Nationhood and Section 61 of the Constitution
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
What Is Executive Power?
1 What is Executive Power? I Introduction In the 1988 case of Davis v Commonwealth, Mason J said of executive power that it is potentially very broad yet ‘its scope [is not] amenable to exhaustive definition.’1 Executive power is a power with significant content but ill-defined limits. It is not the particular power of lawmaking, or of determining disputes but, rather, the general power to carry out all the other functions of government. In the Westminster tradition, all governmental power derived originally from the Crown2 and independent legislative3 and judicial4 functions were a subsequent development. The Coronation Charter of Henry I, the immediate successor to William I and, therefore, the first postconquest king to have a coronation as such, illustrates the breadth of the original power of the Crown (the following excerpts indicating executive, judicial and legislative power respectively): 1 Davis v Commonwealth (1988) 166 CLR 79, 93. 2 Magna Carta 1215 (Imp); NSW v Commonwealth (1975) 135 CLR 337, 480, 487–91 (‘Seas and Submerged Lands Case’) (Jacobs J); J H Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, (Butterworths, 2nd ed, 1979) 12–15; John Gillingham, ‘The Early Middle Ages 1066–1290’ in Kenneth Morgan (ed), The Oxford Illustrated History of Britain (Oxford University Press, 1984), 104; Elizabeth Wicks, The Evolution of a Constitution: Eight Key Moments in British Constitutional History(Hart, 2006) 3–6; cf Australian Capital Television Pty Ltd v Commonwealth (1992) 177 CLR 106, 137–8 Mason CJ discussing ‘sovereign power which resides in the people’ by virtue of the mechanism for constitutional amendment being a referendum under s 128 of the Constitution. -
Supplementary Remarks – Daryl Melham MP
Supplementary remarks – Daryl Melham MP Should British subjects who are not Australian citizens continue to exercise the franchise? In 1984 Australian citizenship become the qualification for enrolment and voting. However, an exception was made for British subjects who were already on the electoral roll, recognising them as a separate class of elector, with grandfathering arrangements put in place to maintain their entitlement to the franchise. The Australian Electoral Commission (AEC) advised that as at 30 September 2008, some 162,928 electors with ‘British subject’ notation remained on the electoral roll.1 Since 1984, three significant events have occurred which provide sufficient reason to reconsider whether grandfathering arrangements that maintain the franchise for British subjects who are not Australian citizens continue to be justified. The first was the passage of the Australia Act 1986, which severed any remaining constitutional links between the Commonwealth and state governments and the United Kingdom. The second was the High Court of Australia’s decision in 1999 in relation to the eligibility of a citizen of another country (in this case the United Kingdom) to be a member of the Commonwealth Parliament. In the view of the High Court, Ms Heather Hill — who was a citizen of the United Kingdom and had been elected to the position of Senator for Queensland at the 1998 federal election— was a subject 1 Australian Electoral Commission, submission 169.6, Annex 3. Note that the national total for electors with British subject notation differs from that in the Australian Electoral Commission’s submission (159,095) due to an error made by the Commission in summing each division and jurisdictions. -
Details Page
Christos Mantziaris* THE FEDERAL DIVISION OF PUBLIC INTEREST SUITS BY AN ATTORNEY-GENERAL ABSTRACT Until recently, the orthodox position was that the Attorney–General of any polity had standing in a public interest suit merely by showing that the suit was brought to enforce compliance with the Constitution. This liberal and pragmatic approach to standing was reinforced by a system of statutory rights of removal of causes to the High Court and rights of intervention and the ever-broadening standing rules for ordinary citizens. This development ended in the Bishops Case (2002).1 In that case, the majority refused the federal Attorney-General standing because he could not show the existence of a ‘matter’ under Chapter III of the Constitution. The majority derived from the concept of ‘matter’ a new constitutional implication limiting the role of each Attorney-General within the federation. The real animus of this new restriction lies in judicial choices about competing public interests in the administration of justice and the appropriate response to the problem of selective political enforcement of the law. The Court disguised these policy choices in the matter concept. The reasoning is symptomatic of the current High Court’s reasoning on Chapter III matters. * BA (Hons) (Syd), LLB (UNSW), PhD (ANU), Sydney Bar. This article is based on a paper presented at the conference ‘Dead Hands or Living Tree? and Other Constitutional Conundrums: A Festschrift in Honour of Geoffrey Lindell’, Australian Association of Constitutional Lawyers, University of Melbourne, 6–8 December 2002. For comments on this paper, I thank Tony Connolly, Leighton McDonald, Carol Harlow, Jane Stapleton, Ted Thomas, Kristin Walker, Ernst Willheim and Leslie Zines. -
The Role of Advocates Sir Maurice Byers Lecture
Legal Change — The Role of Advocates Sir Maurice Byers Lecture Chief Justice Robert French AC 22 June 2016, Sydney Introduction I learned from Maurice Byers a great advocate's perspective on the High Court — 'they're just chaps Bob, just chaps' — or so he told me, as we prepared for the hearing in Koowarta v Bjelke-Peterson1 in 1982. As a description of the gender of the Court it was accurate. I learned from him in Fencott v Muller2 in 1983 that one line of dismissive humour could do more for a wide view of the corporations power than an hour of earnest argument. In 1986 on my appointment to the Federal Court he sent me a note expressing confidence that I would eventually be appointed to the High Court. Perhaps he was encouraging me to stay on for the long haul and was relying upon the proposition, a little like the one about monkeys typing Shakespeare, that given enough time almost anything has a finite probability of happening. Six years later, in 1993, I barely found the strength, when he appeared before me for the plaintiff in Newcrest Mining (WA) Ltd v Commonwealth,3 on remitter from the High Court in all respects save for the constitutional question, to resist his siren song invitation to have a go at the constitutional question anyway. Our encounters were brief, but each a delight in its own way. I have been invited to present many lectures named after significant legal personalities. None has given me greater pleasure than the invitation to present this the 16th Lecture in the series established by the New South Wales Bar Association to honour his memory. -
A “Foreign” Country? Australia and Britain at Empire's End
A “Foreign” Country? Australia and Britain at Empire’s End. Greta Beale A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of B.A. (Advanced)(Hons) in History. University of Sydney October 2011 − Acknowledgements – ____________________________________________________________________________________________ I would like to firstly thank my supervisor Dr. James Curran for his patience, support and for sharing with me his incredible knowledge and passion for Australian political history. Your guidance was invaluable and much appreciated. I would also like to thank the 2011 honours coordinator, Dr. Kirsten McKenzie, for guiding me in the right direction and for her encouraging words. To the staff at Fisher Library, the National Library of Australia and the National Archives of Australia, your assistance in the research stages of the thesis was so helpful, and I thank you for going above and beyond your respective roles. To my family, I thank you for talking me through what sometimes seemed an overwhelming task. To Dad and Sasha, my calming influences, and to Mum, for her patient and precise proof reading, day trips to Canberra, and for listening with genuine interest to my ongoing discussions about the finer details of the Anglo- Australian relationship, many, many thanks. 2 - Contents - _____________________________________________________________________ Acknowledgements 2 Introduction Disentangling From Empire 4 Chapter 1 The Myth of “Civic Britannicus Sum” The United Kingdom Commonwealth Immigration Act 27 Chapter 2 “Austr-aliens” The Commonwealth Immigration Act, 1971. 49 Chapter 3 “Another tie is loosed” The transfer of responsibility for Australia House, 1972. 71 Conclusion 95 Bibliography 106 3 − Introduction − Disentangling from Empire ___________________________________________________________________________________________ In July 1973, the Australian Ambassador to the United States, James Plimsoll, received a personal letter from the retired Australian High Commissioner to the United Kingdom, Sir Alexander Downer. -
The Grounds & Facts
THE GROUNDS & FACTS GROUNDS & FACT From:- 1 to 82 1. Queen Elizabeth the Second Sovereign Head of the Knights of Saint John of Jerusalem Apparently Queen Elizabeth the Second is the sovereign head of the Knights of Saint John of Jerusalem and as such the Constitution of the State of Victoria is fraudulent in that a United Kingdom Monarch purportedly a Protestant Monarch is the sovereign head of an International Masonic Order whose allegiance is to the Bishop of Rome. 2. Statute by Henry VIII 1540 Banning the Knights of Saint John of Jerusalem Specific Points in the Statute of 1540 A. Knights of the Rhodes B. Knights of St John C. Friars of the Religion of St John of Jerusalem in England and Ireland D. Contrary to the duty of their Allegiance E. Sustained and maintained the usurped power and authority of the Bishop of Rome F. Adhered themselves to the said Bishop being common enemy to the King Our Sovereign Lord and to His realm G. The same Bishop to be Supreme and Chief Head of Christ’s Church H. Intending to subvert and overthrow the good and Godly laws and statutes of His realm I. With the whole assent and consent of the Realm, for the abolishing, expulsing and utter extinction of the said usurped power and authority 1 3. The 1688 Bill of Rights (UK) A. This particular statute came into existence after the trial of the 7 Bishops in the House of Lords, the jury comprised specific members of the House of Lords -The King v The Seven Bishops B. -
Crown and Sword: Executive Power and the Use of Force by The
CROWN AND SWORD EXECUTIVE POWER AND THE USE OF FORCE BY THE AUSTRALIAN DEFENCE FORCE CROWN AND SWORD EXECUTIVE POWER AND THE USE OF FORCE BY THE AUSTRALIAN DEFENCE FORCE CAMERON MOORE Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Creator: Moore, Cameron, author. Title: Crown and sword : executive power and the use of force by the Australian Defence Force / Cameron Moore. ISBN: 9781760461553 (paperback) 9781760461560 (ebook) Subjects: Australia. Department of Defence. Executive power--Australia. Internal security--Australia. Australia--Armed Forces. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press. Cover photographs by Søren Niedziella flic.kr/p/ ahroZv and Kurtis Garbutt flic.kr/p/9krqeu. This edition © 2017 ANU Press Contents Prefatory Notes . vii List of Maps . ix Introduction . 1 1 . What is Executive Power? . 7 2 . The Australian Defence Force within the Executive . 79 3 . Martial Law . 129 4 . Internal Security . 165 5 . War . 205 6 . External Security . 253 Conclusion: What are the Limits? . 307 Bibliography . 313 Prefatory Notes Acknowledgement I would like to acknowledge the tremendous and unflagging support of my family and friends, my supervisors and my colleagues in the writing of this book. It has been a long journey and I offer my profound thanks. -
Australia and Britain at Empire's End
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Sydney eScholarship A “Foreign” Country? Australia and Britain at Empire’s End. Greta Beale A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of B.A. (Advanced)(Hons) in History. University of Sydney October 2011 − Acknowledgements – ____________________________________________________________________________________________ I would like to firstly thank my supervisor Dr. James Curran for his patience, support and for sharing with me his incredible knowledge and passion for Australian political history. Your guidance was invaluable and much appreciated. I would also like to thank the 2011 honours coordinator, Dr. Kirsten McKenzie, for guiding me in the right direction and for her encouraging words. To the staff at Fisher Library, the National Library of Australia and the National Archives of Australia, your assistance in the research stages of the thesis was so helpful, and I thank you for going above and beyond your respective roles. To my family, I thank you for talking me through what sometimes seemed an overwhelming task. To Dad and Sasha, my calming influences, and to Mum, for her patient and precise proof reading, day trips to Canberra, and for listening with genuine interest to my ongoing discussions about the finer details of the Anglo- Australian relationship, many, many thanks. 2 - Contents - _____________________________________________________________________ Acknowledgements 2 Introduction Disentangling From Empire 4 Chapter 1 The Myth of “Civic Britannicus Sum” The United Kingdom Commonwealth Immigration Act 27 Chapter 2 “Austr-aliens” The Commonwealth Immigration Act, 1971. 49 Chapter 3 “Another tie is loosed” The transfer of responsibility for Australia House, 1972. -
Section 44 Paper
Section 44 of the Commonwealth Constitution: As Enigmatic as Pharaoh’s Dreams – or, What were they Thinking? R.C. Kenzie QC and T.J. Dixon “And do you think it possible” said Socrates, “to know what a democracy or popular State is without knowing what the people is?”1 Introduction In the sixth century BC, the lawgiver Solon ordained a radical new constitution for the Athenian city-state, rooted in the notion that well-governed polis “makes all things wise and perfect.”2 By cancelling all debts both public and private, he “liberated the people once and for all”3 thus paving the way for all citizens to be admitted into the city’s sovereign political institution, the Assembly.4 In the centuries that followed, the Athenians perfected this autochthonous system of government that we now call “democracy”. In his eulogy to the fallen Athenians delivered towards the end of the first year of the Peloponnesian War in 431BC, Pericles praised the uniqueness of his city’s commitment to democracy. Citizens were not hindered in participating in the affairs of the polis by the obscurity of their condition. To the contrary, advancement in public life was determined by “reputation for capacity”.5 In still more recent antiquity, Aristotle recognised that “if a constitution is to be permanent, all parts of the state must wish that it should exist and the same arrangements maintained.”6 The genius of the Athenians was to achieve this aim through the maximisation of the citizenry’s participation in the city’s political life.7 Over two millennia after the Athenians had created a new organising principle for their republic, Alexis de Tocqueville found examples of democracy in the New England townships of the United Stated which he described as “more perfect than antiquity had dared dream of”.8 But whilst the principles of ancient democracy have animated and informed modern constitutional discourse, their substance and scope have necessarily remained mutable.9 1 Xenophon, “The Memorable Thoughts of Socrates” (George Faulkner, Dublin, 1747) at p.324. -
Chapter Five
5 2WKHULVVXHV Funding and disclosure Funding entitlements 5.1 Part XX of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 (Electoral Act) provides for public funding of election campaigns to be made available to candidates and political parties who receive at least four per cent of the formal first preference vote. This funding ensures candidates are not disadvantaged in their appeal to electors or unduly influenced in their subsequent actions by lack of access to adequate funding. 5.2 Mr and Mrs Whitton, Mr Arthur Tuck and Mr Goldstiver call for the elimination of public funding to political parties for election campaigns.1 G W Spence and Mr Lockett suggest a restriction be placed on the amount that can be spent on election campaigns to reduce the amount of public funding necessary.2 5.3 The public funding entitlements for the 1998 federal election, including the Newcastle supplementary election, totalled $33,920,787.43. The funding rate was 162.210 cents per vote3 and this has been paid to party agents and independent candidates as shown in Table 5.1. 1 Submissions pp S592 (H&M.Whitton), S667 (M.Goldstiver) and S1844 (A.Tuck) 2 Submissions pp S214 (GW.Spence) and S632-S633 (E.Lockett) 3 Australian Electoral Commission. 1999. Electoral Pocket Book, Canberra, AEC, p 57. 124 Table 5.1 1998 election funding payments Payee Amount - $ Australian Labor Party 13,959,511.97 Liberal Party of Australia 11,488,881.15 National Party of Australia 2,321,589.02 Northern Territory Country Liberal Party 116,916.10 Australian Democrats 2,247,677.46 Australian Greens -
Ryan William Haddrick LLB Jamescook, LLM Qldut, Graddiplegprac ANU
The Queen’s Ministers of State for the Commonwealth: The Relationship between the Prerogatives of the Crown and the Executive Power of the Commonwealth Ryan William Haddrick LLB JamesCook, LLM QldUT, GradDipLegPrac ANU A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2017 T.C. Beirne School of Law i ii ABSTRACT The orthodox view is that the prerogatives of the Crown are textually incorporated, or sourced, in the language of s 61 of the Australian Constitution. This work challenges that assumption by examining the text, structure and history of ss 2, 61 and 64 of the Constitution. In particular, the inclusion of the words “under the Crown” and “shall be the Queen’s Ministers of State for the Commonwealth” in the preamble and s 64 respectively are, it is argued, textual indicators (and devices) that the prerogative is textually recognised or affirmed by those provisions, and ought to be seen as emanating from the Crown, and recognised by common law – and not as emanating from s 61 of the Constitution. Having argued that the executive power of the Commonwealth (that is, s 61) is not the textual source, or recognition, of the prerogatives of the Crown, this dissertation then posits a theory as to how s 61 should be construed. True to its Montesquieuian heritage, it is argued that the executive power of the Commonwealth ought to be understood in a functionalist sense. The evidence considered to support these propositions is the text, structure and history of the constitutional provisions. In particular, this dissertation examines the historical concept of the prerogatives of the Crown; the way that body of constitutional doctrine became part of the Australian constitutional landscape; and how the prerogative was understood to operate in pre-Federation Imperial and colonial case law. -
New Perspectives on Australian Constitutional Citizenship and Constitutional Identity
Christopher Tran* NEW PERSPECTIVES ON AUSTRALIAN CONSTITUTIONAL CITIZENSHIP AND CONSTITUTIONAL IDENTITY ABSTRACT ‘Citizenship’ can be used in a number of different senses. It can refer to the legal status of citizenship and the rights that attach to that status, or more generally to identification as a member of society. This article investigates recent developments relating to these dimensions of citizenship. First, it examines the implications of Roach v Electoral Commissioner (2007) 233 CLR 162 and Rowe v Electoral Commissioner (2010) 243 CLR 1 for the debate on whether a constitutional concept of citizenship exists despite the omission of Australian citizenship from the Constitution. Secondly, it draws on the scholarship of Gary Jacobsohn and Michel Rosenfeld on ‘constitutional identity’ to examine the dynamic and constructed nature of what it means to be a member of the Australian community. I INTRODUCTION he Australian Constitution makes no reference to Australian citizenship. Whether a constitutional concept of citizenship exists as a limitation on Tpower remains an open question.1 The debate is partly motivated by a hope that constitutional citizenship will precipitate further rights and protections, and partly by a concern that it is anachronistic in current times (albeit explicable in 19002) that Australia’s constituting document does not establish expressly the legal status and collective identity of the people constituting the body politic. The first matter is primarily a question of legal doctrine, whereas the second implicates broader concerns. Ultimately, they reflect different senses in which the word ‘citizenship’ is used. The first concerns citizenship as a legal status, whereas the second concerns citizenship as a form of identity.3 This article considers constitutional citizenship, in both these dimensions, in the light of Roach v * Thanks to Glyn Ayres, Olaf Ciolek, Vee Vien Tan and an anonymous referee.