Crown and Sword: Executive Power and the Use of Force by The
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Public Relations and Economic Development Sub (Policy & Resources) Committee
Public Document Pack Public Relations and Economic Development Sub (Policy & Resources) Committee Date: TUESDAY, 8 JANUARY 2019 Time: 3.00 pm Venue: COMMITTEE ROOM 3 - COMMITTEE ROOMS Members: Deputy Catherine McGuinness (Chairman) Simon Duckworth (Deputy Chairman) Sir Mark Boleat Deputy Keith Bottomley Tijs Broeke The Rt. Hon the Lord Mayor, Alderman Peter Estlin Anne Fairweather Sophie Anne Fernandes Christopher Hayward Deputy Jamie Ingham Clark Deputy Edward Lord Andrew Mayer Jeremy Mayhew Alderman William Russell Deputy Tom Sleigh Sir Michael Snyder James Tumbridge Alderman Sir David Wootton Enquiries: Emma Cunnington [email protected] John Barradell Town Clerk and Chief Executive AGENDA Part 1 - Public Agenda 1. APOLOGIES FOR ABSENCE 2. MEMBERS' DECLARATIONS UNDER THE CODE OF CONDUCT IN RESPECT OF ITEMS ON THE AGENDA 3. MINUTES To agree the public minutes and summary of the meeting held on 12 December 2018. For Decision (Pages 1 - 8) 4. OUTSTANDING ACTIONS Report of the Town Clerk. For Information (Pages 9 - 10) 5. GENERAL UPDATE FROM THE POLICY CHAIR The Policy Chair to be heard. For Discussion 6. EDO UPDATE Report of the Director of Economic Development. For Information (Pages 11 - 14) 7. CORPORATE AFFAIRS UPDATE Report of the Director of Communications. For Information (Pages 15 - 20) 8. PARLIAMENTARY TEAM UPDATE Report of the Remembrancer. For Information (Pages 21 - 22) 9. DRESS CODES AT EVENTS Report of the Executive Director of Mansion House. For Decision (Pages 23 - 26) 10. THE CITY OF LONDON CORPORATION'S SOCIAL MOBILITY STRATEGY FOR 2018-28 - PROGRESS UPDATE Report of the Chief Grants Officer and Director of City Bridge Trust. -
Cabinet Government: Australian Style1
7. Cabinet government: Australian style1 Patrick Weller AO So Tony Blair has gone. It is said of Tony Blair that he killed the cabinet in Britain, that he held a few meetings that didn't last very long and that in any one year there were about half a dozen decisions made by cabinetÐin a year, not in a meeting. Gordon Brown will come into office and change the way the decisions get made in Britain. Not because he needs to, but because he has to, in order to illustrate that he is a different sort of leader. So the shape of cabinet will change, even if the outcomes might not, or at least it will change initially, because leaders can shape cabinets to their own style and their own preoccupations. Brown will be different. His former head of department called him a Stalinist, or said that he was Stalinist in the way that he approached decision making, allowing no opposition, no debate. It will be interesting to see if he tries to run the English government as Prime Minister the same way as he acted when he was Chancellor. But if the British system of organising and running cabinet is compared with the Australian style, it's really quite different. Cabinet here still appears to exist. The ministers meet regularly, they have a formal agenda, a working committee system and a process by which the majority of issues are at least discussed in cabinet, even if some of the decisions might have been preordained and decided beforehand. I want to talk about the contrasts between the British and the Australian system. -
Common Law Pleadings in New South Wales
COMMON LAW PLEADINGS IN NEW SOUTH WALES AND HOW THEY GOT HERE John P. Bryson * Advantages and disadvantages para 1 Practice before 1972 para 17 The Texts para 21 Pleadings after the Reform legislation para 26 The system in England before Reform legislation para 63 Recurring difficulties before Reform legislation para 81 The Process of Change in England para 98 How the system reached New South Wales para 103 Procedure in the Court in Banco para 121 Court and Chambers para 124 Diverse Statutes and Procedures para 126 Every-day workings of the system of pleading para 127 Anachronism and Catastrophe para 132 The End para 137 Advantages and disadvantages 1. There can have been few stranger things in the legal history of New South Wales than the continuation until 30 June 1972 of the system of Common Law pleading, discarded in England in 1875 after evolving planlessly over the previous seven Centuries. The Judicature System in England was the culmination of half a century of reform in the procedures and constitution of the courts, prominent among rapid transformations in British economy, politics, industry and society in the Nineteenth Century. With the clamant warning of revolutions in France, the end of the all- engrossing Napoleonic Wars and the enhanced representative character of the House of Commons, the British Parliament and community shook themselves and changed the institutions of society; lest a worse thing happen. As well as reforming itself, the British Parliament in a few decades radically reformed the law relating to the procedure and organisation of the courts, the Established Church, municipal corporations and local government, lower courts, Magistrates and police, 1 corporations and economic organisations, the Army, Public Education, Universities and many other things. -
Conservative Manifesto
THE SCOTTISH CONSERVATIVE AND UNIONIST PARTY MANIFESTO 2016 THE SCOTTISH CONSERVATIVE AND UNIONIST PARTY MANIFESTO 2016 CHAPTER HEADING A STRONG OPPOSITION - A STRONGER SCOTLAND A STRONG OPPOSITION. A STRONGER SCOTLAND 1 THE SCOTTISH CONSERVATIVE AND UNIONIST PARTY MANIFESTO 2016 Contents RUTH DAVIDSON FOR A STRONG OPPOSITION Foreword ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 2 NO TO A SECOND REFERENDUM The facts ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................. 6 Why it matters .............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................. 7 Our commitment ...................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 7 HOLDING THE SNP TO ACCOUNT Our programme for -
Sovereign Invulnerability: Sexual Politics and the Ontology of Rape
SSStttooonnnyyy BBBrrrooooookkk UUUnnniiivvveeerrrsssiiitttyyy The official electronic file of this thesis or dissertation is maintained by the University Libraries on behalf of The Graduate School at Stony Brook University. ©©© AAAllllll RRRiiiggghhhtttsss RRReeessseeerrrvvveeeddd bbbyyy AAAuuuttthhhooorrr... Sovereign Invulnerability: Sexual Politics and the Ontology of Rape A Dissertation Presented by Jane Clare Jones to The Graduate School in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Philosophy Stony Brook University December 2016 Copyright by Jane Clare Jones 2016 ii Stony Brook University The Graduate School Jane Clare Jones We, the dissertation committee for the above candidate for the Doctor of Philosophy degree, hereby recommend acceptance of this dissertation. Dissertation Advisor – Dr. Edward S Casey Distinguished Professor, Department of Philosophy Chairperson of Defense – Dr. Megan Craig Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy Internal Reader – Dr. Eva Kittay Distinguished Professor, Department of Philosophy External Reader – Dr. Fiona Vera-Gray Durham Law School, Durham University, UK This dissertation is accepted by the Graduate School Charles Taber Dean of the Graduate School iii Abstract of the Dissertation Sovereign Invulnerability: Sexual Politics and the Ontology of Rape by Jane Clare Jones Doctor of Philosophy in Philosophy Stony Brook University 2016 As Rebecca Whisnant has noted, notions of “national…and…bodily (especially sexual) sovereignty are routinely merged in -
A 'Common-Sense Revolution'? the Transformation of the Melbourne City
A ‘COMMON-SENSE REVOLUTION’? THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE MELBOURNE CITY COUNCIL, 1992−9 A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy April, 2015 Angela G. Munro Faculty of Business, Government and Law Institute for Governance and Policy Analysis University of Canberra ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis is the culmination of almost fifty years’ interest professionally and as a citizen in local government. Like many Australians, I suspect, I had barely noticed it until I lived in England where I realised what unique attributes it offered, despite the different constitutional arrangements of which it was part. The research question of how the disempowerment and de-democratisation of the Melbourne City Council from 1992−9 was possible was a question with which I had wrestled, in practice, as a citizen during those years. My academic interest was piqued by the Mayor of Stockholm to whom I spoke on November 18, 1993, the day on which the Melbourne City Council was sacked. ‘That couldn’t happen here’, he said. I have found the project a herculean labour, since I recognised the need to go back to 1842 to track the institutional genealogy of the City Council’s development in the pre- history period to 1992 rather than a forensic examination of the seven year study period. I have been exceptionally fortunate to have been supervised by John Halligan, Professor of Public Administration at University of Canberra. An international authority in the field, Professor Halligan has published extensively on Australian systems of government including the capital cities and the Melbourne City Council in particular. -
Strategy-To-Win-An-Election-Lessons
WINNING ELECTIONS: LESSONS FROM THE AUSTRALIAN LABOR PARTY 1983-1996 i The Institute of International Studies (IIS), Department of International Relations, Universitas Gadjah Mada, is a research institution focused on the study on phenomenon in international relations, whether on theoretical or practical level. The study is based on the researches oriented to problem solving, with innovative and collaborative organization, by involving researcher resources with reliable capacity and tight society social network. As its commitments toward just, peace and civility values through actions, reflections and emancipations. In order to design a more specific and on target activity, The Institute developed four core research clusters on Globalization and Cities Development, Peace Building and Radical Violence, Humanitarian Action and Diplomacy and Foreign Policy. This institute also encourages a holistic study which is based on contempo- rary internationalSTRATEGY relations study scope TO and WIN approach. AN ELECTION: ii WINNING ELECTIONS: LESSONS FROM THE AUSTRALIAN LABOR PARTY 1983-1996 By Dafri Agussalim INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS UNIVERSITAS GADJAH MADA iii WINNING ELECTIONS: LESSONS FROM THE AUSTRALIAN LABOR PARTY 1983-1996 Penulis: Dafri Agussalim Copyright© 2011, Dafri Agussalim Cover diolah dari: www.biogenidec.com dan http:www.foto.detik.com Diterbitkan oleh Institute of International Studies Jurusan Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Gadjah Mada Cetakan I: 2011 x + 244 hlm; 14 cm x 21 cm ISBN: 978-602-99702-7-2 Fisipol UGM Gedung Bulaksumur Sayap Utara Lt. 1 Jl. Sosio-Justisia, Bulaksumur, Yogyakarta 55281 Telp: 0274 563362 ext 115 Fax.0274 563362 ext.116 Website: http://www.iis-ugm.org E-mail: [email protected] iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This book is a revised version of my Master of Arts (MA) thesis, which was written between 1994-1995 in the Australian National University, Canberra Australia. -
The Section 92 Revolution
Encounters with Constitutional Interpretation and Legal Education (2018) James Stellios (ed) Chapter 1 The Section 92 Revolution The Hon Stephen Gageler Nothing could be more disappointing to a legal scholar than to labour over the produc- tion of a treatise on an area of law only to see that treatise almost immediately rendered redundant by a revolutionary decision of an ultimate court. Equally and oppositely, nothing could be more satisfying to a young, ambitious and energetic legal scholar than to take part in the litigation which produces a revolutionary decision of an ultimate court on a topic squarely within his or her field of expertise. Michael Coper experienced the disappointment and the satisfaction. As a junior academic at the University of New South Wales, he turned his doctoral thesis entitled The Judicial Interpretation of Section 92 of the Australian Constitution into a 400-page book, which he published in 1983 as Freedom of Interstate Trade under the Australian Constitution. Just four years later, he accepted a brief to appear with Ron Sackville as junior counsel to the Solicitor-General for New South Wales, Keith Mason QC, on behalf of the Attorney-General for New South Wales intervening in the hearing before the High Court of Cole v Whitfield.1 When Cole v Whitfield was decided in 1988, his academic thesis was largely vindicated, the complexities of the case law which he had sought to tease apart and critique were largely swept away. As the result of the publication of that single judgment, his detailed, insightful and colourfully written book was destined immediately to be remaindered. -
Fusion – Fission – Fusion Pre-Judicature Equity Jurisdiction In
M Leeming, “Fusion-Fission-Fusion: Pre-Judicature Equity Jurisdiction in New South Wales 1824- 1972 in J Goldberg et al (eds), Equity and Law: Fusion and Fission (Cambridge UP 2019), 118-143. Fusion – Fission – Fusion Pre-Judicature Equity Jurisdiction in New South Wales 1824 - 1972 Mark Leeming* Introduction Here is a vivid account of the pre-Judicature Act system which prevailed in New South Wales at the end of the nineteenth century and its origins: To the litigant who sought damages before an Equity Judge, a grant of Probate before a Divorce Judge or an injunction before a Common Law Judge, there could be no remedy. He had come to the wrong Court, so it was said. He might well have enquired on what historical basis he could thus be denied justice. It cannot be questioned that the Court required specialization to function properly and that a case obviously falling within one jurisdiction ought not to be heard by a Judge sitting in another jurisdiction. Yet from this the fallacious extension was made that a Judge sitting in one jurisdiction could not in any circumstances hear a case which ought to have originated in another jurisdiction.1 The words are those of the distinguished Australian legal historian J.M. Bennett. There is no doubt that the jurisdictions at common law and in equity came to be treated in many respects as if they were separate courts, despite the failure of sustained efforts to create a separate equity court; despite it being clear that there was a single Supreme Court of New South Wales with full jurisdiction at common law and in equity; and despite efforts by its first Chief Justice, Sir Francis Forbes, in the opposite direction. -
Williams V Commonwealth: Commonwealth Executive Power
CASE NOTE WILLIAMS v COMMONWEALTH* COMMONWEALTH EXECUTIVE POWER AND AUSTRALIAN FEDERALISM SHIPRA CHORDIA, ** ANDREW LYNCH† AND GEORGE WILLIAMS‡ A majority of the High Court in Williams v Commonwealth held that the Common- wealth executive does not have a general power to enter into contracts and spend public money absent statutory authority or some other recognised source of power. This article surveys the Court’s reasoning in reaching this surprising conclusion. It also considers the wider implications of the case for federalism in Australia. In particular, it examines: (1) the potential use of s 96 grants to deliver programs that have in the past been directly funded by Commonwealth executive contracts; and (2) the question of whether statutory authority may be required for the Commonwealth executive to participate in inter- governmental agreements. CONTENTS I Introduction .............................................................................................................. 190 II Background ............................................................................................................... 191 III Preliminary Issues .................................................................................................... 194 A Standing ........................................................................................................ 194 B Section 116 ................................................................................................... 196 C Validity of Appropriation .......................................................................... -
The Doctrine of Implied Intergovernmental Immunities: a Recrudescence? Thomas Dixon*
The Doctrine of Implied Intergovernmental Immunities: A Recrudescence? Thomas Dixon* The essential and distinctive feature of “a truly federal government” is the preservation of the separate existence and corporate life of each of the component States concurrently with that of the national government. Accepting that a number of polities are contemplated as coexisting within a federation does not, however, address the fundamental question of how legislative and executive powers are to be allocated among the constituent constitutional units inter se, nor the extent to which the various polities are immune from interference occasioned by their constitutional counterparts. These “federal” questions are fundamental as they ultimately define the prism through which one views the Constitution. Shifts in the lens have resulted in significant ramifications for intergovernmental relations. This article traces the development of the Melbourne Corporation doctrine in Australia, and undertakes a comparative analysis with the development of the cognate jurisprudence in the United States. Analysis is undertaken of the major Australian industrial relations decisions, such as the Amalgamated Society of Engineers v Adelaide Steamship Co Ltd, Re Australian Education Union; Ex parte Victoria, Queensland Electricity Commission v Commonwealth, and United Firefighters Union of Australia v Country Fire Authority, in this context. But one of the first and most leading principles on which the commonwealth and the laws are consecrated, is left the temporary possessors -
Racial Equity Resource Guide
RACIAL EQUITY RESOURCE GUIDE TABLE OF CONTENTS 3 Foreword 5 Introduction 7 An Essay by Michael R. Wenger 17 Racial Equity/Racial Healing Tools Dialogue Guides and Resources Selected Papers, Booklets and Magazines Racial Equity Toolkits and Guides to Action Workshops, Convenings and Training Curricula 61 Anchor Organizations 67 Institutions Involved in Research on Structural Racism 83 National Organizing and Advocacy Organizations 123 Media Outreach Traditional Media Social Media 129 Recommended Articles, Books, Films, Videos and More Recommended Articles: Structural/Institutional Racism/Racial Healing Recommended Books Recommended Sources for Documentaries, Videos and Other Materials Recommended Racial Equity Videos, Narratives and Films New Orleans Focused Videos Justice/Incarceration Videos 149 Materials from WKKF Convenings 159 Feedback Form 161 Glossary of Terms for Racial Equity Work About the Preparer 174 Index of Organizations FOREWORD TO THE AMERICA HEALING COMMUNITY, When the W.K. Kellogg Foundation launched America Healing, we set for ourselves the task of building a community of practice for racial healing and equity. Based upon our firm belief that our greatest asset as a foundation is our network of grantees, we wanted to link together the many different organizations whose work we are now supporting as part of a broad collective to remove the racial barriers that limit opportunities for vulnerable children. Our intention is to ensure that our grantees and the broader community can connect with peers, expand their perceptions about possibilities for their work and deepen their understanding of key strategies and tactics in support of those efforts. In 2011, we worked to build this community We believe in a different path forward.