Toponyms and Cultural Regions
. "TOPONYMS AND CULTURAL REGIONS:
AN EXAMINATION OF THE
PLACE-NAMES OF THE
fey
ESSOP MIA
B.A., University of British Columbia, 1967
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
M.A.
in the Department of .- Asian Studies
We accept this thesis as conforming to the
required standard
THE. UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA
April, 197P In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for
an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that
the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study.
I further agree tha permission for extensive copying of this thesis
for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or
by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.
Department of
The University of British Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada ABSTRACT
The subject examined In this thesis is the relationship between contemporary place-names and cultural regions. It was hypothesised that there would be a relationship between place- names and cultural regions, if place-names, as organized into toponymic systems, correlated with known cultural features of the inhabitants of the Chota Nagpur region of India. The or• ganization of the place-names into toponymic systems was on the basis of spatial and statistical interdependence and interaction of selected terms denoting spaces with different attributes.
The known cultural feature for correlation in this study was the spatial and statistical distribution of the languages spoken in the study area.
A one-half sample of all the place-names in the Chota
Nagpur was collected from 1:250,000 maps of the area, and divided into their component elements. Following subsequent ordering by computer, distribution maps and statistical tables were drawn up for selected denotative components, the element in the name used to distinguish a particular space in the environment in terms of its attributes. Data on the spatial and statistical distribu• tions of the languages spoken in the area was obtained from
G.A, Grierson's Linguistic Survey of India and the Census of
India 1931. 1951 and 1961.
The results obtained from a correlation of the toponymic systems which were identified and the distribution of languages did support the hypothesis. Five toponymic systems were identi• fied within the study area, and their spatial extents corresponded to the distribution of three of the languages in the study area. The sectors of the study area within which no toponymic systems existed also corresponded to the distribution of *fee two languages. This suggested that the principles used in organizing the environment differ between cultures, and that the methodology presented for the identification of toponymic systems has limited usefulness.
It was concluded that place-names did bear a relation• ship to cultural regions, and that they could be used to de• lineate these cultural regions.
DEPARTMENT OF ASIAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY of BRITISH COLUMBIA VANCOUVER 3, 8. C, CANADA i.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
One
1.1. Theory and Method in Place-Name Study 1
1.2. Languages of the Chota Nagpur 29
1.3. Summary 36
Two
•2.1. Denotative Components in the Contemporary'
Place-Names of the Chota Nagpur 38
2,2. The Denotative Components 43
Three
3.1. Correlations < 72
3.2. Conclusions 76
Bibliography 78
Appendix 1. Maps 86
Appendix 2. Tables 105
Appendix 3. Tables 12 7 y
/ ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure 1. Fortran Coding Sheet
Figure 2. Phonetic Tables
Figure 3. Suffix List
Figure 4. Total Number of Habitation Site Names
in each Sample Square
Figure 5. The Number of Compound Habitation Site
Names in each Sample Square
Figure 6. Location^Denotative Components of the
Partial Toponymic Systems ill.
MAPS Page 86 Map 1 North-east India 2 The Study Areat Relief 87
3 The Study Area 88
4 Indo-Aryan Languages! Chattisgarhl 88
5 " " " Bengali 89
6 " " " Orlya 89
7 " " " Bihari 90
8 Dravidian Languages 90
9 Austro-asiatic Languages 91
10 Nadi 91
11 Jor. Garo. Khal and Nala 92
12 Mountain Names without a Generic Suffix 92
13 Pahar 93
14 Buru \ 93
15 Parbat 94
16 Dongar and Dongrl 9^
17 Tungar 95
18 Pur 95
19 Dih ' , - \-- 96
20 Gaon 96
21 Tol , , 97
22 Gara 98
23 Dag 98
24 Tanr i 99
25 Jor (in Habitation Site Names) 99 iv.
Page
Map 26 Kel 100
27 Pani • 100
28 Pall 101
29 Munda 101
30 Pa~ra 102
31 Mr 102
32 Sai « 103
33 Hatu 103
34 Gutu 104
35 Pos 104
\ V.
TABLES Page
A. Numerical Occurence of the Denotative Components in each Sample Square.
Table I Nadi 105 II Mountain names without a Generic Suffix 106
III PahSr ' 107
IV Buru 108
V Pur 1°9
VI Dih .110
VII Gaon 111
VIII Tol 112
IX Gara 13-3
X Dag ' 11^
XI Tanr 1]-5
XII Jor (in Habitation Site Names) 116
XIII' Kel \ "~~ . 1]-7
XIV Panl 118
XV Pali 119
XVI Munda .120
XVII Para ' ' 121
XVIII Ber ' v 122
XIX Sal ^ ' 123
XX Hatu / . ' ^12^
XXI Gutu * '•, • 125
XXII Pos \ ' ' ' vi.
Page
B. Percentage occurence of the Denotative Components im.
i. Table XXIII the Total Watercourse Terms per Sample Square
ii,. Tables the Total Mountain Names per XXIV-XXVT Sample Square
iii. Tables the Total Compound Habitation XXVII-XLIV Site Names per Sample Square
Table XXIII Nadl 127
XXIV Mountain Names Without a Generic Suffix 128
XXV Pahar 129
XXVI Buru 130
XXVII Pur . 131
XXVIII Dih . 132
XXIX Gaon 133
XXX Tol . , 134
XXXI . Gara \ _ 135
XXXII Dag 136
XXXIII Tanr 137
XXXIV Jor (in Habitation Site Names) 138
XXXV Kel r 139
XXXVI Pani ' , - \" ; 140
XXXVII Pali \ , 141
XXXVIII Munda , 142
• • / '
XXXIX Para \ 143
XL Ber 144
XLI Sai 1 145 XLII Hatu S '• 1 146 XLIII Gutu 147 XLIV Pos 148 One.
1.1. Theory and Method in Place-Name Study
This study of the place-names of the Chota Nagpur, a highland region in northeastern India, is an attempt to extend the investigation of place-names into the contemporary realm, and to provide an ancillary aid in the study of the cultures of complex societies. To reiterate a statement made often,
India is a country of substantial cultural diversity. In addition to the existence of the distinctly separate Hindu and non-Hindu cultures, there is considerable sub-cultural varia• tion within each culture. The latter variations may be con• ceived of as having restricted spatial distributions, ranging from the level of linguistic regions to purely local ones. It is the demarcation of these local cultural regions which may be accomplished through the use of place-names, thus defining a'unit for cultural investigation within which there is a high degree of similarity in cultural forms. These local cultural areas may also be demarcated through the use of other factors, social or economic. However, if any advantages exist in the method proposed in this study, they are in the availability of raw data, especially for the scholar not based in India. Place- name data is relatively more accessible than data on dominant caste marriage or market networks, on the detailed scale neces- sary to demarcate these local sub-cultural regions.
In order to demarcate these sub-cultural regions, through the examination of the relationships between place- names and other aspects of the cultures of the inhabitants of the Chota Nagpur, it is assumed that toponyms are symbols in 2 the organization of the environment. Therefore, place-names, when suitably analyzed, may demarcate these cultural and sub- cultural regions, for there is a direct relationship between environmental organization and culture. Place-names arise from, and are. influenced by . . . the language and speech habits of - people (Wainwright 1962«10). As each culture has its distinc• tive and stylistic patterns (Kroeber 1963)1 naming should vary from culture to culture, and within a culture, where regional variation results in sub-cultural patterns.
Perceiving place-names as symbols in the organization of the environment is not unique to this study, but the attempt, to extend the analysis of place-names Into the contemporary realm is. The interpretive studies conducted on place-names thus far have been limited to the historical, for they have been conducted on the premise that toponyms are the fossils of human geography (Dauzat i960). Altering the premise to conceive of place-names as symbols in environmental organization, a concep• tion implicit in viewing toponyms as fossils, has allowed us to conduct the analysis on only the contemporary forms of place- names.
This has made necessary a reassessment and adaptation of the methodologies developed hitherto in place-names study, for there is a clear relationship between the nature of the / data and the methods of analysis. Where the data was composed of the various forms of a place-name which occured over an ex• tended period of time, it was possible to etymologlcally deter- i mine the original meanings of the ^elements of the name before 3 any attempts at interpretation. But a different mode of analysis is necessary where the data is composed of a large number of names in a single form of occurence. The method we have used is statistical and systemic analysis, through examina• tion of units larger than the individual place-names.
Before proceeding with a presentation of the theoreti• cal and methodological orientation of this particular study, an extended review of the work done to date in place-name study is in order, for it is the source of the theory and methodology of the present study. This previous research Into place-names may be characterised as having three distinct, but overlapping,, stages. The first has a pronounced survey nature, the second a largely philogical orientation and the third is an interpretive stage.
The survey nature of the first stage is evident in the works of Isaac Taylor^ George Stewart and S.K. Chatterji. The purpose of the former study (Ryan 1964i2), published as Words and Places in 1863. was to survey the topic in the widest possible fashion by discussing the problems of toponomy and history, ethnology and geography on the basis of an etymological study of selected European place-names. Stewart (1958), almost a century later, sets out to "present the process of naming"
(Stewart 1958i387)» the historical^ development of the present- day name cover of the United States of America, and provides an interesting, if general, introduction in narrative fashion to the linguistic strata present in the place-names of that country. Chatterji, in his monumental Origin and Development 4-
of the Bengali Language, has a very brief glance at some of the
place-names of Bengal, in order to introduce the languages in•
volved in the development of modern Bengali place-names.
Taylor's pioneering work may be regarded as the source of the methodology that characterizes the second stage of research, one which has, variously, aided and hampered place-name study in all
countries. The strongly methodological orientation of the
second stage may be attributed largely to the discipline which
has taken the lead in place-name study. It has become the do• main of the philologist who limited the aims of study to the
reasoned explanations of the meanings of place-names, viewing
his work as accessory to that of historians and archaeologists,
and suppressing theoretical concerns in favour of methodological
rigour (Cameron 196lt32 Zelinsky 1955*319).
That this methodological rigour has reached a.;high level
of achievement in England is undeniable, and is reflected in the work of the English Place-Name Society. It has systematically
covered, -to date, the place-names of nineteen counties of
England, the investigations being patterned upon the principles
laid down by various scholars in the first volume of this sur• vey, edited by Mawer and Stenton (EPNS I, i;1924). This volume, with the addition of the works of Mawer (1929), Dauzat (i960),
Cameron (1961) and Reaney (i960), provides an introduction to /
the methodology of this form of place-name study.
In this approach, which has been used in India as well
as in Europe, and, to some extent,] in North America, place-names i are regarded as fossils of human geography, and energy is 5 directed towards peeling aside the superimposed historic strata
(Dauzat i960). Each name is examined individually, after as wide as possible a collection of the earlier forms of the name are made, with a thorough knowledge of the phonetic history of the languages involved (Reaney I960:17-18).
The sources used in the collection of these early and modern forms of the place-name are historical documents of various types, for the former, and a field survey for the modern spellings and pronounciations. The availability and reliability of the literary sources varies from country to country. In
India the primary historical sources are dynastic inscriptions . of the donative variety, dealing with grants of lands and villages. Less useful are literary works of a didactic nature, the prime examples being the Mahabharata and Ramayana, which deal with place-names only incidentally. The major factor affecting the reliability of these documents as sources for place-names is the occasional tendency in the inscriptions to
Sanskritize the name, usually where the inscription is in the courtly language, Sanskrit, rather than in the languages pre• sumably spoken by the masses, the Prakrits. Thus, the actual pronounciation of the place-name may be distorted in the attempt to render it in a "purer" form.
English scholars have been much more fortunate with respect to their Indian counterparts, having an extensive corpus of available sources from which to ascertain the his• torical forms of place-names English settlement records, such as the Domesday Book and Land Surveys, historical records, 6
such as the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles and official records, such
as the Pipe Rolls, Charter Rolls and Close Rolls, all provide
an extensive number of place-names. But erroneous recording of
the names is a problem for the English scholar as well, because
of simple spelling errors, and of scribes and others altering
some elements of names to correspond phonetically with the
language they were most familiar with; e.g. Barcovere for
Birchover in the Domesday Book. (Cameron 196l«21).
The components of the philological stage, subsequent to
this collection of the historical and modern forms of the place-
names, begin with etymological analysis of each individual name..
The procedure for this is straightforward. Every form of the
name collected is arranged in chronological sequence. This
should immediately indicate the extent and direction of the
changes in pronounciatlon of the name (e.g. Reaney i960t25).
1 Altered pronounciatlon could Indicate influence of another
linguistic group upon the name, for sounds are not identical in
all languages. Where a particular sound does not exist in a
language,, another appropriate to it in that language is sub•
stituted. An example of this is in the Old English /c/, pro•
nounced [ch] when occuring initially before /e/ or /i/, It
was altered to [k] by the Scandinavians in England, [k] being
in the same position in their language as [ch] in English.
(Cameron I96I182). The same sound, non-existent in French, was
pronounced as [,ts] by this linguistic group, but written as /c/.
The pronounciatlon of [ts], in normal phonetic change within a
language, was simplified to [s], and was at times so written 7 as well (Reaney I960:199). The Sanskritization of indigeneous names by the Aryans is a prominent feature:in the names of
Gujerat; e.g. Bharukaccha>Bhrgukaccha (Sankalia 1949:164).
Altered pronounciation could also be a result of normal phonetic change within a language., The analytical tool for in• vestigation of changes of this nature are the rules of phonetic change in the pertinent language. These include stress-accent change, loss and addition of consonants, and lengthening and shortening of vowels (EPNS I, 1:7-9; Sankalia 1949:167). There is also "popular etymology," where changes are caused by erroneous analogies with known words.
The extensions of this stage, following etymological investigation, have been largely towards improving methodological rigour, as mentioned previously. To this end place-names have been typed, specifically according to their linguistic content, and more generally, according to their meanings.
Sedgefield (EPNS I, i) has distinguished three forms of
English place-names, the descriptive, the proper and an inter• mediary form. The latter form is composed of two or more ele• ments, a compound in which the suffix is most often a word with a modern meaning, whereas the meaning of the other element(s) has fallen into obscurity. The descriptive form of a place- name, compound or simple, is of words still in common,use and, thus, meaningful. A proper name, on the other hand, is one that has no present meaning, having lost it during the process of historical change.
The large majority of English place-names are of a 8
compound character, the two elements of which, in certain in•
stances, stand in a case relationship. The compounds are of
noun-noun, adjective-noun, or preposition-noun forms. (Cameron
1961i28). When the first element is a personal or tribal name,
a proper noun, it is a genetlve singular, e.g. Kingston, and in
a few cases, a genetlve plural, e.g. Calverton. In the prepo•
sition-noun form of place-names the noun is in the dative case,
singular or plural. The preposition is preserved, in whole or
in part, In many modern names. The normal usage of names in an
adverbial context, signified by the prepositional prefix, is an
Important feature of English place-name formation, e.g.
Aet Bearwe>Barrow. Adjectives in compounds generally appear in weak forms, e.g. Nlwatun>Newton. with the exception of combina•
tions with the suffix :ham, when they are frequently uninflected,
e.g. NTwanham)Nuneham.
According to their meanings, the two main types of
English place-name formations are habitative and topographical
(Cameron 196li27). The former type denotes inhabited places
since the first naming, with the first element as either a des• criptive word, or a personal or tribal name, and the second des• cribing the type of habitation. Topographical names were ori• ginally descriptive of some physical feature, artificial or natural, and were adopted as names of nearby settlements.
In India, the latter portion of the philological stage has been almost entirely of a classificatory nature. Place- names have been classified according to the meaning of the name, in seven categories, designed to facilitate interpretation. The 9
names are grouped as to named after an event, a person, customs
and superstitions, geographical and physical features, flowers,
fruit trees and crops, animals, birds and reptiles and named
after existing places. (Sankalia 1949:47). Classification
according to the linguistic affiliation of the names has been in
three categories, with subdivisions (Sankalia 1949:168). The
first takes into account words inherited from Old and Middle
Indo-Aryan by a New Indo-Aryan language. Names which have been
inherited and have retained their original forms are tatsamas,
those having undergone normal phonetic change being knows as
tadbhavas. Semi-tatsamas and semi-tadbhavas. identical, are
those words the separate elements of which have been inherited
or loaned at different stages of development of the NIA language,
and, as such, will show varying phonetic changes. The second
category is that of loan words from OIA and MIA, and the third
of loan words from other language families.
There had been, until recently, little effort in North
America and Australia to develop a methodology independent of
that in Europe. A vast majority of the early work in these
countries has been limited to etymological investigation of place-
names according to the European methodology and the compilation
of gazetteer-type surveys (Gudde I96O5 Barnes 1935? Gannett 1947;
Kenny 1945$ McArthur 1944j Meaney 1923; Anderson 1942; Reed 1952), and articles on problems in such investigation presented by the names of a specific area (Whitback 1911).
From these earlier uncoordinated works a corpus of i material has emerged, which was revised by later scholars using 10
a more systematic methodology. It has involved classification
as a primary step, as set out by Rudnyckyj (Sahlgren et al
1954.453-^57) in his discussion of Canadian place-names. The
classification is based on onomastic principles, and places the
names in one of the three following categories:
a. Autochthonous (aboriginal) names
(Winnipeg, Yeerongpilly)
b. Imported place-names
i. trans/placed names (London, Berlin) ii, transferred names (Vancouver, San Francisco)
c. Toponymic neologisms (Portage la prairie,
Sandy Creek)
These were the mechanics for name-giving in the colonized
countries, and thus accounts for all the names found in these
countries.
The other significant variation from European forms of
place-name study in North America has been the study by Zelinsky
(1955). The methodological orientation here is to examine im•
ported place-names in larger units,,that presented by the dis•
tribution maps of selected generic terms. This involves plot•
ting the location of terms such as creek, brook, run, ville etc.,
upon a scale map, and provides visual patterns for subsequent
interpretation.
The third stage of place-name study, the interpretive,
is one which has, until recently, been the exclusive domain of
the historian and archaeologist (Stenton 1940; 1941; Smith 1956). Where it has overlapped with the methodological phase it has: 11
"been because the historian or archaeologist has conducted the
place-name study as well as interpreting the evidence of the names (Sankalia 19^9; Ryan 1964; Allchin 1963). The exceptions
to this are the introductions to the county volumes of the EPNS,
surveys in the historical geography of the counties, and two re•
cent general surveys of English place-names (Cameron I96I5 Reaney
I960).
The interpretation of the evidence provided by thevety- mological analysis of place-names has generally lacked range
being largely limited to historical geography and the identifi•
cation of archaeological sites (Allchin 1963). The former in•
cludes the studies by Sankalia (19^9) and his students (Gokhale
1960; Lele 1962; Mathur 1963? Muley 195^; Se Shardi 1963; Suresh
1965) for different regions of India, and the work by Smith (1956) and Stenton (1940; 1941;) in England. The technique of the
English scholars is an-1 example of this. The identification of key suffixes has made it possible to plot population concentra•
tions and movements diachronically. These suffixes, such as bj£ and toft for the Scandinavian linguistic groups in England
(Cameron 196lt80^ and tun, ham and ing. in all its variations, for the Anglo-Saxons (Smith 1956167-88), are characteristic in the naming patterns of specific cultural groups. Furthermore, as illustrated by Smith (1956), these suffixes may be .charac•
teristic of naming behaviour during certain periods and phases in settlement, and patterns may be inferred from them. The ex•
tent of settlement in these population concentrations may, how•
ever, not be determined from village names only. The number of 12
field names given by a certain cultural group in an area may
provide convincing evidence of extensive settlement. Thus the
intensity of settlement of cultural groups should be based, for
one, upon the evidence of a comparison between the numbers of
field and village names belonging to a particular cultural
group (Stenton 1941»1-22).
Beyond this only sporadic'attempts have been made at
examining the social customs, belief patterns and legal customs
that may be inferred from the evidence provided by place-names
(Cameron 196l«119-141j Sankalia 1949»47). Stenton (1943), on
the place of women in Anglo-Saxon history, Dickins (1933)?
Cameron (I96I1119-141) and Ryan (1964124-52), on the social and
religious aspects of place-names, are the best of these. Al•
though it has been recognised that place-names can aid in the
examination of the movements of the agricultural frontier
tEkwall 1936»5; Stenton 194li8), that an analysis of the content
of names could provide an idea as to the flora and fauna of a
region, the crops grown and perhaps even the type of agriculture
practiced in the region, no work has been done on this aspect of
the interpretation of place-names. The interpretive stage rela•
tive to the philological, is still in its infancy, and much work
remains to be done in this area.
All these studies have been conducted in what, may now
be regarded as a traditional mode of analysis, where a.";legiti• mate, but excessive, concern with the diachronic has led to a
close association of place-name study with etymology. The view
that place-names are the fossils of human geography (Dauzat i960) 13 has in large part contributed to this emphasis of diachronic linguistic study of the names. Yet the names are more than mere fossils. They are the symbolic means whereby peoples identify and organize the space surrounding them (Morrison MSS), and thus can be as much the systemization of space by living . cultures as the accumulated deposits of previous inhabitants of an area. Place-names in their existing forms are, in Dauzat's terms, representative of the contemporary stratum of human geo• graphy.
The purpose of the etymological study of place-names, as mentioned previously, has been to provide reasoned explana• tions of the original meanings of the names, to aid in the subse• quent reconstruction of the history of nations. But where the study of the names is synchronic, etymological investigation of the names is not necessarily a precondition. It would be un• avoidable if, and only''1 if, the names in their present forms are meaningless, that is, without any semantic content.
However, not every form of place-name is meaningless.
Sedgewick's (above, p. 7 ) classification of English place- names in three forms, proper names, descriptive names and an intermediary form, may be applied,equally to Indian place-names.
The latter forms, having meaning, if only in one element of the name, are amenable to limited types of synchronic analysis with- out prior derivation of their original meanings (cf Zelinsky
1955). The proper name, however, defined by Gardiner (1954«73) as "a word or group of words which is recognised as having iden- tification as its specific purpose,^and which achieves . . . that 14
purpose by means of its distinctive sound alone;," and is thus
meaningless, requires etymological analysis prior to interpre•
tation.
On this basis the following hypothesis was formulated
for testing, in accordance with the general aims of this study.
It is that there is a relationship between place-names and cul•
tural regions, if a correlation is exhibited between toponymic
systems and known cultural features of the inhabitants of the
study area. Toponymic systems, as we shall define them below
(p. 16 ), are spatially limited groups of toponyms within which
terms, used to denote what may be considered to be spaces with
different attributes, bear some relationship to each other. The
known cultural feature for this study will be that most readily
available, the spatial and statistical distribution of the lan•
guages spoken by the inhabitants of the study area.
In an analysis of place-names as symbols in the organi•
zation of the environment, the component in the name of greatest
importance is the denotative. This component in the linguistic
structure of the name is most often the suffix. It serves to
distinguish particular spaces from others within the environ• ment of a population, in terms of their attributes and cultural
functions. As such, it also serves as an index to the relation•
ships of spaces within the environment of the cultural group /
(Morrison MSS).
Any evidence, other than the purely linguistic, may be
obtained from these denotative components only by implication, never directly (Wainwright 1962il0). In a synchronic study, un- 15 like the diachronic, the study of individual names is relatively meaningless. The nature of the evidence, that is, the possible meanings and linguistic affiliations of elements in the names, allows for little more than educated guesses at the extra-lin• guistic characteristics of the name, the information on cultural aspects of the naming population embodied within the place-name.
The limitations imposed by this "microscopic" methodology may be overcome by conducting the investigation on a "macroscopic" scale, using analytical categories that will reveal the other• wise hidden cultural information. An excellent model is the study by Zelinsky (1955), where the analysis is conducted upon the basis of the units provided by the spatial distributions of selected place-name elements, the "macroscopic" scale.
Using the method suggested by Zelinsky's work,, the anal• ytical groupings for this study are the units presented by the spatial distributions of de.notati.ve components found in the place-names of the Chota Nagpur. These units, "toponymic patterns,".are constructed using the variables of possible meaning and linguistic affiliation and spatial location of the elements, and provides immediate visual and statistical benefits.
In the form of a distribution map the pattern defines the area of occurence and regions of great and low density of occurence of a particular element. The patterns of a selected group of elements, in conjunction, define a partial toponymic system in their relationships to each other, partial in that it does not encompass all the elements found in the place-names of the area.
The organization of the toponymic patterns into what may 16
be postulated as a partial toponymic system is on the basis of
the theoretical attributes of any given system. These are that analytical categories be defined and be functionally interdepen• dent and interacting (De Vos and Wagatsuma 1966128?; Buckley
1968:81). These analytical categories for the toponyms are those of the toponymic patterns, and their interdependence and interaction occur in the function of their component elements as symbols in the organization of the environment. Spaces within the environment of a cultural group perceived as having similar attributes being identified similarly, the cooccurence in dis• tribution of the similar labels of two or more types of spaces, and their statistical preponderance over labels of spaces with the same attributes within this area of cooccurence, demarcate toponymic systems.
The component elements of the toponymic patterns were defined following collection of the names. The names were ob• tained from the Series U 502, Edition 1-AMS maps of the United
States army, on a scale of 1:250,000, for Gaya (NG 45-13),
Ranchi (NF 45-1), Purulia (NF 45-2), Sundargarh (NF 45-5),
Jamshedpur (NF 45-6), Champa (NF 44-8) and Ra.igarh (NF 44-12).
As these maps contain the names of virtually every hamlet in the
Chota Nagpur, it was decided that the sample of one-half of the names, an estimated nine thousand, would be large and .accurate enough for the purposes of this study. The size of the sample, and the method of collection of the names, from each alternate
15* latitude and longitude square (Map 3), would in a large i measure overcome distortion in the statistical proportions of 17
the denotative, components selected for intensive examination.
Upon collection the names were transcribed on to Fortran coding sheets (Fig. 1), for the purposes of their subsequent ordering by computer. The first six columns contained a numeri• cal code indicating the geographic location of the name and the
"space" it labelled. The numbers in columns one to three were, respectively, map number, e.g. Ranch! - map one; Gaya - map two, and square number, with the west-east squares on each map num• bered from one to six and the north-south from seven to zero.
The requirements of the computer necessitated this rather un• wieldy code, and it was simplified for the purposes of reporting.
Thus, the sample square reported as G 6 in Chapter Two , was, on the Fortran sheets, 110. Columns four and five were vacant.
Column six contained the number used to indicate the character of the name, that is whether, it was of a village or hamlet with a population below 5»000 persons (5)> of a river (6), a mountain
(7), a lake (8), a city with a population between 5,000 and
10,000 (4), one with a population between 10,000 and'25,000 (3), one with a population between 25,000 and 100,000 (2) or one with a population over 100,000 (1).
When the names are collected from maps, post office lists or census lists, factors of possible distortion of the name arise. The most common problem is in the transcription of the name into English orthography. A lack of diacritical marks, as was evident in the maps used makes it virtually impossible to determine the actual pronounciation of the name, and leaves no alternative but for educated guesses as to some of the names; 18 e.g. is pani, the form of the suffix provided by the map, pani, pan! or pani7 Another of the problems is the practice of the compilers of the maps or lists to give the names a Sanskrltic look, e.g. Banlap;ano>Banigram; Bhatpaira> Bhattapalll (Goswami
19^3»21; 23). Each name thus has to be treated with caution, as the only way in which to determine the actual pronounciatlon of the name is through a thorough field survey.
9
ro 00 ro
P;
ro
ro ro -< •< 1 53 •2 < -< ro ^ O -p a CD c-j -4 x: l-< CO w V- bO
•H ro rvj Tj C-J O a
s as (H 00 •P U o CO
UO U —1 Ui l< t-4 bO V- z < -< < a: cr> t- OQL 00 < < « During the transcription of the names care was taken to include all the diacritical marks indicated upon the maps. This was decided upon as a preliminary step, although the prob• lem of inaccurate recording of pronounciations was recognised. Of all the phonemes in the languages found in the study area, as indicated in Fig. 2, diacritical marks were Indicated by the map makers on only the vowels and dipthongs, differentiating between the short forms /a/, /i/, /o/, /u/ and /e/ and the res• pective long forms /a/, /I/, /au/, /u/ and /ai/, e.g. para, pahar, hatu. The discrepancies between the forms of the names upon the maps and those provided by dictionaries (see Bibliography), and their simulated pronounciations, give strong indication that the recording by the map makers was made from a written, and not oral, source. An example of this is in the element translitera• ted as tanr. . The transliteration of the written forms is, /tj[d/ or /tar/ and /tad/ or /tar/, with a distinct nazalization in the pronounciation of the former. The anglicization of the oral form has omitted the two important diacritical marks distin• guishing between the dental and retroflex forms of the stops /t/ and /d/ (/r/ is an alternate means of transliterating the retroflex stop /d/), and transliterated the phoneme of nazaliza• tion /•"/ as a distorting dental stop /n/. However, as the con- cern of this study is not linguistic, this phonetic distortion is of little importance. What is important is that the element be distorted identically in all cases, for the purposes of accounting for every occurence of it in the same form. Figure 2j Phonetic Tables Hindit Velar Palatal Retroflex. Dental Labial STOPS Unvoiced: Unaspirated k c t t p Aspirated kh ch th th ph Voiced: Unaspirated S d d b Aspirated gh dh dh bh Nasals n n n n m Semivowels y r 1 v (Voiced) Siblants s s s (Unvoiced) Aspiration (Unvoiced) VOWELS \ (Voiced) a i r ~~ • u a 1 * — u e aou / Bengali; Velar Palatal Retroflex Dental Labial STOPS Unvoicedj Unaspirated k c t t p 9 Aspirated kh ch th th ph o Voicedi Unaspirated S d d b • Aspirated gh jh dh dh bh Nasals n n n n m 0 Semivowels y r 1 (Voiced) Siblants s s s * (Unvoiced) Aspiration (Unvoiced) VOWELS (Voiced) a i r u a • u \* ' • e 0 0 oi ou Orlyat Velar Palatal Retroflex Dental Labial STOPS Unvoicedi Inaspirated k c t t p • Aspirated kh ch th . th Ph • Voicedi Unaspirated S 3 d d b Aspirated gh dh dh bh jh m Nasals gnua gnia ana n m • Semivowels y r 1 w (Voiced) Siblants s s s • (Unvoiced) Aspiration (Unvoiced) VOWELS (Voiced) a i ru u r• u lu u e o 51 au / 24 Austro-asiatlc t Velar Palatal Retroflex Dental Labial STOPS Unaspirated k c t t p Checked k' ' o'.. t» t* p» Unaspirated g j d d b Checked g° j1 d' d" b' n n n n m y r r w 1 VOWELS a I u a 1 u o Kurukh: Velar Palatal Retroflex Dental Labial STOPS Unaspirated k c t t p Aspirated kh Unaspirated g j d d b Nasals n fi n n m Semivowels y r 1 v r Siblant s Aspiration VOWELS a i u a I • u * e o e 6 / 26 Following recording' of the. names on the Fortran code sheets an initial survey was made to identify elements occur- ing finally, as suffixes. The problems encountered in this were not with the particular suffixes used in this study, as, with the exception of one, Pos., they were all in identifiable forms. The suffixes that provided particular difficulty in identification were those that were contained in proper names, where phonetic change had rendered them meaningless. It was only after this step had been completed, and the separate elements of the names recorded, in reverse order, in columns 25 to 43 on the coding sheets (Fig. 1), that a-less laborious procedure for this was determined. It entails alphabetical ordering of the entire sample immediately following the col• lection of the names. This would enable the investigator to identify the elements in the name by a procedure analogous to the "minimal pair" of morphs mode, the alphabetical ordering bringing together identical first elements from throughout the sample (See Fig. 1). The division of the names into their component elements preceeded their ordering by computer, to facilitate subsequent spatial and statistical analysis. This ordering was in six categories, specifically directed to the requirements of the hypothesis. The first print-out was an alphabetical index of all the names collected, followed by one of all the simple names only. The multi-element names were, then printed out, in accordance with a list of the suffixes in the names (Fig. 3). The residual names, those with suffixes other than those 27 identified on the suffix list, were also contained in this print-out, as a separate category. The names of rivers and mountains, although contained in the other print-outs, were collected separately, to enable easier access to them for the later construction of the toponymic patterns. The final print• out was a compilation of histogrammes, Indicating the statis• tical concentrations of each type of name, simple or compound, in each sample square. The computer, the use of which in this type of study is the first to our knowledge, proved a useful tool, but a limited one. Bearing In mind the size of the sample, as men• tioned before some nine thousand names, it was the most rapid and efficient means of ordering the sample. But this function, and that of the statistical aspects of this study, were the only ones where It was possible to use the computer without an overwhelming amount of preparatorymanual labour. However, this was more a limitation Imposed by the exploratory nature of this study, than one integral in computer usage. 28 Figure 3» Suffix List ara unga Loya abad ghat buru tanr ghata gora dih ghatu bani diha munda bhata tol bahar sera tola bahal wa toll dar mu bar dara la bara jhor tu gar a jhora sa band jhori we bandh dand ba banda ker • dag kera war sar war a sara mar jhar mara jharia pur jharan pura jar purla har sai pali da wan . hat wani hata nagar hatu loi Pi •. ber - pos bera posi berya ' sol wai sola guru jor sanr jora gari jori danr par garh para pat pari saru ' \ • > gaon ganj pani gain kel tani kela diri • ' I \ 29 1.2. Languages of the Chota Nagpur. The second variable in the hypothesis, that of the known cultural features of the inhabitants of the study area, is, as mentioned previously, the spatial and statistical dis• tribution of the languages spoken in the Chota Nagpur. The demarcation of the particular area selected for study was made on the basis of all-Indian as well as purely regional characteristics. Paramount in the former are cul• tural criteria, and in the latter geographical. The specific boundaries (Map 1), however, were not delineated by any cul• tural or ecological criteria, but by the availability and limi• tations of source and material. The Chota Nagpur plateau region, largely contained within the study area, is an area of cultural isolation (Subbarao 1958), with respect to the rest of India. These areas are also variously termed "tribal India" or "Adibasi" regions, similtaneously connotative of their cultural status relative to the Great Traditions of India, and descriptive of the predominant form of social organization of the majority of their inhabitants. These areas are the backwaters of civili• zation, where older and/or more static cultures have sought refuge from the advance of the great traditions in remote areas uncongenial to civilizations based on advanced agricul- tural economy (Haimendorf 19^8). But this is not to infer that all the inhabitants of these refuge areas have existed in total isolation from the civilizations surrounding them. Those in- i habitants of the portions of these1, refuge zones are more 30 congenial to the forms of agriculture practiced by the repre• sentatives of the civilizations have been in contact with the latter over an extended period of time, and strong economic and social links have, developed between them through the in• stitution of professional castes (Elwin 1951). These refuge zones are today part of the larger.Indian civilization, al• though still relatively isolated and not wholly contained within the mainstream of that civilization. The very geographical characteristics of this area that allowed it to function historically as an area of cultural isolation are the regional criteria that distinguish it as a suitable unit for study. In contrasttothe Gangetic plain immediately to the north of it, the Chota Nagpur is a region marked by topographical uneveness, consisting of a succession < of plateaux, hills and valleys (Map 2). The major plateaux, the Hazaribagh and Ranchi plateaux, are situated in the north and central margins of the area, and they, together with a third plateau in the west, the Pats, and the rolling terrain ••'of the eastern margins, comprise the major extent of open land in the area. The northeastern and southern reaches of the area are mountainous and densely forested, and are characterized by the alternating features of high hills and steep valleys. In addition to. the numerous small streams, the major rivers of the area are the North Koel, flowing northwest into the Son, the Suvarnarekha, South Koel, Sankh, Sanjai, Kharkai, lb, Mahanadi and Hasdo, all flowing south or southeast, and the Damodar, draining the area eastward. 31 The Chota Nagpur differs from those areas surrounding it climatically as well. The mean temperatures vary consider• ably throughout the year, but are consistently lower than those encountered on the Gangetic plain of Bihar (Diwakar 1958i 33-35). The March mean maximum of ?5°P rises to 85°F in May, the warmest month, and drops to 60°F in December, the coldest. Mean minimum temperatures vary from the lowest of 47°F in December to 70°F in May. The annual mean temperature on the plateau is 65°F. The average rainfall on the plateau during the year is over 50 inches, higher than the plains regions (Diwakar 1958« 35). The wettest months of the year are the monsoon months, June to October, when 80-90$ of the annual rainfall is re• ceived. The remainder of the rainfall is largely received during the hot season, between March and May. The delimitation of the boundaries of the study area was in general accordance with this regional geographical criteria, although the limitations imposed by the maps used as the basic source material (see Bibliography) forced exclusion of minor portions of this highland region in the west and south, and the major part of the Rajmahal Hills in the Northeast. The eastern, and the central portion of the northern, boundaries were intentionally demarcated, the latter to exclude any part of the plains regions of the Gaya administrative district. On the east no portion of West Bengal, excluding the Purulla district, was included, as this area is the focus of another study being conducted by Dr. Barrle Morrison. The remaining 32 administrative districts included in the study area, in whole or part (Map 3), are, in Bihar, Hazaribagh, the Santal Pvarganas, Ranchi, Palamau, Dhanbad and Singhbhum, in Orissa, Mayurbhanj, Keonjhar, Sundargarh and Sambalpur, and in Madhya Pradesh, Bilaspur, Surguja, Raipur and Raigarh. The approximately nine million people inhabiting the 30-35.000 square mile Chota Nagpur regions are scattered throughout some fifteen thousand habitation sites, a low density of population for the overall area which is borne out by the individual figures for each administrative district. The only district which exceeds the? average population density for the Gangetic plains region immediately to the north and east of the study area (800-1000 persons per square mile) is Dhanbad, with a density of 104-5 per square mile. The remain• ing districts have densities far below this figure, ranging from 5t>5 in Purulia to' 153 in the Madhya Pradeshi districts. Of the remainder of the study area, the districts in Orissa have a generally lower density than those in Bihar. Among the former Mayurbhanj has the highest density, 299 per square mile, Keonjhar has 231, Sambalpur 223 and Sundargarh 200.3. The Santal Parganas has the highest density of the districts in Bihar other than Dhanbad, 487 per square mile. Singhbhum has 398, Hazaribagh 3^3 and Ranchi 304 persons per square mile. These inhabitatns of the Chota Nagpur speak languages belonging to three language families, the Indo-Aryan, Dravidian and Austroasiatic. This terminology for the languages::-is that used by Grierson (1927), in his Linguistic Survey of India, 33 and has been generally followed by the major sources of in• formation for this section (Diwakar 1958; Census of India 1931; Census of India 1961; District Gazetteers; Sachchidananda 1965')'. Within the Indo-Aryan branch of the Indo-European language family Grierson distinguishes two sub-branches, the luner and Outer, on the basis of discrepancies in phonology and syntax, particularly in the pronounciation of siblants, in declension and in conjugation (Grierson 1927» I; 117-119). Between these sub-branches, in the east, is a Mediate sub- branch, which contains characteristics of both sub-branches and acts as a transitional language group. The languages contained within our study area belong to the Mediate sub- branch and the Eastern group of the Outer sub-branch. The Mediate group is composed of three dialects, not languages, Chattisgarhi, Bagheli and Awadhi. It is only the first men• tioned which is found1*' in the Chota Nagpur. The other Indo- Aryan languages found in the Chota Nagpur belong to the Eastern group of the Outer sub-branch, all directly descendent from the old Magadha Apabhramsa. Two of the three Bihari dia• lects, Bhojpuri and Magahl, the third being Maithili, are pre• sent in the study area, as are Bengali and Oriya. The fourth language of the Eastern group, Assamese, does not occur in the area. Quite unlike Grierson's detailed differentiation be• tween the Chattisgarhi dialect of Eastern Hindi and Bhojpuri and Magahl, present in their dialectical forms of Nagpuria Bhojpuri and Panch Pargania Magahi' as well as their pure forms, 34 other sources, particularly the District Gazetteers and Diwakar (1958), refer to these languages collectively as Hindi. The effects of this are felt in the data provided on numbers of speakers. Grierson's figures, besides being dated, are given on the basis of total numbers of speakers and pro• vide no accurate indication as to statistics for speakers in limited regions. The Census and District Gazetteer informa• tion can similarly be only used on a generalized level, as numbers of "Hindi," or "Indo-Aryan other than Bengali and Oriya" speakers. However, usable population statistics for each language spoken in the area have been compiled,-as per• centage estimates based on Grierson's figures, the Census of India 1901, and the Census of India 196l. Of the Indo-Aryan languages present in the study area, the major one, in terms of the number of speakers, is Chattis- garhi. This language, which is limited almost entirely to the Madhya Pradeshi districts of Biiaspur, Surguja, Raipur and Raigarh (Map 4), is the mother tongue of 21.7% of the inhabi• tants of the study area, The speakers of the Bihari dialects of Nagpuria Bhojpuri, Panch Pargania Magahi and Standard Magahi rank a statistical second to Chattisgarhi, with 21.4$ of the population claiming these languages as their mother tongue. Standard Magahi and Panch Pargania Magahi (Map 7.), found occuring in Hazaribagh district and in eastern Ranch!, are the major dialects^being spoken by 14.2$ of the total popu• lation of the study area. Nagpuria Bhojpuri is spoken by 7.2$ of the population, largely in Ranchi and Palamau. Bengali, 35 returned by 18.9^ of the population as their mother tongue, is found occuring in the easternmost portion of the study area, in the Santal Parganas, Purulia, Dhanbad and eastern Singhbhum (Map 5). Oriya, the remaining Indo-aryan language found occur• ing in the study area, in southwestern Singhbhum, Mayurbhanj, Keonjhar, Sundargarh and Sambalpur (Map 6), has as its speakers lb,9% of the total population of the study area. The Dravidian, the convential name for the family of South Indian languages, is represented in the Chota Nagpur by the Kurukh language. This language, spoken by the members of the Oraon tribe, is the mother tongue of 5.5% of the population of the study area. It is found occuring in the western portion of the study area (Map 8), in southern Palamau, western Ranchi, Sundargarh, Raigarh, eastern Surguja and eastern Sambalpur. The Austroasiatic sub-family of languages, part of the Austroasiatic-Vietnamevse-Muong family of languages (Zide 1966), is represented in the Chota Nagpur by the Santali, Mundari, Bhumij, Birhor, Ho, Asuri and Korwa dialects of the Kherwarl language and the Kharia language. This group of languages was initially classed by Hodgson (1848) as belonging to the Dravidian family of languages, referring to them as dialects of the Kol language. The first to class them as a separate family of languages was Max Muller, who called them Munda languages, / and indicated their relationships to the languages of the Malay peninsula and the Polynesian archipelago. Grierson (1927) follows him in referring to them as the Munda languages, but as i this term is too close to the name of one of the dialects, 36 Mundari, and a likely source of confusion, we shall refer to them, following Zide (1966), as Austroasiatlc languages. The distribution of the Austroaslatic languages gener• ally complements that of Kurukh within the study area, the ex• ception being in western Ranchi (cf. Maps 8 & 9). The statis• tically major dialect of the Kherwari language, Santali, spoken by 7.1$ of the population of the study area, is found largely in the eastern portion of the study area, in Dhanbad, Purulia, Mayurbhanj, Singhbhum and the Santal Parganas. Ho, another of the dialects of Kherwari, is spoken by 4.1$ of the population, and has a much more restricted distribution than Santali. It is found occuring largely in western Singhbhum, and in the immediately adjacent regions of Mayurbhanj, Keonjhar and Sundargarh. The third relatively widely spoken dialect of Kherwari, Mundari, spoken by 4.3$ of the population, has its speakers concentrated largely in eastern Ranchi, with small numbers being found in Sundargarh and Sambalpur, Korwa (0.17$ of the population) and Asuri (0.05$), are two minor dialects found in the western portion of the study area, in western Ranchi, Palamau and Raigarh, and Bhumij (0.08$) occurs in the east, in Singhbhum and Purulia, The other Austroasiatic lan• guage found in the study area, Khari% has all its speakers, 0.8$ of the population, concentrated within a very small area / in southwestern Ranchi, 1.3. Summary The aim of this study is to provide an ancillary aid in the study of culture, in developing a methodology whereby contemporary place-names may be used to demarcate relatively homogenous cultural regions in complex societies for further investigation. To this end a hypothesis has been presented, xtfhich examines the contention of this study that contemporary place-names may be used to. demarcate cultural regions through the correlation of. the distribution, of denotative elements in place-names, as organized into toponymic • systems,. and the dis• tribution of a known cultural feature, that of the languages spoken in the study area. 38 Two. 2.1. Denotative Components in the Contemporary Place-names of the Chota Nagpur. In the examination of the relationships between place- names and cultural regions, the elements in the toponyms which are of integral importance, as mentioned previously, are the denotative components. These elements, as symbols in environ• mental organization, may reveal toponymic systems in their patterns of interdependence and interaction, where their re• lated usage is limited to particular cultural groups. Denotative components have been made use of previously in place-name studies. Some of these are Zelinsky (1955)» Stenton (19^0), Smith (1956) and Cbllingwood and Myres (1936). However, it is only in Zelinsky*s study where the investigation is solely and extensively into the denotative components of place-names. In the works of the English scholars the use of these components has been limited and for interpretive purposes only. They have been used to establish historical areas of settlement and influence of.cultural groups, with whom certain denotative components have been associated through previous ety• mological investigation. The denotative components used in this study fall into three broad categories, according to usage. Five of these, nadi. jhor, gara, khai and nSla. are terms denoting watercourses, and five, paharP parbatf buru,. dongar and tungar. mountains. In addition to these five terms for mountains, "another" was examined, m i.e. no denotative component. The remaining eighteen components, tlnr, munda, pan!. lor, ber. pali. kel, dag, gutu, pos, pur. v hatu. dih. tol. gaon, gara;sai and para, were those associated with habitation sites. The choice of these particular elements was based on statistical criteria. The generic-suffixless mountain names were retained in the sample, as it was noticed during collec• tion of the names that this "term" composed approximately 27$ of all the mountain names collected. In the case of the other watercourse and mountain terms, all the occurences of all the terms within the initial collection were included in the sample. Thus, nadl composed 92$ of all watercourse terms, .jhor 5.7$,. garo 1.7$ and khai and nala 0.3$ each. The occurences of pahar formed 32.5$ of all the mountain terms, buru 31.4$, parbat 2.3%. dongar 4.35$ and tungar 2.1$. The statistical criterion used in the selection of the terms associated with habitation sites was that any linguisti• cally identified term with a percentage occurence of 0.5$ (approximately thirty occurences) and above of all the compound names in the initial collection would be included. Among the generic terms tol had the highest occurence, 9.8$, followed by dih (8.8$), £ur (6.7$), gaon (1.9$), para (1.4$), kel (1.2$), reara (0.73$), dSg (0.69$), hStu (0.67$), and sal, gutu and pos (approximately 0.5$ each). The statistical occurences among the non-generic terms were pall 4.8$, pani 1.4$, ber 1.3$ munda 1.2$, ior 0.99$ and tffnr 0.64$. All the denotative components included in this study, 40 watercourse, mountain and habitation site, are contained in approximately 36.3$ of all the names collected initially, a. collection that composed approximately one-half of the names in the study area.l Therefore, this study is being conducted upon 3,2?4 of the approximately 18,000 names in the study area, on approximately 18.3% of the names in the study area. J,' xFor the total number of habitation site names and the total number of compound habitation site names see Figs. 4 & 5. i I 85 148 94 81 149 58 ' 1 0 p Q R s 3 79 80 58 65 115 71 4 44 104 57 78 109 96 79 118 iii 79 99 37 A c D E F 78 100 106 97 93 103 242 7 78 64 90 131 215 102 91 64 e 84 36 41 125 152 176 118 101 9 68 28 65 148 161 70 130 Ik 37 \o 136 106 101 134 96 41 156 81 88 II 147 136 152 12 116 133 C' C 66 13 137 97 94 14 115 70 OS 95 Fig. 4. Total Number of Habitation Site Names in Each Sample Square. H r I kj 64 50 1 36 75 35 o p Q R s 3 40 44 36 42 85 54 4 18 57 33 44 72 78 40 55 57 48 66 26 A B c o E F 53 k5 57 70 56 65 108 64 7 47 38 51 16 0 150 67 e 57 19 27 114 144 126 94 65 46 9 51 20 56 136 127 38 95 5k 26 to 72 82 78 120 86 31 118 55 64 II 101 105 113 -. — 12 79 99 50 13 108 86 78 H 95 59 81 • Fig. 5. The Number of Compound Habitation Site Names - in Each Sample Square. 43 2.2. The Denotative Components. Nadi, a place-name element associated with water• courses, is one of the few elements in this study that is_- found occuring in all but a limited portion of the study area <^Iap 10). The linguistic affiliation of this generic term for "river" is with the Indo-Aryan family of languages. The modern Hindi form is nadi (Pathak 1946:575) but the Oriya and Bengali vary slightly in their written forms, substituting a short vowel /i/ for the long Hindi /I/, for the resultant form nadi. It is in its pronounciatlon in the latter languages that the major difference is found. The first vowel, /a/, is pro• nounced in Oriya as [o], [nodi], and in Bengali as [o], [nodi] (Pattanayak 1966:73). The similarity in written form, provided as nadi in all cases by the source used in the study precludes . any more definite linguistic affiliation for this term, other than that it is associated with the"" languages of the Eastern Group of Indo-Aryan languages, because of the nature of the final vowel, i.e. /i/ rather than /I/ as in Hindi. The pattern in the frequency occurence of the 297 cases of nadi, 92$ of all the occurences of watercourse names, is one of relative evenness throughout the study area. With the excep• tion of the south central region and the southwestern corner of the study area, it occurs with 100$'frequency in almost all the sample squares (Tables I and XXIII). In the south centre and southwest it varies in occurence from 0$ in sample square N10 to 100$ in squares B13, C12, E12, G10, J10, K9, M9, P8, Q9, B.8 and S9. However, the average rates of.occurence vary consider- 44 ably between this region and that of the northern half of the study area. In the latter, composed of the districts of Ranchi, Hazaribagh, Palamau, Dhanbad, Surguja, Purulia, Bilaspur and the northern half of Raigarh, it is 100$, but in the former, with Sambalpur, Sundargarh, the southernmost region of Ranchi, Singhbhum and Mayurbhanj Included in it, the average rate of occurence is much lower, 70.2$. In addition to nadi, watercourse in the Chota Nagpur have four more terms associated with them jhor and its variant j or, gara and its variant garp, khal and nala (Map 11). Jhor and jor are generic terms for watercourses, possibly associated with the Tamil rootsJcori "to flow down" orJcura "flow" and the Kurukh form .joro "leaking" (Burrow and Emeneau 1961:185). The term gSra is found in Santali, in the form gJicLa (Bodding 1929:11, 356; MacPhail 1953:227), as a generic term for a watercourse. GSro appears to be a variant of this form. Gara may be an original Kherwari form, or a loan word from the Indo- Aryan, from the Sanskrit root s/gad "to drip," which in turn may be a borrowing from the Dravidian (Turner 1966:212). However, in its use as a generic term for a watercourse in this region it may be unique to the Kherwarithe Bihar! and the Oriya derivatives of Jgad, varying in form and meaning, Kara "clay" or"mud mortar" (Turner 1966:221). Khal is present In Hindi in this form, meaning "rivulet," and also in Bengali, with the meanings "trench, canal" (Turner 1966:202). : The term n51a is also associated with the Indo-Aryan 45 languages of the study area. Bengali, and Hindi have a variant form nala, in the former meaning "ditch," and "watercourse, ravine" in the latter. The form in Oriya, meaning "rivulet," nfla (Turner 1966:404). Of these terms the most numerous is jhorand its variant j or, 5.7% of. all the occurences of watercourse names. It occurs eleven times'';.in Sambalpur, scattered throughout this district,' once just across the border in Raigarh, twice in northwestern Sundargarh, once in southwestern Ranchi, twice in south central Ranchi', on its border with Singhbhum, and twice in Singhbhum, once in the extreme southwest and once on its northern border with Purulia. The distribution of jhor thus follows a southerly course, from western Orissa through southern Ranchi and Singhbhum into Bengal. The distribution of gSra, and garo, is similar to that of jhor in being a southerly one, but is a much more concen- : trated distribution than jhor's. Of the six occurences of this, denotative component, comprising 1.7$ of the watercourse terms, two are located in south central Ranchi, three in western Singhbhum and one in eastern Sundargarh. Khal and nala occur only once each (each 0.13$ of the watercourse names) and widely separated from each other. Khal is found in Mayurbhanj, close to the Orlssa-Bengal border, and nala on the opposite fringes of the study area, in northern Bilaspur. Taken in conjunction, the distribution of all these watercourse terms may be summarised in terms of their linguistic 46 affiliation. In the northern half of the study area the terms are solely Indo-Aryan, all the cases found here but one, nala in northern Bilaspur, being those of nadi. The occurences in the southern districts on the other hand, in southern Ranchi, Singhbhum, Mayurbhanj, Sundargarh, Sambalpur and southern Raigarh, are associated with all three language families found in the study area. Nadi occurs here as well, but as only 70.2$ of all cases recorded. The single occurence of the other Indo- Aryan term, khal, raises the proportion of the Indo-Aryan cases to 71.6$, distributed throughout the region. The Dravidian term jhor comprises 21.4$ of the occurences, and shows a dis• tribution ranging from the western to the eastern borders of the study area. In contrast to this wide range of spatial loca-. tion of .jhor is the distribution of the Austroasiatic term gara, 7$ of the watercourse names in these southern districts. It-is concentrated in the sbuthcentral portion of the study area. When all the names given to mountains in the study area were examined a substantial number were found to have no generic suffix. But their distribution was plotted (Map 12), as the quantity of these names was significant enough to warrant this. Some examples of these names, which,occur as both simple and compound names, are Aksi and BanadSg, names of neighbouring villages, and Bhai Bhain, "brother-sister," a descriptive name / for a twin peaked hill. v Of all the names associated with mountains examined in this study, the mountain names without generic suffixes formed approximately :2 7$ (106 of 430), and are distributed over a 47 large portion of the study area. In the west they occur, with just six plotted exceptions, only in the northern two-thirds of Raigarh. Of the exceptions, four,occurences are in the immediately adjacent area of Surguja, but the other two in Sambalpur are a little more isolated from the main body in Raigarh. This diagonal northeast-southwest pattern of occur• ence in the west is paralleled in the east of the study area, although not as vividly illustrated because of the more scat• tered nature of the occurences in-the east. This diagonal line of occurence runs from the eastern corner of Sundargarh, through Singhbhum and Ranchi. However, the greater numerical concen• tration in Singhbhum and Sundargarh (Squares L10 and M9) than in Ranchi (N6; Table II), is deceptive. The two occurences in N6 comprise 100$ of the occurence of mountain names in that square, whereas the 10 in M9 are only 2.4$ and the six in L10' 19.4$ of the mountain names in these squares (Table XXIV). The third area of distribution of this non-term is a horizontal south-west line running through Palamau, Hazaribagh, Dhanbad, Purulia and the Santal Parganas. The major regions of concentration of these mountain names without a generic suffix &xe\ the western northeast- southwest diagonal and the northern horizontal line. In the former they comprise 79.^$ of the occurence of all mountain terms, ranging from a low of 14.3$ in E12 to a high of 100$ in six sample squares (Table XXIV). Their percentage of occurence is slightly lower in the latter region of concentration, 70$, from a low of 10$ In J4 to, again, a' high of 100$ in ten sample 48 squares. In stark contrast to the distribution of these mountain names without an associated generic term is the distribution of the 140 occurences, 32.5$ of all mountain names, of term pahar. (cf. Maps 12 and 13). This is a generic term for mountain de• rived from the Sanskrit pahada "rock, hill," (Turner 1966:459). The Oriya form of the term is identical to the Sanskrit pahada. In Bengali the final /a/ is dropped from the Sanskrit form, to pahad. In addition to the change that takes place in the Bengali form, the Hindi and Maithili also have a change in the first /a/, to /a/, giving the form pahad. The meaning remains constant throughout, as "hill," The occurences found of pahar (Map 13), and the generic suffixless mountain names are mutually exclusive, with the ex-] ception of Palamau and Hazaribagh districts where both are found. There are, however, only three cases of pahar in Hazaribagh, in contrast to sixteen of the generic suffixless names, whereas in Palamau their numbers are, respectively, four• teen and eleven. In the west pahar. is found in all the dis• tricts, in western Surguja, Northern Bilaspur, Southern Raipur, western Sambalpur and, with the exception of one case, only in the areas of Raigarh where the generic suffixless term does not occur. A similar situation occurs in the south-central and eastern regions. Eastern Singhbhum and Mayurbhanj contain cases of only pahar. Occurences of pahar in the northeastern corner of Ranchi, and the single occurence in Dhanbad, are in areas where no generic suffixless names are found, although these 49 regions are contained in the "eastern diagonal" distribution pattern (above p. 47 ) of the generic suffixless names. The bulk of the occurences of pahar found are located in the south- central region, in Western Ranchi and Sundargarh (cf. H7» J8, L8, K9 with A8, B7, B9 and 05,.Q9i P8; Table III). This again is an area containing only one occurence of generic suffixless names. The alternate occurences of the generic suffixless' names and of pahar are well illustrated by a comparison of Tables XXIV and XXV, indicating the occurences of each term as percentages of the total number of mountain names in each sample square. Of the remaining names associated with mountains the numerically most important is buru (Map 14). Buru is a Kherwari generic term for mountain^ and is found in a number of dialects of this language, in Santali (Bodding 1929,1V, 274), in Munda (Grierson 1921iLV, 274) and in Birhor (Grierson 1921i IV, 273). MacPhail (MacPhail 1953tl06) regards "mountain" as a secondary meaning for Buru, the primary one having been "spirit, an object of worship," but having been completely re• placed in this primary meaning by the term bortga. In contrast to the extensive spatial distributions of pahar and the generic suffixless;names, the distribution of buru is extremely concentrated. All 135 cases,31.4$ of the mountain names, are contained within eleven sample squares, mainly in Western Singhbhum (Tables IV and XXVI). Of those not within western Singhbhum, seven cases are scattered through• out central Singhbhum, two in Mayurbhanj, three in Ranchi and four in Sundargarh. The latter belong to the main concentration, 50 occuring on the border with Singhbhum. Parbat is another of the generic terms for mountain found in the place-names of the study area. The distribution of this term is indicated on Map 15. This is an Oriya and Hindi term, derived from the Sanskrit parvata, of the same meaning (Turner 1965:367; Pathak 1946:662). The difference be• tween the Oriya and Hindi forms is, as with nadi, is in the pronounciation of the written form parbat. The Hindi pronoun• ciatlon of the vowels is that of the written form, i.e. /a/ as [a]. The Oriya pronounciation of /a/ is as [°], with the stop rounded off, /t/ to [to], i.e. [porbata] (Pattanayak 1966: 73). Although only ten cases of parbat occur in the study area, comprising 2.3$ of the mountain names, it has a distinct distribution pattern. With two exceptions, all the cases of this term are found situated in Oriya districts, in Mayurbhanj, Sundargarh and Sambalpur. The two exceptions are exceptions only in that they do not occur in Oriya districts. They serve to confirm the southern limitations of parbat. being situated in the far south of Ranchi and Singhbhum, on their borders with Sundargarh and Mayurbhanj. The other generic terms for mountains found occuring in this area were dongar. its variant dongri (Map 16) and tungar and its variants tungri, tangar and tongri (Map 17). All these terms are derived from the Sanskrit takka "hill" (Turner 1966:300). The sheer variety of these derivatives leads Turner to conclude that thisjindicates a non-Aryan, and perhaps Mundaric origin. The forms dongar (d5gar) and dongri 51 (doVri ) are reached through the Prakrit dungara "mountain,'! and are prevalent in Hindi, and possibly in Eastern Hindi dia• lects (Turner 1965:260). Tungar. tungri,• tSngar and tongri are perhaps Hihari forms, the closest prevalent forms provided by Turner (Turner 1966:300), being those in Oriya tarigara "rocky, hilly land" and turiguri "hillock" and Marathi tugar "mound." This generic suffix is also found in Kurukh, in the form tungri "mound" (Grignard 1924:666). Only two occurences (0.4$ of the mountain names) of dongrl were recorded in the sources, one in southcentral Ranchi and one in northern Singhbhum. They are isolated from each oftier and from the main region of distribution of dungar. This re• gion is in the southwest corner of the study area, including in it Raipur, southern Ralgarh and the area of Sambalpur contiguous to Ralgarh. There are fewer occurences of tungar and its variants than dungar, Wine(2.1$) and seventeen (3.95$) respec• tively, and its region of occurence is more northerly. Three occurences are in southern Ranchi, two immediately adjacent to these in Raigarh, two In northwestern Ranchi and two more close by in Palamau. The distribution of generic:suffixes contained in mountain names, and the cases of mountain names without a gene• ric suffix, shows distinct regional concentrations for each form of suffix. The Indo-Aryan suffix paha"r occurs largely in the central and western sectors of the study area, and is not limi• ted to the sector of any single Indo-Aryan language (Maps 4, 5, 6 and 7). Neither ..'Is?.' the distribution of the generic 52 suffixless names, found occuring in a majority in Raigarh in the west, Palamau, Hazaribagh, Dhanbadand, Purulla in the north and northeast, and in Singhbhum and Sundargarh in the south. The distribution of the other generic suffix occuring in large numbers, however, the Austroasiatic suffix buru, shows a close correlation to the extent of the spatial location of the speakers of the Ho dialect of Kherwari (cf. Maps 14 and 9). Similarly, the distribution of the remaining suffixes in mountain names, parbat, dongar and tungar, indicate some relationship to the distribution of the Indo-Aryan languages. Parbat is largely limited to the region where Oriya is spoken, dongar to the Chattisgarhi regions and tungar to the Nagpuria Bhojpuri region. Suffixes in the village names of the study area that were examined show a wide range of variation in their occurence. The two most numerous, and the only two distributed over all but a very small portion of the study area, are pur and pura (Map 18), and dih, and its variants dihi and dlha (Map 19). Pur is an Indo-Aryan suffix meaning "town; ward of a town," found in modern Hindi in the forms pura. (Turner 1966: 469) and purah (Pathak 1949:667), It is also present in Oriya, Bengali and the Bihari languages, presumably as pura in the latter and pur in Oriya and Bengali (Dev 1962:795). The pattern of distribution of the 388 cases of pur is one of relatively even distribution across the study area. It occurs in all but ten of the sample squares (Tables V and XXVII), regions in western Singhbhum, Palamau and Raigarh. Within the sample squares that it does occur in it does not show any wide 53 range in variation, although four regions may be delimited as density sectors. The first would be an eastern high-density sector containing the Santal Parganas, Dhanbad, Purulia, Mayurbhanj, Eastern Singhbhum and Keonjhar. It occurs in this area in 10.6$ of all compound village names, ranging from a maximum of 22.9$ in square N10 to a minimum of 2.4$ in 03. The southwest sector, containing Western Sundargarh, southern Ralgarh and Bllaspur, Bolangir, Sambalpur and Raipur, is the second high-density sector. Pur occurs here in 6.9$ of the compound village names, from 18.1$ in A10 to 1.9$ in B9. The third high-density sector encompasses Gaya and northern Hazaribagh and Palamau. Pur occurs here in 12.3$ of the com• pound village names. The remainder of the study area forms the low-density sector. This sector has a north-centre-west orientation, including within it Plamau, Hazaribagh, Ranchi, western Singhbhum, eastern Sundargargh, northern Raigarh and Bilaspur and Surguja. Varying in occurence per sample square from none: in the ten squares mentioned above to a maximum of e 16.3$ in the compound village names in B7, its average occur• ence is in 4.5$ of the compound names. The element dih is found .in'Bengali and Oriya in the form dihl, meaning, in Bengali, "chief village of a district" and, in Oriya, "dwelling place; high ground" (Turner 1965s260). In Hindi and its dialects, and presumably the Biharl languages, the first vowel /i/ has a lengthened form /!/, and the final vowel has the form /a/, or is omitted. Thus the two forms, dlha "mound" (Turner 1965«260) and dih "habitation; village; (Pathak 1946i468). 54 The distribution map of the 510 cases of dih (Map 19) is much less regular than either that of nadi (Map 10) or pur (Map 18), although it too has a wide spatial distribution. It illustrates that dih has two widely separated areas of major concentration, in the northeast and southwest of the study area, with a north-south belt of lower concentration between these regions (also Tables VI and XXVIII). Immediately to the south of the northeastern concentration is one region of extremely low density, with another such in the west, bounding the south• western concentration. Within former low-density regions, which includes the eastern third of Sundargarh, the southern half of Singhbhum and Mayurbhanj and Keonjhar, dih is found in 3.9$ of the compound village names, ranging from none in M9, L8 and S9 (Table XXVII) to a maximum of 12.9$ in Q9. A slightly lower average, 3.8$, is exhibited in the other low-density region, which contains I1 Samba+pur, Bolangir, the western third of Sundargarh, the central portion of Raigarh, the northern two- thirds of Bilaspur and Surguja. While the minimum percentage of occurence in a single square in this region is identical to the southeastern low-density region, none, this is true of a greater number of squares in this ^region, five (A8, D9, E8, El4 and F13), and the maximum figure is also greater, 15.8$ in D7. The belt of intermediate density covers Gaya, Palamau,,most of Hazaribagh and Ranchi, central Sundargarh and the northeastern corner of Raigarh. The average in this region is 10.0$, with a maximum of 18.7$ in J2 and a minimumcof none in L2. Of the two regions of high-density the southwestern is by far the 55 smaller in size. It includes within it Raipur, and the areas of Raigarh and Bilaspur Immediately adjacent to Raipur. It contains only four sample squares, A12, Bll, B13 and C12, with 15.2$, 18.8$, 11.1$ and 12.1$ in each for an average occurence in 14.3$ of the compound village names. The other high-density regions, containing all of Dhanbad, the Santal Paraganas and Purulia, the eastern fringes of Hazaribagh, the eastern third of Ranchi and the southeastern half of Singhbhum, has the highest average of occurence in compound village names, 21.3$. The maximum-minimum figures indicate a much greater variation than the southwestern high-density region, from 7.7$ in S5, in the east, to 45.7$ in N6, on the western margin of the region. Another generic term for a village with extensive spatial distribution is gaon (Map 20). Gaon is found in all the Indo-Aryan languages present in the study area, with variant spellings,but! as a generic term for habitation sitesln all cases. The Bengali and Oriya form is ga (Turner 1966:235)» the Bihari (Turner 1966:235) and Panch Pargania dialect of Magahi (Grierson 1921:V,ii,170) form is g|w, the Maithili (Turner 1966:235) and Nagpuria Bhojpuri (Grierson 1921:V,ii, 365) g|o, and the Bhojpuri and Hindi (Turner 1966:235) gau. The similarity gaon has to.dih and pur, in extensive spatial distribution, is not paralled by either the total number of cases or the varying average frequencies of occurence. Gaon occurs, in total, only 106 times (cf. dih 510. pur 388) and with an even low average frequency of occurence over the entire area of distribution, in 3.7$ of the compound village 56 names in the sample squares it is found in. This is illus• trated by the distribution map (Map 20), Although gaon is absent only in the Santal Parganas, Purulia and Gaya, it is found only once in Palamau, Dhanbad and Keonjhar, and just four and five times in Hazaribagh and Kayurbhanj. Thus gaon could be said to have a central, southern and western distri• bution as except for the isolated case in Dhahbad, it does not occur in the northeast. The suffixes pur, dih and gaon. all Indo-Aryan, show no particular correspondence to any of the Indo-Aryan lan-'. guages in their total distributions, occuring in all the re• gions of Indo-Aryan languages. The four density sectors de• limited for pur also show no particular correspondence with specific linguistic regions. The single, large low-density sector Includes within it the entire Nagpuria Bhojpuri and Panch Pargania Magahi\regions and portions of the standard Magahi and Chattisgarhi areas;. The northern high-density sec• tor corresponds approximately to the northern half of the standard Magahi region contained within the study area, and the eastern and southwestern sectors to portions of the Bengali and Oriya'and Oriya and Chattisgarhi regions. A similar situa• tion prevails with dih. Here again there is no one-to-one correspondence between the density sectors of dih and the Indo- Aryan linguistic regions. The southwestern high-density sector is contained within the southern half of the Chattisgarhi region, and the eastern high-density sector within the entire Bengali region and parts of the Panch Pargania Magahi and Nagpuria 57 Bhojpuri regions. With the exception of central Sundargarh,. where the intermediate-density sector intrudes, the Oriya re• gion envelopes the low-d'ensity regions of dih. . The intermediate- density sector stretches across the regions of the Bihari lan• guages, Chattisgarhi and Oriya. The distribution of gaon is much more concentrated than either pur and dih and is" found only in the Bhojpuri, Chattisgarhi and Oriya regions, with the excep• tion of two cases in the Bengali region and six occurences in the Magahi regions. Tol, toli and tola (Map 21) are other generic terms for a village occuring as suffixes in the place-names of the Chota Nagpur. As generic terms they aire all found only in modern Hindi, in the forms tol, a masculine substantive mean• ing "hamlet," tola, again masculine, meaning "quarter of a town," and toll, a feminine substantive with the same meaning as tola. The form tol- is also prevalent as a generic term in Maithlli (Turner 19661 JO 5). In contrast to the other generic terms previously des• cribed tol has a limited spatial distribution. It is found pri• marily in the north and central portions of the study area, with the width of its distribution area decreasing from north to south. There is a sector of extremely high density in this re• gion, composed of southern Ranchi and central Sundargarh, with a few cases spilling over into Ralgarh and Singhbhum. The average occurence in the compound village names of this sector is in 36.k% of the. names, ranging from a maximum of 56.3$ in K7 to a minimum of 8.7$ in K9 (Tables VIII and XXX). The 58 remaining cases of tol found in any numbers are in the central region immediately north of this high-density sector, in the northern half of Ranchi 'and in the north in Palamau and Hazaribagh. The maximum-minimum variation here was from 38.6$ (M5) to 2.0$ (Ml), and the average occurence in 12.3$ of the compound village names, very much smaller than the 36.2$ in the high-density sector. Occurences of tol in the west and southwest are few and scattered, as in the southeast. There is only one, case in the northeast, in Dhanbad, on its border with Hazaribagh. The usages that were plotted of the term gara in the place-names of this area of India (Map 22) exhibit a spatial distribution somewhat similar to that of tol. This term is Indo-Aryan, and possibly Oriya (gada) (Turner 1966i213; Winfield 1929 s39), meaning "large village; town." The similarities to tol exhibited by gara are very broad, in that gara also has as part of its major region of distribution the north-central region. However, this compari• son is relative, for gara has far fewer cases to base this upon than toJL,,e.g. only 42 cases are found and it has an overall maximum occurence in a single square in only 11.4$ of the com• pound village names, in L2 (Tables IX and XXXI). Thus, in its major area of distribution, in Hazaribagh, Palamau and Ranchi, it has, respectively, ten, eight, and twelve cases. Purulia, with four occurences, and southern Dhanbad, one case on its border with Purulia, are the eastern extension of this area, Singhbhum, three cases, and Sundargarh, two cases, the southern. 59 The two occurences in Mayurbhanj are an "isolated pocket," There is also one forlorn case in the far west, in western Ralgarh. Within the sample squares gara is found in, it occurs in only 3.3$ of the compound village names (cf. in 0.726$ of all the compound village names in the study area). The distribution of tol and gara coincide largely with those of the Bihar! languages. Occurences in the Bengali and Chattisgarhi regions are few and scattered for both elements. The remaining cases of tol that occur outside the Blhari region are those found:'in Sundargarh, in the Oriya region. These occurences are, however, part of the high-density sector that is largely contained within the Nagpuria Bhojpuri region. A term with its distribution limited to the north of the study area is dag (Map 23). Dag is more possibly a Mundari term meaning "water" [as is the identical Santali loan• word (Bodding 1929:11,6)], but used as a village suffix, as given by Bhaduri (1931«33). than the Hindi, "cremate; burn" provided by Pathak (1946:507). Dag is found occuring only in the Bihari districts of Gaya, Palamau, Hazaribagh and Ranchi, and in the latter limited to the northern half. With the exception of the single case in Gaya, it occurs a similar number of times in each district, eleven times in Palamau, twelve in Hazaribagh and eighteen in Northern Ranchi. The low percentage occurence in the compound village names of the study area, 0.691$, and of the sample squares it occurs In, 5.0$, is illustrated by the maximum in a single square, 11.1$ in G4 (Tables X and XXXI). 60 Another element with a similar low number of total cases and northerly distribution is tanr (Map 24). This term is Bihari, tar or tar, meaning "stretch of raised Infertile soil," and is also found in Bengali with the same forms and meaning. (Turner 1966*302). The distribution of tanr ends further to the north than that of dag, but also expands further into the east.of the study area. Of a total of thirtyseven cases plotted, nineteen occur in the Bihari districts in the north, one in Ranchi, five in Palamau and thirteen in Hazaribagh. The only other cases found in Bihar are two in the northeast of Singhbhum, as part of the eastern distribution. The remaining cases in the east are found in Purulia and Dhanbad, seven in the former district and nine in the latter. The maximum percentage of occurence in a single square, 7.5% in H3 (Tables XI and XXXIII), again illustrates the low total occurences, in-0.64$ of the compound village names of this study area and in 3.8$ of the compound village names in the sample squares it is found in. As with tol and gara the distribution of dag is limited to the region of the Bihari languages. The distribution of tanr. however, stretches east into the Bengali region in addition to being contained within the Bihari region. The cases of dag fall into the regions of standard Magahi,and Nagpuria Bhojpuri, although not occuring in the southern half of the latter region. The occurences of tanr in the Nagpuria Bhojpuri region are limited to five cases., the bulk of the cases of this element in the Bihari1 language region falling 61 into the standard Magahi area. Its occurences in the Bengali region are also limited, to the northern half of this region. Village names containing the generic terms for a watercourse, jor, .jhor and another variant jora, as suffixes (Map 25), have a distribution pattern similar to that of the watercourses of the same name. However, this sweep through the southern portion of the study area, from the southwest corner to the borders of Bengal, has a northeastern extension in the case of the village names. The total occurence is, again, relatively low, in 0.98$ of the compound village names of the study area and 2.5$ of the compound village names as with the maximum in a single square, 7.1$ in F9 (Tables XII and XXXIV). The central districts in this distribution pattern^ Singhbhum, Ranchi and Sundargarh, contain the greatest number of cases, thirteen, nine and nineteen respectively. Those in the southwest, southeast and northeast contain the least. Raipur has only two occurences and Ralgarh five. In the south• east Mayurbhanj has two, and Purulia, Dhanbad and the Santal Paraganas have two, two and one, respectively. Almost all of the occurences of jor and its variants are to be found in two language regions, the Bengali and Oriya. And the occurences outside these regions are all located within close proximity to them. These are the five to be found in the Chattisgarhi region and the nine in the Bihari. Two elements, kel, and its variants kela and keli (Map 26), and pan! (Map 27), have a degree of similarity in i • their spatial distributions. 1 62 The terms kel, kela and kell are variants of the Mtmdari kel, meaning "a village with few houses" (Bhaduri 1931» 92). The form of the element pani is identical to the Bengali term pa.nl, and closer to the Oriya pani than the Bhojpuri, Maithili and Hindi form pa.nl. The meaning in each case is the same, "water" {Turner 1966:4-56; Turner 1965:375). The form p_ani is also found in Tamil, meaning "town; village; district," (3urrow and Emeneau 1968:84-). Kel, kela and keli (Map 26) are distributed over the southcentral and western regions of the study area, with a total occurence in l.l6$cf the compound village names in the study area, and in 3.7$ of these names In the sample squares it occurs in. The maximum in the compound village names of a single square, 11.8$ in F7, is found on the border of the study area, although the largest number of occurences is found on the eastern margins of the distribution of kel, fourteen in M7 (Tables XIII and XXXV). The latter is part of a region of dis• tribution in southeast Ranchi and the adjacent areas of Singhbhum and Eastern Sundargarh, containing thirty two of the sixty seven cases of this element. This region is separated from another in the west, including in it the southweste'rmost tip of Ranchi, Raigarh, Eastern Surguja, Western Sundargarh, Sambalpur, Bilaspur and Raipur. Raigarh contains the largest number of cases in the region, twnety one, the others containing from four, Sambalpur, to one, Bilaspur. The distribution of pani (Map 27) is similar to that of 63 kel, except in that it extends further eastward, to the borders of Orissa and West Bengal., The core of the eighty three cases of pan!, 1.42$ of the compound village names of the study area, in this distribution is in southwestern Ranchi, where twenty seven are situated, the area of Raigarh bordering Ranchi, with seven occurences, and eastern Sundargarh, with thirteen occur• ences, also being part of the core. In the west, the remaining portion of Raigarh has seven occurences, western Sundargarh two, Raipur two, Bilaspur three and Surguja four. Singhbhum and Mayurbhanj, in the east, have eight and seven cases respec• tively. There are also two isolated cases in northern Ranchi, on its border with Palamau. With the exception of the "core" mentioned above, where the square with the maximum is found, J8, in which it occurs in 9.7$ of the compound village names (Tables XIV and XXXVI), the cases of pan! are found either singly, or in clusters of no more than four occurences. Within the sample squares it occurs in panl is found in 3.7$ of the compound village names. The distribution of kel does not coincide with that of any of the languages of the study area. The western sector of the distribution of this element falls into both the Chattisgarhi and Oriya regions and the eastern in segments of the Oriya and Nagpuria Bhojpuri regions. / A similar situation exists with the distribution of pan!. with casesooccuring in the Chattisgarhi and segments of the Oriya, Nagpuria Bhojpuri and Bengali regions. In contrast to the distributions of the elements des• cribed hitherto, the elements pall (Map 28), munda (Map 29), 64 and para (Map 30) have.the bulk of their occurences situated in the west of the study area. Pali exists in the form pali in Bengali, meaning "edge, border" (Turner 1966:453) and in Hindi.meaning "border, embank• ment" (Pathak 1946:680).- Tamil has the form pal, meaning "share, dividing" and Telugu pal. with the same meaning, and pala "bridge, dam" (Burrow and Emeneau 1961:274), Two possibilities exist as to the meaning and derivation of munda. It may have its source in the Sanskrit munda, meaning "shaved, bald," and existing in Oriya with the same form but meaning "trunk, pollard" (Turner 1966:58?). The second alter• native, and the most probable meaning, is that provided by the meaning of munda in the Kalahandi dialect of Oriya, "a large, stretch of fertile land."2 P5ra exists in the form p_ara in Hindi, as a masculine substantive meaning "boundary of a field" (Turner 1966:453) or "part of town or village" (Pathak 1946:6?2), and as a loan-word in Santali with the latter meaning (MacPhail 1953:586). Burrow and Emeneau (196l:2?2) would see this term as a derivative of the Sanskrit pataka."hamlet," present in Bengali and other Indo- Aryan languages as pada (as above in Hindi) with the Sanskrit form as either a borrowing from the Dravidian cr having been borrowed by the Dravidian (cf. Tamil: p_ata "hamlet;" Telugu padu id. at end of place-names). Of these three elements, the one with the most concen• trated distribution is pali. Other than one isolated case on Communication from Dr. Saroj K. Behera. °5 the Singhbhum-Purulia border, all 278 cases of pali, in 4.80$ of the compound village names, are situated in the southwestern portion of the study area. Sambalpur contains the largest number of occurences, 119, followed by southern Raigarh, with 67, Raipur 40, Sundargarh 22, Bilaspur and Bolangir, 14 each, and southwestern Ranchi, with one. The location of the sample squares with the greatest occurences in compoundt7village names, D13 with 44.2$ (Tables XV and XXXVII), El4 with 38.3$ and F13 with 37.2$, is on the southern fringe of the study'area. Pali is found in 15.2$ of the compound village names of the sample squares it occurs in. Munda has a distribution somewhat wider than that of pali, but with its major area of distribution still in the southwest. It also has far fewer occurences than pali, only seventy one,in 1.225$ of the compound village names of the study area. Of these the largest number is found in Sambalpur, 23, followed by Sundargarh, with 14, and Raigarh, 14. This area of greatest occurence corresponds with that of pali. However, the distribution of munda continues further north than that of pali, indicated by the seven occurences in southwest Ranchi, and that five of the fourteen cases in Raigarh are in the northern half of this district. Five cases of munda are found in Bolangir and one each in Raipur, Bilaspur and Surguja. Two isolated occurences are found in the east, one in central Singhbhum and one in Mayurbhanj. The location of the two sample squares of maximum occurence, Cl4 and El4 with 8.5$ and 7.4$ (Tables XVI and XXXVIII) coincides with that of the sample squares of 66 maximum occurence of pal!. But unlike the high average of pali in the sample squares it occurs in, munda. is found in only 3.5$ of the compound village names in these squares. The distribution of para, at first glance, is even wider than thatcof munda. But the major centre is further west than that of pSli and munda, in Bilaspur, Surguja, Raipur, Raigarh and Sambalpur, where fiftyeight of the seventyeight cases of para. 1.35$ of the compound village names of the study area, are situated. The sample square of maximum occurence, A8 with 15.8$ (Tables XVII and XXXIX), is in Bilaspur. The remain• der of the occurences are scattered, five in Sundargarh, four in Singhbhum, three in Mayurbhanj, Purulia and Ranchi and one each in Hazaribagh and the Santal Pargasas, Para is contained in 3.6$ of the compound village names of the squares it occurs in. Palij munda and para have their occurences largely limited to the regions of distribution of the Chattisgarhi and Oriya languages. In the case of pali there is only a single occurence outside these two linguistic regions, in that of the Bengali. The occurences of munda that are found outside these regions are those in the Nagpuria.Bhojpuri region, in the dis• trict of Ranchi, immediately adjacent to the Oriya and Chattis• garhi regions. Although the distribution of para is not as con• centrated as either that of pali or that of munda. there are re• latively few occurences of this element in linguistic regions other than the Chattisgarhi and CDriya. Totalling nine, five are found in the Bengali region, and four in that of the Bihar! 67 languages. The distribution of munda, in particular, and pall show some resemblance to that of the Kurukh language. The majority of the occurences of munda do fall into the southern half of the Kurukh region, as do those of pali. More of the latter are found outside this region than the former, although the sample squares of maximum occurence of pali, D13, E14 and F13, are located entirely within the region and only one of the two of munda, El4, is. Quite unlike pali. munda and para is the element ber, and its variant bera, with a southern and eastern distribution. (Map 31). As bed, it means "fence; enclosure" in Bengali, "hedge; wall" inMalthili, and "enclosure" in Hindi. As beda it means "fence; hedge" in Bengali, "wall of a house'; enclosure" in Oriya and has the same meaning as bed in Hindi (Turner 19661 703). Bfda is also found:i in the Kalahandi dialect of Oriya, here as an antonym of\'munda, meaning "small, enclosed piece of fertile land."3 The centre of the distribution of ber is in Singhbhum, where twentysix of the seventyfive cases, 1.295$ of the com• pound village names of the study area, are located. The neigh• bouring districts of Sundargarh,:Ranchi, Mayurbhanj and Purulia have a lower number of occurences in each, with the westerly districts having the higher totals. Sundargarh has thirteen, Ranchi eighteen, Mayurbhanj eight and Purulia, six. The square of maximum occurence L10 with 16.3$ (Tables XVIII and XL) is, however, not found in Singhbhum, but in Sundargarh. The single ^Communication from Dr. Saroj K, Behera. 68 cases in Keonjhar, Dhanbad and Hazaribagh belong to the main concentration, but there are two isolated single occurences, in northwestern Palamau and in Bolangir. Within the sample squares ber is found in, it occurs in 4.07$ of the compound village names. The linguistic regions that ber is found occuring in are the Bengali, Oriya and Nagpuria Bhojpuri. The distribution in the latter region is, with a single exception, limited to the extreme south, adjacent to the Oriya region. Within the Oriya region itself there is only one exception to a limited, eastern distribution, the single case found in Bolangir. Sai (Map 32) is an element with a southeastern, but extremely limited distribution. ' This form, sai, is an altered form of the Oriya sahi, meaning "part of a town or village. This element is found occuring in only six sample squares (Tables XIX and XLI), with its square of maximum occur• ence, N10 with 9.7$ on the southern limits of its area of dis• tribution. The two cases of sai in each of Mayurbhanj and Keonjhar belong to this square. The twentyfour remaining occur• ences of sai are all located in Singhbhum, in the central and western portions of this district. Sai occursinonly 0.48$ of the compound village names of the study area, and in 5.1$ of these names in the sample squares it is found in. The distribution of sai, with reference to the regions of the Indo-Aryan languages, is contained solely within the Oriya region. However, it has a closer coincidence with the ^Communication from Dr. Saroj K. Behera. 69 distribution of the Kherwari dialect Ho, than with that of Oriya. Another element with a limited area of distribution is hatu (Map 33). Hatu is a Kherwari generic term for a village, found in Mundari (Bhaduri 1931»67), in Ho (Grierson 1921:1V, 122) and Bhumij (Grierson 1921iIV,100), in similar form and meaning. The thirtynine cases of hatu, in 0.674$ of the compound village names of the study area, are distributed over a larger area than those of sai, but a majority of these, twentyone, are located in the same area of Singhbhum as sai. Fifteen of the other eighteen cases are in eastern Ranchi, linked to the centre of distribution in Singhbhum. The remaining three cases are situated in central Ranchi, slightly separated from the major centre of distribution, but close enough in location to be re• garded as part of it.^' The square with the greatest occurences, N6 with 12.9$ (Tables XX and XLII) ,t*S;unusually, situated in eastern Ranchi, on the northern edge of the area of distribu• tion of hatu. Within the eleven sample squares it occurs in, hatu is found in 4.08$ of the compound village names. The linguistic region that hatu is found in is that of the distribution of the Kherwari dialects of Ho and Mundari. The other Kherwari element with a limited, southern distribution is gutu (Map 34). It is found in Mundari in the form gutu, meaning "small hillock; jungle" but used primarily as a village suffix (Bhaduri 1931:63). Gutu (Tables XXI and XLIII), as with sai and hatu, has 70 the majority of its cases occuring in Singhbhum, sixteen of twentyeight, but the remaining twelve stretch to the west, rather than to the north, as do those of hatu. Two cases are located in northeastern Sundargarh and the other ten in cen• tral, rather than eastern, Ranchi. The occurences of gutu are also more scattered, the maximum in a single square being in only 5.3$ of the compound village names. Occurences in the sample squares, it is found in are low, in only 2.5$ of the compound, village names. Although the distribution of gutu is more westerly than either that of hatu or sal, it still shows a fairly close correspondence to the distribution of Ho and Mundari. An element that could not be linguistically identified was pos, and its variant posi (Map 35). Although this element has relatively few occurences, twentysix, contained within 0.45$ of the compound vvillage names of the study area, it was retained in the study for its unique distribution pattern. The unidentifiable nature of this element points to one weakness in the methodology of this study, reliance upon dictionaries which are based upon the standard language for the purposes of identifying term which may be purely dialectical. Ten of the twentysix cases of pos are located in Sundargarh and ninej in Singhbhum. The three cases each in Mayurbhanj and Keonjhar, and the single case in southern Ranchi, give confirmation to the southerly distribution of pos, as does the location of the square of.greatest occurence, N10 with 5.9$ (Tables XXII and XLIV), on the southern border of the 71 study area. The average occurence of. pos in the sample squares it is found in is in only 2.k-% of the compound village names. Although the distribution of pos does not coincide with that of Ho and Mundari, it shows a greater correspondence to their distribution than to that of Oriya.' Only the tvro wester- most cases occur in a region where these dialects of Kherwari are not represented, but are in relatively close proximity to them. These then are the statistical and spatial attributes of the denotative components selected for examination. It re• mains now to determine the relevance of the hypothesis and methodology presented, through the organization of these deno• tative components into toponymic systems, and correlation of these toponomic systems with the selected known cultural v. feature, the spatial distribution of the languages spoken in the study area. 72 Three. 3.1 Correlations. The correlations to be made from the material .pre*v.~ sented to this point will be directed towards the verifying the hypothesis, that is, initially to determine whether topo• nymic systems exist in the study area, and subsequently to cor• relate their spatial distribution with those of the languages spoken in the study area. The toponymic systems being searched for here are in effect only.partial systems, composed as they are of only deno• tative elements contained in the names of three features in the karea,,watercourses, mountains and habitation sites with com• pound names. A complete system would not only take into account all of the habitation site names in the area, but would also Include the names of other features such as field names, v reservoir names and valley names. A complete toponymic system would be the organization of the total environment by a socio- cultural group; our determination of a partial toponymic system will indicate the existence of such a complete system, These partial systems which we have determined as exist• ing in the Chota Nagpur cover a major portion of the study area, but do not account for either all the terms which we included in the study, nor for the entire study area. These systems were delineated through the interaction and interdependence, spatial and statistical, of the denotative components; that ls7 a partial system existed where there was a relatively close spatial.occurence, and statistical predominance within this region of occurence, "between habitation site, watercourse and mountain names. Where this did not occur, in the districts of Madhya Pradesh and Orissa included within the study area, no partial toponymic systems existed. The universal distribution of nadi "river," pur "ward of a town" and dih "village" in the study area, strongly sug• gests that the entire study area is included within a' larger toponymic system, the area of which extends well beyond the bounds of the Chota Nagpur. In addition to being present throughout the study area, these components are also statisti• cally dominant. Nadi occurs in 92$ of the watercourse names in the study area, and pur and dih in, respectively, 6.7$ and 8.8$ of the compound habitation site names in the study area. The partial toponymic system which is most clearly de• lineated, in the spatial occurence of its constituent elements, is one in the western half of Singhbhum district. It is com• posed of the mountain term buru, the watercourse term gara "stream," and the habitation site term sai "part of a town or village." Although these terms are by no means exclusively used in the region, and in the case of the watercourse terms the usage of gara is statistically secondary to that of nadi, their spatial limitation and, in the case of buru and sai, their occurence as relatively primary terms (cf.\ sal fi.l$f dih 3.9$. gaon 3.7$. pur 4.5$) suggests that they are the com• ponent terms of the partial toponymic system which exists in the western Singhbhum region. Another partial system which is limited to the area is 74 the one which exists in southern Ranchi. This system has toll "hamlet" as its major habitation site term (36.2$ occurence; cf. dih 10.0$, pur 4.5$, gaon 3.7$) and nadi (100$ occurence) as its watercourse term. Among the mountain terms, the terra occuring in this system is pahar (81.9$). Toli is also involved in three other subsystems, sub• systems as they contain identical generic habitation site terms and watercourse terms, but differ in mountain terms. The first of these subsystems is contained in the northeastern half of Ranchi, and has no mountain terms occuring within it. The watercourse term here is, again, nadi, (100$ occurence), and the habitation site terms are toli (12.3$ occurence), gara "large village" (3.3$) and dag "water" (but used as a habita• tion suffix) (5$). The same percentage occurence of the habitat tion site terms and nadi is found in the second subsystem, which exists in northwestern Ranchi and Palamau. Pahar, with a 70.0$ ..occurence, is the mountain term in this subsystem. In the third subsystem the same habitation site and watercourse terras occur, but the primary mountain term is the generic suffix• less name (84$ occurence). The latter two subsystems also differ from the first in that they presumably continue beyond the study area, the second northwestward and the third northeastwards. The other partial toponymic system that exists in the study area lies in the eastern region, composed of subsystems contained in Dhanbad and Purulia, and in eastern Singhbhum. These subsystems have in common the generic habitation site term, dih (21.3$ occurence), and the watercourse term, nadi (100$ 75 occurence). They differ in the mountain terms they contain. The northern subsystem has as its mountain term the generic suffixless name (92.9$ occurence) and the southern pahar (70$ occurence). Both these subsystems presumably also continue beyond the study area, northward into the Santal Parganas and eastward into Bengal. Thus five partial toponymi'c systems may be considered as existing in the Chota Nagpur, one of which contains two, and one three, subsystems. The partial system containing three subsystems covers the Bihari districts of Gaya, Palamau and Hazaribagh and the northern half of Ranchi. The southern half of Ranchi is the site of another partial system. Eastern and western Singhbhum also contain two different partial systems, eastern Singhbhum having the southern subsystem of the partial system which also encompasses Purulia and Dhanbad, The correlation of these partial toponymic systems with the known cultural feature of the peoples of the Chota Nagpur, the distributions of the languages spoken in the area, Indi• cates a close coincidence of the two features. The system in western Singhbhum, composed of the Austroasiatic terms buru and gara, and the Oriya term sal, coincides relatively closely with the extent of the Austroasiatic language Ho. The system con• tained in eastern Singhbhum, Purulia, Dhanbad and the, Santal Parganas, the subsystem in the first region composed of the Indo-Aryan terms nadi, dih and pahar.and that in the rest of t>te£ ssrga. of nadi , dih and the generic suffixless mountain names, exsrrssponds exactly with the spatial distribution of the Bengali 76 speakers in the study area. The system composed of the Indo- Aryan terms toli, nadi and pahar, in southern Ranchi, shows a general spatial correspondence to the distribution of the Austroasiatic language Kharia, but it may also be associated with the Indo-Aryan Nagpuria Bhojpuri. This latter association is more possible than the former, when one subsystem of the system sited in the region to the north of it is examined. This sub• system, in addition to gara and dag, also has toli, nadi and pahar, as its component terms, and also corresponds to ,the northwestern Ranchi and Palamau region of the distribution of Nagpuria Bhojpuri. This association may be further reinforced in the composition and distribution of the second and third subsystems of this system. The subsystem in northeastern Ranchi has identical habitation site and watercourse terms, but con• tains no mountain term because of the absence of mountain terms in this region, and occupies the remainder of the Nagpuria Bhojpuri sector. The subsystem in Hazaribagh and Gaya, com• posed of the same watercourse and habitation site terms but having the generic suffixless mountain names as its mountain term, corresponds exactly to the Standard Magahi sector. Taken In conjunction, the spatial situation of these two partial toponymic systems coincides almost exactly with that of the Bihari languages in the study area. / 3.2 Conclusions. This relatively close correlation of the five topo• nymic systems which have been isolated in the Chota Nagpur 77 with the distribution of the Bihari, Bengali and Ho languages may be considered .verification of the hypothesis and methodology presented in this study, although the absence of toponymic systems in sectors of the study area, which, incidentally, coin• cide with the distribution .of Oriya and Chattisgarhi, does suggest that the methodology has limited usefulness. In the latter regions, the principles used in organization of the en• vironment by the inhabitants may differ from the one isolated in this study, that is, that spaces perceived as having similar attributes are identified similarly within a particular cul• tural region. However, this by no means detracts from the con• tentions of pur hypothesis and our methodology. The existence of-what we have shown to be toponymic systems, and their correla• tions with the distribution of languages, satisfactorily indi-*.. cates that our conceptions as to the relationships between con• temporary place-names and cultural regions are viable. ?7a Figure 6: LOCATION^DENOTATIVE COMPONENTS OF THE PARTIAL TOPONYMIC SYSTEMS. 1. Western Singhbhum sai, gara, buru 2. Southern Ranchi toli, nadi, pahar 3. (a) Northeastern Ranchi toli, gara, dag, nadi (b) Northwestern Ranchi and-Palamau toli, gara, dag. nadi, pahar (c) Hazaribagh toli , gara, da~g, nadi, generic- suffixless mountain names 4. 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University of Baroda 84 Suresh, B. •1965 Historical and Cultural Geography and Ethnography of South India (with special reference to Chola inscriptions , ~) Unpublished PhD dissertation Poona: Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute Taylor, I. 1863 Words and Places. London: George Routledge and. Sons Ltd. Venkatachar, C.S, 1935 "Migration of Castes and Tribes into Central India and Their Dis- • tribution." Census of India 1931 Vol. 1 (India) Part IIIB; 60-68 Vidyarthi, L.P, 1964 Cultural Contours of Tribal Bihar. Calcutta: Punthi Pustak Wagner, P, and Mikesell, M. 1962 Readings in Cultural Geography. Chicago: Chicago University Press Wainwright, F.T. 1962 Archaeology and Place-Names and History. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul Zelinsky, W. 1955- "Some Problems in the Distribution of Generic Terms in the Place- Names of the North Eastern United P States." Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 45:319-49 Zide, N.H. (ed) 1966 Studies in Comparative Austro Dictionaries: Asiatic Linguistics.The Hague:Mouton Bhaduri, M.B. 1931 A Mundari-English Dictionary Calcutta, Calcutta University Press Bodding, P.O. 1929 A Santali Dictionary. Oslo: Det Norske Videnskaps-Akademi. Dev.A.T. 1962 Student's Favourite Dictionary (Bengali to English). Calcutta; Dev Sahitya Kutir Private Ltd. Grignard, A. 1924 An Oraon-VEnglish Dictionary. Calcutta: Catholic Orphan Press Hoernle, A. and Grierson, G.A, 1885 A comparative Dictionary of the Bihari Language. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press 85 MacPhail, P.M. 1953 Campbell's Santali-Engli sh Dictionary. Benagaria: Santal Christian Council Miller, W. 1910 An English and Oriya Dictionary. Cuttacks Orissa Mission Press Pathak, R.C. 19^6 Bhargava's Standard Illustrated Dictionary of the Hindi Language. Banaras Turner, R.L. 1965 A Comparative and Etymological Dictionary of the Nepali Language. London:Routledge and Kegan Paul 1966 A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages. London: Oxford University Press Winfield, W.W. 1929 A Vocabulary of the Kui Language. Calcutta Maps: United States Army Series U 502, Edition 1-AMS Scale 1:250,000 NG 45-13 (Gaya) NF 45-5 (Sundargarh) NF 44-12 (Raigaih) NG 45-1 (Ranchi) NF 45-6 (Jamshedpur) NG 45-2 (Purulia) NF 44-8 (Champa) APPENDIX ONE: Maps / 86 00 89 I I o,.° O \ o » 9i • 22* tMfi F I WOO-AR YAM L«;«: B£U6AL7 114,5«?,aoo Si* I mini l.-tjfcejoo© MAP 8 DWMD/MJ UWfiUAGGS i •. 4,500,030 CD 22" MAP 11 . JOR b GARO a fcUAL 0 MALA |.4,5eO, 66" 22° MAP 12 MOUWXA/M WA/W£S" WpOUT •24%) 2Z° MAP 13 PAHAR 84*B 96° •{•3> . V 22e map i<9- euau 11 +,5o*,aao I I 1 22° MAP 15 PAR8AJ 86° •2+' / 23.C MAP |$ . PttO&AR 95 MAP \f TUtiGAZ 11 4,9»,oee> r MAP 18 PUR. v. I 1 +fOP,CW( O <86c H'u '•"\ • t 22* MAP I? DIH 06° J l / MAP 2o CAoU c 98 I J • • • . if MAP 22 GA2A 8&P • 4fM 22° MAP 23 DAG |i+,5eoyBOo 99 I 2t>° ! JWAP 24 TAPR I' 4>5eo. g6/» . / •22.c MAP 25 Jog. ((*> UA3ITAT(0O 8f°E 100 I I 1 42" MAP 2G KEL We 66° •220 MAP 2? PA.m 101 We MAP 28 PAU •:.<:\ 24°^ . 12. MAP 29 MUfcDA I i I > 4,900/309 i 102 I I 24-° *J ../ -23* MAP 31 BER. 1 ! I'4,5X7/500 103 86° 11° MAP 32 SAI 1 :+,5Bo,eae» S6" 22° MAP 33 HATU i 104 96° I i 24°*! —I 22? MAP 34- out0 t-.4,5<»,«=e> 84° E 86* I I 24*A> MAP POS t: 4>5C©, COO APPENDIX TWO: Tables Numerical Occurence of the Denotative Components in each Sample Square / ;-C 55 iS — o" v,0 CO -p- ro > h-> C5J -p- ro O -p- ON 00 ro 0 -o 0 t-3 a* ro ON -n 1— M -P-' •*> — M f—1 ro O ON ft ft H' 1—' X ro ON ro N/\ ro -o VjJ ro -p- •P" NO ON ro NO H -P- -P- •p- 1 i -P- h-1 C h-» -P" -P- 0 1 ro ro ro •Q M ro G ro H ro H ro 1 1 (0 c H J K u AA 1 2 3 1 2 2 - 2 o P Q R & 3 1 3 6 - 3 4 6 1 3 - - 2 - - - 2 1 - - A B c D E F 1 - 2 1 1 7 - 7 - - 1 - - e - 8 5 ------9 - 6 2 - 1 10 - - - lo — 6 2 - - 6 - - - it - 1 - 12 - - 1 t3 - 1 - H - - - Table II. Mountain Names Without a Generic Suffix. i—1 o ON 10? 0) 1 1 1 or 1 1 CM 1 1 a 1 I I a rH 1 CM cvl 0 1 l 1 1 1 1 1 • i I 1 i 1 C\] 1 VO rH I H VO 1 CN rH o vO rH rH vO H 05 PH 0 ^3" cvl rH — fft UN 1 I 1 1 U. rH 1 rH 1 ,£> U4 CtS rH 1 0 I rH 1 0 rH 1 1 -=}- ON 1 1 / < ON rH 1 1 © O j> _ £| 52 ±- 108 i i <0 i i i i rH u Or i i I C\i i t—i i 1 a 0 i i H -3- 1 i i CD 1 VO rH i i i rH u> i i i H vO CM CM i i i CM 1 i i i 1 I. i i i 1 1 3 i H CP 0 i i 1 1 1 — m > U.1 1 1 1 t—i 0 1 1 1 i 1 1 1 1 < 1 1 1 i ON _0 CN S2 2- 109 VO CVJ 0 -3" en ON CO CVl H ON rH CNJ H rH -a- vn a CO vo vo rH VO vo cn 0 H o- o- CV) VO 1 -3" 1 I CN] 1 CVl 1 1 VO VA CO ON H VO H CV) rH rH i evi CO 1 rH vo cn O rH UN CN 1 ON vo u. 0 rH 1 CVl CA 0 CM CM O- (A 0 rH on r-l CV! rH a CO H VA ON < cn cn -3- H rH rH h (D fl» O = cj ± 110 VA cv) rH l o CVl CA CA rH H VA o rH H rH CO CVl ON H a rH rH rH ON vo O- ^3- 0 rH CN1 2 VA CVl O CA CA VA CVl ON l H I CA -3" CNJ VO VA ON cvi •3- O- CA •3" VO rH 'a VO CVl ON -3" •H >A O- a 0 CA VO ON . — m Us. o O- 1 >. u. rH i—CDI 1 rH rH i £> vu as 0 vo 1 CV1 CVl cvi CA CVl rH 0 rH CO VA CM ON CN1 / rH rH 1 CVl CV) CA < H CD 0 2 Ill 0) rH l 1 u i 1 rH CO a 1 1 1 1 a i 1 1 H 1 H CM rH 0 • . r 1 rH CM rH VO i 1 1 co I CM CM rH CM i rH rH l CM rH 1 VO 1 CV1 i 1 CM I i—1 o ICfj o u 1 1 CO oo M HH UN. — m > u. CM 1 1 rH rH fi CM rH 1 CM Gj En C CM rH CO CM 0 rH CO 1 1 (fi rH / CO CM OO < CM CO CS- cc 3 • •' - • • 2. 6 © P R S 2 7 3 - 3 11 - — 4 2 7 13 9 2 11 6 22 2 - - 6 10 8 20 9 c o E r - - - - 37 90 1 7 - •14 2 — - 2 38 1 e - 75 59 - - 2 - 9 - 55 11 - 1 - - - - \o 1 1 12 - - - - - H - 12 1 - - - 13 - 14 - - - Table VIII. Tol. H ro 113 I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 CM rH a • a CM 1 I rH 1 rH I 1 0 1 CM rH 1 1 rH 1 1 ^- 1 CO CO CM I rH CO 1 rH CM rH CM rH 1 1 05 H rH 1 1 1 M 05 O 1 rH 1 1 1 X ••<* US . — m 1 1 1 1 U. H v fi IU 1 1 1 1 o5 0 1 I 1 1 0 1 rH 1 1 (fi 1 1 1 1 < 1 1 1 1 CO O o = £f 52 ^ 114 1 i I i 1 i or 1 I i I o. i 1 i I 0 rH CM i i oo 1 I I H CO CM I i (—i I CM I i CM 1 rH i i -3- VO CM i i ^± rH CO I i las Q 0 rH C\J 1 i i UN. .— X U. I I i i 0 rH w l I i I aS EH C i I i i 0 i i i i (fi i i i < i i i CO 1 1 1 u i rH 1 r a VO H CV) 1 a vn -3- 1 i cn H 1 1 0 H 1 1 I i rH I 1 i Cn i 1 1 1 rH H 1 1 i rH rH cn 1 1 1 icci EH 0 1 1 1 1 i M Us - 0 1 i i i 1 1 I i < 1 i i I co O o - £J 2> ^ C J K 1 — - _ 2. - - - O P Q R s 3 - _ _ - 1 2 4 - - - — 1 - - - - - 1 - 6 A B c D E - _ 1 _ 1 P - 7 - - - 1 - - 2 e - - - 5 - 2 1 2 - 9 - - 2 1 2 - - to - 1 6 2 1 - 2 il - 1 1 12 - - - 13 2 — — - - - H Table XII, Jor. (in habitation site names.) i—1 o\ c J K AA 1 - — — 1 - - - o p Q R S 3 - - - — - - 4 ------ - - - — — - A B c D E F - - 3 - - - - - 7 2 6 - 6 14 - - — e - - 2 5 - 5 - - 9 - 1 1 - 3 - - - - to - 4 2 - 1 - - - - M 1 3 1 12 - - 1 13 3 1 - 14 - 1 1 Table XIII, Kel. 118 i 1 • i 1 1 H Or i 1 CM -3: a i 1 1 CO 0 i 1 1 1 '• . • a i 1 H i i 1 1 i i 1 1 rH i i 1 1 NO CO i rH 1 rH •x i i rH o\ ICS 0 • 1 rH ON rH > H — m ^- UN. u. 1 1 1 1 X C rH 1 CM CM • • • 0 1 1 1 rH CO rH 1 I < CM 1 1 rH CD O £. ^ Si S2 — 119 10 1 1 1 1 1 ! i o. 1 1 1 i 0 1 I 1 1 1 1 1 I i I 1 1 i 1 1 1 i i 1 I 1 cn i 1 1 1 vn i 1 I 1 1 i rH 0 i 1 I rH vo ON — UN. 1 1 NO U. rH CN) CD rH 1 ON —j . rH w rH cn rH 1 1 •3" CO 0 CN) cn H CO 0 H rH iH 1 cn -3- rH CN) 1 vn cn vn < rH j) j\ o - cj iJ ^ 120 ... 1 i 1 i 1 1 rH i 1 I o- 1 I 1 1 1 a i 1 1 0 i 1 H 1 i 1 i 1 1 i i 1 1 1 i 1 i 1 VO i i 1 CV! i 1 i f—1 VO 0 i i 1 •3- O- HH UN. > — m rH rH u. rH IH rH C\l rH VO ,0 aj EH 0 I 1 VA 0 , 1 CO 1 VA rH 1 1 I CO 1 rH 1 < i—I CO c> o — £J S2 c J K AA - - - z - 1 - © P Q R s 3 — 1 4 - - - 1 ------1 6 A B c D 1 1 2 F - - - 7 6 2 1 - - - - - e 9 1 1 - - - - 1 1 9 - - 2 - 1 - 1 1 - to 2 7 - 3 - 2 - 1 1 1 11 7 12 ? 13 2 - 2 14 5 1 - Table XVII. Para. ro H G - J - - • 1 1 - - 2. - - - -o - R -s 3 - - 4 - - 3 1 - - - - 1 1 - - - 1 2 - A B c - F - - 1 2 2 7 - - - 3 5 e - 6 4 2 3 1 - - - 1 9 3 - 9 - - - to - 2 3 3 4 3 - - - II - - - 12 - - 13 - - - 14 - Table XVIII. Ber. 123 «> 1 i 1 i i 1 lY 1 tv 1 i l 1 a i i cn 1 0 1 i rH o- 1 i i vn rH H i 1 i 1 rH i i i i 1 i 1 i 1 1 i i i i 1 i 1 i • 1 1 icrj CO I 0 i i i i 1 X UN — m ^- 1 1 1 i u. rH X 03 w i 1 rH £> CS EH 0 1 1 1 y | : 0 i • 1 1 i CC) 1 1 1 1 < i 1 1 i CD o 25 124 to l i 1 v. i 1 1 1 Or l i 1 1 a i 1 CM 1 0 1 H H O- i ON •3- VO l l 1 rH i i H 1 1 I I 1 CM l i 1 1 1 I l 1 ! 1 p •p led 0 i i 1 ! 1 — m ICS 1 1 1 1 U. rH 1 1 1 1 fi IU a E-i 0 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 ca 1 1 1 1 < 1 1 I 1 CO O O - £j £ — 125 0 1 1 1 a 1 1 1 1 a i 1 1 1 0 1 1 H CM 1 i 1 VA -3- i 1 1 .3- rH i rH 1 rH H i 1 1 CM i rH rH 1 i p i 1 1 1 1 -p O i 1 1 1 1 H LCs vS X! — vS m X u. 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 i 1 1 1 1 1 CO / < 1 1 1 1 co O o = £ $2 * 126 J to 1 l 1 u i 1 H H a 1 l I 1 CL i 1 CM H 0 1 l 1 rH 1 i 1 1 O- 1 1 l 1 1 i 1 rH rH 1 1 i 1 NO 1 i 1 1 CO COf 1 1 l 1 rH o 0 1 i 1 1 rH UN ' — m 1 1 1 1 U. a> rH 1 1 1 1 Ul P as rH 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 CO < 1 1 1 1 CO (?> o = £} S2 — APPENDIX THREE: -Tables Percentage occurence of the Denotative Components ins 1. Table XX111: the Total Watercourse Terms 'v per Sample Square il. Tables XXlV-XXVl: the Total Mountain Terms per Sample Square 111. Tables XXV11-XL1V: the Total Compound Habitation Site Names per Sample Square Site Ha i / C H J K U AA 1 100 100 100 2. 100 100 100 u o p Q R s 3 100 100 100 100 100 - 4 100 100 100 100 100. 100 100 100 100 100 100 - 6 A B c D E 100 100 100 100 100 100 F 100 100 7 100 10C 10C 100 100 100 e 83.5 100 100 100 833 20 - 100 100 9 100 100 666 66.6 100 100 50 100 100 »o 100 100 100 100 - 100 54.5 0 - 50 J! 100 83.5 75 12 100 100 100 13 100 75 25 14 80 80 5C Table XXIII. Nadi. c J u AA 1 33.3 75 100 2 28.6 - 50 o P Q R s 3 20 100 100 - 100 10( 4 50 10 100 - - 10C '• - - - - 22 2 100 - 6 A B c D E 16.7 - - 100 33.3 10C F 7 - 100 100 - - 5.9 - - e - 88,9 100 ------ 9 - 100 100 - 143 2.4 - - - - »o — 100 50 - - 19.4 - - - 11 - 50 - 12 - - 14.; 13 - 20 - 14 - - - Table XXIV. Mountain Names Without a Generic Suffix. ro CO C H J K L /V-\ 16.? 25 1 - 1 71A 50 - O p Q R -s 3 80 - - - - 33.3 30 - 100 - 4 - - 7L4 - 77.8 - - A B c o E F 66.7 100 - - - 7 66.7 - - 100 20 - - - e 100 11.] - 57.1 100 26.1 - 66.7 100 - 9 100 - - 56.? 85.7 - 555 - - to 100 - 25 50 85.7 - 100 - II - 50 - 12 - - 57.] - 13 - - 14 16.7 71.4 - Table XXV. Pahar. C J AA 1 - - - 2 - - - o p Q R s 3 - - - - - 4 ------6 -* 33.3 A B c D E P - - - - - 7 - - - - 40 94.1 100 - e - - - - - 913 100 - - 9 - - - - - 100 75 25 - to - - - - - 83.9 - - 33 3 - tl - - - 12 - - - — — — 14 - - - Table XXVI. Buru. O C M J K L 1 9.3 18.8 12.0 2 11.1 14.7 5.6 Mo P Q R S 3 - 15.1 - 2.4 221 111 4 56 10.5 - 11.4 111 16.5 r 5 5.0 9.1 7 A 12.5 12.8 7.7 6 11.3 2.2 3.5 1.4 10.7 13.8 A B c D E F ll.l 7.k 7 16.3 5.9 5.0 - 9.0 6.3 5.3 5.3 - 2.6 139 - 7.4 9.2 17.4 1.9 10. c - - 7.1 - 3.2 3.7 154 18.3 3.7 6.4 8.3 1.2 - 279 9.1 3.1 5.0 6.7 6.8 5.1 11.1 4. 0 8.3 3.5 7.7 11.6 3.4 3.7 Table XXVII. Pur. c J 1 13.9 9.4 10.0 2. 13.5 ia? - © p Q R s 3 12.5 ll.ii 114 212 17.6 27.8 4 158 123 9.1 11.4 25.0 12.8 5.0 7.3 3.5 32.4 22,7 7.7 6 13.2 6.7 7.0 '+5.7 33.9 .5 A B c D E F 18 p 7 10.i I5. 7.8 8.3 5.6 12.? +•0.5 156 e - 10.5 - 5.3 2.6 - 9.6 18.2 6.5 9 - 179 2.9 1.6 - 4.2 129 - to 2.8 3.7 1.3 7.5 7.0 6.3 2.5 1.8 4.7 il 18.c 1.9 5.3 12 152 12 J 2.0 t3 in 2.3 - 14 3.2 1.7 - Table XXVIII. Dih. H C H J K L AA 1 - - - 2 - 1.3 5.7 © P Q R S 3 - 2.3 - - - 1.9 4 - - 6.1 2.3 - - 5 5.0 1.8 - 2.1 - - 6 9.4 1.8 2.9 A B C D E F - - 7 10.6 5.3 3.9 - - 2.0 3.0 - 5.2 5.3 7.4 2.6 - 1.6 1.1 - 2.2 1.9 5.0 - 0.7 1.6 - 1.1 - - 2.8 3.7 1.3 2.5 2.3 12.5 5.1 1.8 4.7 3.0 2.9 - 3.8 - - 1.9 2.3 1.3 7.4 - 2.5 Table XXIX. Gaon. 134 to I 1 i i 1 1 1 ON 1 1 H rH 03' a 1 CM 1 I CM O 0 I CM •3* CO 1 1 ^0 O rH I CM rH o NQ CO 03 1 CM co CO ON -3- r—i 00 ON VO I H CO NO CO co a> ON vo o NO VO NO rH r1 co rH O CO C \f CM CO H I—1 VO rH o vo Q I 00 o rH VO CM CO O EH ON CO r-i CO CO rH 00 CO r-i CO rH CO • O X NO X — m US. 1 1 X u. CO 1 CM i 1 1 0 rH 1 l 1 I CO / CO 1 < i I o rH r-CDOO - £j £ — CM J K u AA 1 2.3 1.5 2.0 114 2. - 1.3 © P Q R S 3 2.5 6.8 - - - - 4 5.6 3.5 9.1 4.5 2.8 - • - - - 2.1 3.2 - 6 . - 2.2 5.2 - A B c E F - - - 7 - - 0.6 2.7 - e - - - - - 1.6 - -- - 9 - - - - 1.6 - - 1.9 - to - 1.2 - - - - - 1.8 - II - - - 12 - - - 13 - -• - 14 - - . - Table XXXI. Gara. c M J u AA 1 9.: 3.J 2. C 2.8 5.3 2.9 2 - o R S- 3 2.5 8.6 - - 6.8 - 4 111 8.8 - - 7.5 1.8 3.5 4.2 - 4.4 - A B c D E F - 3.5 ------7 - e ------9 ------to - •------II - - 12 - - - - - 13 - 14 - - - Table XXXII. Dag. ON C H J K u AA t 2.3 4.7 4.0 2 1.3 - - o P Q R s 3 7.5 - 2.9 7.1 7.1 - 4 - i.e 3.c 2.3 6.9 - - - - 2.1 1.2 - A B c D E F - - • - - 7.1 1.2 7 ------3.1 e ------9 - - - - to ------• II - - - 12 - - - 13 - - - 14 - - - Table XXXIII. Tanr. r-1 1 - - - - - 2 - o P Q R s 3 - - - - 1.2 3.7 - 4 • - - - - 1.4 - - - - - 1.5 - 6 - 1.4 - 1.5 A B c E F ------0.6 - - 3.1 7 - e - - - 4-„4 - 1.6 1.1 3.1 9 - - 7.1 1.5 3.1 2.6 2.1 - - \o - 1.2 5.1 5.0 2.3 3.2 5.4 - 3.1 II - 0.9 0.8 12 - - - 13 1.9 - - H - - - Table XXXIV. Jor (in habitation site names.) C M- J V< L AA- 1 - - - - 2 - - - o- p Q- R S- 3 - - — — 4 ------6 - - - - A B c o E 5.3 - - F - - - 7 5.3 118 3.8 9.3 - - 7.4 4.4 - 4. - - - e - 0 - - - - 9 5.0 1.8 - 2.4 ------to 4.9 2.6 1.2 11 1.0 2.9 0.8 - - 2.0 - - 2.8 1.2 14 • •' 1.7 1.2 Table XXXV. Kel. VO C M J K L AA 1 - - - 2 - - - © p Q R s 3 ------4 - 1.8 - - - - - • 2.5 - - - - 6 - A B c o E 1.9 - - - - F - 7 6.1 2.6 4.6 - - 3.1 8 3.5 - 7.4 7.9 9.7 - 1.1 - - 9 1.9 - - 6.6 4.7 - - 7.4 - to - - 1.3 0.8 3.5 3.2 3.4 5.5 1.6 It - 1.9 - 12 - - - 13 - 2.3 - »4 l.l 1.7 - Table XXXVI. Pani. P H J K L /VA 1 - - - 2 - - - © P R S 3 ------4 ------ c D E F • - - . - - - - 7 ------1.6 e - 5.3' - 0.9 •* - - - - 9 5.8 - -: - 2.4 - - - to 6.9 l?.l 11.f 5.<) 5.8 - - - - It 4. 0 22. c 12. C 12 3.8 18.2 28.C 13 19.4 44.-2 37.2 28.£ 14 15.? 38.3 Table XXXVII. Pali c H J K AA 1 - - - 2 - - - © P Q R s 3 ------4 ------6 A, D B c F ------• - 7 2.C - 2.0 0.9 - - - - — — 8 - 3.? 3.5 - - 1.1 9 - l.£ 4.4 4.7 - - - - \o 1.4 3.? 2.6 5.8 2.3 - - - 1.6 M - 4.£ 5.3 12 - - 2.C t3 - 5.8 3.8 14 1.1 8.5 7.*i Table XXXVIII. Munda. C H J K L AA 1 - - - 2. - 1.3 - o P R s 3 - - - - - 1.9 4 - - 3.0 ------3.8 6 A c - 2.2 1.8 - - 3.1 B D E F - -- - - 7 12.2 5.3 2.0 - e 15. f 5.3 3.7 - - - - 1.5 2.2 9 - - 3.6 - 0.8 - 1.1 1.9 - to 2.8 8.9 - 2.5 2.3 - 0.8 1.8 1.6 il 3.9 - 5.3 12 2.5 - 6.0 13 1.9 - 2.6 Vi 5.3 1.7 - Table XXXIX. Para. 144 to l CO 1 co CV! rH 1 CM r-l CM VO a l H CO vo CM VO MD CO a -3"" CO -3-" o- O CM 0 1 CO •d-" -3- H •2 1 rH CM CM VO 1 CO i ! O CO CO CM i I 1 VO CO rH 1 VO rH I 1 o IN- CM CO i 1 1 -=*-* CM o- O- i 1 1 • cvi o rH CD PQ 0 1 I 1 • — m UN. 1 1 1 1 X IJL (D rH l 1 1 1 U4 a$ EH 0 1 1 1 1 0 i 1 1 1 CO 1 1 1 < l 1 1 1 CO O o - £f 2} — 145 0> 1 i i i i 8 1 l 0 I i i vO a i 1 1 I CO 0 1 H CO r>- •2 1 ••• ON CO I 1 i 1 CV! ! i 1 i i i 1 i 1 1 I l i i 1 i I » • 1 0 1 i 1 l i Us 1-3 — 0 i I i i 0 T i i i ca i 1 i i < i i i i co Cv o - £j S2 ^ G J AA 1 - - - 2. - - - o P Q R S _ 3 - - - 4 - .1.8 3.0 - - - - • 5 - - - - - 2.2 A B c D E F - - - - - 7 — - - - 2.5 2.7 1.5 - e - - - - - 0.8 5.3 - - — 1.5 2.1 9 - - - - - to - - - - - 3.2 3.5 - - II - - - 12 - - - 13 - - - 14 - - - Table XLIII. Gutu. c J c AA 1 - - - 1 - - - o Q R s 3 ------4 ------ A B c 0 E P - - - - - 7 ------6 - - - - - 0.8 - 3.1 2.2 9 - - - 0.7 4.7 - 1.1 - - to - - 0.9 3.5 3.1 5.9 1.8 T.~5 H - - - \2 - - - 13 - - - 14 - -1 - Table XLIV, Pos. i—1 00 VU 1 I i i -) a EH • 0 1 1 I I