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The Future of European Liberalism
FEATURE THE FUTURE OF EUROPEAN LIBERALISM Multi-party European parliaments provide a place for distinctively liberal parties, writes Charles Richardson he most fundamental feature of ways: our parties support the electoral system that Australian politics is the two-party supports them. system. Almost a hundred years ago, But Australia is relatively unusual in these in the Fusion of 1909, our different respects. In most European democracies, with non-Labor parties merged to create different histories and different electoral systems, Ta single party, of which today’s Liberal Party is the liberal parties survived through the twentieth direct descendant. It and the Labor Party have century, and many of them are now enjoying contended for power ever since. something of a resurgence. Before Fusion, the party system was more A brief digression here might clarify what I fl exible and different varieties of liberals had some mean by ‘liberal’. Philosophically, a liberal is one scope to develop separate identities. At the federal who believes in the tenets of the Enlightenment, level, there were Free Trade and Protectionist a follower of Montesquieu, Smith and von parties; in most of the states, there were Liberal and Humboldt. Applying the word to political parties Conservative parties. Sometimes rival liberal groups I am not using it as a philosophical term of art, were allied with each other or with conservatives, but as a practical thing: the typical liberal parties but sometimes they joined with Labor: George are those that have a historical connection with Reid, the Free Trade premier of New South Wales, the original liberal movements of the nineteenth for example, governed with Labor support for most century, with their programme of representative of the 1890s. -
SB I Knew Him Well Press Book Eng 2
MARIANNA DE LISO, SIMONE GATTONI, ENRICA GONELLA Present S.B. I KNEW HIM WELL S.B. IO LO CONOSCEVO BENE A documentary by GIACOMO DURZI & GIOVANNI FASANELLA press screening: Tuesday November 13th l h. 07:30 p.m. l sala Studio 3 Auditorium official screening: Wednesday November 14 th l h. 04:30 p.m. l Sala Petrassi additional screening: Thursday November 15 th l h. 04:00 p.m. l Sala Cinema 2 S.B. Io lo conoscevo bene ● S.B. I Knew Him Well ● Technical Sheet Written and Directed by Giacomo Durzi & Giovanni Fasanella Supervising Editor Paola Freddi Editor Tommaso Valente and Francesco De Matteis Photography Beppe Gallo Annimation Giacomo Nanni Original Music Valerio Vigliar Sound Valeria Cocuzza Produced by Marianna De Liso, Simone Gattoni, Enrica Gonella Production Kinesis Film In partnership with The Lazio Region Nationality Italia Year of production 2012 Duration 74’ Format HD Sound Stereo International Sales INTRAMOVIES Via Manfredi 15 – 00197 Rome – Italy tel. +39.06.8077252 – fax. 06.8076156 [email protected] Press Office STORYFINDERS Lionella Bianca Fiorillo +39.340.7364203 Alessandra Izzo +39.335.6882776 Via A. Allegri da Correggio 11 - 00196 Rome - ITALY +39.06.88972779 +39.340.7364203 [email protected] [email protected] http://www.facebook.com/S.B.ioloconoscevobene credits not contractual S.B. Io lo conoscevo bene ● S.B. I Knew Him Well ● Synopsis Silvio Berlusconi rose from cruise ship entertainer to become a successful entrepreneur, and then Prime Minister of Italy. Suddenly, when he was just a hair's breadth away from attaining the highest and most sought- after office in Italy, the Quirinale, his ascent came to an abrupt halt. -
Before New Liberalism: the Continuity of Radical Dissent, 1867-1914
Before New Liberalism: The Continuity of Radical Dissent, 1867-1914 A thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2019 Nicholas A. Loizou School of Arts, Languages and Cultures Table of Contents: List of Figures 4 Abstract 6 Introduction 10 Research Objectives: A Revision in Politico-Religious History 10 A Historiographical Review 13 Methodology and Approach 23 1. Radical Dissent, Social Gospels and the Community, 1860-1906 28 1. Introduction 28 2. Growing Communitarianism and Religious Theology 29 3. The Importance of Radical Dissent and the Community 37 4. Nonconformity and the Urban Working Class 41 5. Nonconformity and the Liberal Party 51 6. Conclusion 56 2. Nonconformity, Liberalism and Labour 58 1. Introduction 58 2. The Significance of Nonconformity in Co-operative Class Relations 62 3. The Reform League 69 4. Nonconformity, Class and Christian Brotherhood in the Age of Gladstone 77 5. ‘That Church and King Mob’: Nonconformity, Brotherhood and Anti-Tory Rhetoric 82 6. Liberal-Labour Politics and the Late Nineteenth Century Social Turn in Nonconformity 87 7. Conclusion 93 3. Birmingham and the Civic Gospel: 1860-1886 94 1. Introduction 94 2. The Civic Gospel: The Origins of a Civic Theology 98 3. The Civic Gospel and the Cohesion of the Birmingham Corporation: 1860 – 1886 102 4. The Civic Gospel and Municipal Socialism: 1867-1886 111 5. The National Liberal Federation 116 6. The Radical Programme 122 7. Conclusion: The Legacy of Birmingham Progressivism 128 4. From Provincial Liberalism to National Politics: Nonconformist Movements 1860-1906 130 2 1. -
Political Party Flags of San Marino Marcus EV Schmöger
Political Party Flags of San Marino Marcus E. V. Schmöger Abstract San Marino is a small, independent republic, totally surrounded by Italy, with about 32,000 inhabitants. After a period of rule by the Sammarinese Fascist Party (1923–43), San Marino reintroduced a multi-party system very similar to the Italian one (the Christian-Democratic Party, Communist Party, Socialist Party, Social Democratic Party were the main competitors). Since the early 1990s the party system has undergone a number of rearrangements, some of them similar, some of them different from developments in Italy. Currently in the 60-seat parliament there are 11 parties in 8 parliamentary groups. The government is led by the Christian Democrats. Most of the parties, even the small ones, use party flags. The party flags combine international and Italian influences with distinctive Sammarinese symbols. The predominantly red colour used by the leftist parties is the most obvious international element; the use of circular emblems on an often unicoloured field is very similar to Italian practice. The specific national symbols are either part of the emblems (the three mountains from the Sammarinese arms; the Statue of Liberty; Saint Marinus) or of the flag background (white-blue field or at least a small white-blue stripe). The actual presentation included a number of flags from the author’s party flag collection. Flag with the current logo of the Alleanza Popolare Proceedings of the 24th International Congress of Vexillology, Washington, D.C., USA 1–5 August 2011 © 2011 North American Vexillological Association (www.nava.org) 921 Political Party Flags of San Marino 1. -
THE IDEOLOGICAL DETERMINANTS of LIBERAL ECONOMIC REFORM the Case of Privatization
THE IDEOLOGICAL DETERMINANTS OF LIBERAL ECONOMIC REFORM The Case of Privatization By HILARY APPEL* OLLOWING the collapse of the communist regimes in Eastern FEurope, one of the first priorities of the reform governments was to transform the system of ownership. The new governments overwhelm- ingly chose to pursue a broad program of sweeping privatization, trans- ferring the bulk of state property to the private sector. Given that most property was controlled and owned by the state and that there was no historical precedent for privatization on an economy-wide scale, policy- makers had to design from scratch a program to transfer the wealth of the state to private hands. With few exceptions, East European priva- tization officials appointed to this task concluded that it would be too slow and unwieldy to rely on the piecemeal sale of enterprises to pri- vate investors, as was typical in West European privatization. More commonly, they developed programs to transfer the ownership of state enterprises to private individuals and groups through mass distribution programs, to be followed by or supplemented with piecemeal sales. As one can imagine, these policymakers and technocrats could de- sign the mass privatization program in ways that held different distri- butional consequences for society, such that some groups would benefit more than others, for example, citizens over foreigners, one former elite group over another, managers over labor, and so on. In the Czech Re- public the government designed a mass privatization program in which there were no special privileges for any particular groups in society. * The author wishes to express her gratitude for the helpful comments and suggestions on earlier drafts from Andrew Barnes, Thomas Callaghy, Margaret Hanson, Meredith El Nems, Steven Fish, Denise Powers, and Peter Rutland. -
OPEN ECONOMIES, CLOSED POLITIES: FINANCIAL GLOBALIZATION and AUTHORITARIAN POLITICS a Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of T
OPEN ECONOMIES, CLOSED POLITIES: FINANCIAL GLOBALIZATION AND AUTHORITARIAN POLITICS A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Igor O. Logvinenko January 2015 © 2015 Igor O. Logvinenko OPEN ECONOMIES, CLOSED POLITIES: FINANCIAL GLOBALIZATION AND AUTHORITARIAN POLITICS Igor O. Logvinenko, Ph. D. Cornell University 2015 This project investigates financial openness policies of authoritarian regimes during the modern age of globalized finance. Over the last quarter-century, increasingly restive publics and heightened international mobility of capital have complicated the task of governing authoritarian regimes. Financial globalization created immense opportunities for enrichment and further power consolidation, but it also made authoritarian elites increasingly vulnerable to political challenges that some regimes are better equipped to handle than others. Given this conundrum, I set out to explore the answers to the following questions: Why do some authoritarian regimes opt for greater financial openness than others? How are these decisions related to the tactics these regimes employ to remain in power? How does the nature of the asset base in the economy impact these decisions? This thesis develops a theoretical framework to address these questions, and also evaluates this theory empirically. I construct a game-theoretical argument that endogenizes financial openness policies in a model that accounts for the profit opportunities from openness and the risks associated with increased economic volatility for the authoritarian elites. I argue that when rulers consider adopting a policy of financial openness, they also take into account their ability to maintain political stability after doing so. -
Two Concepts of Liberty Two Concepts Brendan Rittenhouse of Liberty Green U.S
Two Concepts of Liberty Two Concepts Brendan Rittenhouse of Liberty Green U.S. Cold War Grand Strategies and the Liberal Tradition Realist, liberal, con- structivist, and hybrid theories of international relations agree that the United States made historic commitments to the defense of Europe shortly after World War II.1 These commitments, however, were neither as intense nor as sweeping as many claim. Initially, Washington sought withdrawal from Europe through a strategy of buck-passing. Only after a decade and a half did it adopt the famil- iar balancing grand strategy providing for a permanent presence in Europe. This shift suggests the need for a new theory to explain U.S. grand strategy, both past and present.2 I argue that differences between the liberal ideas of the administrations of Brendan Rittenhouse Green is the Stanley Kaplan Postdoctoral Fellow in Political Science and Leadership Studies at Williams College The author is deeply indebted to Caitlin Talmadge for her exceptional and unceasing attention to multiple drafts of this article. He is also profoundly grateful to Christopher Darnton, Keren Fraiman, Austin Long, John Schuessler, Randall Schweller, Paul Staniland, and the anonymous re- viewers for incisive commentary and suggestions on early drafts. For valuable feedback and con- structive criticism, he thanks Benjamin Friedman, Jill Hazelton, Joshua Itzkowitz Shifrinson, Jennifer Keister, Jon Lindsay, Barry Posen, Miranda Priebe, Andrew Radin, Sebastian Rosato, Joshua Rovner, Richard Samuels, Stephen Van Evera, Stephen Walt, and participants in seminars at Harvard Kennedy School of Government’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, the University of Virginia’s Miller Center, and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Security Studies Program. -
Codebook the Partisan Composition of Governments Database (PACOGOV)
Codebook The Partisan Composition of Governments Database (PACOGOV) Content Version ........................................................................................................................................................... - 1 - Citation .......................................................................................................................................................... - 1 - Variable names .............................................................................................................................................. - 1 - Classification of the parties into party families ............................................................................................. - 2 - Calculation of cabinet seat shares ................................................................................................................. - 3 - Calculation of the number of ministers in the government (“ncab”) ........................................................... - 3 - Country coverage .......................................................................................................................................... - 3 - Classification of parties by country ............................................................................................................... - 4 - Main Sources ............................................................................................................................................... - 12 - Contact ....................................................................................................................................................... -
Freedom Through Form: Bolívar Lamounier and the Liberal Interpretation of Brazilian Political Thought*
Freedom through form: Bolívar Lamounier and the Liberal Interpretation of Brazilian Political Thought* Christian Edward Cyril Lynch Universidade Estadual do Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil Paulo Henrique Paschoeto Cassimiro Universidade Estadual do Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil This article examines the contribution of Bolívar Lamounier to Brazilian political thought. Our main argument is that, by replacing nationality with freedom as the defining criterion of the real, Bolívar Lamounier offers a liberal interpretation of Brazilian political thought, in direct contrast to the nationalist tradition formulated by Oliveira Vianna. In this view, it is the liberals who are the realists, while nationalists and Marxists are idealists. As we shall see, this interpretation is normatively committed to one side, that of liberalism, guided by the aspiration to establish institutions that will foster the autonomous flowering of the market and civil society in opposition to a state prone to authoritarianism. Keywords: Brazilian political thought; Bolívar Lamounier; nationalism; liberalism; democracy. (*) http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981-3821201800020002 This publication is registered under a CC-BY Licence. The authors would like to thank the attentive reading of Bernardo Ricupero, Bernardo Ferreira and Ivo Coser, as well as those of anonymous reviewers, whose comments and contributions have enriched the final version of the article. (2018) 12 (2) e0002 – 1/28 Freedom through form: Bolívar Lamounier and the Liberal Interpretation of Brazilian Political Thought ince ancient times, thinkers have taken social life as their object of analysis S and reflection for understanding the nature of power or, normatively, the best form of government. -
48.Jeffrey Haynes.Pdf
Religion and Politics in Europe, the Middle East and North Africa In the early twenty- first century, it is now clear that religion is increasingly influ- ential in the political realm in ways which call into question the principles and practices of secularism. The Iranian revolution of 1978–9 marked the decisive ‘reappearance’ of political religion in global politics, highlighting a major devel- opment which is the subject of this edited volume. Addressing a highly salient and timely topic, this book examines the con- sequences of political interactions involving the state and religious actors in Christian, Muslim and Judaist contexts. Building on research, the basic premise of this text is that religious actors – including Islamist groups, the Roman Cath- olic and the Orthodox churches – pose various challenges for citizenship, demo- cracy and secularisation in Europe, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The key questions on which the book focuses are: Why, how, and when do reli- gious actors seek to influence political outcomes in these regions? Providing a survey of what is happening in relation to the interaction of reli- gion and politics, both domestically and internationally, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of politics, religion, European and Middle East studies. Jeffrey Haynes is Associate Head of Department (Research and Postgraduate Studies) and Professor of Politics at London Metropolitan University, UK. Routledge/ECPR studies in European political science Edited by Thomas Poguntke Ruhr University Bochum, Germany on behalf of the European Consortium for Political Research The Routledge/ECPR Studies in European Political Science series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research – the leading organisation concerned with the growth and development of political science in Europe. -
The Public Eye, Spring 2017
SPRING 2017 The Public Eye ENDGAME How “Bipartisan Criminal Justice Reform” Institutionalizes a Right- Wing, Neoliberal Agenda Also in this issue: Trumpism and Whiteness • Between Trump and Putin • Review: The Populist Explosion editor’s letter As we move into the second 100 days of the Trump era, it’s hard to keep track of every- BY NAOMI BRAINE thing that has changed since November 8. The Far Right threats we have long covered in these pages increasingly shape both the conservative movement and our national gov- THE PUBLIC EYE ernment. Violent rhetoric, physical attacks, and policies laden with White supremacy, QUARTERLY xenophobia, misogyny, and anti-LGBTQ invective are on the rise. From immigration to PUBLISHER health care to climate change, promising efforts for progressive reform are being rolled Tarso Luís Ramos back, even as mass resistance to the new administration helped scuttle Trump’s Muslim EDITOR ban and has fortified the congressional opposition. The administration, mired in mul- Kathryn Joyce tiple ongoing corruption scandals, has had difficulty aligning the disparate factions of the Republican Party behind its policy initiatives and continues to govern by executive COVER ART Erik Ruin order and fear-mongering. The Public Eye will continue to bring you fresh analysis, re- porting, and research on the most critical issues of our times. LAYOUT Gabriel Joffe Particularly at a time when the U.S. is as starkly divided as it is now, joint efforts that PRINTING bring together progressive criminal justice reformers with the likes of Newt Gingrich Red Sun Press and Grover Norquist might seem like exactly the balm a fractured nation needs. -
Wrong Turn on School Reform Page 1 of 11
Hoover Institution - Policy Review - Wrong Turn on School Reform Page 1 of 11 FEATURES: Wrong Turn on School Reform By Frederick M. Hess and Michael J. Petrilli How to get back on track after No Child Left Behind February & March 2009 Table of Contents In the run-up to the 2000 presidential election, candidate George W. Bush and his advisors made a strategic decision to appropriate educational rhetoric generally associated with Democrats and the left. This decision helped Bush present himself as “different kind of Republican” and a “compassionate conservative” and to dramatically narrow the Democrats’ traditional advantage on education, particularly among suburban women. This was critical in helping to win the election. But Bush didn’t stop there. During his eight years in office, he would ultimately upend decades of conservative thinking on education, open the door to new spending and federal activity, and swap conventional conservative themes for language borrowed from the civil rights community. The administration’s assault on the racial achievement gap — the huge disparity in test scores between both white and Asian students and their black and Hispanic peers — through the No Child Left Behind Act ( nclb) earned plaudits from many on the left and right. Over time, however, this approach has alienated suburban parents, who worry that nclb’s emphasis on low-achievers and low-level skills is harming their children and schools. In this way and others, partnering with the left on education reform has imposed real costs even as it has paid substantive dividends. First, the dividends: Simply put, the education-reform movement has seen progress during the Bush years that was once unimaginable.