistan (headmen) of Dalit Parkari Kolhis of Solidarity Naon Dumbālo Network Parkari Kolhi Pakistan Community Local People's Non-Parkari Party of Bheel Sindhi KatchiKolhi (PPPP) Nangarparkar Community of Community Muslim Naon Dumbālo of Naon Landlord Dumbālo s

Figure 43: Personal Political and Social Relationship Chart of Versi Kolhi, the key informant. Source: Author (2013)

Versi Kolhi is the key community agent and has developed some skill in managing multiple ethnic and peasant identities. He is the man having coherent and consistent self, capable of interacting at multiple levels with multiple identities. To uplift his Kolhi community of peasants, Versi has established formal and informal links Kolhi leaders, with peasant activists, N.G.Os, political organizations, local peasant-friendly landlords, Parkari community at Nangarparkar, and participates in local, provincial and national level events for the uplift of all marginalized sections of society. Veerji Kolhi and Versi Kolhi usually work together and participate in the protests and rallies organized by other marginalized communities and religious minorities throughout Pakistan. Versi is highly active among Dumbālo Kolhi peasants. He got more than ten thousand Kolhi‘s and Parkaris locally registered in national database, and contested

241 provincial assembly election in 2013, with the support of social activists and peasant leaders, and secured some 1300 votes against the feudal politician of the PPPP, the major mainstream political party.

Small political and social successes have served as the binding force for Kolhi peasant community of Dumbālo and they have proved their emerging communal organization by voting collectively to a single Kolhi candidate, instead of individual landlord‘s candidate, in recent general elections. Kolhi community is politically much organized and quite conscious of the popular strength in terms of numbers. They are in position to bargain with any political party or the local feudal lord, for the uplift and betterment of their community. It seemed to be in a position even, elect the councilor of their choice. Versi Kolhi‘s nominal success was by no mean politically worthless. It brought Versi on equal par with other political leaders of the area. Recognition of Versi Kolhis‘ success by feudal politicians of the area is evident from the offer of four seats of counsellors (Vice Chairmanship of UC Dumbālo, and seats of Lady Counsellor and Labour counselor) to Versi Kolhi, Jumo Meghwar, and Khemchand Kolhi for Dalits in local government elections.

Veerji, Versi and Pehlaaj, all three have also got leadership training from Fouzia Saeed‘s ‗Mehargarh: A Centre for Learning‘. Versi Kolhi and Pehlaaj Kolhi, both are young, energetic Kolhi-peasant activists. Hyderabad based pro peasant N.G.Os, peasant activists and the Sindhi civil society seems to be fully supporting Versi. A dozen of cases of land-snatching and bonded labor have been successfully won by them through collective activism against certain landlords of Naon Dumbālo. Kolhi‘s of Dumbālo are led by Versi Kolhi to participate in rallies, marches and protests for the rights of peasants and minority communities. Versi Kolhi and, Veerji and Pehlaaj both have political and social links with various N.G.Os and pro-peasant organizations.

Veerji, Versi, Pehlaarj, Krishna Laal (Kolhi woman activist), and several other young leaders have formed into a kind of new spatially spread ‗panchayat‘ (an informal tribal-kinship leadership) that deals issues of Parkari Kolhis at regional and local level. Yet they also struggle for the rights of untouchable communities, in general, and Kolhi and Dalits peasants of Barrage area, in particular. They have reinvigorated their links with their native geographical area, that is, Nangarparkar and, are playing politically active role there. They keep holding political demonstrations at villages in Nangarparkar that are attended by hundreds of Parkari Kolhis and other Dalits in the area.

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Kolhi community trusts their young political activists, and seems to depart from the stagnant and conservative stance of their predecessors. Kolhi young leaders, peasant activists and social activists seem to have developed ‗dialogical selves‘ (Meijl, 2008) that enable them to negotiate their multiple identities with the local, provincial, national and international actors. They are socially and politically active at different levels and have come to realize that they are part of the larger society which is in flux, and that they have to strive to play their roles in multiple contexts to create respectable and equitable space for the marginalized and ethnically discriminated discourses (worldviews), selves (people) and identities (ethnicities).

5.10 Changing Socio economic Patterns and Alternative Strategies

Kolhi economy and culture has just recently come out of its anachronistic existence. The life Kolhis living in Parkari Kolhi villages has hardly changed from what they have been since several centuries. Their eating habits, dressing style, cultural practices, language, and the superstitious ritualistic faith system is still much the same, although some modernizing effects in the form of transportation facilities and road have made some impact on their life even there, but, by and large, all modern facilities that people of Pakistan avail in other districts, are mere nominal in Tharparkar. (Hasan, 2009; Shah Z. , Dec 2007). Parkari Kolhi tribes at Parkar still gather wild fruits and edible seeds in the desert and as well as pastoralism along with practicing animal husbandry. They have, however, abandoned both hunting and plundering during previous century. Katchhi Kolhis of Sindh, however, have abandoned hunting, gathering and pastoralism, to adopt sharecropping and animal husbandry as their main source of income and survival. Kolhi‘s of Dumbālo, in the past, have been pastoralists. They depended less on agricultural crops and more on animal husbandry. Their main occupation in Nangar Parkar was cattle grazing. Cattle usually included cows, goats, sheep and camels. Rarely did they domesticate water loving buffaloes. Since they have shifted to irrigated barrage areas of Sindh, their dependence on buffaloes has increased. They have done away with camels, yet they still domesticate goats and sheep. Share-tenancy is, in fact, their necessity, mainly for two reasons. Firstly, to cater for their domestic animals, and secondly to secure a temporary refuge for in an area where edible raw food is in abundance. At Dumbālo lands are fertile and Kolhi settlements are surrounded by sugarcane fields, wheat, orchards of mango, banana and berry. Raw and cheap vegetables are also grown in abundance. Hence Kolhis, being settled inside agricultural fields, are in an ideal

243 location to consume and exploit agricultural produce free of cost. That is the fact that is often ignored by most of the NGO activists.

5.10.1 From Sharecropping to Multiple Occupations The general trend among the selective developed Kolhi communities is towards animal husbandry and multiple occupations while doing sharecropping only as the transitional socio- economic strategy. That shift in Kolhi occupation is, however, more visible among Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo. Table 12.Occupational Status of Kolhis Versi Kolhi Colony. Source: Author (2013)

Occupational Status of Kolhis of Versi Kolhi Colony Current No. Former Occupation and Location Current Working Place or No Occupation area 1 Shoe House 1 Sharecropper at Kapri Mori Naon Dumbālo Town 2 Mill worker 2 Sharecropper at Kapri Mori Works in a mill at Karachi

3 Carpenter 2 Sharecropper at Kapri Mori Naon Dumbālo 4 Sharecropper 29 Sharecropper at: Naon Dumbālo, Versi Kolhi 13 a Kapri Mori Colony, Karachi Paaro and 2 Kunri Pak Kapri Mori 3 Shadi Large 4 Karachi Paaro 1Gujjo 3 Jhuddo 3 Pir Sakhi 1 Tando Allahyar 5 Landowner 1 Sharecropper Kapri Mori 6 Barbar 3 Sharecropper at Kunri Pak and Naon Dumbālo Karachi Paaro 7 Tailor Master 1 Sharecropper-cum-tailor at Kunri Naon Dumbālo Town 8 Private teacher 2 Sharecropper at Jhudo and Karachi Versi Kolhi Colony Paaro 9 Mechanic 2 Sharecropper at Jhudo and kapri Naon Dumbālo Town mori 10 General Store 1 Sharecropper at Karachi Paaro Naon Dumbālo Town 11 Wage labourer 5 Sharecropper at Karachi Paaro Versi Kolhi Colony and Karachi Paaro 12 Retail Shop 7 Shop at Karachi Paaro, Jhudo and Naon Dumbālo and Versi Kolhi kapri mori, Nabi Sar at Nangarpark Colony 13 Computer/Mobile 1 Sharecropper at Karachi Paaro Shop at Naon Dumbālo Town Download Shop 14 Tea Hotel 1 Sharecropper at Kapri Mori Tea Hotel at Naon Dumbālo 15 Cloth House 3 Sharecropper at Kapri Mori and Naon Dumbālo Jhudo 16 Tailor wage 1 Sharecropper at kapri mori Naon Dumbālo

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Woker 17 Male Nurse 3 Sharecropper at Kapri Mori Naon Dumbālo (Compowder) 18 Petrol Pump wage 1 Sharecropper at Jhuddo Naon Dumbālo and Versi Kolhi worker Colony 19 Parkari NGO activist 1 Sharecropper at Kapri Mori Versi Kolhi Colony, Karachi Paaro and Kapri Mori 20 Doctor (MBBS) 1 Sharecropper family at Shadi Large Karachi City

Social life of Parkari Kolhis living in barrage area of lower Sindh is a lot different from their Kolhi relatives living in Nangarparkar. For Parkari Kolhis, barrage area is taken as the developed area where there is happiness and abundance of everything. Going to barrage-area or travelling from Nangarparkar to barrage-area is as if, somebody from barrage-area going to bigger city such as Hyderabad or Karachi city. ―This is ―Shahar‖ [city] for us. ―Bahrari‖ [rural area] for us is [Nangar] Parkar.‖ (Kolhi M. , 2013) ―We call this village ‗Colony‘ because we believe that we are living in the city-like area, or in its suburbs.‖ (Kolhi K. , Parkari Eduction and Development, 2013). Kolhian perception of living city-like life at Naon Dumbālo is not a utopian thinking at all. From their perspective, it is definitely a different kind of life as compared to Parkari life at Nangarparkar. They have positioned their social identities and selves at Naon Dumbālo differently. Whereas at Parkar they are mostly preoccupied in pastoral activities and rain-fed farming, at Naon Dumbālo they do sharecropping as landless peasants, or engage in some other occupations. Yet the fact that strengthens Kolhian belief in a different and better life at Naon Dumbālo is the recent socio-economic changes that they have brought about in their occupation, living style and political standing. The gradual shift in their occupational practices during last seven to eight years has been socially unprecedented for them as well as for others.

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Parkari NGO activist Doctor (MBBS) Carpenter Petrol Pump 2% 2% 2% wage worker 2% Tailor wage Male Nurse 2% (Compwder) 5% Cloth House 5% Tea Hotel 2% Computer/Mobile 2% Sharecropper Retail Shop 45% 13%

Wage labourer 2% General Store 2% Private Mechanic teacher 4% Tailor Master Barbar 4% 2% 5%

Figure 44: Occupational status of peasants of Versi Kolhi colony, in terms of percentages. Source: Author (2013) That shift in life style occurred when they established Versi Kolhi Colony, and can be evidence from the shift from sharecropping to multiple occupations of inhabitants of Versi Kolhi Colony. Whereas previously before migration to Versi Kolhi Colony about 70% of its inhabitants were involved in sharecropping and Serri (unpaid labour), after and during shifting to Versi Kolhi Colony sharecropping got reduced to 45% and Serri (unpaid) got totally eliminated.

Sixty fiver percent of the inhabitants of Versi Kolhi are now depending on multiple

Figure 45.Ghansham of Versi Kolhi Colony at his shop at Naon Dumbālo town. In picture, in left, a young Kolhi of Karachi Paaro owning Quinqi to run like taxi to facilitate local transport. Author (2013) 246 occupations from small businesses, retail shops, teaching to . This diversifying shift in occupations also led to the complete elimination of both debt and social bondage among Kolhis of Versi Kolhi Colony. This change, particularly after the building of Versi Kolhi Colony, in social and political behaviors of both Kolhis, landlords and the local people, shows how landlessness had made Kolhis dependent on landlords and made landlords exploitatively dominant over them. Contracting oneself as a sharecropper had never been an equally justifiable and acceptable agreement for Parkari Kolhi in barrage-area. Migrant Kolhi families had to accommodate to the will of the landlord and do labor as the landlord desired. It has, however, have not been the case in upper Sindh, where sharecropper and landlord take into consideration several modalities through serious dialogue, partial agreements and disagreements till the final agreement reached. In upper Sindh, usually, location of the land, proximity of land to the sharecropper‘s village, access to water, proximity and availability of wasteland for grazing animals, possibilities of conflict, caste-based feuds determine the flexibility or the rigidity of sharecropping agreement. Thus whatever sharecropper perceives to lose by giving away half the share of the produce is tried to gain through some other subsidiary means. (Hussain & Mohyuddin, 2014). Such kinds of arrangements, however, have been rare, in lower Sindh, particularly when the sharecropper may be a landless Dalit peasant. That rigid, inflexible and extremely exploitative nature of sharecropping arrangements played decisive role in the decision of Kolhis to build their own colony to get rid of both sharecropping and landlord.

5.10.2 Serri, Chehrr and Major Socio-economic Shifts in Kolhi Community of New Dumbālo Very much like loan-taking, serving landlords and doing Serri27 was also desirable and justified even from Kolhian standards (Kolhi K. , 2013). Chehrr, Serri, Vangar, are a kind unpaid labour collectively called as ‗Begar‘ in Sindh. Begar or unpaid labour as an exploitative mechanism of surplus labor appropriation varies considerably even with Sindh province. In upper Sindh, particularly, in Sindh Rice Belt, where Sindhi-Baloch semi-tribal culture prevails, unpaid labour is less exploitative, and more reciprocal than in lower Sindh. (Hussain, Mohyuddin, & Ahmed, 2013) Ghulam Hussain et al, in his research on unpaid labour in Sindh rice belt writes that:

27 ‗Serri’ is the exploitative practice in which a sharecropper or a group of sharecroppers are forced to cultivate or tend few acres of land on behalf of landlord. Sharecroppers are not supposed to be sharers in the produce of land allotted to them on Serri.

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Resistance against unpaid labour [upper Sindh] is more fictional and metaphorical than real. Relationship of landlord and the sharecropper, in terms of so-called unpaid labour, in Sindhi Rice Belt, in terms of begar, is a two way dualistic process of low intensity‘ in which both landlord and sharecropper resist and cooperate for different reasons, to seek multiple concessions and social benefits from each other and from their community. Unpaid [labour] is [also] a [kind] of dualistic process in which there is [involved] a lot of reciprocity and exchange. (Hussain & Mohyuddin, 2014, p. 430)

The major reason behind this difference lies in the ethnic composition and demographic peculiarities of two different regions. In lower Sindh, unlike that of upper Sindh, majority of landless sharecroppers consists of landless migrant Dalits, and the landlords are Muslim Baloch or Sindhi Sammat tribes.

‗Chehrr’ or Cherr (also ‗Vangar’) is the call by landlord to the peasant to assist voluntarily in urgent agricultural or non-agricultural work. Landlords usually call sharecroppers to load and unload trolley, to cut crop, to harvest and thresh crop and sometimes for household labour such as erecting a wall, or to tend guests in festivals. ‗Serri’ is the kind of extra land given under the supervision and labour of sharecroppers, whose overall income and produce would go into the share of landlord. The landlords having more than 20 acres of land, are used to keep four or five acres of land as Serri on which all his sharecroppers are supposed to labour free of cost. Bigger landlords keep up to fifty acres under Serri to cater for their own domestic animals and to ensure the constant flow of surplus income.

Landlords in rural Sindh, usually, are not in favor of any economic concessions to sharecroppers, as they believe themselves to be equal investors in the crop. In public discourse in barrage-area of lower Sindh, Serri, unpaid labor extraction is as much socially permissible as is the loan- taking by sharecroppers. Norms of the rural Sindh, on the whole, perpetuate and sustain exploitative relationship between the sharecropper and landlord, but when sharecropping involves Dalits and Kolhis it turns into social bondage and debt bondage. Hence, it is not much difficult for landlords to defend and justify their actions, whether just or unjust.

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100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% Before 2009 0% After 2012

Figure 46: Major socio-economic shifts in Parkari Kolhi Community’s lifestyle since 2010. Data sample taken in Karachi Paaro Settlement. Author (2013) Kolhi migrants to barrage-irrigated areas served as a major unpaid labour force as Checherr (unpaid public labour) employed by local landlords in the digging of canals and water courses when Kotri Barrage was built. (Kolhi K. , 2013). In fact, Parkari Kolhis and Dalits of lower Sindh have served as the major cheap source of labour for rulers and Sindhi powerful tribes that have exploited their labour for digging of canals, drains and water courses, and also for the leveling of virgin lands in early days of irrigation cropping. (Kolhi K. , 2013)

Serri, in terms of acreage has considerably decreased at least in New Dumbālo and UC Halepota area where Parkari Kolhis live. Reduction in Serrri and Cherr, apart from land divisions within landlord families, is also attributed by Kolhis to their activism, and to the constant intervention of peasant and social activists in the area.

Although Kolhis living at Karachi Paaro have not much diversified their occupational base and most of them still engaged in sharecropping having uneconomic landholdings, yet the incidence of debt bondage, social bondage, Serri and Checherr and other unpaid labor has considerably decreased amongst them, largely due to their impact of land purchase on their landlords. Increase in their level of political awareness can be assessed from their votes registered; 24% before 2009 and then increasing up to 92% in 2012.

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Although Sharecropping has declining and wage labor is on the increase, it is still the major occupation of Parkari Kolhis of Karachi Paaro and Versi Kolhi Colony.

Table 13. Landlessness and Occupational Status of Karachi Paaro Settlement at Naon Dumbālo. Source: Author (2013)

Landlessness and Occupational Status of Karachi Paaro Settlement at Naon Dumbālo Current No. of Plot purchased at Versi Kolhi Colony No Occupation Kolhis 1 Carpenter 1 Yes 2 Sharecropper cum 22 wage laborer Yes 8

No 9

3 Barbar 1 Yes

4 Private teacher 2 Yes 5 Retail Shop 1 Yes 6 Tailor wage 3 Yes Worker 7 Quinqi28 Driver 2 Yes 8 Jamedar 1 Yes

Sharecropping instead of disappearing has persisted by further bifurcating land into small uneconomic land holdings. Full-fledged sharecropping unit (8 acres) conditioned by the ownership of a pair of bullocks, the major means of production that a sharecropper possessed, has, however, almost vanished. Bullocks have been completely replaced by tractors possessed by landlords. Hence all the means of production now lie with the landlord. Sharecropper, from landlord‘s perspective, thus is left with no rationale or to have equal right to decide what to grow, when and where to sell and how much to invest.

A decade back when full-fledged sharecropping with unpaid labour in the form of Serri and Cherr was the usual sharecropping contractual norm, it has now been replaced by the allotment of sharecropping units of one or two acres of land without any kind of necessary compulsion of doing Serri or unpaid labour. Hence, today‘s sharecropper does not own any means of production in the form of a pair of bullock as many Marxists still falsely maintain, neither are

28 ‗Quinqi‘ or in local accent ‗Chingchi‘ is the popular six-seater yellow motorcycle-rickshaw, engineered by Chinese motorists. It is the most common transport facility throughout Sindh for villagers who routinely shuttle from villages to towns

250 they compelled to do Serri and compulsory unpaid labor of the landlord, at least there at Karachi Paaro and Naon Dumbālo area. Today‘s Kolhi sharecropper is a kind of petty symbolic sharecropper whose major source of income comes from both agricultural and non-agricultural wage laboring instead from the share of produce sought from the landlord after Batai ( division of sharecrop or its income).

Table 14. Sharecropping and Wage Laboring differentials of Kolhis of Karachi Paaro Naon Dumbālo. Source: Author (2013)

Sharecropping and Wage Laboring differentials of Kolhis of Karachi Paaro Naon Dumbālo 2013 2003 Land Units cropped Land Units cropped in acres on average in in acres on average in 2013 2003 Full-Fledged 1 8 8 8 Sharecropper Sharecropper-cum- 22 6 2 4 wage laborer Sharecropper doing 1 10 1 8 Serri and Checherr

5.10.3 Serri and Cherr: Getting out of Practice As the table shows, Land unit allotment for sharecropping was conditioned by compulsory Serri, Cherr or Cheherr and unpaid labour. As the Serri and unpaid labour has declined over the last decade, so has decreased the units of land allotted for sharecropping. Doing Serri is no more necessary, as the land allotted to sharecroppers is not compelling enough for landlord to demand unpaid labour, or for the Kolhi sharecropper to feel bound to shower labour-favours. Kolhi sharecropper is now far more liberated to earn earnest money through wage laboring under the same landlord or to go for earning anywhere else.

5.10.4 Comparative Occupational analysis of Versi Kolhi Colony and Karachi Paaro

The occupational status of other Kolhi Paaras is not much encouraging as about 80 percent of Kolhis of other Paaras are still directly or indirectly depend on sharecropping as their major source of income. There is one retail shop in Karachi Paaro, while in other Paaras there is no shop, yet a few of them have some shops at Naon Dumbālo town. Four youngsters of Karachi Paaro run Quniqi rickshaws to earn livelihood, while overall about 15 youngsters from Karachi Paaro are engaged in tailoring, shop-keeping and small trading businesses. Karachi Paaro settlement is relatively advanced from other Paaras as most of them are in a stage to leave sharecropping to adopt alternative sources of income. Many of them have purchased plots in

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Versi Kolhi Colony, while some others have contributed in the land purchased nearby Versi Kolhi Colony for the purpose of building another Colony.

Quinqi Driver Jamedar Carpenter 6% 3% 3% Retail Shop Tailor 3% wage 9% Full-fledged sharecropper having a pair of Bullock 3% Private teacher 6% Sharecropper- Barbar cum-wage 3% laborer 64%

Figure 47: Occupational Chart of Karachi Paaro Settlement. Source: Author (2013)

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Diversification of economic base and economic activities and the shift from sharecropping to alternative sources of income have proved highly instrumental to get rid of landlessness through collective purchasing of land for plotting at Versi Kolhi Colony. Kolhis of Versi Kolhi colony have about 20 small shops or businesses at Naon Dumbālo town. Some of those shopkeepers already had had community shops at Nangarparkar before they migrated there. But the majority of shopkeepers were engaged in sharecropping previously. There are only four retail shops and tier-puncture and petrol shop in Versi Kolhi Colony. Most of Kolhi shopkeepers have opened up shops in nearby Naon Dumbālo town which is only four Kms from Versi Kolhi colony. For example, Ganesh Kolhi runs a general store at Naon Dumbālo, whereas Mehru trades in seed varieties there.

50% 45% 40% 35% 30% 25% 20% 15% 10% Karachi Paaro 5% 0% Versi Kolhi Colony

Figure 48: Occupational Diversity Chart of Versi Kolhi Colony and Karachi Paaro Settlement. Source: Author (2013) Forty five percent of Kolhis of Versi Kolhi Colony and 47% living in Karachi Paaro are still engaged in sharecropping. But actual shift that has occurred has been in terms of agricultural wage-labour which is much higher 32% at Karachi Paaro and only 6% at Versi Kolhi Colony. Similarly occupational diversification ratio is also much different as Kolhis of Versi Kolhi colony are engaged in 20 different occupations, whereas Kolhis of Karachi Paaro are engaged in only 8 different occupations.

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45% 40% 35% 30% 25% 20% 15% 10% 5% Before 2003 0% After 2012

Figure 49: Major Sources of Income of Kolhi peasants of Karachi Paaro and Versi Kolhi Colony. Source: Author (2013) Both paid-wage labour (25%) and income from small businesses (25%) are currently the major sources of income of Kolhis of Karachi Paaro and Versi Kolhi Colony. Whereas, before 2013, major source of income of both settlements had been domestic animals (40%) and sharecropping (25%). Both the percentage and overall income from non-agricultural and agricultural paid labour has increased due to the decrease in unpaid labour (begar, Cheherr and Serri), and increase in the alternative sources of income. Absolute income from domestic animals has increased, yet the percentage of income from domestic animals has decreased due to the increase in income from other resources, particularly, paid wage labour and small businesses. Although majority of the households are engaged in Sharecropping and although absolute income from sharecropping has also increased as unpaid labour and debt bondage have considerably declined, yet its percentage in overall income has decreased due to concomitant increase in paid-wage labour and small businesses. Absolute income from rain-fed crops at Nangarparkar has remained variable, in some years peaking to 20 to 30 percent, while in others plunging to 5 to 1% due to drought and catastrophic impacts of unusual rains. Income of multiple, alternative sources of income, apart from small self-owned business, and paid wage labour, has also considerably increased, both in absolute and relative terms.

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5.11 Changing social behaviors In the above chapters major changes that have affected Kolhis and are transforming their identities have been discussed with much detail. Their efforts to reconstruct Kolhi identity on glorious mythical-historical past, their denial of untouchable roots, their building of permanent colonies, running voluntary schools, prioritizing Parkari language, taking religion seriously and their interest in mainstream election-politics, all these social-attitudinal changes have transformed their social positioning in society one way or another. Here are explained some further social changes in terms their ending loan-taking, changing role of Kolhi women and their emancipation from unpaid labor, and the impact of overall social activism on Kolhi –landlord relationship is explained in some detail.

5.11.1 End of Loan-taking as a Cultural Habit of Kolhis Loan-taking initially was more of habit than an economic need for Kolhi peasants, yet gradually it became for them an inevitable economic need to survive lien months. For landlords, loan- giving for personal expenses to Kolhi sharecropper ensured that they would abide the rules of cropping and labor setup by him. Most of landless Kolhis could easily do away with loan-taking but they found it profitable to take loans from landlords. Kanji Kolhi lamented that fact thus:

We did not need loan for necessary needs. It was a kind of bonus money for foolish Kolhis and that took it as the gratitude from the landlord. It not only ensured that the landlord would remain in good humour, but they could buy off something extra. Yet that did not happen that way, and in the end one would take loan to pay the loan of previous year. It did not add to any betterment. (Kolhi K. , 2013) Hence, most of the time unnecessary loan-taking made them habitually dependent on loan-taking and dependent on landlords. Landlords, in turn, took full advantage of Kolhian tendency to take advance loans and Kolhian inability to keep written records of loan taken, and put heavy interests with over-invoiced accounts. That turned landlords into opportunistic exploiters to keep landless Kolhis under debt-bondage, to exploit their labour, and to keep the in social bondage to control their social behavior, cultural activities and political behavior like voting.

Loan-taking for them had become a natural practice, a taken for granted fact of life. It was largely influenced by the practice of other untouchable tribes like Baghris (garden-cultivators or fruit and vegetable growers or horticulturalist that still practice it by taking advance contractual loans). Kolhis were blinded by that habit to the extent that they could not visualize possible alternatives. That habitual dependence on loan of landlord morally bound them to oblige

255 landlords. Many of them could easily do away with loan-taking and survive on domestic animals but loan-taking was not initially considered as bad, or unwanted but as a lucrative offer. (Kolhi K. , 2013).

Kolhis were just in a habit of loan-taking and got attracted to the landlord who offered the higher loan to them. They did not even care much if the loan-giving landlord was conscientious and consequently would be trapped by cunning and tricky landlords (Korai, 2013) .Hence, it is not simply a trap purposefully set up landlords. Yet it could be called as the classical example of cultural hegemony habitualized, the unintended actions of Kolhis and their landlords created conditions for unconscious cultural practices that resulted in the subjugation of one economically deficient communities of Dalit peasants to the other economically and politically dominant landlord-feudal class. Kanji Kolhi, a Patel (headmen) of Versi Kolhi told that landlords do not give them loans now even if any Kolhi asks for such. He attributed that change to the peasant activism in the area that has made conscious to landlords of the consequences of loan-giving with the purpose to exploit loan-taker‘s labour.

Parkari Kolhis have stepped on the path of emancipation. Peasant and social activists have transformed Kolhi peasant‘s mindsets. Both loan-taking and loan-giving for household purposes has almost stopped there. Shifting to their own colonies has relieved them from both moral and economic compulsions to take loans or to perform unpaid labour or Serri. Whereas those who are still living in Paras (temporary settlements), and are engaged in sharecropping or wage labour keep the record of agricultural inputs and the loan taken in term of agricultural inputs. They would not previously maintain records as most of the families were illiterate. Now some of their youngsters have got education and can calculate the debit and credit account. (Kolhi K. , 2013)

5.11.2 Impact of Kolhi Empowerment on Social Attitudes of Local Landlords Due to several years‘ continuing activism, Kolhi activists and leaders of Naon Dumbālo now wield considerable influence over their own Kolhi community. Kolhi leaders of Versi Kolhi Colony, particularly, Versi Kolhi and Kanji Kolhi have similar status and influence as any other local small wadera-landlord (village headman) may have over his villagers in lower Sindh. Yet the sources of power and influence vary greatly. Sources of power of Kolhi leader activist and non-Kolhi wadera-landlord, however, are starkly different. Local Sindhi Muslim landlord‘s source of power and influence lies in his ascribe social status of being wadera landlord in possession of inherited landed agricultural property, and also in his politically powerful caste-

256 based social contact with other similar landlords and government officers. Quite the opposite of it, Kolhi activist‘s source of power and influence lies in his vigilant stance against local Sindhi- Muslim landlords, and in the support and assistance of NGOs, links with political activists, advocates, lawyer activist, social and peasant activists, leftist ethno-nationalist parties, and with Marxists. Frequent visits of such well-wishers to Kolhi settlements and colonies are seriously monitored and debated among local Sindhi muslim landlord circles. Visits of peasant activists like Taj Marri, Punhal Sario and other NGOs have created such an aura of influence in the area that landlords feel indirectly pressurized to behave sparingly and flexibly towards Kolhi activists and Patels (headmen). It has had great positive impact on the overall Kolhi-landlord relationship and on the attitudes of Sindhi Muslims towards Kolhis and other Dalit communities living in the area.

―Since, Bhandar Sangat, PCDP teams and Punhal Sario have started visiting us, and helped resolve some peasant-landlord issues in which peasants got freed from debt bondage, and the accesses committed by landlords, landlords have become much conscious. They notice each person that meets me. And the next day ask about him. I can see in their eyes reluctance and anxiety that my guests create in their minds.‖ (Kolhi V. , PCDP, 2013) Visibility of interaction of the marginalized Kolhi community with the powerful outside community social activists has brought Kolhis out of ethnic inferiority, the noticing of interaction of Kolhis with peasant activists by local landlord has made them open up their arms, treat relatively with nominal courtesy, the privilege that was previously denied to Kolhis.

―Some years back, Zamindars [landlords] would not allow me to sit with them on their chairs. They would not ask me for having tea with them. They would never initiate to say me hello in the way. But there attitude has changed now. They now gladly nod to my reply. Sometimes stop me in the middle of the road to ask me about my health and the issues, and invite to visit them to their Otaq [Guest House]. But not all landlords are like that. (Kolhi V. , Kolhi Election, 2013) 5.12 Kolhi women and Children: Leading Labor Force

5.12.1 Dalit Women: Impact of Global and local Activism on Kolhi Women Although forced labor is on the decline both in India and Pakistan, condition of migratory agricultural workers fares worst, depending on

Figure 50. Kolhi Women and her daughter, returning from the field, after having free labour in exchange of fodder for animals. Source: Author (2013) 257 lower wages and unfair credit-taking, as compared to local workers. In reality bonded labour flourishes on the surplus labor of women and children, instead of man (Srivastava, 2005, p. 11). Plight of Dalits and Kolhis is not much different in Sindh Pakistan. Historically, it has been the cheap availability of Kolhi women laborers that were forced by droughts to seasonally migrate to newly built Barrage areas of lower Sindh, during British rule, that the exploitative capitalist agriculture flourished, and the raw material for British factories and surplus income for local landlords was made possible (Ali M. , 2012). ―Under the British [rule] the number of agricultural wage-laborers increased somewhat, particularly as cotton-pickers and among the Kolhis. The harshness of feudal-type oppression continued unmitigated, despite legal ban on many of the abwabs and services demanded of the peasants. In spite of the abolition of ―statutory labor‖ in 1857, beggar (forced and unpaid labor for personal services) and Cherr) unpaid labor en masse for public works were exacted by small as well as large landlords, and even by the government which utilized the services of zamindars to mobilize the peasants for the repairs of canals, roads and other public works. A well-developed ideological superstructure, predating the British remained intact to reinforce and legitimize the oppression of peasants‖ (Ahmed F. , Agrarian Change and Class Formation in Sindh, 1984, pp. A-157)

During the last two decades much hue and cry has been raised by the development sector and several laws have been made, and advocacy as well as social welfare activities have been intensified in the barrage-area of Sindh to protect the rights of women and to free them from forced labour, and unpaid labour. World Sindhi Congress (WSC), and World Sindhi Institute (WSI) are an international associations of Sindhi ethno-nationalists , that have also presented the case of Dalit women, particularly minorities, before, Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO) , and has advocated for ―the right and access to education of indigenous communities of Sindh e.g. Kohli Bheels, Meghwars and Kohlis.‖ (World Sindhi Congress, 2014). UNPO, recently have been active in USA to lobby with US senators for the cause unrepresented nations, such as, Sindhi nation, and particularly Baloch. (World Sindhi Congress, 2014) That global, international and local peasant activism have had positive impact on the overall condition of women folk, but its impact has not been substantial enough on the overall condition of Dalit women of barrage area of lower Sindh.

5.12.2 Domestic Animals and Kolhi Women: Mainstay of Kolhi Economy

At Karachi Paaro and at other Paara settlements, in sugarcane, cotton and wheat field,

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Kolhi women and children, more than Kolhi men, can always be observed doing planting, harvesting and cleaning. Probably the largest burden of labour, inside house and in the field, is borne up by Kolhi women folk. Kolhi women of Karachi Paaro, however, have got rid of unpaid labour (Serri and Chechhr), but they still do paid labour in agricultural field and assist their men in the field, but the paid labour is often underpaid or paid in kind, as for example sugarcane cutting in exchange of fodder for animals.

Kolhi men engage themselves more in socializing activities, social relationing, and businesses that require to sit and wait for the customer like hawkering, shop-keeping etc., that do not require much of manual labour. But that is not the case with Kolhi whose daily labour cycle starts early in the morning and continues non-stop till late night.

―Labor cycle of Kolhi women starts early in the morning around 4 pm with the grinding of flour, then cleans house, milks animals, gives fodder to animals, prepares breakfast, prepares children for going to school or to field for animal grazing, then again finishes some household work like cleaning utensils, then by 11 o clock again prepares meal to take to field to her husband…then in the field while her husband takes meal she works in the field all day long till 5 pm. She collects sticks and dry dung (fuel), takes children back. Then again at home does household chores, meal preparation, putting fodder to animals. At Parkar women also go to fetch water from well which is usually at distance of 2 to 3 kms. The difference between the work of Kolhi women at Parkar and barrage area is that they do not go to fetch water from well, and do not grind flour which is usually ground now from ground mills. Burden of agricultural labor in barrage area is more on Kolhi women here in barrage-area than at Parkar. (Kolhi V. , Kolhi Women, 2013) Kolhi women were observed doing not only household chores but also harvesting, cleaning, threshing, bundling crop in the field. They performed all the agricultural work except loading sugarcane on trucks and tractors. They graze animals, bring fodder for them, milk them and churn lassi and butter out of it. Animal dung is collected by women and systematically soaked to make it usable as a burning fuel.

Taming and tending to buffaloes and cows is the Kolhi women‘s prerogative. She performs almost all tasks that are required to domesticate animals. In fact, it‘s the Kolhi women which

Figure 51. Kolhi Women at Naon Dumbālo performing major tasks related to domestication of animals, child rearing, and household chores. Source. Author (2013) 259 performs larger share of labour both at home and in the field. Kolhi women, however, are allowed by their husbands to partake with the income from animal produce in the form of sold butter, ghee and a buffaloes or cow which is given to her as dowry by her parents. It was, in fact, that saved income of women that help liberate Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo area, from the debt bondage and clutches of landlords

The contribution and role of Kolhi women in the socio-economics of Kolhi community far greater than those of Kolhi men. Establishment of Versi Kolhi colony is in fact a feast achieved by Kolhis on the dint of labour and savings of Kolhi women and Children. Parkari Kolhi men had never been great savers or investors in future. The earned money would be either spent on enjoying funfairs, paying unwanted debts, or invested in ill-planned businesses. The best saving strategy for them was to accumulate money for spending in early marriages and then depend, for the rest of life on unconditional heavy loans taken from landlords or Mahajan (money lender) on undefined interest (Mal, 2000, p. 205). The change in Kolhian attitude came about gradually, particularly when they spared their children from working in the fields, and focused on their education. They also delayed marriages of school-going children to invest money saved on domestic animals, and bride‘s dowry to purchase the land for building Kolhi‘s own permanent and registered village. Establishment of Versi Kolhi Colony led to the further improvement in the life of Kolhi women by sparing them from working in the field for long hours. The incidences of sexual harassment of Kolhi women have also considerably decreased at Versi Kolhi Colony and Karachi Paaro, as women do not go out in the field as often they previously used to go. Overall communal empowerment has also given Kolhi women some sense of social security and brought her out of social fear. Kolhi society is relatively an androgynous society in which women have much social independence to move outside house, to go field, and to shops without being accompanied by male escort, and they also enjoy right to take decisions independently in certain economic matters, such as selling animal products or using income from it. Kolhi women were observed driving bull-carts and even motorcycles. Kolhi women are not far behind their men even in the field of peasant activism and have been in forefront of rallies and strikes. The wife of Versi Kolhi has been amongst the early peasant activists of Karachi Paaro. Kolhi‘s of Versi Kolhi Colony have privileged their women in terms of access to education.

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Kolhi women have been the backbone of Kolhi household and Kolhi economy as they did both field work and household work, to provide men freedom to look for some alternatives outside agriculture and pastoralism. Since, Kolhi men have now found some alternatives to sharecropping and have diversified their income base, the burden of labour in the form of Serri, Chechrr and household labor taken by landlord families, has vanished completely for Kolhi women of Versi Kolhi Colony an Karachi Paaro.

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Chapter 6: Discussion and Recommendations

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6.1 Discussion and Analysis

Kolhis peasant-pastoralists are believed to be marginal people in transition from being landless migratory pastoral Parkaris to the Sindhi ethnic peasants of the Indus plain. Their marginal identities have been depicted by some analysts as pathological and depressed. (Hasan, 2009, p. 100). Such a depiction of Kolhi identities may be true, if viewed from dominant societal perspective, as Kolhi peasant activists are striving to deviate from established larger societal norms to reintegrate with so called modern and newer egalitarian norms, negate dominant feudal discourse to reconstruct their uplifted Kolhian ethnic identity, and aim at the reformation of their communal image to create respectable social space for their community.

The dependence of almost entire Kolhi community on sharecropping as landless peasants under debt bondage in Barrage area of lower Sindh has been so overwhelming that it is difficult to conceive of their ethnic marginality independent of peasant related issues. Kolhi ethnic community is an economic-ethnic class on its way to transform itself into an ethno-political class. As theorized by Hamaz Alavi, the process of transformation of one class into the other is mediated by primordial ties such as those of kinship (Alavi, 1973). Similarly, Kolhi peasants as an ethnic community is mobilizing itself through kinship ties to resist landlordism and demand land rights. Kolhi community is not an ideal ‗potential middle group of peasant proprietors‘ that Alavi had predicted to revolt against feudalism and landlordism, therefore, radical or revolutionary socio-structural change independent of other Dalit communities or probably together with other Dalit communities and marginalized sections of Pakistani society cannot be expected to occur. Kolhi peasants are still largely marginalized, yet there are elements in it to raise itself to a powerful political group to bring about certain structural changes through non- violent struggle together with other marginalized Dalit communities and with the assistance of leftist peasant activists and Sindhi civil society.

6.1.1 Kolhi Identity and Identification In reality, it is really hard to differentiate between national identity and ethnic identity. People, usually, identify themselves with multiple nations and ethnic identities. In case of Kolhi‘s, they call themselves to be a ‗Qoum’, which literally means, a ‗nation‘. But, they mean by ‗Qoum’, an ancient racial and ethnic tribe or sub-nation, different from other different racial

263 and ethnic tribes of Sindh. Hence, when they speak about their, racial and ethnic origin, they usually speak with reference to the tribes, races and castes of Sindh. They associate or identify themselves with the Parkari people, an ethnic identity based on linguistic, ecological and geographical distinctiveness.

Nangarparkar for them is not just a Talluka or an area of a district Tharparkar, or a part of Sindh. They take Nangarparkar as a small geographical country, an abode of small kinship groups, ethnicities and nations which share common culture and language. Sindh for them means an area where there is river, water, agricultural land and the plenty of food, where they are used to migrate. Nangarparkar is considered as their native country (Mulk), which lies in the neighborhood of Sindh, yet they also believe themselves to be one of the oldest native Sindhi tribes. Sindh for them means the area where there is greenery, fodder, trees, plenty of grains, vegetables and fruits. Nangarparkar and the rest of deserted area, during the last two centuries, has been part of Sindh, and Sindhi-Hindu culture has deep impact on the people of Nangarparkar. Therefore, it is understandable why they feel inclined to identify themselves with the Sindh and Sindhi culture.

Yet, ethno-linguistic beliefs, commitments and affiliations of Parkari Kolhi activists somewhat shift with the change in context and place. Native language of Kolhis is Parkari and in their everyday internal communal life Kolhis identify Nangarparkar as their ‗Mulk’ (country), but when they dabble in politics at provincial and national level, they identify themselves with Sindhis and the larger Sindh, speak Sindhi and consider Thar as a backward yet important part of Sindh, and Parkari Kolhis as the original indigenous inheritors of Sindh.

Kolhi peasant activists understand the demands of their community and the challenges it is confronting in this interconnected transnational, multi-ethnic fluid world. ―Globalization has incited a large-scale revival of cultural traditions at local levels‖ (Meijl, 2008, p. 166). Same is true of Parkari and Kolhi culture. Radio channel of Parkari community, trans-regional communication within Sindh and trans-national communication of Kolhi community with the Kolhis and outcast communities of India, revival of Hindu religion, use of Parkari language as a at Parkari schools at Dumbālo, creating awareness through the dissemination of pamphlets written in Parkari, starting school assembly sessions with

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‗prarthna’(singing Hindu sacred hymns) in Sanskrit ( sacred Hindu language), promoting and funding the building of Hindu temples such as Rahma Pir‘s (Hindu-Muslim mystic turned into deity) temples; all these changes indicate that modern mass media and means of communication have led to the revival, reconstruction, social visibility of previously invisible and insignificant community/communities.

6.1.2 Shift in Kolhi Migration Pattern Parkari Kolhi community has been one of those semi-nomadic pastoral Tharparkari communities that seasonally migrate to river-flooded or Barrage area of lower Sindh in Pakistan. Parkari Kolhi pastoralists used to migrate mainly due to two reasons; to cater for cattle fodder, and to harvest rice, sugarcane and particularly wheat crop in April and May. (Gazdar, 2003, p. 17; Shah Z. , Dec 2007). Although rural-rural migration of agriculture related families to relatively prosperous and developed areas in Punjab has been reported (G.M.Arif, 2005), the like of communal pattern of migration that has been prevalent in lower Sindh, has not been found in Punjab.

Kolhi community is one of the poorest communities of Pakistan that cannot afford to immigrate. Yet, unaffordability is probably not the sole reason. In fact they do not want to leave their native land Nangarparkar, where normally they have available for seven months of the year, plenty of fodder for their animals, and where they are own sufficient tracts of rain-fed fertile land to cater to their economic needs. To cope up with recurrent droughts, however, they have chosen to migrate seasonally to Barrage areas. But Parkari Kolhis have not always been seasonal migrant to present Barrage area of lower Sindh. Neither, are they any more typical seasonal migrants as many of them chose to permanently settle in Barrage area of lower Sindh, either as landless tenants and wage laborers, or as small businessmen. Parkari Kolhi community had adopted different coping strategies to get rid of their centuries long marginalization and poverty, the strategies that sometimes partially succeeded yet most of the time failed. Yet, during the last decade, and particularly since last four years, impact of modernization and the intervention of outside community well-wishers have inspired and facilitated Parkari Kolhi community to seek permanent solution to their social, economic and educational problems.

The role of social and political activists and the impact of increasing intra-communal and transnational communication on Parkari and Katchhi Kolhis were found to be some of the major factors that are transforming Kolhi community‘s social identity, and its structure from seasonal-

265 migrants to temporary settlers under debt bondage to permanent settlers in segregated Kolhi colonies in barrage area

Although, after partition in 1947, Kolhis have tended to migrate internally in Sindh province, their migration is neither unidirectional, nor total, but multidirectional, partial and strategically calculated. Multidirectional in the sense that severity of drought, changing state borders and political currents determined it. Partial in the sense that Kolhi families do not migrate in toto, some of the family or kinship members now usually stay back at Parkar or Thar to look after houses and wait for rain. Strategically calculated in the sense that migration has been there way of life, the drought-coping mechanism, but when they thought that transhumance migration has been rendered unproductive, they brought about change in their attitudes by settling permanently in barrage-area, yet at the same time do not wish relinquish their association with Parkar and Thar.

6.1.3 Shifting Kolhi Peasant Identities Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo are in process of transforming their essential peasant-pastoralist identity into more diversified, less rigid, more fluid occupational complex of multiple identities. Sharecropping is no more a lucrative occupation for them, and wage-laboring is rather preferred now; the kind of shift in economic priorities which are largely socially determined in case of Kolhi sharecroppers. Independent of the fact that sharecropping is an inefficient system as Alfred Marshal had theorized , or a wage labour is more efficient way for landlords, sharecroppers and wage-laborers (Alier, 2005, p. 94), Kolhi sharecroppers switched to other occupations mainly due to social pressure in the form of social bondage brought about due to debt bondage and landlessness.

As the things stand in South Asia, and particularly in rural Sindh, sharecropping does not seem to be vanishing as predicted due to distorting impacts, what Desai and Wolf call, ‗superstructural deformities‘ of colonization on the political and Pakistan. In Habermasian terms, one can say distortion of communicative action (Habermas, TCA, 1987) due to the colonization of life world of peasants, and in Victor Turner‘s language, the condition of social liminality suitable for tricksters to flourish.

Desai elaborating upon Wolfs critique of incapacity post-colonial societies, comments;

The impact of colonization created stratification , produced economic, political and

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socio-cultural situations, wherein the toiling strata, particularly middle peasants, poor peasants, agricultural laborers, tenants, city proletariat and lower middle classes could not attain security or improve their conditions by going back to the past, nor could they better their positions in the emerging new belated capitalist formations, which in the context of historically declining phase of the capitalist system as a whole, had lost the ability to even fulfill the bourgeois-democratic task.‖ (A.R.Desai, 1979, p. 764) In case of Pakistan, colonization has produced the exploitative institution of surplus appropriation in the form of sharecropping which has sustained liminal semi-feudal and semi- capitalist conditions to the detriment of sharecroppers and landless peasant communities. Hence, although Kolhis are shifting to other occupations and becoming less dependent on sharecropping, sharecropping itself in its volume and peasantist engagement has not declined much. Kolhian peasant-pastoralist relationship with the land, domestic animals, and Peasantivist way of life still dominates their social life.

Kolhi peasant identities shift up and down, come into prominence and hide, when they move in space and change social positions. When Kolhis interact at interprovincial and international level, they identify themselves with the larger Pakistani nation. They speak Parkari which relates more to Gujarati of Gujarat in India, than to Sindhi or Urdu of Pakistan. Kolhis, in fact, live on both sides of the India-Pakistan border, as well as in Tharparkar and barrage area of lower Sindh. Hence, in larger perspective, the identities of Kolhi peasants are not fixed, but context-bound. They can be untouchable Hindus, mystics, pastoralists, peasants, nomads, seasonal migrants, urbanites, ruralites, literate, or illiterate. They can be Tharri, Parkari, Sindhi, Gujarati, Pakistani, and even former Indians. Temporal, place-bound as well as spatial contexts determine with whom Kolhis identify themselves. Kolhis, as a Kolhi ethnic group do not assert themselves solely on racial grounds. Thus national or ethnic identity of Kolhis is, in reality, not as homogenous, as one may have expected keeping in mind their primitiveness of culture, marginality, and pastoral way of life. Yet, all their multiple identities unite them into a single coherent and consistent communal identity that asserts itself at specific time and specific places for defense and uplift of Kolhis.

Kolhi sharecropper‘s identities are contradictory to landlord‘s identities and the identities of other majority Muslim Sindhi population, in several ways. In that sense their interactions are heterogeneous in which their selves have to reflexively manage multiple identities. On the other hand, their identities are relatively similar and homogenous in relation to other Kolhi‘s, Parkaris, and scheduled caste Hindus and particularly to secular minded Sindhi peasant activists. Rules of

267 endogamy and extended moiety system prevalent in Kolhi community and the revival of identification with ancient ethnic Kolhi past makes interaction and negotiation between homogenous and non-contradictory plural identities and selves, unique in its own way.

Multiplicity of cultural reality of Kolhi peasants of Dumbālo does not mean that Kolhi peasants do not share any distinctive conception of their culture. Kolhi sharecroppers and general peasants assume that they share certain culture. It becomes evident when they identify and relate themselves with certain geographical area (Nangarparkar), language ( Parkari, which is changing), religion ( totemic Hindu, which is transforming), family system ( endogamous moieties, which is relatively intact), and living style ( such as, Chaunra housing, which is being adapted, modernized, at barrage area, and being rapidly replaced) and economy ( an admixture of subsistence-market sharecropping, pastoralism and remittance economy which is heading towards business-market economy of small merchants).

Kolhi peasants are assumed to share the depiction and representation of their culture by the dominant Muslim landlords. Yet, in recent years, individual Kolhi peasants have started struggling against their respective landlords. They are striving to negate, to change, and to improve their depiction (by landlords and Muslims) as the worthless outcaste Hindu community of the backward area. They also seem to successfully mobilize from within Kolhi community to reform their community‘s image to improve their social status among the hostile and high status neighboring landlord Muslim communities.

Landlord-sharecropper relationship in Naon Dumbālo had gone through dramatic shift. In short span of seven year it changed from an exploitative landlord-bonded laborer relationship to a less exploitative somewhat egalitarian sharecropper-landowner contractual arrangement. In their effort to create respectable space for them in Naon Dumbālo or barrage-area, and to seek solutions to landlessness, debt bondage and ethnic discrimination, they have created scores of problems for them as well. Yet these problems and issues such as clashes with the landlords and Islamist elements were being anticipated by them. As they had been marginalized and suppressed for centuries, their political assertion and increasing social independence, together with emerging Islamist extremism have made Kolhian and Dalit community distinctively visible in the suppressive Islamist-landlordish background of lower Sindh.

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6.1.4 Kolhi Activism Kolhi peasant activists seem to be aware of the fact that they are part of the larger world; they are Parkaris, Tharis, Sindhis, Pakistanis, as well as, low caste Hindus. They are very much aware of their social status as the marginalized community. Still they are making every effort to diffuse the disparities between multiple cultures, identities and their ‗dialogical selves‘. Kolhi activists seem to be conscious of the fact that some of the disparities may not be dispelled easily and the perfect integration is an illusion in a multi-dimensional, multicultural, ever globalizing society. Hence, they are integrating with the Sindhi culture, but with the difference. They are lamenting the waning of Sufic traditions of Sindh and advocate Sufism as against Hinduism and Islamism, to live with peace, the ideological stance which is antithetical both to Islamic Pakistan and castiest Hinduism. Increasing religious extremism, however, has unleashed its own sociopolitical dynamics which is making Dalits conscious of their non-Islamic second-rate Hindu identity, which in turn leading them to take their Hindu religion still more seriously, the trend which is perceived to be erosive of sufic-Dalit culture.

Kolhi activists are working from within community to transform their culture and customs, to re- establish their social status on equal footing with other privileged Sindhi-Muslim communities who own land and local resources. Kolhi activists are urging their people to gradually abandon sharecropping and adopt business, learn technical skill, open up shops, and do wage-laboring. Their efforts have materialized in the form of few Kolhi villages named as ‗colonies‘, to symbolize cultural change. Economic and political emancipation of Kolhis peasants will, in fact, result in the emancipation of large number of oppressed class of women folk that are in fact real workers, actual labour force and the most oppressed.

Kolhi peasant community of Dumbālo area is, probably, in a unique position to represent and support their community in Sindh. They have got the critical number of literate and spirited persons to fight for their rights at multiple platforms. Theirs is the community of progressive and optimistic souls to which even the whole Parkari community of Sindh is looking as the beacon of change.

Kolhi community of Dumbālo seems to have decided to get rid of tenancy and look for alternative sources of income. Versi Kolhi along with Veerji and some other activists have strategized how to get rid of landlessness. They have the political and social program to implement and they are implementing it in their own unique way. Peasant Kolhi community of

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Dumbālo has adopted the strategy to look for alternatives to tenancy and make savings on domesticated animals to build permanent settlements or Kolhi colonies.

The declared action-agenda of Kolhi activists is to gradually abandon tenancy and to engage in diversified income-generating sources. They are advising their community members to save some money to invest in small businesses. To achieve that goal Kolhi peasant activists have engaged several of literate Kolhis in voluntary activism. The shift from tenancy to other professions can be easily observed at Versi Kolhi Colony. Most of the residents of colony have engaged themselves in businesses like retail shopping, Quniqi driving, mini-cabin shops, wage- laboring and hawkering in streets. Kolhi peasant activists are encouraging the youth to go to big cities like Karachi and Hyderabad. Hence, Kolhi activists are trying out all possible income- generating alternatives to get rid of tenancy, landlessness and debt bondage.

Kolhi peasant activism is not just for land reforms, or against debt bondage. It is also the struggle for ethnic and communal rights and equal social status for the marginalized untouchable communities of lower Sindh. That is very much phenomenal to find Kolhi men and women in the forefront of peasant-led rallies, marches, protests and strikes, an indicator of the fact that Kolhis and Dalits are not only structurally locked by social system into landlessness and debt bondage, but they are also the ones who are willing to confront the exploitative system openly. Hence, Kolhi community, in particular, seems very much aware of the fact that ethnic discrimination and peasant issues are strongly related to each other and that struggle against landlessness and debt bondage will also lead to an end to untouchability taboos, and structured ethnic marginalization.

6.2 Indicators of ethnic emergence among Kolhi peasants of Naon Dumbālo Most of the socio-political changes occurring within Kolhi community and in lower Sindh, indicate the emergence of neo-Casteism and neo-tribalism among Kolhis. Some of the important indicators Kolhi ethnic revival has been outlined below.

1. Intervention of PCDP, a Parkari ethnic organization. 2. Preference of the use Parkari language in school syllabus and use of Parkari as medium of instruction. Revival and promotion of Parkari language which is closer to Gujarati of Indian Kolis, Marwari of Rajasthan and Kutch, and Dhatki of Tharr, than to Sindhi or its

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variant Siraiki29. 3. Defying the will of the landlord to use the right to vote. 4. Actively registering votes of Kolhi community. 5. Contesting elections, particularly focusing on Kolhi community. Due to the influence of Kolhi Bradari contesting election as an independent candidate instead of joining any party. 6. Preferring Bradari principle over the universal ideological or democratic political principles in decision-making. 7. Asserting themselves as Rajputs (belonging to Rajputana, Rajhistan, Gujrat) and Kashtriyas (warriors) and Dravidians (actual inheritors of Sindh since the times of Neolithic Indus valley civilization of Moen jo daro). Kolhian politics is place-bound, believing themselves to be the indigenous Parkaris, and the Parkar being the land of Kolhis. Identification of Kolhis with the larger Sindh is, by and large, their conscious socio-political strategy to create socio-political space for their community at provincial/regional level. 8. Identifying themselves, mainly as a political strategy, as belonging to larger Dalit community of Pakistan. 9. Identifying themselves with the marginalized communities of Pakistan like Christians and other Hindus. 10. Use of Facebook by literate Kolhis of Sindh to portray and represent Kolhis as trans- border historical Warrior race of the South Asia. 11. Formation of actual and virtual Kolhi organizations in Pakistan and internationally. 12. Celebration of Rooplo Kolhi‘s death anniversary at Versi Kolhi Colony (Although Sindhi nationalists sponsor Rooplo Kolhi day to commemorate patriotic fight and martyrdom of Rooplo Kolhi as a hero of Sindh, it also serves as the uplifter of Kolhi ethnicity among Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo and Parkar.). Kolhis admire Rooplo Kolhi mainly because he was a Kolhi who defended regional territory and lands that belonged to Kolhis. Rooplo

29 Similarly their dressing codes and the cultural practices, such as dance also resembles to that of Gujaratis and Rajasthani than to Ho Jamallo of Sindh.

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Kolhi is the symbol of tribal resistance as much as it is that of peasant resistance.30 13. Whereas for Sindhi ethno-nationalist peasant Rooplo is essentially a Sindhi hero that fought against colonial forces with patriotic Sindhian fervor. Kolhis have not been as expressive in their ‗Sindhian‘ assertion as outside community activists were. That is evident from the Kolhian renaming and merging of Rooplo Kolhi colony with the newer one named after current and leading Kolhi peasant activist-cum-tribal head Versi Kolhi. Versi Kolhi Colony is registered under the name ‗Kolhi Colony‘, but the leading ethno- nationalist and Marxist Sindhi peasant activists named it after the historical heroic Kolhi figure Rooplo Kolhi. Although, the naming after Rooplo Kolhi was equally acceptable and appropriate from local Kolhian point of view, they renamed it grounding it into actual lived political realities, instead of being identified with the blurred historical figure. Such a renaming tells a lot about Kolhian social psychology and the socio- political orientation which is different from Sindhi ethno-nationalists. 14. Visits of outside peasant activists, human rights watchdogs, Sindhi nationalists, Marxists have not only made them aware about their rights, their marginality, and inspired them to struggle, the visits of outside well-wishers, in itself, have served an essential purpose for local Kolhis. Kolhis and Dalits are the people that are no more perceived as socially alienated. They are well supported by several socially and politically powerful social and political groups, hence increasingly perceived as the ultimate threat by local landlord communities. Social and political connections with the influential social and peasant activists serves as morale booster for locally situated Kolhis and Kolhi leadership. When local landlords notice them being frequently visited by NGO-teams, or social activists and tour the surrounding area, they (landlords) feel threatened, behave cautiously and express their fears and concerns about the increasing attention afforded to Kolhis and Dalits by outside-community activists. Versi Kolhi himself has noticed such concerns and the dramatic change in landlord‘s behavior when they see him with visiting social activists. Due to the influence and support of social activists, behavior of local landlords,

30 Rooplo Kolhi is the antithesis of Arbabs in Tharparkar. Arbabs (wadero-landlords) were given by Britishers property rights over the state and peasant‘s lands and also administrative authority so that rebellions, like that of Rooplo Kolhis‘, could not occur in future.

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as well as that of Kolhi community towards Versi, Pehlaaj and other Kolhi activists, has gone through positive change raising their and their communities social status locally vis a vis landlords and landlord communities. Hence, for Kolhis frequent visits and the attention of social activists to their colonies and settlements in itself serves the most vital social function of community empowerment.

6.3 Raising tribal status to Caste status: Politicization of the Kolhis Hamza Alavi31 has rightly pointed out that peasants are not‘ just class-in-itself‘, that is economic grouping, abstracted from its political underpinnings, but a it is the ‗class-for-itself‘‘ a political organ as well. Politically peasants share multiple primordial identities with their kinship, caste, and tribe. (Alavi, 1973). Peasants now also share political identities with politically engaged spiritual or religious leaders and with upwardly mobile urbanizing relatives. That intermeshing of political identities greatly levels the field of politics for all economic classes including sharecropper class/ group.

Yet it was not the case few decades back, at least not in the case of untouchable Parkari Kolhis. Primordial identity associations created perpetual conditions for the exploitation of the historically vanquished tribes, classes and castes. Aryans, Rajputs, Vaisiyas, Mughals, Pathans, Arabs, Turks, Balochs and Persian were installed as Kings, princes, feudal lords, Mansabdaars, Jageerdaars, Zameendars, Wazeers, Deewans, and Army generals. Whereas those castes and tribes belonging to Dravidian, Kol, Koli, Santhal, Bheel, Machi, Solangi, Shudras, Khaskhelis and new Muslims were labeled as the untouchables, lower people, a kind of sub-human creatures useful only to do the drudgery and menially filthy tasks.

The socio-economic condition of the vanquished or marginalized ethnic groups hardly improved till the beginning of 20th century. Economic exploitation and marginality remained embedded in lower-caste and tribally marginal status. ―The link between caste and social structure and

31 ―Hamza Alavi started his first academic job at the interdisciplinary Institute of Development Studies (IDS) at Sussex University in 1966, the year that IDS was established. It was from here that he undertook, in 1968–69, his seminal socio-anthropological study of peasant society in Pakistan, highlighting the centrality of the biraderi kinship system to the electoral political system. The intensive participant-observation he conducted during fifteen months in a village in Sahiwal district of Punjab Province helped him to develop his insights into the rural bases of political power, ethnicity and kinship networks, and the green revolution in Pakistan. In 1971, Alavi's aim of returning home was thwarted by the war with India and the break-up of Pakistan; in a more stable, less militaristic Pakistan, he had intended to start an Institute of Peasant Studies.

273 bondage, on the one hand, and traditional feudal social relations and bonded labour, on the other.‖ (Srivastava, 2005, p. 9).

It has usually been evidenced that class interests usually outweigh caste and tribal interests. Social movements launched by lower castes and tribes to bring about economic equality and or equity also lead to the transformation of casteist or tribal status (S.D.Kulkarni, 1979). Tribal groups in India usually ―regard membership in the caste system as a means to gain social prestige.‖ (Bernhard, 1983, p. 99) Similar conclusion can be made of Kolhi peasants that identify themselves with other marginalized communities, warrior Khashtria caste, Dalits and landless peasants, ethnic or religious minorities independent of religious, ethnic, tribal or caste-based affiliations. Parkari Kolhis are reconstructing their past identities uprooting it out of their untouchable past and by grafting it into the newer construct that may elevate their economic as well as social status and help to rid of untouchability, minority status, second rate citizenship, landlessness, debt and social bondage and ethnic discrimination. Rapidly changing economic and social context and concomitant positioning is enabling them to reassert their tribalism on the more acceptable and respectable lines.

In South Asia division of labour has been caste-based. Whereas in other regions of the world, classes have been largely economically determined categories, in South Asia class relations had been harmonized with caste boundaries (Rahman T. , 2010). Castes and tribal affiliations in Sindh are so strong that state-laws merely serve as a subsidiary parallel legal and punitive system.

Powerlessness of law enforcing agencies and the strength of tribal and caste based bradaris in Sindh is evident from several Jirgas in which eve DSPs, ASPs and SHOs are fined for unjustly arresting, or killing of any powerful tribal person. In a recent Jirga a DSP was fined a heavy amount of 10 million rupees for allegedly unjustly killing four persons near Hyderabad, that were alleged by police as dacoits (KTN News, 2013; Sindh TV, 2013). Hence, despite having a legal cover to their operation, the policemen cannot escape the tribal or bradari censorship, and the Jirga system. Unfortunately, that informal Jirga system has always been monopolized by Baloch and Sindhi-speaking Muslim feudal lords, and resultantly perpetuates economic exploitation of the oppressed peasant and landless peasant-pastoralist ethnic minority communities such as Kolhis, Bheels, and Meghwars.

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Parkari Kolhis as a tribal caste, has been taken as an economic class of the marginalized community whose labor and social prowess have been exploited by landlords, feudals, Rajputs, Kings, Rajas, Arbabs, Aryan and almost every race, nation, class and the caste except untouchables. Taimur Rahman‘s leftist interpretation of castes as classes, in South Asian context, has been taken as the departing theoretical starting point in this research, as Parkari Kolhi seems to be the tribal class of landless peasant-pastoralists under debt and social bondage, dominated, subjugated and exploited by another ethnic group of tribes of Aryan and Muslim origin.

Because of the fact that Kolhis are not the lone ethnically marginalised Hindu community of Sindh, it has been trying to broaden its political base by identifying Kolhis with other Dalit communities. Kolhis and other Dalit communities of Sindh which are belived by Kolhi activists to form 1/5th of the population of Sindh confront the similar discrimination whereever they may be located in Sindh or in Punjab. Bhoor Mal has not only idealised the work ethic of Dalit communities but he belives that the world has to return to Dalitian way of life to rescuse the plumetting economy, particichial socio-relgious systems and degrading exploitative cultures of the world. Thus, he not only has given forth the economic and political ideology for the Dalits and the world, but also has devised the way forward for the Dalit communities of Sindh to reorganise themselves. (Kolhi B. M., Pracheen Lok, 2014, pp. 95,96,104,108)

6.4 Peasant Activism and ethno-nationalism Some of the peasant activists working within Kolhi and Dalit communities do non-parliamentary leftist-separatist politics that matches closely to separatist ethno-nationalist political parties‘ stance, such as that of JSQM (BQ). While others are members of the leftist parties, such as Awami Tehreek, Sindh Taraqi Pasand Party and the Marxist Awami Workers Party, that contest in general elections.

Kolhi peasant activists have served the vital purpose of joining the disjointed, that of social and political. Whereas, JSQM (BQ), the leading Sindhi ethno-nationalist party, has dealt the tribal and communal issues of Sindh from political-to-social line of action, peasant activists like Punhal Sario have pursed it from their social position to politicize ethnic-peasant issues from within peasant communities, ethnic minorities and suppressed Sindhi rural classes. Very much on the similar lines, Bhandar Hari Sangat is the social platform to reform peasants and wage laborers, yet its organizational leadership at the same time holds political credentials being largely leftists formally and variably associated with Awami Party or with a Marxist ‗Awami

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Workers Partry‘.

From Marxist point of view caste race and tribal differences are unreal superficial epiphenomenal but people have bee made to belive them as real and primary, the result of cultural hegemony and under the influence of dominant statist discourse. Apart from the cure suggested by Marxists, there are some other alternatives worthy to be tried and tested, and in fact, one pertinent cure has already been successfully tried out in Sindh, to polarize and mobilize society ethno-political lines to bring about fundamental change in the system. The lead in that case, came from an ethnoantionalit separatist political party JSQM of Bashir Qureshi, that proved to be highly successful in mobilizing Sindhi masses for the right to separate homeland Sindhu Desh. Whereas increasing separatist tendencies among rural Sindhi masses are indicative of ethno-cultural schisms in Pakistani society, it is also an indicator of economic inequalities at regional-provincial level (Chandio J. , 2013; Sario, 2013).

The secret of JSQM‘s appeal to the masses lies in multiple factors, such as personal charisma of leadership, a Sindhian outlook and primordial popular appeal. But the most important of all was Bashir Qureshi‘s extraordinary activism at community, caste and tribal level. He engaged with Sindhi masses at intimate conflict resolution level by serving as an arbiter in Jirgas or Faislo, between warring castes and tribes. Jirga or Faislo is the political intersection point where hegemonic political relationships are established between the communities and feudal politicians through political exploitation of warring castes. Jirga or Faislo is the conflict resolving institution evolved by interacting tribes, castes and kinship groups to resolve, mainly, their inter- caste conflicts. It is the traditional mechanism through with socio-political life of Sindh castes and tribes has been hagemonized by feudal politicians. Feudal lords and tribal chiefs with assistance of dysfunctional state police and tamed team of dacoits and thieves have been quite successful in psychologically convincing the masses that reality is like that, that they are feudals by default, that system always works like and that it‘s natural for things to happen like that.

As regards Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo, SHPC leadership believes that it would be better for Kolhi activist not to accept any power-sharing offer of ruling feudalistic political parties, and that instead of being lured by temporary gains and hollow cooperation they should join hands with leftist parties and struggle for overhaul in political structure of Pakistan.

Punhal Sario, the most influential outside community peasant activist is a separatist ethno-

276 nationalist as well. Sario and his organization is uncompromising on its fundamental principles and do not consider even that symbolic offer of the ruling party to a formerly meaningless entity (Kolhi community) as the kind of change in social attitudes. SHPC chairman, Punhal Sario strongly believes that political change is not possible without a political party and, so it would advisable for Kolhi activists to formally join any party instead of contesting elections independently (Sario, Local Bodies Elections, 2013). Although Sario suggests Kolhis to join any of the leftist political party yet he is clearly suspicious of any substantial change through election-politics and holds no hope at all in parliamentary elections as, for him, the whole system has become chronically corrupt.

Accordingly, it can be deduced that most of the time Kolhi and Sindhi peasant activists, as well as Sindhi civil society, hold four major identifiable political identities that shift from one to the other as the context changes. They behave and act ethno-nationalistically when issues of Sindhi nationalism and rights of Sindh and Sindhi people are in spotlight; they act as leftist-Marxists when issues of poverty and bonded labor overwhelm the socio-political discourse; and strive as social advocates and as social reformists when issues of intra-provincial ethnic and religious discrimination overwhelm the civil society circles; In times of extreme personal economic pressures they mostly depend on project-based donor-funded activism and justify it as the personal survival mechanism, or rationalize as much needed quick fix interventions.

6.5 Ethno-nationalist and civil-societal approach Kolhi peasant activism asserts itself through various civil society platforms, most of which have been recently established or have reorganized itself more vigorously in the last decade. All Pakistan Kolhi Association is a member of a large confederation, Pakistan Dalit Solidarity Network, which is a network of 30 civil society organizations and associations (The News , 2012). PSDN, on its part, is in collaboration with ISDN (International Dalit Solidarity Network) that raises issues of Dalits on an international level.

Most of the issues raised by ISDN, PSDN, and Kolhi associations relate to landlessness, debt bondage and peasant rights. Hence, Kolhi peasant activism has clear ethnic background and kinship, tribal and ethnic relations to other marginalized Dalit communities most of whom are trapped in similar socio-economic problems. That similar marginalized socio-economic background, together with increasing extremism is making Dalits and Kolhis conscious of their communities as the underclass.

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Most of peasant activists and social activists that work with Kolhi activists and for Kolhi landless peasants harbor Sindhi ethno-nationalist sentiments. These peasant and Kolhi activists make up larger part of Sindhi civil society that operates in rural areas of lower Sindh. Sociologically, civil society is neither a class, nor a group of well-educated citizens, though it may consist mostly of well educated, responsible citizens. There can never be a single definition or interpretation of the civil society because of the fact that its structure and functions vary both spatially and temporally. Yet in a somewhat broader sense, , civil society, which is based on liberal ideology and various ‗freedoms‘ is meant, understood and acted differently by different groups, sections and organizations of the society. Some groups or organization within civil society at some points favors socialist change, whereas some others favor capitalist changes. Hence civil society is not merely the follower of capitalist liberalist agenda. It could include any group even Marxists or communists that label it as essentially a capitalist hoax.

Civil society of interior Sindh can also be differentiated on the basis of field of activity and spatial-geographical region. Field of activity and social sphere of Urdu-speaking population of Hyderabad is totally different and urban-centered focused largely on the issues of Urdu-speaking population, whereas NOG offices located in Qasimabad Hyderabad which is essentially a Sindhi- speaking Talluka, is rural-centric, sympathetic to Sindhi ethno-nationalists and anti-feudalistic in approach.

6.6 Lower Caste, Landless Class and Ethnic Exploitation

6.7 Nation-building and Kolhi ethnic peasants Nation-building in Pakistan has been an uphill task for policy-makers and roots of the national problematique partly lies deep into an apolitical history of Pakistan. Pakistan is the post-colonial country in which multiple nationalities and ethnic groups had to be subsumed into larger national framework. The question of legitimate place of subnational ethnic groups into the Pakistani nationhood‘ is still asking for solutions despite the 65 years of efforts of the reconstruction of the national narrative. Those who have been ―in power have tended to look upon sub-national movements as threat to ‗the nation‘ and subversive of national unity.‖ (Alavi, 1989).

Pakistan was not meant to be an Islamic Republic with the Council of Islamic Ideology and the Federal Shariat Court, Islam as a state religion and only Muslim person as entitled to be head of

278 state (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 21; Faruqi, 2011, p. 25). ―Having raised the slogan, ‗Islam is our faith, democracy is our politics, and socialism is our economy,‘ the PPP attempted to reconcile key contradictions in Pakistani society and state culture, by propounding a ―state religion‖ on the one hand and attempting to eliminate all forms of exploitation on the other‖ (Faruqi, 2011, p. 25)

They very foundation of Pakistan‘s constitution on Islamic foundation created space for Islamist manoeuvres right from the beginning leading to structured religious and ethnic discrimination through the divisive redefinition of terms ‗Muslim‘ and non-Muslim‘, promulgation of separate electorates for minorities in 1985 (that were later in 2002 were rightly amended to restore joint electorates), , blasphemy laws (that affected Ahmadis most that could not even profess their relgion), Hudood Ordiances,Qisas, Diyat and subsequent misuse of such laws that particularly affected the poor, women and the religious minorities (Faruqi, 2011, pp. 25,26,27). On the contrary, Pakistan was meant to become, as Jinnah had visualised, a secular state ―with clear separation of religion and politics‖ (Shah Z. , Dec 2007, p. 20) where rights of Muslim population could be ensured which were thwarted under British rule in India and could be disenfranchised in united India after independence (Faruqi, 2011, p. 21).

On the status of Scheduled Castes in the newly carved state, Jinnah had declared, "I wish to say a word to make the position of the Muslim League clear. As far as the Scheduled Castes and other minorities are concerned, their just claims will have to be met before any complete settlement is achieved. I can tell my friends of the Scheduled Castes that at no time have I overlooked their interests and position and I may claim that in the past I have done all I could to help them, and I shall always stand for their protection and safeguard in any future scheme of constitution for I think that the wrongs and injustices inflicted on them for centuries should not be allowed to continue under any civilized form of government" (Shah Z. , Long Behind Schedule:A Study on Plight of Scheduled Caste Hindus in Pakistan, Dec 2007, p. 20)

The weakening of British Empire due to catastrophic impact of World War II strengthened the position of Indian Hindu and Muslim nationalists to demand freedom, while at the same time weakened the hold British to further rule over the sub-continent. But it was not the sole of cause of partition. Some international anti-Pakistan intellectuals maintain that the Britain and United States together created Pakistan ―to install a buffer state between the advancing USSR and India after the Second World‖ (Fatah, 2013). Well, there may be multiple political factors that may

279 have led to the creation of Pakistan, but as far as existing religious and ethnic communal discrimination as a cause of partition is concerned, it has its roots deeply embedded in the Hindu-Muslim, Brahman-untouchable tensions in pre-partition India (Faruqi, 2011, p. 21).

Sindh, after partition, has become the land of high contrasts and divided into the rich urban ethnic population and the poor rural ethnic Sindh. Due to the concentration of commerce and industry in its capital city, Karachi, Sindh has the highest per capita income in Pakistan, while its rural inhabitants are among the country‘s poorest. Such a striking disparity has made Sindh a hotbed of various kinds of nationalism ranging from separatists and right-wing autonomists to socialist intellectuals and left-wing peasant groups.‖ (Khan A. , 2002, p. 213)

That historically imagined past is still haunting in the present Pakistan. The perceived exploitation of Sindh, Parkari Kolhis‘ identification with Sindhi ethno-nationalists , and the numerical-demographic strength and concentration of Dalit and Kolhi population in districts of lower Sindh that share borders and religio-cultural legacy with India, have serious implications for the nation-building project of Pakistan‘s policy-makers. Inclusion of these dissenting and annoyed ethnic groups into the mainstream social milieu of Pakistan could serve a great deal to integrate Pakistani society, whereas further exclusion, marginalization and the reduction of Hindus and Dalits to the second rate-citizens could only prove to be counterproductive in today‘s globalizing world in which physical borders matter little and the battles are to be fought in virtual social space.

In a statement, in the aftermath of Abbottabad Commission, General Shuja Ahmed confessed that Pakistan is a weak and fearful state, and that the whole system seems to be miserably failing (Khan L. , 2013). Although General Shuja commented in the perspective of Talibans and terrorism, it is very much true of other aspects of Pakistan‘s politics, economy and administration. As Pakistani establishment is entangled in dealing with Talibans in the North, and the poor and peaceful but marginalized rural South seems to have been either suppressed or depoliticized, yet dysfunctional administrative machinery of the government has opened up space at certain places in certain localities for the development sector on the one hand, and for locals to asset their political role, on the other.

Monolithic fanaticism of the policy-makers, feudal politicians and Islamic political parties, which has been carried on for 65 years, in the name of patriotism, has kept the state intelligentsia blind to the ethnic realities of Pakistan. With the assistance of myopic, self-centered feudalistic

280 mentalities that have been quite successful in wooing, suppressing and threatening the timid sheep-like simple folks, Pakistani establishment seems to be quite optimistic that sooner or later, homogenous Islamic Pakistan would become a reality. Pakistani state, its establishment, and its ‗overdeveloped and the most powerful institution, that is Army‘ (Leys, 1974-2010, pp. 39-48), and feudo-industrial government does not seem to pay any heed to the call of social scientists‘ and thinkers‘, that while exposing the state and government‘s involvement in the deliberate exacerbation of intra-ethnic conflicts or to ―weaken the resistance which ethnic groups pose to their rule and authority‖ with the purpose of divide-and-rule. (Siddiqi, 2012, p. 112)

The challenge for Marxists, Nationalists and the government in Sindh is to save the marginalized communities and classes which are emerging on the mainstream political scene from being depoliticized again. The process of de-politicization and marginalization of the already marginalized has been going on through educational, governmental and political institutions of the Pakistan. In terms of political empowerment, development sector has also proved to be counter-productive. Short-term, foreign-funded, targetized interventions, instead of empowering local communities, ethnic groups and peasants, have reduced the socio-political reality to technical issues fixable only by outside non-communal experts.

Peasant communities of ethnic minorities, being utterly hapless, usually behave desperately to bow before or welcome anyone who may promise to benefit them. Yet most of the benefits they have received from the government, NGOs or from the leftist activists could only afforded short- term relief to them. Most of the Kolhi and Dalit peasant communities that received any assistance from the NGOs are as poor and hapless as they were before. Development sector‘s contribution in the political transformation of Kolhi community of Naon Dumbālo into politically consciousness community is the least of all outside and inside community activists.

If marginalized Kolhi peasant communities‘ potential to successfully resist, is properly mobilized and tapped by any party, a political group, a Marxist, Sindhi-nationalist, or nationalist state actors, then there might occur some fundamental changes in the status quo that may further lead to the uplift and emancipation of marginalized and suppressed ethnic communities such as Kolhi community.

Casteism of Sindhi tribal-type, not of typical Indian Hindu-casteism type is on the rise among Kolhis. Peasant and social activist‘s persistent engagement with peasant communities at intimate

281 level, governmental attention to the issues of ethnic-Dalit communities, will serve two fundamental purposes. On one hand it would weaken and reduce the influence of feudal politicians, and on the other it would direct local communities to form more egalitarian casteless social organizations and associations. It would keep them from erecting fake alternative hegemonic casteist and non-democratic and authoritarian socio-political structures.

This year, in 2014, Pakistan, after learning about the fundamental flaws in its national narrative is planning to evolve a new ‗National Internal Security Policy‘, has avowedly aimed at the reconstruction of national narrative that would be designed to give space to multiple identities and promote multiculturalism. (AFP, 2014; Sethi, 2014). Hence, one can hope that minorities and marginalized ethnic groups, communities, and ignored ethno-nationalists may also find some space in it, and that may lead to tolerant and progressive society.

6.8 Recommendations

6.8.1 Tackling emerging neo-tribal communalism: Marxist, Socialist and Postdevelopmentalist Solutions Kolhi activists of lower Sindh, through their ethnic-Peasantivist activism, is not only forming for themselves an ethnically distinctive local political base, but are also making efforts to integrate all Dalit communities of the region.

Kolhi community of Sindh is politically active to broaden its political base by identifying problems and issues of Kolhis with other Dalit communities of Sindh, the process that may eventually lead them to form the broader political alliance on ethnic or racial-Dalit lines. That trend towards Dalitianisation may prove to be beneficial for Kolhis as well as other Dalit communities, but at the same time, emerging non-Muslim and pro-Dalit (Hindu) alliance may also lead to fragmentation and political polarization of Pakistani society. Dalit-Hindu empowerment may subsequently be perceived by the Islamic State as the threat to their two- nation theory-based ideology and to essentially Islamic foundations of Pakistan. This is, therefore the high-time for the government and the state institutions to adopt more inclusive policies, and bring about structural changes through constitutional and legal amendments, and by increasing development funds for the marginalized communities of Pakistan.

To tackle negative socio-political trends among Kolhis in general, and ethnic communities of

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Pakistan in particular, and keeping in mind their political and ideological predilections, each player in the societal field of Pakistan is suggested here to follow certain line of action or mediatory approach to resolve communal and national problematique and to develop localized communities.

The key actors/ players or agents of change that are shaping Kolhian life and politics are, Kolhi activists, Marxist-socialist activists, leftist ethno-nationalists , developmentalists, government and state institutions. Each agent of change has its own program to transform societal reality and mostly follow highly idealized and generic goals to change the whole system. Similar is being proposed here, though from the bottom-up approach without implying any unified all-embracing change agenda for all communities of Pakistan. These recommendations are mere suggestions limited in validity to the extent the evidences of this research on Kolhi community warrant it. These tentative recommendations are:

1. Marxist return to reinterpretation (Neo-Marxist Approach) 2. Establishment of Communal councils by the government 3. Ensuring ‘environmental justice’ of local indigenous communities 4. Self-reliance of ethnic communities 5. Sufic-socialist approach for ethno-nationalists and leftists.

Each recommended approach has been briefly explained below.

6.8.2 Neo-Marxists approach

According to a Marxist thinker ―Marxism may no longer have any solution ready to hand but its critical edge is not necessarily blunted.‖ (Therborn, 2008, p. 110). Marxism as a methodology and as a theoretical approach to understand and intervene in ethnic peasant communities can greatly serve the purpose of bringing about positive socio-economic change at communal and regional level. A longitudinal Marxist ethnographic enquiry of ethnically marginalized peasant communities of Sindh, where Marxists have been active, can help clarify misconceived political strategies through ‗empirical refutation‘, and help in ‗theoretical reconstruction‘ of the contextualized Marxist action-agenda. Michael Burawoy (1996) has stressed on the use of comparative extended ethnographic method, requiring participant observation;

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―…that grounds the messianic imagination and restrains the intellectual conceit of illusory universality. It is a method that demands extended participation in time and space to comprehend real-life processes, in order to grasp the projects of the participant and not just those of the observer. It is also a method that extends beyond the everyday world of projects to their external conditions of existence, while never forgetting that those conditions are not natural and immutable but themselves historical products that require reproduction.‖ (Burawoy, 1996, p. 98)

Ideally, there is little wrong with the Marxist interpretations of castes and communities. Their analysis probably goes disarrayed when, hurriedly they spill out wishful unilateral verdicts on complex metonymic realities of life. According to them castes and Bradaris are essentially patriarchal structures that suppress and control women sexuality and love to preserve the economic and cultural hegemony of the dominant classes, castes, tribes and the whole tribal and communal structure. Yet they are unable satisfactorily explain the historical, contextual value- laden reality of the ‗love‘, community, socialism, dialectics and ‗historicity‘ itself.

Instead of wholesome rejection of the tribal and communal reality as patriarchal, anti-socialist, or exploitative, they should also condescend to look into these lived social realities whatever little good they contain. Ideal goals are always attractive and luring to strive for. Same is true of socialist principles, but while actively engaging with any community or caste or tribe, a pragmatist socialist cannot bypass or ignore the tribal-casteist reality.

Slavoj Zizek, himself a prominent contemporary Marxist, suggests the reversal of Marxist formula, ‗Philosophers have only interpreted the word, the point is to change it‘. He maintains that Marxists, in twentieth century, in fact, ―tried to change the world too quickly. The time is to interpret it again and start thinking‖ (Žižek, 2012). He doesn‘t mean by ‗start thinking‘ to just keep thinking and do not at all act to change. He stresses that it is not desirable under circumstances to struggle outright for the radical revolutionary change, the chances of whose materialization are probably be very little. According to Zizek;

―The beauty is to select a topic which touches the fundamentals of our ideology, but at the same we could not be accused of promoting an impossible agenda like abolition of private property, but something that can be done and done relatively successfully. We should carefully select an issue to stir up a public debate and then we cannot be accused of being utopians in that sense of the term.‖ (Žižek, 2012)

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Peasant activism of the marginalized Hindu communities of lower Sindh, probably, can serve as such a specific issue which is within the realm of possibility, and ‗which touches the very roots of ordinary‘ and everyday life ideology of the Pakistani minorities and ordinary peasants. It exposes the fault-lines of the rural-urban social system and may help interpret and change the more generic and generalized Sindhi-nationalistic, Pakistani and Islamic ideologies and actual lives of the common rural populace.

For Marxists it would serve better to engage with ethnic communities on more intimate level. Instead of merely focusing on change, they should focus on reinterpretation, understanding of ethnic reality of Sindhi communities and Sindhi society.

Marxist and other leftist peasant activists succeeded in 60s and 70s in mobilizing peasant village communities when they got engaged with them at more intimate level in Chamber and Naon Dumbālo area of lower Sindh . It was their focus on that particular area and few potential village and caste communities that bore fruits, with the result they at least succeeded in forcing certain pro-peasant and pro-labor amendments in the constitution and law. At that time, highly committed and well-versed Marxist like Baqir Sanai, in fact lived among peasants for several months. Same is not being done by outer-community well educated Marxist and peasant activists today, and they are, by and large, preoccupied in doing desk-work and busy in evolving abstract theoretical literature devoid of actual communal engagement which negates the very notion of praxis they believe in.

Both Marxists and nationalists would fare well if they follow and practice an achievable agenda, as suggested by Zizek, and in principle followed by certain center-left Indian political organizations, such as Aam Admi Party (AAP) and by individual leaders such as Anna Hazare. AAP is not taking inspiration from Zizek, but strategizing on the similar principle of doing politics of change for the marginalized on an agenda that could be materialized in the present, not in distant future. Instead of sticking to any utopian ideal to change thy system, political activists should work out pragmatic agenda on the basis major perceivable issues and problems that are affecting the people‘s life in the present.

Marxists should approach peasant communities by emphasizing the importance of ‗social relations‘ of production (Eagleton, 2011), instead of merely economic relations of production. Monolithic focus on economic inequality and land reforms has failed to bring about social

285 equality and, or equity. Successful land reforms could not afford economic equality to Brazilian peasants and marginalized landless sections of Brazilian society . Change in economic relations of production did not work for the landless peasants, as socially and culturally embedded exploitative and discriminatory practices created scores of impediments in the socially egalitarian success of land reforms. Therefore, peasants had to struggle, not merely for land reform, but also for social rights, equal prestige and to eradicate ethnic discriminations. (Lindemann, June 2010). Similarly, monolithic economic agenda to bring about land reforms may not furnish aimed results in case of landless Kolhi peasant-pastoralists, or any other landless peasant of Pakistan for that matter. Politically, taking sides with ethnic minorities and landless peasants, supporting their worldview, respecting their beliefs and practices and empowering them as a community so that they could defend their people from the structural exploitation, will be more pragmatic approach to practice for all leftists.

The more realistic interventionist approach for Marxists, socialists as well as community leadership would be to work on viable struggles that directly engage with Bradaris, castes, and communities, yet ideally they may wait for or yearn for that critical historical juncture that could bring about radical or fundamental changes in social structure.

Structure of village as well as well ethnic communities have gone through fundamental changes during the last few decades. Very few communities or ethnic groups are closed from the larger networked society to subjugate, enslave or for that matter ostracize its member to impose psychological punishment. Social and economic avenues are now often open for every group or an individual to adapt and readjust itself in the changed social context. Moreover, whatever subjugation or slavery to village community may still be practiced, in this modernizing, globalizing and networked society, can be offset by grafting participatory democratic or cooperative communal ethos. Establishment of Communal councils by nation-states such as Pakistan can serve that function well by intersecting casteist village communes with peasant, ethnic and occupational communal councils.

Parkari Kolhi community is a former untouchable caste, and now a marginalized Dalit community. Instead of approaching individual poors and the disempowered families randomly, Marxists would serve their political purpose better to approach, accept and organize marginalized communities, such as Dalit communities, as the poor socio-economic ethnic peasant group. for both reformatory and revolutionary purposes. Contradicting the will and

286 values of ethnic communities, no matter how contradictory those may be to Marxist ideology, may contradict theoretical Marxist principle of ‗praxis‘ itself.

According to a neo-Marxist:

The point about class struggle is that its outcome cannot be predicted, and determinism can therefore find no foothold…Marx was a prophet in the sense of denouncing injustice, not in the sense of peering into a crystal ball...In Marxist thought, ―it is the social relations of production which have priority over the productive forces… Marx‘s claim…about the free self-development of all can never be fully realized. Like all the finest ideals it is a goal to aim at, not a state to be literally achieved. Ideals are signpost, not tangible entities… Nature does not guarantee that socialism will follow on the heels of capitalism. There are many different futures implicit in the present, some of them a lot less attractive than others… Marx does not seem to believe that the various modes of production from ancient slavery to modern capitalism follow upon one another in unalterable pattern. (Eagleton, 2011, pp. 49,50,55,72)

Hence, in case of caste-ridden south-Asian society, as far as semi-rural and rural areas are concerned, Marxists should have a goal initially to tackle with Casteism, untouchability, social segregation and the marginalization of Dalit communities. And that goal can be better achieved only by compromising certain avowed Marxist ideals. Even in India, where Hindu Casteism and untouchability prevails, Marxists realize the structured socio-economic reality of Indian society and strive to eradicate Casteism and untouchability. A renowned Indian Marxist leader E.M.S. Nambooriripad, ―placed the Marxian approach to the struggle against caste consciousness and caste oppression as a part of the class struggle in modern India‖ (Tripathi, 2012, p. 188). According to Nambooriripad:

There is no question of secular democracy, not to speak of socialism, unless the very citadel of India‘s ‗age old‘ civilization and culture—the division of society into a hierarchy of castes—is broken. In other words, the struggle for radical democracy and socialism cannot be separated from the struggle against society. (Tripathi, 2012, p. 188) There is a hope for Pakistani/ Sindhi Marxists in Kolhi-peasant activism as it probably provides for the required level of social historical consciousness of the purported or perceived exploitation, and the existence of the will among Kolhi peasants to resist, which is the precondition for any radical change in the system. Emergence of Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo from depressed and inactive past and from social alienation, can promise Marxists and socialists hope to see in them their dreams realized. Basing their struggle in Kolhi peasants any leftist party can mobilize Dalit peasantry, which may further culminate in the ethnic-peasant alliance of the

287 marginalized at national level.

Even from traditional Marxist view, for socialism to prevail, firstly capitalism has to flourish. And in case of Sindh, prevalence of capitalism has to see off the liminal mix of capitalist- feudalism. In that sense, it seems appropriate for all concerned leftists to engage with local communities at intimate political level. For Marxists, peasantist practices are soon to perish giving way to fully marketized capitalist agricultural economy, and would be replaced by wage workers in near future by capitalist forces on its own (Thalho B. , 2013). So they do not want to waste their energies on emancipating ethnically exploited peasants such as Parkari Kolhis. Whereas, on the other hand, La Via Campasina, an international peasant movement maintains that there have always been peasant in history and there will remain peasants although peasantist practices will change moulds and shells, the essential peasant culture will survive. (La Via Campesina, March 2011).Whether peasants perish or survive, it is still socialist to think of peasant emancipation and to strive for their indigenous, communal, local environmental and ethnic rights, for their desired existence as socially equal land tilling and fishing class with equal or parallel relations of productions and equally respectable owners of the means of production with their surplus labor (capital) going into their own pockets.

6.8.3 Sufic-socialist approach and Ethnic-peasant Communes: Linking present with Past

Peasant Activism in Sindh has had a history of partial successes. NGOs-led activism and modern development is not a primary factor that originated peasant activism in Sindh. NGOs intervention in the area was marginal before 80s, substantially increased in late 90s as the international donors as well as the government became convinced of the failure of the state- managed development projects and the successive governments to deliver to the masses. Peasant activism through civil society organizations was also bolstered, mainly due to change in international political order after the dissolution of USSR, that brought about change in mode of action of the so called Maoist and Marxists peasant activists, who opened up their own foreign- funded NGOs to advocate for peasant rights and land reforms.

Peasant activism in Sindh even predates, the communist ideology and colonial subaltern struggles. Historically, open conflict at collective level in Sindh, between landlord and the peasants occurred 1718 AD in Mughal era under Subaidari of Azam Khan, when local tribal chiefs were conferred authority to collect revenue from peasants.. Sufi Shah Inayat, a local

288 spiritual leader launched a peasant movement and introduced the Sufi-socialist notion of ‗Jo Khere, So Khaaey’ which literally means, ‗The one who tills, should eat‘. (Soomro K. H., 2012; Badshah, 2011; Mahar, 2011; G.M.Sayed, 2011) It is, in fact, a very broad concept which encapsulates the complete philosophy of life for rural folks. Shah Inayat‘s political and social program, in its essence, is still relevant to the peasant issues of rural Sindh, as the distorted systemic remnants of feudalistic system of the past are still dominating the socio-political scene of rural Sindh.

The emancipatory strategic model proposed and tried out by Shah Inayat can serve as the ‗cosmovisions‘ for the marginalized peasant communities of lower Sindh. That ideal of ‗Jo Kherey, So Khaey’ given by Shah Inayat, has also the potential to be transformed into a posdevelopmental model similar to the ones developed by Bolivia in the form of Buen Vivir, by Ecuador in the form of Sumak Kawsay, and the Venezuelan initiative of establishing ‗communal councils‘ on the basis of Bolivarian ideology (Gudynas, 2013; Gudynas, 2011; Lang, 2013; Pearson, 2009; Escobar, 2012).

Shah Inayat had, in fact, established a peasant communion on the model of communalism (communal socialism) by allowing his follower peasants to till the land that was allotted to his ancestor-spiritual leaders by the rulers of Sindh. He just took the share from crop enough for the tendering of Khanqah or Dargah. The rest was equally distributed between individual peasant workers. This was novel and quite an extraordinary practice that defied the traditional practice of feudalism and Shrine-worshipping. His socialist commune attracted several peasant families of the nearby villages particularly to followers of another nearby Dargah at Bulri. (Mahar, 2011, pp. 28,29,30) communes were immune from paying any abwaab (extra shares and taxes) to landlord, and from serving as unpaid laborers and from paying official land tax. (Badshah, 2011, p. 134).

Although, after the murder of Shah Inayat, his followers didn‘t follow his message of peaceful resistance and Sufic socialism, and just remained attached to spread Sufic pantheism through Sufic singing and poetry. Hussain Badsha further writes about the need of Sufic socialism in the preface of his book on Shah Inayat Shaheed that adverse sociopolitical condition of rural Sindh are still the same as that late Mughal era when Shah Inayat‘s socialist peasant communism was sabotaged. The corruption of state institutions today necessitate the socialist

289 sufi cult of cooperative peasants the kind established by Shah. (Badshah, 2011, p. 10). Sindhi ethno-nationalists, at least as the ideological-political philosophy have also adopted sufic- socialist approach. Although Shah Abdul Latif Bhitai, a legendary Sindhi Sufi poet, is interpreted differently by different schools of thought, ethno-nationalists leftists use revolutionary Sufic content of shah to mobilize Sindhi masses for struggle against status quo.

From Hindu and Dalit perspective, Sufic Sindh is not antithetical to Hinduism. Malkani has quoted that:

In Sindh, the borders between Hinduism and Islam were not hermetically closed. A classic example of this close connection is ‗Sur Ramkali‘ in Shah Abdul Latif‘s ‗Risalo‘, a poem in which this mystic praises the wandering yogis in terms taken from and Hadith. and his followers have not hesitated to sing the essential Unity of Being that manifests itself now in Abu Hanifa, now in Hanuman, now in the Vedas, now in the Quran.‖ (Malkani, 1997, p. 129)

Hence, Kolhian Hinduism being syncretic is also very much in line with Sufic or Sufic-socialist Islam. Therefore, peasant activists as well as Sindhi ethno-nationalists politicians and state policy-makers should look for synergies in different religious practices. Moreover, in the context of Parkari Kolhi community, their migration from ecologically unsustainable region of Tharr desert, their status as bonded agricultural laborers at Barrage area, and the current debate in Sindh on corporate versus cooperative farming need to be analyzed in the light of Philip Mc Michael‘s and Arturo Escobar‘s insights. Shah Inayat‘s ideology that ‗the land and produce belongs to the tiller‘ has parallel voice in the 21st century post-developmentalist, Arturo Escobar. For Escobar, ‗culture sits in places‘ (Escobar, 2001). Therefore, the distribution of land and wealth amongst the local ecological places or niches, in accordance with the potential of individual members of the community or locality, is the principle that almost all contemporary post-developmentalist scientists are forcefully attesting and should be made integral part of Kolhian, Dalit, leftist and ethno-nationalist political agenda.

6.8.4 Ethno-nationalist Solutions to Ethnic-peasant Issues One of the ways to get rid to increasing Casteism, tribalism and ethno-religious discrimination is to confront castes, kinship groups, and ethnic peasant communities at more intimate level. That could be done by all or any of the peasant and social activist group working in rural areas of Sindh. Sindhi ethno-nationalist political organization can also do the same Similar kind of social

290 activism as being suggested here, however, has been practiced in recent past by the JSQM, a Sindhi ethno-nationalist party.

There is lack of identification among Sindhi nationalists on intra-ethnic issues that require immediate attention, as to engage actively to catch attention of the common people at tribal or caste level. JSQM of Bashir Qureshi tried to do that by engaging warring castes into ‗Minth- Merr Kaflo‘ (Peace-making missions) , Awami Tehreek of Paleejo by launching Muhabat Sindh Rally, Sindhiani Tehreek (first women political wing), Sujaag Baar Tehreek (first children political wing), and Puhal Sario of Sindhi Hari Porihiat Council tried to do that by re-introducing Mach Katechri (bon-fire) among rural peasantry. While some others established some advocacy based political research institutions such as ‗Institute of Social Movements‘ established by Zulfiqar Shah.

Efforts of all these political actors have had contributed to the betterment and awareness of peasant societies, it has been Mass Media particular Sindhi Cable and Satellite Channels and Sindhi newspapers that strengthened the cause of ethnically discriminated peasants and propelled them towards political action. KTN, Sindh TV, AWAZ TV, daily Kawish and Awami Awaz are the main popular mediums of information dissemination in Sindhi in Sindh. Sindhi Media definitely has taken sides with the ethno-nationalists and Sindhi civil society, and by and large, has truly depicted the inner political sentiments of Sindhi masses. Even Sindhi Media‘s sensationalizing, hyper-reporting mostly has helped in highlighting issues of minorities and Sindh. But, from actual Sindhi ethno-nationalistic and Marxist, the political discourse generated on Sindhi media has not been successful in depicting the economically polarized feudalistic reality of rural Sindh.

For any student of ethnic politics and communities, it would be interesting to see which political party or group succeeds in diverting rising ethnicity and tribalism (Dalit-Kolhi Rajput Culture) in lower Sindh, to separatist socialism (Punhal Sario), Marxist parliamentary electioneering (Taj Maree), democratic ethno-socialism (Awami Tehreek), state-supported feudalism (PPPP,PML- F), or to ethno-nationalist separatism (JSQM). JSQM of Bashir Qureshi is probably the most successful ethno-nationalist political party of rural Sindh, and the reasons of its success lie in its political engagement with local communities and Sindhi castes (Bradaris).

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In fact it was Bashir Qureshi, as a leader, not a JSQM as political organization that succeeded in wooing Sindhi middle class living in Sindhi ruralized towns like , Moro, Halani, Sann, Shikarpur, Jamshoro, Dadu, Naseerabad, Mehar, Qasimabad, and Sindhi speaking areas of Karachi particularly Malir and Liyari. Moreover, Bashir Qureshi also attracted the political workers and the followers of other ethno-nationalist parties thus diluting and polarizing the Sindhi society up to the critical level that caught attention of all from Army Generals, Intelligence Agencies, Foreign stakeholder in Pakistan‘s political economy, Urdu-bureaucracy, and also of other suppressed ethno-nationalities of Pakistan.

As current political scenario stands in Pakistan, Sindhi masses, not finding any alternative in any ethno-nationalist party, had to rely again on feudal politicians, and voted PPPP heavily in general elections in 2013, to represent their cause at national level. Punjab did the same, as it has done most often to express their ethno-nationalism, by voting PML-N to eliminate essentially Sindhi party PPPP from the national scene, thus reducing it to the status of provincial party of Sindhi speaking Pakistanis of Sindh. Hence, in the past both Punjab and Sindh has voted on ethnic lines to assert Punjabiat and Sindhiat respectively.

Bashir Qureshi raised stagnant JSQM from a mere student-comrade party to the separatist party of Sindhi families, Kinship groups, whole villages, castes and communities. Thus, JSQM (BQ) succeeded in breaking the exploitative link between Bradaris and feudal politicians. He had realized that Sindhi society is essentially a caste-ridden society that has been hagemonized by self-interested tribal chiefs (Sardaars). He knew that Sindhi society based on castes and bradaris deals political issues at Bradari level, and that mainstream parliamentary political parties are more pragmatic and realistic than largely ideological leftist ethno-nationalists in that they (PPPP, PML-F) have dealt with the Sindhi people at the level Bradari. Following such a conscious or unconscious reasoning, Bashir Qureshi, the leading ethno-nationalist and lower JSQM leadership engaged on more intimate and organic level with Bradaris and castes by serving as an arbiter between warring castes and tribes of Sindhi or Sindhi Baloch origin. JSQM being an ethno- nationalist party both consciously and unconsciously increased awareness, importance and need for ethno-nationalism among Sindhi castes, inculcating a positive message to ‗unite all Sindhi castes by sinking caste identities for more important and larger cause of Sindhi nation‘.

JSQM (BQ), at Bradari level by engaging intimately in caste wars as an arbiter, tried to inject a progressive all-embracing ethnonationalist factor to reshape a unified Sindhi identity as a kind of

292 improvement over national identities based on castes and tribes. Bashir Qureshi had been quite pragmatic in his interpretation and propagation of the philosophy of G.M.Sayed and did not follow it blindly with fanatical enthusiasm. While campaigning and during Minth Merr Kaflas (approaches for Arbitration between warring castes) he wisely kept dissected religiously heretical historical ideological themes of G.M.Saysed‘s ideology. He stuck to present or existing issue-based anti-Punjab and separatist agenda going into reconstructed depths of history of Sindh. Contrary to that another ethno-nationalist organization JSMM ( Burfat), the extremist rebel ethno-nationalist group that heavily relies for its political agenda on secular and rather Hinduistic interpretations of the history of Sindh, the interpretation that does not appeal much to the Sindhi-speaking Muslim population.

Intervention of Bashir Qureshi through the arrangement of Minth Merr Kaflas, broke the hegemony of tribal chiefs and feudal lords over the less influential or powerless castes reorienting their political approach to the larger ethno-nationalist cause of Sindhi nation. Even for Marxists to test their action praxis methods direct confrontation at Bradari level can prove to be highly productive for them. But Marxists, in contrast to JSQM BQ, is far less resourceful, less appealing and less acceptable to folk Sindhis, than more charismatic, culturally identifiable and perceivably capable JSQM of Bashir Qureshi.

6.8.4.1 Difference in Marxist and Ethno-nationalist (JSQM) approaches Marxist theory even there provides little room for Marxists to experiment, as for them caste race and tribal differences are epiphenomenal and unreal and that people have been duped by the dominant discourses to visualize the real economic truth. For them caste wars are symptoms, not the causes or root problems. The real issue is the institution of private property, ownership of the means of production by the dominant, and of the unequal socio- economic system based on capital accumulation. Leftist message of change worded in heavy largely alien, uncouth and abstract jargon, is hard to percolate inside the body-politic of common Sindhian communities. They have to dig out and evolve local variants that should go beyond mere dependence on ready- made foreign terms and on literal reliance on the mystic-radical poetic content of Shah Bhittai .

Whether any peasant activist or Marxist party wins in elections or not, their engagement with Kolhi and Bheel communities will not only create leftist workers amongst them, but will also save those communities from being mere ethnic communalist group. If peasant activists and Marxists succeed in diverting Kolhi community‘s activism from being reduced to ethnic-

293 communal or Dalit assertion, then would be created a possibility of mobilizing the large population of other marginalized peasants and laborers that are sick of their caste and tribe based bondedness under tribal-feudals. With the support of such marginalized and exploited cross- section of population, balance of voting population could be considerably shifted in favor of the leftists.

6.8.5 Environmental nativism of Anna Hazare: Lessons for Kolhi leadership There are several contextual similarities, except the individual greatness of Anna Hazare that makes the comparison of Kolhi village development with that of Ralegan Siddhi, the native village of Anna Hazare the popular Indian leader and rural reformist. Nativism, primordial predilections, appeal to semi-historical mythology, Dalit-Hindu character, climatic and topographical similarities are some of the factors that Kolhi village community of Nangarparkr and Naon Dumbālo share with that of Ralegan Siddhi, the native village of Anna in Mahrashtra in India. Whereas, Ralegan has been fully developed over the span of four decades, and is being presented as the model village, Kolhi village communities of Naon Dumbālo, in particular, and Nangarparkar, in general, may yet have to travel some distance to achieve that status.

If the Kolhi village-communities decide to follow Anna‘s development model, then literate Kolhi activists and Kolhi leaders should work on their communities, should study the demography, ecology and culture of their region and community from the scientific perspective, and should devise pragmatic implementable strategies to develop and empower their communities on sustainable basis, as did Anna Hazare in his native village, Ralegan Siddhi in India. One rudimentary ‗master plan‘ for the development of the whole regions of ‗Thar and Parkar‘ was put forward by Bhooro Mal Kolhi, a Kolhi activist, and that has some merit to be considered by policymakers at national level (Kolhi B. M., 2002). But how the Kolhi community, or Dalit communities themselves develop their villages through micro-development programs, is the task that has not yet been devised theoretically, not to mention of its actual implementation and practice. None has in fact theorectically delved, except Kolhi peasants of Naon Dumbālo, on the development or empowerment of Kolhis and Dalits in barrage-irrigated area where, usually, they live at landless sharecroppers under debt or social bondage of landlords.

Kolhi ethnic peasant‘s activism at Naon Dumbālo is for indigenous, economic and environmental rights for their ethnic community, and they are achieving it through the building of village-like model Kolhi colonies in barrage area of lower Sindh. Hence, there developmental

294 program is multipurpose very much like Anna Hazare‘s development strategy, and has overtly political dimensions as well. Their struggle for land reforms, and against debt bondage, their efforts to reconstruct their ethnic identities and contesting of elections and reformation of village panchayat, all testify to their nativist primordialist ideological struggle as well.

Anna Hazare has transformed not only environment and economics of Ralegan, but he has also led villagers in the direction of exemplary social, moral and egalitarian development of village society. Although Anna is a conservative reformist politically and believes in the traditional utility of casteist culture, yet he is against discrimination of Harijans (Dalits), and the charm of his development model lies more in its environmental, ecological and economic transformation. Anna Hazare, however, is less ethnocentric and casteist in the sense that he wants to do away with untouchability and raise the social status of Harijan (Dalits), though not radical enough to bring them on par with upper caste Hindus.

There have been several efforts on his part to do away with the ban on Harijans‘ entry into the temple and to allow them to take water from the same well. They are associated with committees, formed to run the village affairs, and take part in several village functions and festivals. Occasionally, they cook or serve food to all the villagers and even perform puja…The concept of ‗village as a joint family‘ or all inhabitants of the village as ‗almighty God‘, has prompted the villagers to pay attention to the problems of Harijans, (Mukulsharma, 2011)

Hence, the notions of ‗village‘ as united family includes Harijans (Dalits) in its embrace as well yet it does not make all castes horizontally equal in social status. Upper caste villagers and the environmental leader (Anna Hazare) dominate the scene at Ralegan. Local politics at Ralegan is dominated by the person of Anna Hazare who, instead of promoting participatory election culture, prefers to nominate villagers on key positions through communal consensus. Anna

Hazare‘s political power and socio-cultural influence has increased gradually over the decades after the continuous activism at Ralegan, and engaging with social activists, bureaucracy and the government. Anna‘s political stature got erected upon the foundations of visionary reinterpretation of local ―culture, tradition and religion, and deployment of natural and human resources, including persuasion, coercion, and possibly suppression.‖ (Mukulsharma, 2011).

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Anna‘s dominance, however, has a history of its own. Relgan Siddhi was once a barren, dry and dusty hill area, but now it looks green agricultural area with a lot tree plantation. All that was possible due to development initiatives taken by Anna Hazare who had assumed the father-figure or godfather like status in the village. It would be very fortunate, from Kolhian-Dalit perspective, for Parkari Kolhis to have a leader of Anna‘s status. Despite the lack of ideal leadership, few sincere Kolhi or Dalit leaders in lower Sindh can wisely embark upon projects similar to Anna‘s plans, and can evolve and then try to implement development projects in their respective villages. The programs that Anna Hazare had started off and finally got materialised, and Kolhi and Dalit village communities anywhere can adopt after some necessary contextual modifications, can be outlined as below;

a. Nala bunds or Watershed Management, constructed by villagers themselves, that led to the rise in groundwarter level from 100 to 40 feet, leading to the rise in water in ponds and wells. b. Vividh karyakari societies. Villagers, with under the able leadership of Anna, were organised in 14 committees, each dealing with specific aspect of village development and management, such as ―forestry, water, co-operative, school, etc. Women ruled the village panchayat, so much so that all nine members of it were women. (Mukulsharma, 2011) c. Shramshakti dwara Gramin Vikas (Rural Development through Labour) which proved to be so successful that Indian government also adopted the same plan for the entire state.

To use the experiences of Ralegan at a macro level, the Government of Maharashtra launched the Adarsh Gaon Yojana in 1992. The program, aimed at developing 300 villages in Maharashtra using Ralegan as a model, was spearheaded by Anna. The budget for each selected village was Rs. 50 lakhs. The funds were routed through the Adarsh Gram Office, headed by Anna. The objective of the program was to demonstrate that an individual, a family, and a village can become self-sufficient, with sustainable use of environment. (Mukulsharma, 2011)

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Similar ideal models, real and sucessfull village-development examples can be set up by Kolhi and Dalit activists in Thar, Parkar and lower Sindh as well. Due to Anna‘s disciplining activism, five rules regulating the behavior, actions and practices of villagers were evolved. To act on those rules, it was made mandatory for all villagers to take oath. Those rules were;

a. Nasbandi (restriction of family size)

b. Nashabandi (ban on alcohol)

c. Charaibandi (ban on free grazing)

d. Kurhabandi (ban on tree felling)

e. Shramdan (donation of voluntary labour for community welfare). Daan or offering in

kind for village development that led to the formation of ‗Grain Bank‘, school and hostel

building. School children were bound to clean some portions of the village and offer

shramdan ―as a part of their daily curriculum.‖ All that was possible due to the

mobilization of Anna Hazare, who encouraged each villager to participate in ―planning

and decision-making processes, so that the village is built through the creative,

productive and innovative hard-work of people themselves.‖ (Mukulsharma, 2011)

Emerging Kolhi leadership may problematize any issue that the ethnic minority or Dalit community in Pakistan is facing, to unite the Kolhis or Dalit ethnic and village communities to mobilize, develop and defend their communities on their own. Anna Hazare also did the same by creating awareness among villagers about environmental and health issues such as recurring droughts, epidemics, rights of pastorals, building of dams, canals, hazardous effects of coal- mining and issues of environmental justice , particularly, at Tharparkar where Kolhis and other

Dalit communities predominate.

Environmental issues can provide a basis to evolve a common consensus, due to their sheer intensity and appeal in a given situation, and in the process even become hegemonic…Until 1975, Ralegan was marked by poverty, unemployment, migration, malnutrition, recurring drought and environmental degradation. In this scenario the

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watershed management program was intended to be a uniting point that could subside and mix all the contending and conflicting elements into a common will. The Adarsh Gaon Yojana is an attempt ‗to motivate villagers in the selected adarsh (ideal) villages to integrate into their lives the principles of conservation. (Mukulsharma, 2011)

Although Anna‘s politico-environmental development model is relatively conservative, and it is by no means as much egalitarian and participatory as is the ‗Venezuelian model‘ of communal councils (Pearson, 2009), it has worked perfectly well in an Indian village context, and therefore, one may tend to emulate it in Pakistan as well though with some necessary contextual modification. Similar egalitarian political power can be acquired by Pakistani Kolhis and Dalit leadership collectively, if not individually, if their marginalization remained as it is, and the government did not take any positive nation-building steps. Each Kolhi village leader may fare better by adopting, though in modified form, Anna‘s principle of ‗Ideal Village, Ideal Nation‘ and the achievement of such principle through ―environmentally sound rural development‖

(Mukulsharma, 2011) but instead of being conservative developers like Anna, they should adopt progressive and egalitarian participatory democratic approach.

Parkari Kolhi associations, Kolhi village communes, other Dalit neighbors and the poor lower caste Muslims should engage with each other in common community and locality development projects. Politically, progressive federation of Dalits can be more useful platform for Kolhis than conservative caste or tribal associations to get united and demand their social and economic rights. And that importance of strengthening Dalit forum has been rightly identified by Bhooro Mal Kolhi in his latest book on Dalit communities of Sindh.

6.8.6 Formation of OPDP and the Regional Master Plan for Tharparkar To uplift Dalits and the people of Tharpakar, Bhooro Mal Kolhi has proposed a master development plan and the formatio of Dalit organistiaon. Bhooro Mal‘s ideas are very much like an environmental nativist who views social, political and cultural problems from regional, ecological, climatic and ethnic (Dalit) perspective. Bhoor Mal has not only idealised the work ethic of Dalit communities but he also believes that the world has to return to Dalitian way of life to rescuse the plumetting economy, particichial socio-relgious systems and degrading exploitative cultures of the world. Thus, he not only has given forth the economic and political

298 ideology for the Dalits and the world, but also has devised the way forward for the Dalit communities of Sindh to reorganise themselves. (Kolhi B. M., Pracheen Lok, 2014, pp. 95,96,104,108)

6.8.6.1 Formation of OPDP Bhooro Mal has suggested the formation of ‗Oppressed Peoples Development Platform‘ (OPDP) that would open up Dalit units in each neighborhood, settlement, village, village cluster, union council, Talluka, Distric, province and at the level of country. Each unit will have its in-charge and chairman will be in-charge of the unit at national level. Each unit in-charge will be the member of organization and will form the general body consisting of members of local Deh (village cluster) Talluka and Districts. Another General Body will be made up of Provincial and national level members in which all Deh and provincial level members could participate to discuss and devise plans for political and developmental action. (Kolhi B. M., Paracheen Lok: Ekweeheen Sadi Jey Aaeeney Mein, 2014, p. 108.109)

Suggestions put forward by Bhooro Mal are self-generated and not the result of consensus between the leaders of several Dalit communities living in Sindh or elsewhere in Pakistan. Moreover, Bhooro Mal is also unclear about the level of participation of individual Dalits in the decision-making process, and on devising any mechanism to seek opinion and vote of participating individuals in the formation of Dalit units and in appointing its leaders. Bhooro Mal‘s suggestion may merely help strengthen Dalit forum and create hierarchical political organization which may further lead to the concentration of political power in the hands of few privileged Dalit leaders or Dalit families. Yet, despite its defects, Bhoor Mal‘s program to form OPDP will serve as the working-program to organize the marginalized communities to assert their say at each level of governance.

Therefore, Kolhis should play proactive role at federating already formed organizations such as PDSN and IDSN, or may evolve OPDP as suggested by Bhooro Mal, and should devise such a strategy so that Dalit leaders from below could get selected and elected as the representatives of their communities, tribes and areas at all concerned forums.

Similar program, however, cannot be suggested for state authorities or any other ethnic group. Organization of the society on ethnic lines is not essentially bad, but the inherent hierarchical and

299 authoritative tendency of local Panchyat and feudal influenced ethnic communities leads to the structuration of yet newer instruments of exploitation instead. Therefore, to make the ethnic system more vertical and egalitarian the trend towards egalitarian ethnic organization of the whole Pakistani society should be suggested.

Regional Master Plan for Thar and Parkar Because of the fact that Parkari Kolhi tend to migrate from Parkar into barrage area and the fact that their extended families live at both places, the master plan for Thar and parkar or its implementation has direct relvance to demographics of Kolhis of Naon Dumbaalo.

Bhooro Mal suggests the establishement of ‗Parkar Valley Development Authority‘ (Kolhi B. M., 2002). Bhooro Mal visions and divides Tharparkar not in terms of an administrative units but as the eco-geographical regions traditionaliy divisible into 11 sub-regions, namely Parkar, Vatt, Samroti, Vango, Vicholo Thar, Dhaat, Kantrho, Mehrano, Naro, Achro Tharr, Khawaar, Kantho. His plan is in fact environmental and ecological in nature which suggests action on the part of government to initiate development programs for Tharparkar keeping in mind its sub-regional geographical and ecological peculiarities. He views droughts, water scarcity and migration to barrage area as the major poblems of Tharparkar, and suggests construction of Karoonjhar Park Dam and a seven other small dams, coal-mining, digging of Marvi and Renni canals, fish farm at Ath Kapario, and formation of sea banks to stop tidal instursion of sea water from Rann of Kutch as the permanent solutions to chronic problems of Thar and Parkar. (Kolhi B. M., 2002)

Whether the master plan put forward by Bhooro is geographically viable or not and scientifically feasible or not, its voluntary conception by the Kolhi activist should be taken as the community empowering exercise that at least provides for the visionary or ideal development model, and invites Kolhi-Dalit activists, Tharis, peasant activists and the so called developmentalist to initiate a debate on regional development of the sub-regions of Tharparkar.

Most of the Kolhis living in Naon Dumbaalo have agricultural land at Parkar but its fertility is solely dependent on rain-fall which is on average hardly above ‗12 to 15 inch‘ per year (Kolhi B. M., 2002) and falls erratically usually during Mansoon season. Bhooro Mal‘s Regional Master Plan for Thar and Parkar may help extended but divided Kolhi and Dalit families to operationalize or devise implementable projects on self-help basis. The understanding of ecological limits and opportunities as explained by Bhooro Mal and the generation of debate on

300 it at communal level will certainly enlighten Kolhi activists and leaders and would help them develop political agendas and development programs accordingly.

Bhoor Mal is an idealist activist as much as he is pragmatic activist. He wishes to see Tharparkar as rich as California, as prosperous as Switzerland and as magnificent as Paris (Kolhi B. M., 2002). Yet despite his utopian tendencies, even the partial implementation or success of Bhooro Mal‘s plan would prove to be highly beneficial for Tharis and Parkari people, as it would bring reduction in seasonal and drought-driven migration to barrage area, thus leading to the decrease in the incidence of landlessness, debt bondage and ethnic discrimination.

6.8.6 Community Empowerment: Establishment of Communal Councils Pakistan is the land of ethnic communities which is divided into thousands of castes, tribes, or bradaris. Politically that ethnic-communal structure is dominated by feudal elite Pakistan. There seems little room for minority peasant leader like Versi Kolhi in feudal-structured mainstream parliamentary political parties like PPPP, PML-F, PML-Q or PML-N. Versi Kolhi may have to establish himself on communal lines strengthening his tribal political bases and pose like a Wadera-feudal to look attractive to mainstream feudalistic parliamentarians. Yet there is one other possibility too. If PPPP or any other parliamentary party reconstructed itself by reinvigorating their political base, uprooting itself from feudalistic base to ground it in lower profile lower middle class leadership, then Kolhi or Dalit inclusion into mainstream politics may become possible, the chances of which are in fact very bleak. Versi, in fact, has been voted not only by Parkari Kolhis but also by Thari, Katchi and Larri Kolhis, Bheels, and several lower caste Sindhi, Baloch Muslim peasant families. There lies a hope for all when Versi says;

We are struggling not merely for our community, but for all the oppressed people wherever they may be, and we would align with everyone who supports that cause. We look forward to all those enlightened that can change the lot of peasants and the oppressed (Kolhi V. , Kolhi Election, 2013) For the community which has been under perpetual subordination, direct political dealing with their former lords foretells a lot about what can follow next. Offering of counsellor‘s seats in upcoming local bodies, despite PPP‘s feudal politician‘s illusive feudalistic self-interestedness, has symbolic significance and will have a politically empowering impact on Kolhi-Dalit communities. In that ambiguous decision of both Awami party Pakistan and Kolhi peasant community of Naon Dumbālo, lies both hope and fear.

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Local bodies‘ election, the political process that may lead to the empowerment of local peasant and ethnic communities, and may promote the culture of participatory politics, has been deliberately delayed for years. Local bodies‘ election decentralizes government at union council level, the power sharing exercise that the dominant feudal political parties would hesitantly allow to succeed and would always try to delay, derail or sabotage the whole process through various tactics. Meanwhile emerging Kolhi peasantry may keep drifting towards Casteism if socialist engagement of Marxist ‗Awami Party‘ and social activism of SHPC did recede in near future. Therefore, all major leftist and non-leftist political parties and organizations need to tap the energy of politically charged Kolhi community.

6.8.6.1 Community Empowerment and Making of laws As the local government system in Pakistan failed to empower ethnic minorities, local village, ethnic and pastoral communities, and instead strengthened feudalism through the concentration of power in the hands of council chairmen, Talluka and Zila Nazims, the creation of alternative local governance model is necessary. Therefore an alternative local government model have to be sought that could afford political power to each adult in the community. One of the best ways to achieve that or to formulate democratic laws, whether they may be related directly to environmental justice, or to community development, is to consult local, ethnic and peasant communities. Now the question arises how it can be done? One of the plausible solutions that could have been fathomed lies in the establishment of communal councils, and then ask for further recommendations from communal councils as regards making localized as well as general laws. It has been done quite successfully in Venezuela, a Latin American , and could be replicated, even here as well. Venezuela has established communal council in 2006 through national assembly, and then reformed communal council law through communal councils by seeking their advice and feedback. About, 61,850 council spokespeople were consulted before the law was finally approved in November 2009. (Pearson, 2009)

Reformatory socialist program of ‗alternatives to development‘ outlined and being implemented by Venezuela, Bolivia (Buen Vivir as an altnerative) and in Ecuador (Sumak Kawsay), which is derived from general principles of Bolivarian political ideology (Pearson, 2009; Lang, 2013; Escobar, 2012; Gudynas, 2011), was found very much pertinent to suggest and recommend decentralizing and community empowering development program for Kolhi- Dalit peasant communities in particular, and rural communities in general. The alternative

302 development model that has become part of the constitution of above mentioned Andean states and has been incorporated into policy and development programs, is in fact, the product of persistent activism of indigenous people and small-scale localized peasant movements, women struggle, and common citizen of urban areas, who succeeded in evolving the general alternative political agenda and developmental progamme, ―for the country as a whole. None of these progressive governments emerged from traditional parties; instead, they were backed by new or alternative political structures.‖ (Lang, 2013, p. 6) Emerging Dalitiansiation and the increasing ethnic and religious extremism in Pakistan also demand on part of localized, indigenous and regional voices and ethnic minorities to evolve such a general formula which could mobilise the general public in the direction of alternative development and empowerment, and away from the trap-net set up by neoliberalist-conservative feudal political parties.

6.8.6.2 Community Empowerment: Venezuelan Model Making of laws should be the direct prerogative of the common people, representatives of local communities, ethnic groups, peasants and the workers. Judges, lawyers, and National Assemblies should merely serve the grass-root organizations. Threes steps should be taken. Establishment of;

• Communal Councils ( 40 percent of the development funds should be given to communal councils) • Peasant/pastoral Communes ( cooperative cultural communities, may be given 30 percent funding) • Ethnic communes ( 10 percent funding) • Social activists and advocates (5 percent) • Miscellaneous ( 5 percent) Twenty percent of the National income collected through taxes should go to peasant-pastoral communes, ethnic-communal councils and farmer‘s cooperatives, free of any further taxes.

6.8.6.3 What are Communal Councils/Participatory CBOs Communal Council is a Venezuelan innovation, which has proved to be one of the most successful and participatory projects of the Bolivarian revolution. Communal council is the democratic local body of villagers, ethnic groups or peasants, which functions on the principle of equal representation and participation of all community members. (Pearson, 2009) A communal assembly must have 20 to 30% of community members at a first meeting, and if that fails, 10-

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20% at a second, in order to make any decision, including voting for representatives. The population base for forming the councils can vary from 150 to 400 families. In communal council, laws are reformed or passed a good couple of times a week, which is a reflection of the fact that things are always changing, and that through this process of change there have been, and are, mistakes, debates, experiences, and lessons. The laws made or recommended by communal council are not rigid in nature but serves as a guide for the community in general, so the community knows its rights and obligations. (Pearson, 2009)

6.8.6.4 Communal Cycle and Project Cycle

6.8.6.4.1 Loopholes of Project Cycle Donor-led NGO‘s interventions which are project-cycle based development are limited in purpose as these primarily aim at delivering ‗Aid‘ from the developed European or Western countries to the underdeveloped or developing countries of the Global South (European Aid, 2004). It is about taking decisions by donors, or on behalf of donor agencies as to how the funds, money, material, assistance is to be transferred, or how an advocacy campaign is to be launched. Theoretically, it is based on ‗SWOT‘ analysis, rapid assessments, baseline surveys, nominal action research, and practically on transect walks, Step-wise development cycle, external control, external decision-making body with the financial power lying in the hands of outside community experts (Managers).The local communities have been taken as completely hapless sterile entities that cannot sustain, initiate, take part in decision-making, or help mobilize their communities. Such a biased miscalculated community perception has played major role in the failure of the several development projects.

Local people, the subjects of the research project, from the beginning till the end, know very little about the financial status of the project. They do not know where the money comes from, who else is sponsoring it, on whom it is spent, and who is monitoring and evaluating the project for whom.. For instance, Drip irrigation system introduced in Parkar and Thar by a certain NGOs, have failed to work at Tharparparkar, because peasant-pastoral communities are not sufficiently funded and empowered. NGOs working there have rather started focusing on micro financing at interest rates that can hardly lead to sustainable development.. Implementation and funding sources, both are faulty, mismanaged and corrupt. NGOs are trying to run their NOGs like businesses on profit-cost principle, not on welfare basis. The policies come from the top and pastoral peoples do not participate in formulating strategies for development. Hence the projects

304 are not supported by local livestock keepers and always result in failure. There is an urgent need to save this pastoral livestock system, especially the camel breeds.

Project cycle often ends with ‗project closure‘ phase and does not restart again. The proposal of the project is approved again by the outside-community donor-agencies or the technical experts without seeking consultancy of the actual community members. Although sometimes project is reviewed, hardly it is re-launched basing it in actual review and evaluation done. It is again internal project-managing evaluators that evaluate projects, the exercise that ends up reporting the highly biased assessment of the project. Donor-led Projects usually are non-localized, rarely take into consideration special ethnic and geographical needs of the local people, rarely take into consideration cultural and traditional dispositions of the local people, Similarly, in case of Thari communities, there pastoral-migratory status has been hardly understood. Projects are usually extensive intervening in several districts at the same time and usually are undertaken to in crisis situation when much of damage has already been done. Long-term and intensive engagement with the local people to empower them to regulate their political, social and economic affairs through CBOs is the least of priorities of NGOs working in the area.

6.8.6.4.2 Usefulness of ‘Communal Council’ Particularly dealing with village-based or ethnic peasant communities, communal cycle approach, probably, would serve the purpose of development best, as compared to ‗project cycle management‘ approach.

Communal Cycle approach is at the core of ‗Communal Council‘ type community management. ‗Communal cycle‘ may be identified with five stages:

1. Diagnostic (identifying the needs, resources, potentials etc. of the community) 2. Plan (actions, projects, programs to meet needs identified in the first stage) 3. Budget (determining funds, costs, resources) 4. Execution (implementation through community participation) 5. Social auditing. The last one that is, execution, implementation and social auditing through community participation are the core stages of communal cycle that make it fundamentally different from the so called ‗project cycle‘ practiced by NGOs. These phases need to be approved by the assembly. In project-cycle approach, the right to continue or cancel the project again lies

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with the donors, concerned NGO, or the provincial and federal governments. To take decisions throughout project cycle also lie with the NGO managers and the donors, thus making communities disempowered passive recipients. That, however, is not the case with ‗communal cycle‘. (Pearson, 2009)

6.8.6.5 Two operational models to ensure Environmental Justice The major difference between the project cycle management (PCM) model of development and the ‗Communal Cycle‘ model of developing and managing community affairs is the power and authority to take decisions, monitor and evaluate projects lie with the communal council, not with the outside experts. Communal cycle management (CCM) model trains local community members in the management of community or locality, and eventually turns some of them as specialists on local social, ecological, economic and political matters.

Figure 52.Project cycle and Communal cycle. Source: Author (2014)

6.8.7 Structural Changes Suggested Till the overall structural change as suggested through the establishment of communal council is brought about by government at national level, fragile pastoral and migrant communities cannot afford to stand by. Moreover, some of the structural changes suggested should apply to all

306 ecological, geographical and cultural regions of the country, keeping in mind their distinctive cultural practices and way of life. Therefore, action to bring about the structural changes suggested here can be initiated, within their respective capacities, simultaneously by all actors that may include government, civil society organizations, community leaders, and pastoral tribes. Evolutionary self-regulating local ‗communal councils‘/ participatory CBOs, based on the principles of participatory democracy, as outlined above are proposed to replace the externally directed project-cycle based approaches, to ensure environmental justice to the ethnic, pastoral and village communities. Such a participatory democratic transformation of the communities will create some community experts on the ecological, economic and social issues that would further facilitate the community-paced alternative modernization of the communities.

Keeping justice theory as defined by Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum, which ―focuses on the capacities necessary for individuals to fully function in their chosen lives‖, Thari people's life, life style and habitat should be taken as organically related to each other. Culture, customs, ecology, local natural resources and the aspirations of the indigenous communities should be taken as a whole. Policy frameworks should be oriented according to the ―continuously creative nature of engagements‖ of social activists with local communities, the social process which is more ―one of becoming, rather than finishing. (Schlosberg, 2007, p. 188). If we are to be globalized with human face, then we have to speak more often in terms of localized communities and regional ecological identities speaking in terms of communal autonomy. Hence, it would be more humane that instead of foreign ministers, or national ministers of food, trade and commerce represent the case of nations, or the international donors, or their local agents speak on common people‘s behalf, the local leaders from within communities should be given space to voice the specific concerns that matter them most.

6.8.8 Localizing Structural Changes Strengthening local government institutions is emphasized, as a preliminary and provisional step, to empower common people, yet at the same time devolution of power and gradual transfer of power down to communal councils and increase in the funds of communal councils and local governments is proposed to increase up to 30 to 40 percent of development budget. Establishment of green benches at courts, is a structural development, which is still of nominal significance, and judges of the court, as well as environmental protection agencies, mega project

307 enterprisers that specifically deal with the development and environmental issues, have yet to be sensitized about the peasant communities, ethnic minorities, seasonal migrants and the socio- economics of Thar. The implications of mega projects, such as Thar Coal Power Project, for the local communities should be approached from below from community-perspective, instead of from above that is, from national interest perspective.

6.8.9 Uplifting Dalit Community

6.8.9.1 Localizing Governance The fact, that Pakistan is a multi-ethnic, multi-cultural, multi-religious country having very diverse ecological landscape, presussposes the state system which recognizes its multi-faceted diversity. Lamentably, such recognition is lacking in state laws and in political institutions of Pakistan. As the findings of this research clearly demonstrate the specifically multinational, peaantivisit and ethnically diverse political scenario of lower Sindh, it could be deducted that similar kind of ethnic and ecological diversity exists and should exist throughout Pakistan. Therefore, if Pakistan as a state has to survive, if it has to uphold ethnic and indigenous rights of localized communities, ―urban dwellers, small producers, workers and the middle class‖ it has to restructure its federal system of governance into a decentralized plurnational state system similar to that of Ecuadorian and Bolivian state systems (Lang, 2013, p. 6). It would be wise on the part of Pakistani politicians to learn from the Latin American state systems and adapt accordingly, instead of waiting for indigenous people and urban workers to force them to change the system.

―Macro-level democracy alone cannot secure adequate respect and recognition for cultural minorities; this requires more democratic practices down to the micro-level of society‖ (Schlosberg, 2007, p. 188). Policy-making should be practiced at local-regional level, keeping in mind, social, political, developmental, climatic, and ecological pressures that force certain people and communities to migrate. The state institutions from the above should strengthen the local government institutions below, devolving financial and political authority to the actual ethnic (ethnic caste-based village neighborhoods), spatial (villages) and semi-rural town neighborhoods. Such devolution would not only create the sense of empowerment and responsibility among the local pastoral and ethnic communities and individuals, but also allow them to utilize their capacities through communal consensus.

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6.8.9.2 NGOs should serve as subsidiaries Latin American indigenous communities and ethnic groups elsewhere in the world had started questioning the global aid-community‘s notions ‗development‘ and ‗growth‘ in 1990s, yet such a kind of problmatisation is yet to be anticipated in South Asian developing countries such as Pakistan that heavily depend on donor-led ‗development‘. Governemnt, NGOs and the indigineous communities in Pakistan would serve the purpose of developing local communities best if they derived the notions of ‗development‘ from the ‗ideal development model‘, ― the indigenous cosmovision of co-existence with nature as a new view of development‖ that takes material, ecological and spirtirual development as a single ‗whole‘ and which is the integral part of the worldview of every ecological community. (Alcoreza, 2013). Such a cosmovision for peasant communities and maarginalised ethnic groups was idealized in Sindh few centuries back by a socialist Sufi Shah Inayat. Shah Inayat‘s cosmovision of ‗Jo Khere So Khaey‘ can be further evolved through serious theoretical discussions by peasants and the government and through practical experimentation by ethnically marginalized peasant coummunities such as Kolhi-Dalit community. Meanwhile, till such a situation evolves, government should give almost full financial and political authority in local matters to local communal councils to regulate, inspect and guide the outside experts, technicians or the NGO-managers. Although Economic Affairs Division of the government has recently bound NGOs and INGOs to governmental audit of finances and intervention activities, yet such demand may not be sufficient to ensure auditing by the local people themselves. Environmental justice demands to open up external development- interventionists to communal auditing as well. Local communities, which are the subjects and objects of development, should have the knowledge of all those activities which are being undertaken for them and in their name. It would have been much better if government may have also bound the NGOs and INGOs to declare their sources of funding and funds utilized to concerned communities, their CBOs/ participatory CBOs / Communal councils. Therefore, donor-funded NGOs either should be replaced, where possible, by Participatory CBOs, or they should work as a subsidiary of participatory CBOs/Communal councils. Such a political restructuring would not only ensure environmental justice to the localized communities but also lead to good governance at national level.

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6.8.9.3 Immediate Concrete Stepts: What the government should do? For Kolhi peasant-pastoralists and Dalit communities, migration to barrage area is the survival strategy to offset impact of drought and seasonal dry season. Government should develop small dams and watershed management plans in Tharparkar, and provide land for housing in barrage area where Dalit communities tend to migrate seasonally. Thousands of acres of cultivable wasteland that is either governmental or feudal property, lies utilized. Local peasant activists and NGOs are, however, demanding from the government that underutilized cultivable waste land, instead of leasing to big corporate farmers, should be snatched from feudal lords and redistributed among local landless peasants or among Thari migrants.

Laws relating to internal migration should be evolved to legalize the seasonal migration as a socially and culturally legitimate practice and an annual budget be allocated to assist seasonal drought-driven Kolhi-Dalit migrants of barrage area and their access to urban housing and civic facilities be made easy.

The social fact of the People of Pakistan is that they act socially and politically on caste, bradari and sectarian lines, but no authentic demographic facts and figures have been collected on it by government or any non-governmental organization. Therefore, Population Census Organization of the government of Pakistan and Pakistan Bureau of Statistics should collect authentic statistics about the castes, ethnic indigenous communities, particularly on Scheduled castes (Dalits) and minorities.

PSDN has demanded from government and the state institutions, the formation of a ―Commission on Faith Conversions, comprising persons from all faiths and religious groups‖ to abet religious discrimination. They also demand the established of committee, on the pattern of Sachar Committee Report in India, to do research and generate reports on the socio-economic condition of Dalit communities. They demand that constitutional reforms be brought about and an affirmative action be taken as the necessary step to protect and uplift scheduled caste Hindus (The News , 2012)

Keeping in mind unique regional configuration of sharecroppers, female peasants and agricultural workers in Hari Conferences on April 8, 2007, at Bhitt Shah, recommended that, laws related to peasants should be made in accordance with the regional peculiarities of peasants, as the crops, climate, and issues of peasants and sharecroppers of Kacho, Kohistan and Thar

310 greatly differ from each other and require specific constitutional and legal provisions to safeguard their rights. (Arif, 2008, p. 40).

6.9 Conclusion This study was based on ethnography and ethnology of Kolhi-Dalit peasant community of lower Sindh. It tried to answer the question: how Kolhi-Dalit peasant identities are being transformed under the impact of social forces, such as Kolhi peasant activists, NGOs, leftist, Marxist activists, civil society activists, and under the influence of mass media and social media networks? The prime focus of this study was the identification of the processes of socio-political change that are involved in the transformation of Kolhi-Dalit ethnic peasant identities. Analytic effort was been made to look for ideological and political space for Kolhi-Dalit community to coexist peacefully with other ethnic identities at local, provincial, national and international levels.

Kolhian way of reconstructing Kolhian ‗self‘ as ‗Dalit-Kshatriyas‘ and as ‗indigenous inheritors of the Parkar and Sindh‘ having multiple identity expressions in different contexts, is the evidence that they are emerging under the influence of gloablising agents, transnational networks and associations, impact of social media and technologically created virtual space, yet they want to remain attached to certain place (Parkar, Thar and Sindh), and have localized-orientation as well to the issues and agendas of Kolhis and Dalits of lower Sindh. Parkari Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo have considerably come out of the feudal trap of social bondage, unpaid labour and debt bondage. They have diversified their income base which has reduced their socio-economic dependence on landlords, and have sought solution to landlessness in the form of self-funded Kolhi colonies. Still, by and large, they are living peasantivist life, have buffaloes, cattle and goats and are in engaged in agriculture. Debt bondage and ethnic marginalization, however, probably still exists in its more severe form for Kolhis and Dalits elsewhere in lower Sindh. Nevertheless, increasing strength and de-marginalisation of Kolhis of Naon Dumbālo is, inspiring peasants and Dalits throughout barrage area of lower Sindh and Tharparkar. Hence, Kolhi-peasant activism at Dumbālo will have impact beyond its immediate locality as the internal Kolhi activism is being externalized in the form of Dalit-peasant activism through out lower Sindh.

Similar to the way theorized by Sökefeld (1999) and Jenkins (2004, 2010), Kolhian categorization of ‗selves/self‘ as ‗Parkari, ‗underprivileged‘ ‗socially segregated‘ community is

311 juxtaposed in opposition to the ‗other‘ external identities that is, landlords, feudal lords, Sindhi Muslim politicians, non-Parkaris and upper class Hindus. The challenge for Pakistan as a nation is to create space for Scheduled caste communities and abet the increasing Dalitianisation. The social space may be created by recognizing the multinational and multiethnic structure of Pakistani society and by making laws and policies accordingly. Islamic republic had to be more secular and pluri-national in its laws and legal codes, encourage political dialogue, include localized cosmo-visions in national narrative and inculcate the culture of ―multiple ethics within the framework of global morality‖ to ensure ―redistributive justice‖, Bhikhu Parekh (2008), keeping in mind the ethno-national and religious diversity of Pakistan. Political space for Dalit communities, peasants and pastoralist communities can be created through affirmative action, making special quotas in national assembly, provincial assembly, educational institutions, and by empowering them in their localities through direct transfer of funds and authority to locals.

However, in case of peasant communities like Parkari Kolhi peasants, place-based disourse and reality, instead of spatial trans-communal discourse, should be prioritized in policy making and making of laws. Imaginations of and about local landscapes emerge from historical archeological past and ecological histories. Therefore, cultures are embedded in places where people live. Its not merely the dead historical past and age old traditions that loosely connect people to their place and land, but people‘s connectedness with the land is the result of their ―active engagement with it‖ by which people‘s identities and places (their ecology, environment or landscape) are ―mutually constituted‖ (Escobar, 2001)

Similarly, mythological reconstruction of Kolhi identity as the earliest owners, heroes of this land of South Asia and Sindh, their attachment to their land Nangarparkar, their love for their cultural way of life, Parkari language and the self-controlled ethnically paced modernization, are culturally natural changes that relink them with their imagined or real golden past without relegating them to stagnant conservatism. It is the mutually reconstituting dialectical process in which both identies and the past are reconstructed in line with changing places (environments, landscapes).

Hence, peasant and pastoral communities of Thar, that seasonally migrate to barrage-area, or, are settled in barrage-area, have their own way of life which is not wholly defunct, have a lot to offer from their updated centuries old indigenous wisdom to the outside experts and technicians that needs to be utilized and understood. Kolhi peasants are diversifying their economic base,

312 resontructing their past and ethnic identities through the self-generative process in which state and the government are presently playing the negative role by ignoring the ethno-religious minority and to their Dalitianizing transformation from an essentially oppressed peasant- pastoralist way of life.

Pakistan is constitutionally an ‗Islamic Republic‘ and its laws are largely pro-Muslim majority that have often proved to be counterproductive and has led to the victimization of Scheduled caste population in lower Sindh. State‘s indifference towards minorities, particularly the issues of scheduled caste population of Sindh, together with rising Islamist extremism committed upon Dalit population have generated its own inter-Dalit socio-political dynamics that are leading scheduled caste population of Sindh towards Dalitianisation, the political process that could have serious implications in Indo-Pak context as well. Several Dalit fora have been formed to represent Dalits at social and political fronts. Kolhi community, however, is in the forefront of Dalits of Sindh and has demonstrated it is political and demographic strength in three bordering districts of lower Sindh. The phenomenal multiplicity of Kolhi ethnic maneuverability can be evidenced from their participation in political protests and rallies for their ethnic and peasant rights. To abet the increasing Dalitianisation and polarization of lower Sindh on ethno-religious grounds, and to discourage any anti-state transnational link, Pakistan has to create space for the scheduled caste population at constitutional, legal and governmental level. Therefore, while dealing with local indigenous ethnic communities, concern of the government, researchers, peasant activists and the civil society should be how to ensure redistributive justice and localize the environmental justice both theoretically as well as practically, and how to empower place- based politico-ethnically marginalized communities. Therefore, while dealing with local indigenous ethnic communities, concern of the government, researchers, peasant activists and the civil society should be how to localize the environmental justice both theoretically as well as practically, and how to empower place-based ethnically marginalized communities. Environmental Justice cannot be ensured without community empowerment, and community empowerment can be better ensured through communal councils/ participatory CBOs. Therefore funds should be channeled and spent through communal cycles, instead of project cycles that are normally practiced through NGO/Donor-led interventions. Local, place-bound village communities and ethnic groups are fundamental social units and the problem of ‗environmental justice should be dealt with at communal and ethnic level. In order to

313 attain both environmental and ecological justice, and to build the nation on humane social basis, we must be sure that views from the margins, the remote, and the natural world are recognized and represented, either directly by local communities or through community-appointed proxies.

Political empowerment through participatory democratization of the local indigenous communities should be the top priority of the government, local NGOs, peasant leaders and social activists. It would enable local indigenous people and village communities to develop decision-making and project implementation skills. International donors, such as UNDP and World Bank should introduce social development indicator in their development model that may directly address and promote political empowerment of the local ethnic and indigenous communities.

Kolhi peasant activism, in itself is the model for developemntalists as to how to intervene in communities and how communities actually engage with social activists and other communities to create space for themselves and how the national policy-makers can embrace long-forgotten ethnic groups and accept indigenous versions of reality to broaden the national narrative. Taking insight from Kolhi ethnic and peasant activism, development sector, as well as government, can devise policies as to how to transfer policy making and decision-making skills to communities so that they could better deal with the outside well-wishers, international donors and the mediatory civil society organizations.

Both Pakistani nationalists and Sindhi ethno-nationalists would serve their purpose best to develop the more inclusive identity of Sindh and Pakistan, to bring to the fore worker-leaders that may follow the path which instead of focusing on macro-political anti-statist or anti- communal activism, will lead to the engagement with castes, indigenous communities and tribes on bradari or communal level to resolve contradictions in inter-communal, national and anti- statist discourses. Similarly, policy makers at national level, instead of making efforts to assimilate multiple identities into a monolithic national narrative or to impose the narrowly defined Islamic discourse on ethno-religious minorities, should evolve policies to integrate multiple ethnic identities and embrace them into national fold by privileging the least privileged and prioritizing the most marginalized Kolhi and, or Dalit communities.

314

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Glossary

Abwaab… informal or formal taxes or deductions for development of village, or as social and economic security, deducted by the landlord or government, from the share of the sharecropper

Ahmedi or ‘Qadiani’ or …the follower of Ghulam Ahmed of Qadiaan, the sect which considers itself as the Muslim sect, but most of the Muslim sects in Pakistan have excluded that sect from Islam through Fatwa

Arti…saying ritualistic prayer for the well-being of a family member or a person before him or her.

Baajo Band….an ornament worn by Kolhi women on arms

Bahrari…a term in Sindhi for ‗rural‘

Bania….traditional money lender who lends it on interest/on terms of usury

Barani...rain-fed

Batai...distribution of the crop-produce between sharecropper and landlord

Begar…unpaid labor extorted by landlord from a sharecropper

Bhagti…spreading the message of peace and love through poetic verses and singing songs, the method practiced by Hindu and Muslim Sufis

Bhai Dooj…a ritual celebrated on 3rd day of Diwali, which is like a Hindu ritual ‗Rakhi Badhan’ that is performed by women-sisters for their brother‘s well-being, long life and prosperity. In return they receive some traditional gifts from their brothers.

Bhajan…Hindu or Sufi-Dalit song, sung in praise of deities

Bharoon….a place in the wild desert where cattle stay during night

Bhikshu…a mystic ascetic, or a Sufi

Bhopo…a local shaman

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Bradari…..traditional Kinship group

Charaibandi…ban free grazing

Chaunro….cone-shaped Thari huts made of made of mud, sticks, wood and thistles.

Cherr, Checherr, or Vangaar…..a kind a casual call to sharecroppers by the landlord to do unpaid labor in agricultural field, at dairy farm or at landlord‘s guest house.

Chooro….a kind of white bangle worn by Kolhi women

Daan…offering by villagers in cash or in kind for village development

Dalit….a generic political name of scheduled caste tribes literally meaning ‗oppressed‘ or ‗broken‘ people, aimed at symbolically and politically uniting all Scheduled Castes and Tribes of India and Pakistan.

Dalitianisation…the political activism and the process initiated by scheduled caste Hindus to reconstruct their identity as the historically ‗oppressed‘ castes of the Indo-Pak.

Dargah or Khanqah….the shrine of a Sufi or mystic which may also have residence for disciples and visitors

Darghula….. a kind of earrings.

Deh…The cluster of neighboring villages officially acknowledged as the administrative unit.

Dharamshala… Guesthouse or rest house, usually, built near a temple or sacred place for religious pilgrims or travelers

Dhāt…the desert area of Thar between Jodhpur in India and Umerkot in Pakistan that speak Dhatki

Dukaal….drought

Faislo….a generic term for gathering of conflicting bradaris to resolve conflict.

Gaam ….generic name of Parkari villages at Parkar

Gaghri…..a frock-like dress worn by Kolhi young and unmarried girls

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Gaghro…..female‘s frock-like suit of Kolhi women

Gauchar…. a place in the wild desert where cattle stay during night

Gayatri Mantra…highly revered Vedic-Sanskrit hymn chanted by students during school assembly sessions at Kolhi colonies

Geru…orange color dress usually worn by Sufi ascetics in Sindh

Gidhan….. (Formerly) temporary settlements of seasonal migrants in lower Sindh

Girasia Rajput…a petty local Rajput or Kolhi leaders during Mughal and British era that enjoyed some official recognition of their authority over their geographical region or particular area.

Giyan…the mystic knowledge of the truth, or the knowledge of the ultimate reality sought through Bhagti

Goad’, ‘Potri’, ‘Adhyoto’, ‘Treto’ or ‘Osaar’……the cloth made of Bafto or Hirkh, for male Parkaris to wrap around legs and the loins.

Goonghat...the way of veiling face observed by Kolhi women as a form of modesty and a demonstration of chastity

Goth…see Laandhi

Gotra…an exogamous sub caste group

Haram…negative sanctions in Islam that forbid doing it and adjudicated as punishable

Hari…a Sindhi term for sharecropper

Jageer…..feudal estate allotted during British rule in India

Jati…ancestral sub caste system in Hindu culture

Jirga….a grand gathering of conflicting bradaris, tribes or castes, usually held in serious cases that may involve murder, land encroachments or . The purpose of the meeting is to resolve conflict peacefully or to provide indemnity to the victim.

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Jo Khere, So Khaaey… a Sindhi idiom which literally means, ‗The one who tills, should eat its grain.‘

Kacho…North-western semi-mountainous region of Sindh bordering Baluchistan

Kalka Devi….a female deity of the Dravidian era

Kamdar…an assistance of landlord who looks after his/her lands and deals with sharecroppers

Karo Dukaal….Black drought, which is the severe and years long continuous drought

Katcho or Katcha…the Indus plain in Sindh that is, or has been flooded by river Indus annually, particularly during Monsoon season

Katcho….the area of the Indus plain in Sindh which is usually flooded by the river in summer season and where certain tribes come to live and crop seasonally after river water subsides.

Khulko or Mata…cattle pox or cattle disease that commonly infects catte and sheep in Tharparkar

Kohistan… South-western mountainous region of Sindh bordering with Baluchistan

Kul Devi, or Kurr Dev…..a personal deity of each sub-caste (nukh) or of Kinship group or a Kolhi village.

Kunjhro….a shirt worn by married Kolhi women

Kurkhabandi…ban on tree felling

Laandhi or Goth…a relatively permanent village in Pakko area of Sindh.

Lār….Southeastern irrigated part of lower Sindh

Lassi…thin watery yoghurt traditionally drunk by villagers during breakfast time

Mach Katechri…traditional bon-fire meeting held at peasant villages with purpose to celebrate culture and increase awareness about peasant rights

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Madrasa…an Islamic religious school

Maulana…Islamic religious cleric, usually the head or Imam of mosque

Minth Merr Kaflo…mediatory or conciliatory convoy for peacemaking led by noblemen of the area to the bereaved or victimized family or bradari

Mir…title of Talpur rulers of Sindh that ruled Sindh during 18th and 19th century

Mulk…a perceived or imagined indigenous category about the country or geographical region of the local Parkari Kolhis. Parkar, for Kolhis, is the Mulk, or their indigenously defined national territory.

Murkiyun….ear-rings worn by male Kolhis

Nala band…localized watershed management or creation of small dams

Nasbandi…restriction on family size

Nashabandi...ban on alcohol

Nazim….elected administrator of Talluka or District

Nukh….exogamous sub caste of Kolhis

Otaq….village guest house

Paaro….Kinship neighborhood or Kolhi settlement of a kinship group in barrage area

Pakka House…House made of baked bricks and cement

Pakko…the area of the Indus plain which is not inundated by seasonal river flood and where people are permanently settled in villages

Panchayat….the decision-making body consisting of several kinship groups

Pararthina….praying to Bhagwaan by singing or chanting sacred hymns or mantras

Parkari…..native people of Nangarparkar Talluka of Tharparkar district of Sindh

Patel…..traditional village headman of Kolhi village

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Patwari…Land revenue collecting clerk of lower rank

Peasantisation…the process of becoming a reformed peasant and sustaining oneself as the alternatively modern or politically aware peasant. Sustaining peasant culture by adapting to the modern and post-modern Peasantivist way of life.

Pir…Muslim or Hindu-Dalit spiritual leader, or a Sufi saint. ‗Pir‘ is also called as the Islamic spiritual leader of particular Sunni, or Mystic sect

Polriyun…. Finger rings worn on fingers of feet by Kolhi women

Punjabiyat….the sense of belonging to the ethnic Punjabi community and the resultant feelings of cultural, regional and linguistic pride

Puraan…

Rano…an epithet of upper caste Hindu Rajput rulers of lower Sindh

Samaaj….generic term used in Hindi and Guajarati for Hindu ‗society‘ or any of Hindu or Dalit or Indian ‗community‘

Samaat…a generic term for those Sindhi speaking tribes of formerly Aryan but later Rajput and Sindhi descent that claim to be the indigenous Sindhis and inheritors of Sindhi culture, language, customs and values. Samaat tribes have been the powerful and ruling tribes of Sindh and presently divided into several Sindhi castes and constitute the largest group of Sindhi speaking people.

Sardar…a tribal chief

Sarpanch…village or tribal head

Satis…seven female Goddesses worshipped by Dalit communities

Shahar…a term in Sindhi for ‗city‘

Shamshanghat…a place where dead bodies are cremated by Hindus or Dalits

Sharamdan…donation of voluntary labor for community welfare

Shariah…Islamic Jurisprudence

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Shramshakti dwara Gramin Vikas …Rural Development through Labour

Sindhiyat….the sense of belonging to the ethnic Sindhi community and the resultant feelings of cultural, regional and linguistic pride

Sindhiyat…sense of belonging to the land of Sindh. Identifying oneself as the indigenous Sindhi

Sodho…an epithet of upper caste Hindu Rajput rulers of lower Sindh

Sudra…lowest caste in Aryan-Brahamanic or Hindu Verna system

Thakurcracy…rule by traditional upper caste Hindu Thakurs or Rajputs

Toheen-i-Risalat…blasphemy against the last prophet of Islam, punishable only through death penalty as per Islamic laws of Shariah.

Ulema…Islamic religious scholar.

Untouchable…those falling in Sudras and those below it are categorized through Verna system as those lowly untouchables. Untouchables are considered by Brahmanic followers as unworthy to assign higher or superior tasks, to touch, dine, intermingle, and exchange gifts or to let enter into Hindu temples.

Veda…Aryan religious literature produced during 500-1500 BC which is the basis of Hindu religious philosophy

Wadero-landlord...village headman who is also one of the leading landlords of the village or Deh

Yajna…sacrifice to appease Hindu deity

Zamindar…a Sindhi term for landlord and, or Land-owner

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Appendix Kolhi-peasant Activism in Naon Dumbālo, Lower Sindh Creating Space for Marginalised through Multiple Channels

Consent Card (adapted from the Oral Consent Card of IRB-SBS, Retrieved from American Anthropological Association’s (AAA) website Note: I would use the following for both written and ‘oral consent’. The original form that will be signed, will be in Parkari and Sindhi language. The oral consent will be sought either in Parkari and Sindhi language

Dear friend/friends

Namastey! I would like to take few minutes of yours.

I am Ghulam Hussain Mahesar, doing research on the issues or matters related to peasants, their problems, their economic and social life, their activities related to sharecropping, their relationship with landlords and outside peasant activists and NGOs. I am interested to know your point of view about your life activities and your culture. I am here with you, with the cooperation of some of our mutual friends. Comerade Taj Marri and Comerade Punhal Sario, told me about you people. I found your culture and problems very much related to my studies and research.

Dear Friends, I have been actually assigned a task by my teachers (professors) to study the problems of peasants. I am doing M.Phil, which means 18 years of education. In it every student has to go into villages, communities and different societies to study their culture and traditions. I can provide you the contact numbers of them all who are concerned with my research project. You can complaint them about me or discuss personally if you have something really important to share with them. Here, I would try my best to follow the academic research ethic codes which have been explicitly written by AAA‘s IRB-SBS. Throughout the world such ethical and moral codes are followed. These codes explicitly write I should not harm you people at any cost. You people are more important than my work. That would really be a great act of hospitality if you allow me to stay among you people for six months. I would try my best not to disturb the daily routines of you and just engage with you when you would be willing to. The culture of you people and the problems related to landlessness and debt bondage that Kolhi sharecroppers are facing require to be researched so better solutions could sought. Moreover, I would be offered an M.Phil degree only if I studied the culture of Kolhi Sharecroppers and general peasants. The final report that I would write will be assessed by my teachers and then published. Some of its copies will be kept at my university (QAU) for the guidance of other researchers so that further knowledge could be created. I might write some newspaper articles and research papers on Kolhi peasants. All this I can do only with consent and explicit approval of each and every person of your community with whom I interact. I would have to stay among you people, at your guest house, for six months or so. If you would allow me to stay there and frequently accompany you to your fields, your shops, in protests and rallies, it would greatly help me to understand the processes and activities related to peasant activism.

My research work may benefit you in some way, to some of your literate Kolhi peasants to understand the Kolhi culture, Kolhi peasantry and the Kolhi peasant activism. My research does not promise any financial gain for your community. However, there are dangers that it might harm you, your reputation and might expose some of community secrets that you may not like to be made public. Therefore, all of you would have to guide me and correct me wherever possible. I promise that I would not hide from you, whatever I write on you people. I promise that I would not expose or publish any material related to you or your community without the approval your community, each and every informant. You have the right not to cooperate with me at any time, on any day. I would not force you tell me your personal secrets. Whosoever would like his name not be mentioned in may report will be kept anonymous. Whosoever wants to tell something off-record will not be published with his actual not. Nothing of the sort will be published, which creates bad impression of the Kolhi community or stigmatize it. The further details about my identity will be given to you in writing or told you orally if you demand.

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Peasant Identities & Activism: Case-Study of the Kolhi Community of Naon Dumbālo, District Badin, Sindh

Informed Consent Agreement Note: The original form will be both in English and Parkari language

Please read this consent agreement carefully before you decide to participate in the study.

 Purpose of the research study: The purpose of the study is to assess the efficacy of ‗everyday forms of resistance‘ in the internal reformation of Kolhi peasant community; to know and understand how and when Kolhi ethnicity and its social identity gets transformed into politically charged ethnic identity and for how long to affect the social reality to have durable effect on the social context of Kolhi peasants; to understand the processes of social change that are involved in the transformation of Kolhi-peasant identities. The answers to all these queries will be sought with two another purposes in mind; one is to create scientific knowledge and another to write a thesis to meet the requirements of my M.Phil degree from the Department of Anthropology, Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad. My research will also be guided by the requirements of the research project on the ‗Identities, Governance and Nation-building‘ initiated by Hanns Seidel Foundation, which in collaboration with National Institute of Pakistan Studies (NIPS) is assisting me financially and academically.  What you will do in the study: I will do an ethnographic study; a participant observation, audio record some interviews, takes pictures of Kolhi peasants. I will be doing research on the issues or matters related to peasants, their problems, their economic and social life, their activities related to sharecropping, their relationship with landlords and outside peasant activists and NGOs. I am interested to know the point of view of peasants about your life activities and your culture.

Time required: The study will require about two months of participant observation, starting from July, 2013 till December 2013 but I might visit you for several month of time taking rest and gaps in between, and may accompany you in rallies and protests and meetings with civil society activists in cities would have to stay among Kolhi peasants, at their guest house, for six months or so. If they would allow me to stay there and frequently accompany them to their fields, their shops, in protests and rallies, it would greatly help me to understand the processes and activities related to peasant activism.

Risks: There are certain dangers that might harm me and to my research subjects. The reputation and public image of my participants might be affected by my presence. There is a slight possibility that I may also be threatened by some of the landlords, or that my research subjects‘ lands could be snatched if the landlords took me as an immediate threat to their status quo. To ensure that such a scenario does not develop, I would have, if necessary, to maintain friendly contacts local landlords as well and take their informed consent if deemed extremely necessary. Before going into the field, I have ensured that I have got all the necessary contacts to ensure my security, for example, contacts of the law-enforcing agencies and the local government administrators. I have informed all my friends, relatives and local civil society activists that I am doing a scientific study in this area with the purpose to get my M.Phil. degree and to generate knowledge about peasant‘s life. My research subjects, those Kolhi peasants might also be exposed to some of community secrets that may not like to be made public. Therefore, all of my research subjects would have to guide me and correct me wherever possible, throughout my stay with them. I promise that I would not hide from you, whatever I write on you people. I promise that I would not expose or publish any material related to you or your community without the approval your community, each and every informant. My research subjects, that are Kolhi peasants, have the right not

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to cooperate with me at any time, on any day. I would not force you tell me your personal secrets. Whosoever would like his name not be mentioned in may report will be kept anonymous. Whosoever wants to tell something off-record will not be published with his actual not. Nothing of the sort will be published, which creates bad impression of the Kolhi community or stigmatize it. The further details about my identity will be given to you in writing or told you orally if you demand.

Benefits: There are no direct benefits to you for participating in this research study. The study may help us understand the dynamics of peasant activism, resistance against or in favor of the system, not against any particular landlord, peasant, activist, sharecropper or person. My research work may benefit you in some indirect way, for example, to some of your literate Kolhi peasants to understand the Kolhi culture, Kolhi peasantry and the Kolhi peasant activism. There is also some possibility that NGOs working on peasants may benefit from this research and help you accordingly. My research does not promise any financial gain for your community.

Confidentiality:

Data linked with identifying information:

The information that you give in the study will be handled confidentially. Your information will be assigned a code number. The list connecting your name to this code will be kept in a locked file. When the study is completed and the data have been analyzed, this list will be destroyed. Your name will not be used in any report. An audio tape, video tape, or photograph in the study will be destroyed with the approval of research supervisor and most probably after my thesis and research papers will be published.

Anonymous data:

The information that you give in the study will be handled confidentially. Your data will be anonymous which means that your name will not be collected or linked to the data. Because of the nature of the data, it may be possible to deduce your identity; however, there will be no attempt to do so and your data will be reported in a way that will not identify you.

Confidentiality cannot be guaranteed:

Yet some of my Key informants are so prominent in the local area and in Sindh province, that their identities can be easily inferred from the descriptions. Anonymity will be bypassed, if such prominent key informants allowed to keep their original identities intact in thesis.

Voluntary participation: Your participation in the study is completely voluntary. You may withdraw and join this study or allow me to intermingle with you at will.

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If you have questions about the study and if you have questions about your rights in the study, contact:

Dr. Waheed Iqbal Chaudhary (Supervisor)

Assistant Professor Incharge (Chairman) Department of Anthropology Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad

Agreement

I agree to participate in the research study described above.

Signature: ______Date: ______

You will receive a copy of this form for your records.

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Kolhi-Peasant Activism in Naon Dumbālo, Lower Sindh: Creating Space for Marginalised through Multiple Channels

Socio-economic Survey Form-I Name of Previous Location Present Location Year of Reasons Past Current Major Kolhi Migration for Occupation Occupation cause of Peasant Migration change/no (family Change in head) and occupation subcaste Paara Colony Other Paara Colony Other 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

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Kolhi-Peasant Activism in Naon Dumbālo, Lower Sindh: Creating Space for Marginalised through Multiple Channels

Socio-economic Survey Form-II Name of Nature of Housing at previous location Nature of Housing at existing location Kolhi Peasant Chaunro Landhi One-roomed Pakka Other Chaunro Colony Landhi One-roomed Pakka Other Katcha house house Katcha house house

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

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Kolhi-Peasant Activism in Naon Dumbālo, Lower Sindh: Creating Space for Marginalised through Multiple Channels

Socio-economic Survey Form-III Name of Kolhi Peasant Prevalence of Socio-economic exploitation and ethnic discrimination ( Peasant‘s Opinion) (family head) and subcaste Before 2009

Wage labour

Major Source of Icome of Source Major

Victimoflandlord‘s violence

Land Land Sharecroppingon (in Other Occupation

Vote Registered

Social Bondage

Debt Bondage

Average

Landless

income

or abuse or

acres)

daily

Begar Serri (in acres Chechrr Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

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Kolhi-Peasant Activism in Naon Dumbālo, Lower Sindh: Creating Space for Marginalised through Multiple Channels

Socio-economic Survey Form-IV Name of Kolhi Peasant Prevalence of Socio-economic exploitation and ethnic discrimination ( Peasant‘s Opinion) (family head) and subcaste After 2012

Wage labour

Major SourceIcome of

Land Land Average daily income

Victimof landlord‘s

Other Occupation

violence or abuse

Vote Registered

Social Bondage

on Sharecroppingon (in acres)

Debt Bondage

Landless

Begar Serri (in acres Chechrr Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

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