November 2012 ACT Bar Bulletin
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What Is Executive Power?
1 What is Executive Power? I Introduction In the 1988 case of Davis v Commonwealth, Mason J said of executive power that it is potentially very broad yet ‘its scope [is not] amenable to exhaustive definition.’1 Executive power is a power with significant content but ill-defined limits. It is not the particular power of lawmaking, or of determining disputes but, rather, the general power to carry out all the other functions of government. In the Westminster tradition, all governmental power derived originally from the Crown2 and independent legislative3 and judicial4 functions were a subsequent development. The Coronation Charter of Henry I, the immediate successor to William I and, therefore, the first postconquest king to have a coronation as such, illustrates the breadth of the original power of the Crown (the following excerpts indicating executive, judicial and legislative power respectively): 1 Davis v Commonwealth (1988) 166 CLR 79, 93. 2 Magna Carta 1215 (Imp); NSW v Commonwealth (1975) 135 CLR 337, 480, 487–91 (‘Seas and Submerged Lands Case’) (Jacobs J); J H Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, (Butterworths, 2nd ed, 1979) 12–15; John Gillingham, ‘The Early Middle Ages 1066–1290’ in Kenneth Morgan (ed), The Oxford Illustrated History of Britain (Oxford University Press, 1984), 104; Elizabeth Wicks, The Evolution of a Constitution: Eight Key Moments in British Constitutional History(Hart, 2006) 3–6; cf Australian Capital Television Pty Ltd v Commonwealth (1992) 177 CLR 106, 137–8 Mason CJ discussing ‘sovereign power which resides in the people’ by virtue of the mechanism for constitutional amendment being a referendum under s 128 of the Constitution. -
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Christos Mantziaris* THE FEDERAL DIVISION OF PUBLIC INTEREST SUITS BY AN ATTORNEY-GENERAL ABSTRACT Until recently, the orthodox position was that the Attorney–General of any polity had standing in a public interest suit merely by showing that the suit was brought to enforce compliance with the Constitution. This liberal and pragmatic approach to standing was reinforced by a system of statutory rights of removal of causes to the High Court and rights of intervention and the ever-broadening standing rules for ordinary citizens. This development ended in the Bishops Case (2002).1 In that case, the majority refused the federal Attorney-General standing because he could not show the existence of a ‘matter’ under Chapter III of the Constitution. The majority derived from the concept of ‘matter’ a new constitutional implication limiting the role of each Attorney-General within the federation. The real animus of this new restriction lies in judicial choices about competing public interests in the administration of justice and the appropriate response to the problem of selective political enforcement of the law. The Court disguised these policy choices in the matter concept. The reasoning is symptomatic of the current High Court’s reasoning on Chapter III matters. * BA (Hons) (Syd), LLB (UNSW), PhD (ANU), Sydney Bar. This article is based on a paper presented at the conference ‘Dead Hands or Living Tree? and Other Constitutional Conundrums: A Festschrift in Honour of Geoffrey Lindell’, Australian Association of Constitutional Lawyers, University of Melbourne, 6–8 December 2002. For comments on this paper, I thank Tony Connolly, Leighton McDonald, Carol Harlow, Jane Stapleton, Ted Thomas, Kristin Walker, Ernst Willheim and Leslie Zines. -
The Role of Advocates Sir Maurice Byers Lecture
Legal Change — The Role of Advocates Sir Maurice Byers Lecture Chief Justice Robert French AC 22 June 2016, Sydney Introduction I learned from Maurice Byers a great advocate's perspective on the High Court — 'they're just chaps Bob, just chaps' — or so he told me, as we prepared for the hearing in Koowarta v Bjelke-Peterson1 in 1982. As a description of the gender of the Court it was accurate. I learned from him in Fencott v Muller2 in 1983 that one line of dismissive humour could do more for a wide view of the corporations power than an hour of earnest argument. In 1986 on my appointment to the Federal Court he sent me a note expressing confidence that I would eventually be appointed to the High Court. Perhaps he was encouraging me to stay on for the long haul and was relying upon the proposition, a little like the one about monkeys typing Shakespeare, that given enough time almost anything has a finite probability of happening. Six years later, in 1993, I barely found the strength, when he appeared before me for the plaintiff in Newcrest Mining (WA) Ltd v Commonwealth,3 on remitter from the High Court in all respects save for the constitutional question, to resist his siren song invitation to have a go at the constitutional question anyway. Our encounters were brief, but each a delight in its own way. I have been invited to present many lectures named after significant legal personalities. None has given me greater pleasure than the invitation to present this the 16th Lecture in the series established by the New South Wales Bar Association to honour his memory. -
Crown and Sword: Executive Power and the Use of Force by The
CROWN AND SWORD EXECUTIVE POWER AND THE USE OF FORCE BY THE AUSTRALIAN DEFENCE FORCE CROWN AND SWORD EXECUTIVE POWER AND THE USE OF FORCE BY THE AUSTRALIAN DEFENCE FORCE CAMERON MOORE Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Creator: Moore, Cameron, author. Title: Crown and sword : executive power and the use of force by the Australian Defence Force / Cameron Moore. ISBN: 9781760461553 (paperback) 9781760461560 (ebook) Subjects: Australia. Department of Defence. Executive power--Australia. Internal security--Australia. Australia--Armed Forces. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press. Cover photographs by Søren Niedziella flic.kr/p/ ahroZv and Kurtis Garbutt flic.kr/p/9krqeu. This edition © 2017 ANU Press Contents Prefatory Notes . vii List of Maps . ix Introduction . 1 1 . What is Executive Power? . 7 2 . The Australian Defence Force within the Executive . 79 3 . Martial Law . 129 4 . Internal Security . 165 5 . War . 205 6 . External Security . 253 Conclusion: What are the Limits? . 307 Bibliography . 313 Prefatory Notes Acknowledgement I would like to acknowledge the tremendous and unflagging support of my family and friends, my supervisors and my colleagues in the writing of this book. It has been a long journey and I offer my profound thanks. -
Ryan William Haddrick LLB Jamescook, LLM Qldut, Graddiplegprac ANU
The Queen’s Ministers of State for the Commonwealth: The Relationship between the Prerogatives of the Crown and the Executive Power of the Commonwealth Ryan William Haddrick LLB JamesCook, LLM QldUT, GradDipLegPrac ANU A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2017 T.C. Beirne School of Law i ii ABSTRACT The orthodox view is that the prerogatives of the Crown are textually incorporated, or sourced, in the language of s 61 of the Australian Constitution. This work challenges that assumption by examining the text, structure and history of ss 2, 61 and 64 of the Constitution. In particular, the inclusion of the words “under the Crown” and “shall be the Queen’s Ministers of State for the Commonwealth” in the preamble and s 64 respectively are, it is argued, textual indicators (and devices) that the prerogative is textually recognised or affirmed by those provisions, and ought to be seen as emanating from the Crown, and recognised by common law – and not as emanating from s 61 of the Constitution. Having argued that the executive power of the Commonwealth (that is, s 61) is not the textual source, or recognition, of the prerogatives of the Crown, this dissertation then posits a theory as to how s 61 should be construed. True to its Montesquieuian heritage, it is argued that the executive power of the Commonwealth ought to be understood in a functionalist sense. The evidence considered to support these propositions is the text, structure and history of the constitutional provisions. In particular, this dissertation examines the historical concept of the prerogatives of the Crown; the way that body of constitutional doctrine became part of the Australian constitutional landscape; and how the prerogative was understood to operate in pre-Federation Imperial and colonial case law. -
The Federal Court and the Constitution
PUBLIC LECTURE – CANBERRA The Federal Court and the Constitution CO-SPONSORED BY THE CENTRE FOR INTERNATIONAL AND PUBLIC LAW, ANU COLLEGE OF LAW, AND THE AUSTRALIAN ASSOCIATION OF CONSTITUTIONAL LAW DATE: Thursday 15 March 2018 NOTE: This is a change from the previously publicised Friday. TIME: 5.30 pm – 6.30 pm, followed by refreshments PLACE: The Common Room, University House, Australian National University, Canberra RSVP: [email protected] by 13 March 2018 (not compulsory but much appreciated) At its inception, the role of the Federal Court in the development of constitutional law was not entirely clear, nor was its relationship to other courts such as the High Court and the State Supreme Courts. Forty years on, the Federal Court has come to play a significant role, as explained in a joint paper by Federal Court Justice John Griffiths and ANU Law Professor James Stellios. Justice Griffiths presented the paper at a conference in Sydney last year to mark the 40th anniversary of the Federal Court, and this evening Professor Stellios will present it in Canberra under the auspices of the Australian Academy of Law. Commenting on the paper will be former High Court and Federal Court Justice Professor William Gummow AC. Presenter: Professor James Commentator: Professor Stellios, ANU College of Law, William Gummow AC Australian National University William Gummow AC is a James Stellios is a Professor at Professor of Law at the ANU Law the ANU Law School. His primary School and Sydney Law School. research interest is constitutional He is also a Non-Permanent law, and he has published widely Judge of the Hong Kong Court in that field, including The Federal of Final Appeal. -
Nationhood, International Obligation and Federal Structure: an Historical Overview of the Australian Experience David D
Penn State International Law Review Volume 4 Article 5 Number 2 Dickinson Journal of International Law 1986 Nationhood, International Obligation and Federal Structure: An Historical Overview of the Australian Experience David D. Knoll Follow this and additional works at: http://elibrary.law.psu.edu/psilr Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Knoll, David D. (1986) "Nationhood, International Obligation and Federal Structure: An Historical Overview of the Australian Experience," Penn State International Law Review: Vol. 4: No. 2, Article 5. Available at: http://elibrary.law.psu.edu/psilr/vol4/iss2/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Penn State Law eLibrary. It has been accepted for inclusion in Penn State International Law Review by an authorized administrator of Penn State Law eLibrary. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Nationhood, International Obligation and Federal Structure: An Historical Overview of the Australian Experience David D. Knoll* I. Introduction Today the interest of Americans investing abroad in the Pacific Basin is rising at a rapid rate. Resource-rich Australia is a prime target for the investment dollar. Since World War 11 the United States and Australia have developed a close relationship based upon both military and economic cooperation. With the recent upturn in the economies of both countries, developments in the minerals, oil, gas and manufacturing industries make Australia attractive to inves- tors. From a political perspective, as the most stable nation in the Asia-Pacific region and because of the common English language and heritage, Australia is the most familiar target for such investment. -
March 2018 EXECUTIVE POWER ISSUE
THE UNIVERSITY OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA LAW REVIEW Volume 43(2) March 2018 EXECUTIVE POWER ISSUE Introduction Murray Wesson ................................................................................................................... 1 Executive Power in Australia - Nurtured and Bound in Anxiety The Hon Robert French AC ............................................................................................ 16 The Strange Death of Prerogative in England Thomas Poole .................................................................................................................... 42 Judicial Review of Non-Statutory Executive Action: Australia and the United Kingdom Amanda Sapienza .............................................................................................................. 67 Section 61 of the Commonwealth Constitution and an 'Historical Constitutional Approach': An Excursus on Justice Gageler's Reasoning in the M68 Case Peter Gerangelos ............................................................................................................. 103 Nationhood and Section 61 of the Constitution Peta Stephenson .............................................................................................................. 149 Finding the Streams' True Sources: The Implied Freedom of Political Communication and Executive Power Joshua Forrester, Lorraine Finlay and Augusto Zimmermann ................................ 188 A Comment on How the Implied Freedom of Political Communication Restricts Non-Statutory Executive -
Publications for Anne Twomey 2021 2020 2019 2018 2017
Publications for Anne Twomey 2021 Power: Cabinet Manuals, Secrecy and the Identification of Twomey, A. (2021). "Constitutional Risk", Disrespect for the Convention. In Jason NE Varuhas, Shona Wilson Stark (Eds.), Rule of Law and Democratic Decay. Canadian Journal of The Frontiers of Public Law, (pp. 399-428). Oxford: Hart Comparative and Contemporary Law, 7, 293-341. Publishing. <a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781509930401.ch- Twomey, A. (2021). Australia: the correspondence between the 018">[More Information]</a> Queen and the Australian Governor-General during the 1975 dismissal of the Whitlam Government. Public Law, January, Twomey, A. (2019). Pitt Cobbett - A Portrait of Australia's 192-194. Constitution at 1919. In Anne Twomey (Eds.), The Constitution and Government of Australia, 1788 to 1919: Twomey, A. (2021). Federal and State Powers to Deal with William Pitt Cobbett, (pp. xix-l). Sydney: The Federation Press. Pandemics - Cooperation, Conflict and Confusion. In Belinda Bennett and Ian Freckelton (Eds.), Pandemics, Public Health Twomey, A. (2019). The Constitution and Government of Emergencies and Government Powers � Perspectives on Australia, 1788 to 1919: William Pitt Cobbett. Sydney: The Australian Law, (pp. 52-68). Sydney, NSW: Federation Press. Federation Press. Twomey, A. (2021). Prorogation, the Queen and the Courts - A Twomey, A. (2019). The French Court, the Nature of the View from Afar. The UK Supreme Court Yearbook, 10, 390- Executive Power and its Reconciliation with the Expenditure 420. Power. In Henry Jackson (Eds.), Essays in Honour of Chief Justice French, (pp. 27-56). Sydney: The Federation Press. Twomey, A. (2021). The Reserve Powers in Times of Political Crisis: The Dutton/Turnbull Leadership Challenge and Royal Twomey, A. -
Upholding the Australian Constitution Volume Seventeen
Chapter Five The Governor-General is our Head of State Sir David Smith, KCVO, AO “Constitutional reform is a serious matter. Unlike ordinary law reform whose effects are confined to specific areas and which may be modified or repealed if it turns out to have been ill-advised, constitutional reform impacts upon the entire system of law and government and is virtually irreversible. It follows that we have an obligation not only to ourselves but to our descendants to consider any proposals to change the Constitution of the Commonwealth or a State rationally, deliberately and with a complete understanding of the nature of that which is being changed and of what the consequences of the change will be”.1 The republicans are at it again, despite the hiding that they received in 1999, and despite the fact that the latest polling shows support for the republic has declined since 2001. A cross-party republican forum has been established in the Commonwealth Parliament, and The Australian newspaper has taken up the cause again, so the task is before us once more. And what is it that these politicians and The Australian want to foist on us? They want us to become a republic, but they don’t yet know what sort of republic. In fact there is no such thing as “a republic”. The United Nations recognises 191 independent countries in the world, and more than half of them – 104 by my count – are republics. Most of these republics are different from each other, and none of them offers a better system of government than the one we have enjoyed on this continent for more than 150 years, and as a nation for more than a century. -
Is a Constitutional Commitment to a Federal Relationship Possible?
2008 Beyond A Federal Structure 395 BEYOND A FEDERAL STRUCTURE: IS A CONSTITUTIONAL COMMITMENT TO A FEDERAL RELATIONSHIP POSSIBLE? ANDREW LYNCH∗ AND GEORGE WILLIAMS∗∗ I INTRODUCTION The galvanising purpose of Federation was the creation of the Commonwealth and the distribution of power between it and the former colonies, simultaneously elevated to Statehood.1 But beyond this simple fact, consensus about Australian federalism has traditionally been elusive and is, if anything, only increasingly so. While the contemporary political debate over federal reform proceeds from a shared sense that our existing arrangements have manifest shortcomings, there is far from unanimity as to which of its particular features are strengths, and which are deficiencies. More broadly, disagreement over how and to what extent Australian federalism requires ‘fixing’ often stems from differences as to the emphasis to be given to the promotion of administrative and economic efficiency relative to ensuring mechanisms of democratic accountability and engagement. Consequently, proposals for reform range from those with a strong centralising tendency2 through to a far greater dispersal of power via the creation of regional authorities.3 There are also spirited defences of the existing federal structure, but ∗ Director, Gilbert + Tobin Centre of Public Law and Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, UNSW. ∗ ∗ Anthony Mason Professor and Foundation Director, Gilbert + Tobin Centre of Public Law, Faculty of Law, UNSW. We thank David Hume for his research assistance in the preparation of this paper. We also thank all the participants at the Federalism Research Roundtable held at UNSW on 13 June 2008, as well as the anonymous referee, for their comments and suggestions. -
A Mirror to the Man Reflecting on Justice William Deane: a Private Man in Public Office
Heather Roberts* A MIRROR TO THE MAN REFLECTING ON JUSTICE WILLIAM DEANE: A PRIVATE MAN IN PUBLIC OFFICE AbstrAct Sir William Deane was a member of the High Court of Australia during one of its most creative periods, from 1982 to 1995. His decisions displayed a notable commitment to social justice and a willingness to extend the constitutional protection of human rights. These tendencies were particularly prominent during the Mason Court years (1987–1995), manifesting in decisions including Mabo v Queensland (No 2) (1992) 175 CLR 1; Dietrich v The Queen (1992) 177 CLR 292; Leeth v Commonwealth (1992) 174 CLR 455; and the political communication cases of 1992 and 1994. Although his judgments displayed a clear vision of his judicial responsibilities, Deane adopted a strict extra-judicial silence regarding the principles that informed his judicial philosophy. However, as Australia’s 22nd Governor-General Deane was more open regarding his personal beliefs and their influence on his performance of those duties. This article utilises Deane’s public statements as Governor-General to shed light on the foundations of his judicial philosophy. In particular, as Governor-General Deane drew on his Christian faith to support his commitment to highlight the cause of indigenous reconciliation and the plight of the disadvantaged in Australia. This article argues that Deane’s spiritual convictions, as articulated in his vice-regal statements, can also be regarded as underpinning his understanding of his role as High Court Justice. I IntroductIon When Sir William Deane retired as Governor-General in 2001 he was regarded by many as one of Australia’s most prominent public figures, an ‘Australian living treasure’.1 Deane’s popularity, and critics, stemmed from his commitment to social * LLB (Hons), PhD (ANU), Lecturer, ANU College of Law.