DOCSLIB.ORG

Strategy-To-Win-An-Election-Lessons

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

WINNING ELECTIONS: LESSONS FROM THE AUSTRALIAN LABOR PARTY 1983-1996 i The Institute of International Studies (IIS), Department of International Relations, Universitas Gadjah Mada, is a research institution focused on the study on phenomenon in international relations, whether on theoretical or practical level. The study is based on the researches oriented to problem solving, with innovative and collaborative organization, by involving researcher resources with reliable capacity and tight society social network. As its commitments toward just, peace and civility values through actions, reflections and emancipations. In order to design a more specific and on target activity, The Institute developed four core research clusters on Globalization and Cities Development, Peace Building and Radical Violence, Humanitarian Action and Diplomacy and Foreign Policy. This institute also encourages a holistic study which is based on contempo- rary internationalSTRATEGY relations study scope TO and WIN approach. AN ELECTION: ii WINNING ELECTIONS: LESSONS FROM THE AUSTRALIAN LABOR PARTY 1983-1996 By Dafri Agussalim INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS UNIVERSITAS GADJAH MADA iii WINNING ELECTIONS: LESSONS FROM THE AUSTRALIAN LABOR PARTY 1983-1996 Penulis: Dafri Agussalim Copyright© 2011, Dafri Agussalim Cover diolah dari: www.biogenidec.com dan http:www.foto.detik.com Diterbitkan oleh Institute of International Studies Jurusan Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Gadjah Mada Cetakan I: 2011 x + 244 hlm; 14 cm x 21 cm ISBN: 978-602-99702-7-2 Fisipol UGM Gedung Bulaksumur Sayap Utara Lt. 1 Jl. Sosio-Justisia, Bulaksumur, Yogyakarta 55281 Telp: 0274 563362 ext 115 Fax.0274 563362 ext.116 Website: http://www.iis-ugm.org E-mail: [email protected] iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This book is a revised version of my Master of Arts (MA) thesis, which was written between 1994-1995 in the Australian National University, Canberra Australia. After more than 15 years, I decide to publish this thesis in a book format for at least two aims and reasons. First, to provide additional resource for the students of Australian Studies, especially those who are interested in studying Australian Politics dan Government in Indonesia. I believe that this book is still relevant as a resource to understand why and how the present Australian Labor Party successfully defeated Leberal Party/National Party Coalition in 2007 federal election and be able to maintain its power till now. Furthermore, this book also can be used as a useful resurces to understand the way the existing Australian Labor Party government managing the government and politics of Australia. In order to keep the substance of this book is still relevant with the contemporary Australian political development, I have made some correction, up dating and adjustment to the manuscript. Second, this book which explores the strategic and management practices adopted by the Australian Labor Party under Hawke/Keating leadership in 1983-1996 is relevant to states which are in transition process to democracy like Indoensia. The Australian Labor Party experiences in 1983-1996 provides a good lesson to any political party in a country like Indonesia how to become a professional party and able to contribute to the demoratization process in its own country. For instance, political parties can learn much from the Australian Labor Party how to win a national election (to get in power) and v maintain it as long as possible, through professional, democratic and, more important, non-violent way and mechanism. There are too many scholars, students, colleagues to thanks in relation to the whole proceess of publication of this book. I would like to acknowledge my gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. Rolf Gerritsen, who patiently and enthusiastically gave me every encouragement, conscientious guidance and many valuable insights so that I could finish this work. Without his assistance and encouragement this work would not have been possible. Later on, Dr. Rolf Gerritsen was not only my formal academic supervisor at the ANU but he and his family became my family close friends. I also would like to express my deeply indebtedness to staff of the Study Skills Centre, particularly John Clanchy and Brigid Ballard who patiently and tirelessly helped me in correcting the drafts of this book, discussing the arguments as well as helping me in solving the problems that I often faced while I was studying in the Australian National University. I feel that the relationships with both of them were more than just formal or working relationships, in fact I regarded them as personal close friends to whom I could talk and express whatever problems I faced, even personal problems. They gave me a lot of moral support so that I could enjoy and have more confidence in my study. My thanks to Mrs. Alicia Curtis, staff of the Australian International Development Assistance Bureau (AIDAB), and Mrs. Susan Lindsay, staff of Public Policy Program, Department of Political Science, A.N.U, for giving me help and support that I need to finish my study. I also would like to thank the former ALP's national Secretary, Gary Gray, and Ian Henderson (formerly vi Assistant National Secretary) for the interviews, and my friend Rod McGibbon for his support and guidance when I was faced with a critical moment in my study. I would like to thank all staffs of the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Arts, The Australian National University, particularly Dr. Marian Simms, Dr. John Ballard, Dr. Rick Kuhn and Dr. Jim George for their enlighthening lectures and support while I was doing my coursework at the Australian National University. My special thanks to Greg Fry, the Director of Graduate School in International Affairs, the Australian National University for his invitation to visit Canberra again and doing a research in at the ANU in 2010. While I and my family were there, he has not only given me a lot of brilliant ideas and encouragement so I can publish this book, but he and his family- Anne Barlett and Nikki, also has made our visit to Canberra became enjoyable. I would like to give the same thanks to Paul Keal, Leoni and Hanna, David and Belinda for their frienship and helps while we were in Canberra. I am also grateful to the Australian government for making me possible to do a research and re-write the manuscripts of this book through its Endeavour Awards Scholarship program 2010. I thank my close friend, Nanang Supriono, for digitalizing this manuscript from its original format, and Dedy Permady, my young and energic colleague, who give me any support that I need to publish this book. My special thanks the Institute for International Studies (IIS), Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada. This book would not be existing without support from the IIS. Finally, I would like to express my special acknowledgement to my wife Sumi, my pretty doughters, Amalia and Heidy, and my young and vii handsome hero, Alhaqi, for their patience and support in seeing the completion of this book. Dafri Agussalim Department of International Relations Faculty of Social and Political Sciences Universitas Gadjah Mada viii TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments ......................................................... v Table of Contents .......................................................... ix Introduction ................................................................... 1 Part One Background: Labor 1972 - 1982 Chapter One: The Legacy of the Whitlam Government 1.1. Economic Mismanagement ................................... 10 1.2. Lack of Planning ................................................... 16 1.3. Mode of Government ............................................ 21 1.4. Relations with Trade Unions and Business........... 29 1.5. Mass Media Management ..................................... 24 Chapter Two: Reconstructing Labor Under Hayden 2.1. Restructuring the Party.......................................... 37 2.2. Reforming Machine Politics ................................. 45 2.3. The Need For Economic Management ................. 52 2.4. Approaching the Unions ....................................... 58 Part Two The Hawke - Keating Era: Labor 1983 – 1993 Chapter Three: Labor Under Hawke: The New Directions 3.1.1. Managing the Cabinet ......................................... 66 3.1.2. Managing the Bureaucracy ................................. 74 3.2.1. New Policy Directions ........................................ 80 3.2.2. Consensus Politics and the Accord ..................... 85 3.2.3. Embracing Business ............................................ 91 3.2.4. Managing Exogenous Shocks ............................. 98 3.2.5. Managing External Problems .............................. 102 3.2.6. The 1987 Share Market Crash ............................ 107 ix 3.2.7. The Economic Impact of the Accord .................. 111 3.2.8. Resilience of the Accord ..................................... 116 Chapter Four: Labor "New Politics" and Media Management 4.1.1. The Rise of "New Politics" ................................. 121 4.1.2. The Franklin Dam Case ..................................... 124 4.1.3. Hard Choices: Economic and Environmental Imperatives .......................................................... 128 4.1.4. "Green Strategy" in Progress ............................. 132 4.1.5. The Final Test: 1990 Election ............................ 134 4.1.6.
Recommended publications
  • Geschichte Neuerwerbungsliste 2. Quartal 2009

    Geschichte Neuerwerbungsliste 2. Quartal 2009

    Geschichte Neuerwerbungsliste 2. Quartal 2009 Geschichte: Einführungen........................................................................................................................................2 Geschichtsschreibung und Geschichtstheorie ..........................................................................................................2 Teilbereiche der Geschichte (Politische Geschichte, Kultur-, Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte allgemein) ........4 Historische Hilfswissenschaften ..............................................................................................................................6 Ur- und Frühgeschichte, Mittelalter- und Neuzeitarchäologie.................................................................................8 Allgemeine Weltgeschichte, Geschichte der Entdeckungen, Geschichte der Weltkriege......................................13 Alte Geschichte......................................................................................................................................................19 Europäische Geschichte in Mittelalter und Neuzeit ...............................................................................................20 Deutsche Geschichte..............................................................................................................................................22 Geschichte der deutschen Laender und Staedte .....................................................................................................30 Geschichte der Schweiz, Österreichs,
  • Cabinet Government: Australian Style1

    Cabinet Government: Australian Style1

    7. Cabinet government: Australian style1 Patrick Weller AO So Tony Blair has gone. It is said of Tony Blair that he killed the cabinet in Britain, that he held a few meetings that didn't last very long and that in any one year there were about half a dozen decisions made by cabinetÐin a year, not in a meeting. Gordon Brown will come into office and change the way the decisions get made in Britain. Not because he needs to, but because he has to, in order to illustrate that he is a different sort of leader. So the shape of cabinet will change, even if the outcomes might not, or at least it will change initially, because leaders can shape cabinets to their own style and their own preoccupations. Brown will be different. His former head of department called him a Stalinist, or said that he was Stalinist in the way that he approached decision making, allowing no opposition, no debate. It will be interesting to see if he tries to run the English government as Prime Minister the same way as he acted when he was Chancellor. But if the British system of organising and running cabinet is compared with the Australian style, it's really quite different. Cabinet here still appears to exist. The ministers meet regularly, they have a formal agenda, a working committee system and a process by which the majority of issues are at least discussed in cabinet, even if some of the decisions might have been preordained and decided beforehand. I want to talk about the contrasts between the British and the Australian system.
  • A 'Common-Sense Revolution'? the Transformation of the Melbourne City

    A 'Common-Sense Revolution'? the Transformation of the Melbourne City

    A ‘COMMON-SENSE REVOLUTION’? THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE MELBOURNE CITY COUNCIL, 1992−9 A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy April, 2015 Angela G. Munro Faculty of Business, Government and Law Institute for Governance and Policy Analysis University of Canberra ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis is the culmination of almost fifty years’ interest professionally and as a citizen in local government. Like many Australians, I suspect, I had barely noticed it until I lived in England where I realised what unique attributes it offered, despite the different constitutional arrangements of which it was part. The research question of how the disempowerment and de-democratisation of the Melbourne City Council from 1992−9 was possible was a question with which I had wrestled, in practice, as a citizen during those years. My academic interest was piqued by the Mayor of Stockholm to whom I spoke on November 18, 1993, the day on which the Melbourne City Council was sacked. ‘That couldn’t happen here’, he said. I have found the project a herculean labour, since I recognised the need to go back to 1842 to track the institutional genealogy of the City Council’s development in the pre- history period to 1992 rather than a forensic examination of the seven year study period. I have been exceptionally fortunate to have been supervised by John Halligan, Professor of Public Administration at University of Canberra. An international authority in the field, Professor Halligan has published extensively on Australian systems of government including the capital cities and the Melbourne City Council in particular.
  • Australian Labor Party (NSW Branch) Rules 2017 AS AMENDED by the 2017 ANNUAL STATE CONFERENCE RULES 2017

    Australian Labor Party (NSW Branch) Rules 2017 AS AMENDED by the 2017 ANNUAL STATE CONFERENCE RULES 2017

    Australian Labor Party (NSW Branch) Rules 2017 AS AMENDED BY THE 2017 ANNUAL STATE CONFERENCE RULES 2017 Contents Basic principles of the ALP – Origins, Objectives, Policy Committees ........................................................25 Principles of Action, Membership and Representation (at Annual Conference) .............26 Organisation ...................................................................4-5 Code of Conduct ............................................................ 6 Section C Rights and Responsibilities .......................................29 Section D RULES Administrative Committee ........................................ 30 Section A Section E General ................................................................................. 7 Ombudsman ....................................................................35 Life Membership ............................................................... 8 Section F Joining the Party .............................................................. 8 Regional Assemblies ....................................................37 Joining your Local Branch ......................................... 10 Section G Joining the Central Policy Branch ............................11 Electorate Councils .......................................................38 Party Membership Forms ............................................12 State Electorate Councils ...........................................42 Membership Renewal ....................................................12 Federal Electorate
  • NSW Labor Rules AS AMENDED by the 2014 NSW LABOR ANNUAL CONFERENCE

    NSW Labor Rules AS AMENDED by the 2014 NSW LABOR ANNUAL CONFERENCE

    NSW ICAC EXHIBIT NSW Labor Rules AS AMENDED BY THE 2014 NSW LABOR ANNUAL CONFERENCE Vol 7 31 Rules 2015NSW ICAC EXHIBIT NSW Labor Table of Contents Basic principles of the ALP – Origins, Objectives, Responsibilities ........................................................ 23 Principles of Action, Membership and Organisation 4-5 Administrative Committee ........................................ 24 Joint Campaign Committee ..................................... 28 Rules Regional Assemblies ................................................ 28 General ...................................................................... 6 Electorate Councils .................................................. 29 Life Membership ........................................................ 7 Local Government ................................................... 34 Joining the Party ........................................................ 7 Branches ................................................................. 36 Joining Your Local Branch ......................................... 9 Setting up a new branch ...................................... 36 Joining the Central Policy Branch ..............................10 Joining a Local Branch ......................................... 37 Party Membership Forms ........................................ 10 Local Branch membership .................................... 37 Party Membership Fee ............................................. 10 Transferring from a Branch ................................... 38 Membership Renewal .............................................
  • Audit Report No. 46, 1999–2000

    Audit Report No. 46, 1999–2000

    'LVVHQWLQJ5HSRUW Audit Report No. 46, 1999–2000 High Wealth Individuals Taskforce Australian Taxation Office This dissenting report deals with the failure of the Government to legislate to deal with large scale tax avoidance and evasion techniques utilising trusts. Introduction The High Wealth Individuals Taskforce was established by the Commissioner of Taxation in May 1996 as an administrative response to a major problem the Australian Taxation Office (ATO) had identified late in the previous year. Advice to the Previous Government Trusts can provide a vehicle for a number of tax avoidance and evasion techniques. Throughout 1994 and 1995 the Treasurer’s office pressed Treasury for advice on the extent of the problem and possible remedies. It was raised almost weekly but nothing was forthcoming until November 9, 1995 when the ATO advised that it had uncovered a significant problem using multiple trust structures. The ATO had obtained software which was capable of finding patterns in large amounts of seemingly unrelated information. Using it, they had found that large numbers of seemingly unrelated trusts were related and a range of techniques were being used by high wealth individuals to reduce tax liabilities to low or negligible levels. Treasury and the ATO worked on the issue over the next three months, eventually advising the Treasurer that it would be appropriate to make a 74 public announcement that the government would act to end these practices. The press release issued by then Treasurer Ralph Willis on 11 February 1996 was written directly from the Treasury and ATO advice. It was titled, High Wealth Individuals - Taxation of Trusts, and in full, it read: On November 9, 1995 I was informed by the Australian Taxation Office that as part of the Compliance Enforcement Strategy, authorised by the Government, it had conducted analysis of the accumulation of wealth by certain individuals and the taxes paid by them.
  • Trends in Australian Political Opinion Results from the Australian Election Study 1987– 2016

    Trends in Australian Political Opinion Results from the Australian Election Study 1987– 2016

    Trends in Australian Political Opinion Results from the Australian Election Study 1987– 2016 Sarah M. Cameron Ian McAllister Appendix Question Wording and Tables Sarah Cameron School of Politics and International Relations The Australian National University E [email protected] Ian McAllister School of Politics and International Relations The Australian National University E [email protected] 1. The election campaign Followed the election in the mass media (Television) 1969: ‘First of all, did you follow the election campaign on television?’ 1969 Yes 62.9 No 31.1 Don’t have TV 5.8 (N) 1,872 1967, 1979: ‘Do you follow politics much on television?’ 1967 1979 Yes 34.4 59.3 No 65.6 39.9 (N) 2,032 2,015 1987 – 90: ‘During the election campaign, how often did you follow the election news on television, or did you follow it at all?’ 1987 1990 Often 51.9 42.2 Sometimes 32.1 36.9 Rarely 10.6 14.4 Not at all 5.4 6.5 (N) 1,771 2,007 1993 – 2016: ‘Did you follow the election campaign news on television?’ 1993 1996 1998 2001 2004 2007 2010 2013 2016 A good deal 41.9 30.5 32.3 26.4 28.0 36.5 35.7 30.4 24.7 Some 38.1 39.0 44.1 42.2 41.0 40.1 41.3 39.3 42.9 Not much 15.8 23.3 18.3 22.4 23.9 17.6 17.5 20.4 22.2 None at all 4.1 7.2 5.3 9.0 7.1 5.8 5.4 9.9 10.2 (N) 2,270 1,733 1,815 1,867 1,665 1,817 2,042 3,898 2,616 (N) = number 2 Trends in Australian Political Opinion Followed the election in the mass media (Radio) 1969: ‘Did you follow the election campaign on the radio?’ 1969 Yes 18.1 No 81.9 (N) 1,855 1967, 1979: ‘Do you follow politics
  • 05-PYNE GRASSROOTS Edited 20012009 Et

    05-PYNE GRASSROOTS Edited 20012009 Et

    Restoring the Grassroots Christopher Pyne * Abraham Lincoln in the famous series of debates with his Democratic Presidential opponent Stephan A Douglas said: Public sentiment is everything. With public sentiment nothing can fail; without it nothing can succeed. Consequently he who moulds public sentiment, goes deeper than he who enacts statutes or pronounces decisions. He makes statutes and decisions possible or impossible to be executed. He was referring to Douglas’ indifference to slavery, but the lesson is easily applied to any political issue in any age. Lincoln recognised the importance of engaging the public, and attempting to shape the public mood. He recognised that the person who can do that will achieve their policy goals. Some commentators argue that WorkChoices destroyed the Liberal Party’s electoral chances in 2007. Whether or not the policy was a dog is not the point. The point is that the Howard Government struggled to shape public sentiment or make the case for industrial changes, leaving public sentiment to be shaped and influenced by the union movement. We failed, where previously we had succeeded, in selling these tough decisions. Consider the GST. Consider the war in Iraq. Once the emotive union fear campaign had captured the public imagination, and framed the public debate, it seemed like there was nothing we could do to win it back. * Christopher Pyne, MP, Shadow Minister (Liberal Party) for Justice, Border Protection & Assisting Shadow Minister for Immigration and Citizenship. Australasian Parliamentary Review , Autumn 2009, Vol. 24(1), 43–50. 44 Christopher Pyne APR 24(1) A vote for the Liberal Party was unpalatable for many swinging voters in the 2007 election — the same voters who had supported us despite the GST in 1998 despite the Iraq War in 2004.
  • Comparing the Dynamics of Party Leadership Survival in Britain and Australia: Brown, Rudd and Gillard

    Comparing the Dynamics of Party Leadership Survival in Britain and Australia: Brown, Rudd and Gillard

    This is a repository copy of Comparing the dynamics of party leadership survival in Britain and Australia: Brown, Rudd and Gillard. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/82697/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Heppell, T and Bennister, M (2015) Comparing the dynamics of party leadership survival in Britain and Australia: Brown, Rudd and Gillard. Government and Opposition, FirstV. 1 - 26. ISSN 1477-7053 https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2014.31 Reuse Unless indicated otherwise, fulltext items are protected by copyright with all rights reserved. The copyright exception in section 29 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 allows the making of a single copy solely for the purpose of non-commercial research or private study within the limits of fair dealing. The publisher or other rights-holder may allow further reproduction and re-use of this version - refer to the White Rose Research Online record for this item. Where records identify the publisher as the copyright holder, users can verify any specific terms of use on the publisher’s website. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Comparing the Dynamics of Party Leadership Survival in Britain and Australia: Brown, Rudd and Gillard Abstract This article examines the interaction between the respective party structures of the Australian Labor Party and the British Labour Party as a means of assessing the strategic options facing aspiring challengers for the party leadership.
  • The Life and Times of the Remarkable Alf Pollard

    The Life and Times of the Remarkable Alf Pollard

    1 FROM FARMBOY TO SUPERSTAR: THE LIFE AND TIMES OF THE REMARKABLE ALF POLLARD John S. Croucher B.A. (Hons) (Macq) MSc PhD (Minn) PhD (Macq) PhD (Hon) (DWU) FRSA FAustMS A dissertation submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Technology, Sydney Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences August 2014 2 CERTIFICATE OF ORIGINAL AUTHORSHIP I certify that the work in this thesis has not previously been submitted for a degree nor has it been submitted as part of requirements for a degree except as fully acknowledged within the text. I also certify that the thesis has been written by me. Any help that I have received in my research work and the preparation of the thesis itself has been acknowledged. In addition, I certify that all information sources and literature used are indicated in the thesis. Signature of Student: Date: 12 August 2014 3 INTRODUCTION Alf Pollard’s contribution to the business history of Australia is as yet unwritten—both as a biography of the man himself, but also his singular, albeit often quiet, achievements. He helped to shape the business world in which he operated and, in parallel, made outstanding contributions to Australian society. Cultural deprivation theory tells us that people who are working class have themselves to blame for the failure of their children in education1 and Alf was certainly from a low socio-economic, indeed extremely poor, family. He fitted such a child to the letter, although he later turned out to be an outstanding counter-example despite having no ‘built-in’ advantage as he not been socialised in a dominant wealthy culture.
  • Prime Ministers of Australia

    Prime Ministers of Australia

    Prime Ministers of Australia No. Prime Minister Term of office Party 1. Edmund Barton 1.1.1901 – 24.9.1903 Protectionist Party 2. Alfred Deakin (1st time) 24.9.1903 – 27.4.1904 Protectionist Party 3. John Christian Watson 27.4.1904 – 18.8.1904 Australian Labor Party 4. George Houstoun Reid 18.8.1904 – 5.7.1905 Free Trade Party - Alfred Deakin (2nd time) 5.7.1905 – 13.11.1908 Protectionist Party 5. Andrew Fisher (1st time) 13.11.1908 – 2.6.1909 Australian Labor Party - Alfred Deakin (3rd time) 2.6.1909 – 29.4.1910 Commonwealth Liberal Party - Andrew Fisher (2nd time) 29.4.1910 – 24.6.1913 Australian Labor Party 6. Joseph Cook 24.6.1913 – 17.9.1914 Commonwealth Liberal Party - Andrew Fisher (3rd time) 17.9.1914 – 27.10.1915 Australian Labor Party 7. William Morris Hughes 27.10.1915 – 9.2.1923 Australian Labor Party (to 1916); National Labor Party (1916-17); Nationalist Party (1917-23) 8. Stanley Melbourne Bruce 9.2.1923 – 22.10.1929 Nationalist Party 9. James Henry Scullin 22.10.1929 – 6.1.1932 Australian Labor Party 10. Joseph Aloysius Lyons 6.1.1932 – 7.4.1939 United Australia Party 11. Earle Christmas Grafton Page 7.4.1939 – 26.4.1939 Country Party 12. Robert Gordon Menzies 26.4.1939 – 29.8.1941 United Australia Party (1st time) 13. Arthur William Fadden 29.8.1941 – 7.10.1941 Country Party 14. John Joseph Ambrose Curtin 7.10.1941 – 5.7.1945 Australian Labor Party 15. Francis Michael Forde 6.7.1945 – 13.7.1945 Australian Labor Party 16.
  • Melbourne Press Club Laurie Oakes Address 15 September 2017

    Melbourne Press Club Laurie Oakes Address 15 September 2017

    MELBOURNE PRESS CLUB LAURIE OAKES ADDRESS 15 SEPTEMBER 2017 Thank you all for coming. And thank you to the Melbourne Press Club for organizing this lunch. Although I’m based in Canberra, I’ve long felt a strong link with this club and been involved in its activities when I can-- including a period as one of the Perkin Award judges. Many of the members are people I’ve worked with over the years. I feel I belong. So this farewell means a lot to me. When I picked up the papers this morning, my first thought was: “God, I’m so old I knew Lionel Murphy.” In fact, I broke the story of his terminal cancer that shut down the inquiry. But making me feel even older was the fact that I’d even had a bit to do with Abe Saffron, known to the headline writers as “Mr Sin”, in my brief period on police rounds at the Sydney Mirror. Not long after I joined the Mirror, knowing nothing and having to be trained from scratch, a young journo called Anna Torv was given the job of introducing me to court reporting. The case involved charges against Mr Saffron based on the flimsy grounds, I seem to recall, that rooms in Lodge 44, the Sydney motel he owned that was also his headquarters, contained stolen fridges. At one stage during the trial a cauliflower-eared thug leaned across me to hand a note to Anna. It was from Abe saying he’d like to meet her. I intercepted it, but I don’t think Anna would have had much trouble rejecting the invitation.