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Peace, Power and Inclusive Change in Nepal Political Settlements in Practice Peace, Power and Inclusive Change in Nepal spotlight Peace, power and inclusive change in Nepal Political Settlements in Practice Peace, power and inclusive change in Nepal Authors Anagha Neelakantan is Asia Programme Deputy Director at Crisis Group. Alexander Ramsbotham is Head of Accord and Series Editor at Conciliation Resources. Deepak Thapa is Director of the Social Science Baha. Acknowledgements Accord would like to give thanks to: Aditya Adhikari Bhaskar Gautam Christine Bell Felix Colchester Zahbia Yousuf and the Nepal Transition to Peace Insititute Conciliation Resources is an independent international organisation working with people in confict to prevent violence, resolve conficts and promote peaceful societies. Our Accord series informs and strengthens peace process by documenting and analysing the lessons of peacebuilding. Accord spotlight provides focused analysis of key themes for peace and transition practice. This report is an output from the Political Settlements Research Programme (PSRP), funded by UK Aid from the UK Department for International Development (DFID) for the beneft of developing countries. The views expressed and information contained in it are not necessarily those of or endorsed by DFID, which can accept no responsibility for such views or information or for any reliance placed on them. www.politicalsettlements.org Twitter.com/PolSettlements Published by: Conciliation Resources Burghley Yard, 106 Burghley Road, London NW5 1AL www.c-r.org Telephone +44 (0) 207 359 7728 Email [email protected] Facebook.com/ ConciliationResources Twitter.com/CRbuildpeace Charity registered in England and Wales (1055436) Company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales (03196482) Design & layout: www.revangeldesigns.co.uk Cover photo: Thousands of protestors march along a section of the ring road in Kathmandu in defance of the curfew imposed on 21 April 2006. Credit: Kiran Panday Peace, power and inclusive change in Nepal Exclusion was a key cause of the 10-year war (now including the Maoists) in September 2015 between Maoist insurgents and the Nepali in the aftermath of the earthquake in April state, and advancing inclusion has been that year, contains signifcant compromises central to efforts to build peace. Ten years in relation to women’s citizenship and on from the signing of the Comprehensive political representation for marginalised Peace Accord (CPA) in November 2006, the communities. It prompted months of often record of the post-war transition to end violent protests, particularly among Madhesis violence and restructure the state ‘in an in Nepal’s southern Tarai plains. inclusive, democratic and forward looking manner’ – a major commitment of the CPA – This paper tracks some of the ways in which has, however, been mixed. inclusion has progressed through post-war transition in Nepal, and how it has navigated Today, the Maoists have long been integrated shifting power dynamics. The analysis draws into mainstream democratic politics and on local perspectives of Nepal’s transition their People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has been and political settlement gathered through disbanded, but there has been stagnation a participatory research workshop and and even regression in certain key areas. other discussions in Nepal, as well as on A substantial section of Nepali society feels relevant literature. It explores how power is that some hard-won gains towards a more confgured in Nepal, what inclusion means inclusive society that were enshrined in the and how it has been applied politically, and 2007 Interim Constitution have since been how change has happened – through formal clawed back. Nepal’s new Constitution, and informal channels, as well as the agreed by the four major political parties continuing role of violence. NePAl CHINA Dipayal Birendranagar Pokhara Nepalgunj Butwal Kathmandu Hetauda Dhankuta Birgunj Janakpur INDIA Biratnagar 50 km Map: United Nations Offce for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs Peace, power and inclusive change in Nepal 3 Background: War and the peace process War In 2002, King Gyanendra dismissed the elected government and assumed more direct political Baburam Bhattarai, a top leader with the control before seizing absolute power in February Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) (CPN-M), 2005. This led Nepali political parties across the famously asserted that the ‘People’s War’ spectrum to form the Seven-Party Alliance (SPA), was launched on 13 February 1996 with ‘the and together they began serious discussions proclaimed aim of establishing a new socio- with the insurgent CPN-M. With the support of economic system and state by overthrowing New Delhi, the Maoists and the SPA settled on a the present economic system and state’. The 12-Point Understanding in November 2005, which Maoists’ grievances included socio-economic accepted parts of the stated Maoist agenda of exclusion – ‘46.5% of the national income is in social justice and state reform to provide redress the hands of 10% of the richest people … 81% for structural and historical discrimination of the labour force is engaged in backward against various social, ethnic, caste and other agricultural production’ – as well as exclusion groups (12-Point Understanding, 2005). related to identity and geography – ‘the problem of the oppressed regions and nationalities’ (Bhattarai 1998). The Maoists’ 40-Point Demand, Comprehensive Peace Agreement presented to the government in the run-up to the In the spring of 2006, Nepal saw its second war, had also called for an end to discrimination People’s Movement (the frst had led to the against women and of all class exploitation restoration of multiparty democracy in 1990). and prejudice – including the Hindu system of Diverse sections of society and political actors ‘untouchability’ (40-Point Demand, 1996). mobilised in daily rallies and demonstrations The Maoists’ social reform agenda and armed across the country for 19 days, until King insurrection techniques attracted support from Gyanendra restored the parliament, a key many impoverished people in the outlying hills demand of the SPA. and mountainous areas. Until the end of the The restoration of parliament and the return to 1990s fghting remained relatively low-level, and power of the SPA triggered a series of signifcant the government’s response was also restricted events: the end of all royal prerogatives; the to deploying the police rather than the military. declaration of Nepal as a secular country; Increasing awareness of ethnic inequality and the adoption of a ceasefre; the signing of the discrimination fuelled the insurgency (Thapa CPA between the SPA-led government and the 2012). The entry of the Royal Nepal Army in late Maoists; the adoption of the Interim Constitution; 2001 was accompanied by a massive increase in and the entry of the CPN-M into the newly violence (von Einsiedel, Malone and Pradhan 2012). renamed Legislature-Parliament. Ceasefres in 2001 and 2003 both collapsed. Demonstration on the streets of Kathmandu, April 2006. Photo: Oliphant / fickr 4 Accord spotlight Besides bringing an end to violence, the CPA dealt with issues of social and political transformation and inclusion. Clause 3.5 states: ‘In order to end discriminations based on class, ethnicity, language, gender, culture, religion and region and to address the problems of women, Dalit, indigenous people, ethnic minorities (Janajatis), Tarai communities (Madheshis), oppressed, neglected and minority communities and the backward areas by deconstructing the current centralised and unitary structure, the state shall be restructured in an inclusive, democratic and forward looking manner’ (Comprehensive Peace Agreement 2006). Following the appointment of frst a special envoy and then an Offce of the Personal Representative of the Secretary-General, a special UN Political Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) was set up in 2007 Maoist Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda in 2009. Photo: GAD / wikimedia.org with the mandate to ‘monitor the management of arms and armies’ (ie the Nepal Army and the Tussles followed over the fate of the Maoist army, Maoist army), and to provide electoral observation and then over Maoist Prime Minister Pushpa for the frst CA election. Kamal Dahal Prachanda’s attempt to assert authority over the Nepal Army, which led to his Post-war transition resignation in May 2009. The post-war limits of popular mobilisation – and of its legitimacy – soon The Interim Constitution adopted in January 2007 became clear. The Unifed Communist Party of mentioned secularism and republicanism but was Nepal (Maoist) (UCPN-M – renamed after the quiet on federalism. The Madhes Movement, a CPN-M’s merger with another Maoist party in major protest by groups representing the Madhesi 2009), was not able to push for acceptance of its and Tharu populations predominant in Nepal’s broader political agenda: a dignifed transition southern Tarai plains, began almost immediately for its fghters, civilian control of the army, a and the Interim Constitution was amended to share of power in government, and social and restructure Nepal along federal principles. political inclusion for marginalised groups. Federalism was associated with devolution of Nor could it change the balance of power that power and greater political representation of would help to achieve this. marginalised groups. Similarly, the electoral system was also amended after the second UNMIN fnally exited Nepal in January 2011 Madhes Movement a year later, to allow for a under growing resistance from the Nepal Army, higher degree of proportional
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