Manifesto Project Dataset List of Political Parties
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Abbreviations
AbbreviAtions ABI Associazione Bancaria Italiana (Italian Banking Association) ALD Autonomie Liberté Démocratie (Autonomy Liberty Democracy) ALDE Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe AN Alleanza Nazionale (National Alliance) ANCI Associazione Nazionale Comuni Italiani (National Association of Italian Municipalities) ANM Associazione Nazionale Magistrati (National Magistrates Association) BdI Banca d’Italia (Bank of Italy) BMPS Banca Monte dei Paschi di Siena CD Centro Democratico—Diritti e Libertà (Democratic Center—Rights and Freedom) CGIL Confederazione Generale Italiana del Lavoro (Italian General Confederation of Labor) CIR Compagnie Industriali Riunite (an Italian holding company) CISE Centro Italiano Studi Elettorali (Italian Center for Electoral Studies) CISL Confederazione Italiana Sindicati dei Lavoratori (Italian Confederation of Workers’ Trade Unions) CISR Comitato Interministeriale per la Sicurezza della Repubblica (Committee for the Security of the Republic) CLN Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale (National Liberation Committee) CN Centrodestra Nazionale (National Center-Right) COPASIR Comitato Parlamentare di Controllo per i Servizi di Informazione e Sicurezza e per il Segreto di Stato Italian Politics: Still Waiting for the Transformation 29 (2014): vii–ix © Berghahn Books doi:10.3167/ip.2014.290101 viii Abbreviations (Parliamentary Committee for the Intelligence and Security Services and for State Secret Control) CSD Consiglio Supremo di Difesa (Supreme Council of Defense) CSM Consiglio Superiore della Magistratura -
Liberalism, Social Democracy, and Tom Kent Kenneth C
Liberalism, Social Democracy, and Tom Kent Kenneth C. Dewar Journal of Canadian Studies/Revue d'études canadiennes, Volume 53, Number/numéro 1, Winter/hiver 2019, pp. 178-196 (Article) Published by University of Toronto Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/719555 Access provided by Mount Saint Vincent University (19 Mar 2019 13:29 GMT) Journal of Canadian Studies • Revue d’études canadiennes Liberalism, Social Democracy, and Tom Kent KENNETH C. DEWAR Abstract: This article argues that the lines separating different modes of thought on the centre-left of the political spectrum—liberalism, social democracy, and socialism, broadly speaking—are permeable, and that they share many features in common. The example of Tom Kent illustrates the argument. A leading adviser to Lester B. Pearson and the Liberal Party from the late 1950s to the early 1970s, Kent argued for expanding social security in a way that had a number of affinities with social democracy. In his paper for the Study Conference on National Problems in 1960, where he set out his philosophy of social security, and in his actions as an adviser to the Pearson government, he supported social assis- tance, universal contributory pensions, and national, comprehensive medical insurance. In close asso- ciation with his philosophy, he also believed that political parties were instruments of policy-making. Keywords: political ideas, Canada, twentieth century, liberalism, social democracy Résumé : Cet article soutient que les lignes séparant les différents modes de pensée du centre gauche de l’éventail politique — libéralisme, social-démocratie et socialisme, généralement parlant — sont perméables et qu’ils partagent de nombreuses caractéristiques. -
The Committee of the Regions and the Danish Presidency of the Council of the European Union 01 Editorial by the President of the Committee of the Regions 3
EUROPEAN UNION Committee of the Regions The Committee of the Regions and the Danish Presidency of the Council of the European Union 01 Editorial by the President of the Committee of the Regions 3 02 Editorial by the Danish Minister for European Aff airs 4 03 Why a Committee of the Regions? 6 Building bridges between the local, the regional and 04 the global - Danish Members at work 9 05 Danish Delegation to the Committee of the Regions 12 06 The decentralised Danish authority model 17 EU policy is also domestic policy 07 - Chairmen of Local Government Denmark and Danish Regions 20 08 EU-funded projects in Denmark 22 09 The 5th European Summit of Regions and Cities 26 10 Calendar of events 28 11 Contacts 30 EUROPEAN UNION Committee of the Regions Editorial by the President of 01 the Committee of the Regions Meeting the challenges together We have already had a taste of Danish culture via NOMA, recognised as the best restaurant in the world for two years running by the UK’s Restaurants magazine for putting Nordic cuisine back on the map. Though merely whetting our appetites, this taster has confi rmed Denmark’s infl uential contribution to our continent’s cultural wealth. Happily, Denmark’s contribution to the European Union is far more extensive and will, undoubtedly, be in the spotlight throughout the fi rst half of 2012! A modern state, where European and international sea routes converge, Denmark has frequently drawn on its talents and fl ourishing economy to make its own, distinctive mark. It is in tune with the priorities for 2020: competitiveness, social inclusion and the need for ecologically sustainable change. -
Independentism and the European Union
POLICY BRIEF 7 May 2014 Independentism and the European Union Graham Avery Independentism1 is a live issue in Europe today. In the European Union separatist parties have gained votes in Scotland, Catalonia, Flanders and elsewhere2, and referendums are in prospect. In Eastern Europe Crimea's referendum has led to an international crisis. This note addresses some basic questions raised by these developments: • What is the European Union's policy on independentism? • Is the division of a member state into two states bad for the EU? • How is the organisational structure of the EU relevant to independentism? BACKGROUND The situation on the ground in the EU today may be summarised as follows: Scotland: a referendum on independence will take place in Scotland on 18 September 2014. The Scottish National Party, which won a majority of seats in the Scottish elections of 2011 and formed a government, is campaigning for 'yes'. Although the British parliament agreed to the referendum, the main political parties in London are campaigning for 'no'. Opinion polls show that 'no' has more supporters than 'yes', but the gap has diminished, many voters are undecided, and the result may be close.3 Catalonia: in regional elections in 2012 the alliance Convergence and Union (Convergència i Unió) won 31% of the vote and formed a coalition government, which has announced a referendum on independence for 9 November 2014. Since Spain's Parliament has declared it unconstitutional, the referendum may not take place. But the next regional elections may effectively become a substitute for a referendum. Belgium: the New Flemish Alliance (Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie) gained ground in national elections in 2010 on a platform of independence for Flanders. -
Populism, Voters and Cleavages in Bulgarian Politics*
56 POLITOLOGICKÝ ČASOPIS / CZECH JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE 1/2017 Populism, Voters and Cleavages in Bulgarian Politics* EMILIA ZANKINA** Abstract The growing success of populist parties from across the political spectrum in Europe calls for an examination of the link between populist parties and voters and the new (if new indeed) cleavages that such parties exploit. Scholars have pointed to the erosion of traditional cleavages as one rea- son for the success of populist parties. Such analysis fits well with the established democracies of Europe but has little application in the East European context. Traditional cleavages have taken root in few places in Eastern Europe before communist takeover and became even less relevant follow- ing four and a half decades of communist rule. With the fall of communist regimes across Eastern Europe, the only meaningful division within society was that of anti-communists and supporters of the old regime. Similarly, concepts of Left and Right had (and to a great extend continue to have) lit- tle relevance in the East European context where the Left came to be dominated by former commu- nist parties and the Right engulfed an ideologically incoherent opposition. The stronger the former communists were (such as in Bulgaria and Romania) the more fragmented the Right was, as it was the only available space for political competition. The present paper aims to examine voter support for populist parties in Bulgaria and analyze on the cleavages that those parties exploit or create. Thus, the paper examines the impact of populist parties on the political landscape in terms of the changes that those parties result in in voter behavior and cleavage formation. -
Ciupanel 2014-2016
CIUPANEL 2014-2016 Crisis and challenges in Spain: attitudes and political behaviour during the economic and the political representation crisis. Pre- and Post- General election dataset 2015-2016: CNEP variables Variable Information Document Version February, 5th, 2016 Mariano Torcal, Sergio Martini, Danilo Serani Crisis and challenge in Spain - Torcal, Martini, Serani Proyecto de investigación patrocinado por el: En colaboración con: Como citar los datos: Torcal, M., Martini, S., Serani, D. (2016). Crisis y reto en la ciudadanía en España: actitudes y comportamiento político de los españoles ante la crisis económica y de representación política (CIUPANEL). Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (CSO2013-47071-R, 2014-2016, PI: Mariano Torcal). How to quote this dataset: Torcal, M., Martini, S., Serani, D. (2016). Crisis and challenges in Spain: attitudes and political behaviour during the economic and the political representation crisis (CIUPANEL). Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (CSO2013-47071-R, 2014-2016, PI: Mariano Torcal). Crisis and challenge in Spain - Torcal, Martini, Serani Table of Contents Introduction ........................................................................................................................................................... 1 A. Description of the sample and the data files ......................................................................................... 2 A1. Objective of the survey ....................................................................................................................... -
Pathways out of Violence Desecuritization and Legalization of Bildu and Sortu in the Basque Country Bourne, Angela
Roskilde University Pathways out of violence Desecuritization and legalization of Bildu and Sortu in the Basque Country Bourne, Angela Published in: Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe Publication date: 2018 Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Citation for published version (APA): Bourne, A. (2018). Pathways out of violence: Desecuritization and legalization of Bildu and Sortu in the Basque Country. Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe, 17(3), 45-66. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain. • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 01. Oct. 2021 Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe Vol 17, No 3, 2018, 45-66. Copyright © ECMI 2018 This article is located at: http://www.ecmi.de/fileadmin/downloads/publications/JEMIE/201 8/Bourne.pdf Pathways out of Violence: Desecuritization and Legalization of Bildu and Sortu in the Basque Country Angela Bourne Roskilde University Abstract In this article, I examine political processes leading to the legalization of the Batasuna- successor parties, Bildu and Sortu. -
There Has Been No Bulgarian Tradition of Any Long-Standing Resistance to the Communist Regime
There has been no Bulgarian tradition of any long-standing resistance to the communist regime. There was neither any political opposition, nor any other kind of an influential dissident movement. Bulgaria never went through the purgatory of the Hungarian uprising of 1956, or the “Prague spring” of 1968. It is indeed difficult to find any counter arguments whatsoever against the cliché that Bul- garia was the closest satellite of the Soviet Union. The fundamental contradictions within the Union of Democratic Forces (SDS) coalition were present from the very first day of its inception. There were Marxists who were longing for “socialism with a human face”, intellectuals with liberal ideas, social democrats and Christian democrats, conservatives and radical demo- crats, monarchists and republicans. The members of the center-right coalition did not delude themselves about their differences; they rather shared the clear un- derstanding that only a painful compromise could stand some chances against the Goliath of the totalitarian Bulgarian Communist Party (BKP). It was this unani- mous opposition to the communist regime and its legacy that made the coalition possible. But only for a limited period of time. The United Democratic Forces (ODS) government under Prime Minister Ivan Kostov (1997-2001) completed the reformist agenda of anti-communism. At the end of the ODS term of office, Bulgaria was a country with a functioning market economy, stable democracy, and a clearly outlined foreign policy course towards the country’s accession to the European Union and NATO, which was accepted by all significant political formations, the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) included. -
Vertreter Aus Südtirol in Rom Und in Europa 154 Das Südtirol-Handbuch 2017 Vertreter Aus Südtirol in Rom Und in Europa
Vertreter aus Südtirol in Rom und in Europa 154 Das Südtirol-Handbuch 2017 Vertreter aus Südtirol in Rom und in Europa Parlamentswahlen und Parlamentarier Parlamentswahlen am 18.4.1948 Kammer: Parteien Stimmen % SVP 107.059 62,70 DC 37.392 21,80 Volksfront 13.218 7,70 Vereinigte Sozialisten 10.262 5,90 Blocco Naz. 3.263 1,90 Insgesamt 171.149 100% Senat: Wahlkreis Bozen Wahlkreis Brixen Parteien Stimmen % Parteien Stimmen % SVP 36.378 48,90 SVP 58.852 82,55 DC 21.512 28,92 DC 8.802 12,34 PRI 4.065 5,46 PRI 1.754 2,46 Blocco Naz. 3.553 4,78 Social- Social- comunisti 8.889 11,95 comunisti 1.890 2,65 Abkürzungen: SVP = Südtiroler Volkspartei; DC = Democrazia Cristiana; PRI = Partito Repubblicano Italiano. Kammerabgeordnete der Provinz Bozen 1948-53: Otto von Guggenberg (SVP), Friedl Volgger (SVP), Toni Ebner (SVP), Angelo Facchin (DC); Senatoren: Karl von Braitenberg (SVP), Josef Raffeiner (SVP). Das Südtirol-Handbuch 2017 155 Parlamentswahlen am 7.6.1953 Kammer: Parteien Stimmen % SVP 118.394 60,06 DC 34.720 17,61 PSI 11.510 5,84 MSI 9.141 4,64 PCI 8.025 4,07 PSDI 6.286 3,19 PNM 4.764 2,42 U. Soc. Ind. 1.856 0,94 PLI 1.036 0,53 PRI 646 0,33 PPTT 393 0,20 Unitá Popol. 340 0,17 Insgesamt 197.111 100% Senat: Wahlkreis Bozen Wahlkreis Brixen Parteien Stimmen % Parteien Stimmen % SVP 40.591 45,53 SVP 66.548 83,78 DC 20.967 23,52 PSI 13.604 15,26 DC 10.420 13,12 MSI 6.100 6,84 PSDI 4.639 5,20 PNM 3.244 3,64 PCI 2.459 3,10 Insgesamt 89.145 100% Insgesamt 79.427 100% Abkürzungen: PSI = Partito Socialista Italiano; PSDI = Partito Socialista Democra- tico Italiano; MSI = Movimento Sociale Italiano; PCI = Partito Comunista Italiano; PLI = Partito Liberale Italiano; PNM = Partito Nazionale Monarchico; Soc. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Explaining Vote for Populist Parties: the Impact of the Political Trust, the Economic and the Political Context Danilo Serani De
Explaining vote for populist parties: the impact of the political trust, the economic and the political context Danilo Serani Department of Political and Social Sciences Universitat Pompeu Fabra [email protected] Abstract Over the last decades, the uneven electoral success of populist parties in Europe sparked the interest of many scholars. Until now, special attention has been devoted only to radical (especially right-wing) populist parties, at the same time as the impact of political trust on the vote for these parties has not been sufficiently addressed. In this paper, I focus on the direct and conditional effects of the trust in the main political actors on the vote for radical and non-radical populist parties. By using data from the European Social Survey (2004- 2014), this paper investigates the association between political trust and the Great Recession, as well as with the ideological convergence of the establishment parties. The results seem to confirm that political (dis)trust has a direct impact on the vote for a populist party, and its effects are accentuated during a crisis and when the establishment parties converge to the center. Key words Political trust, voting behavior, populism, multilevel analysis, economic crisis Paper prepared for the WAPOR Conference, Barcelona, November 24-25th 2016 This is a draft, please do not quote or circulate without author’s permission Introduction Over the last three decades, Europe witnessed the spread of the third wave of populism (Mudde, 2007). Far from being a transitory anomaly of liberal democracies, populist challengers of the establishment parties managed themselves to consolidate their position in the party systems.