Nationhood, International Obligation and Federal Structure: an Historical Overview of the Australian Experience David D
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The Role of Negative Implications in the Interpretation of Commonwealth Legislative Powers
THE ROLE OF NEGATIVE IMPLICATIONS IN THE INTERPRETATION OF COMMONWEALTH LEGISLATIVE POWERS MICHAEL STOKES* One of the bases for the view that Commonwealth powers should be interpreted broadly is the idea that it is wrong to draw negative implications from positive grants of power. The paper argues that far from being wrong to draw negative implications from positive grants of power it is necessary to do so in that it is impossible to interpret such grants sensibly without drawing negative implications from them. This paper considers Isaacs J’s argument in Huddart Parker that it is wrong to draw negative implications from positive grants of power, as it is the most detailed defence of that position, and the adoption of similar arguments in Work Choices. It then considers the merits of Isaacs J’s argument, rejecting it because it is impossible to interpret positive grants of power without drawing negative implications from them in any context and in the Australian constitutional context in particular. This paper looks at how the scope of such implications is to be determined and how constitutional grants of power ought to be interpreted in the light of negative implications. It concludes that it is possible to determine the scope of the negative implications implicit in the s 51 grants of power and to interpret those powers in the light of the implications while accepting that state powers are residual and that their content cannot be determined until the content of all Commonwealth powers is known. CONTENTS I Introduction .............................................................................................................. 176 II The Origin of the Argument That It Is Wrong to Draw Negative Implications from Positive Grants of Power ....................................................... -
Constitutional Law Note
CONSTITUTIONAL LAW NOTE Topic 1, 2 – The Structure of Parliament and Legislative Procedures o The Structure .......................................................................................................... 3 o Duration and Membership ..................................................................................... 5 o Standard Legislative Procedures: Commonwealth and States ............................... 8 o Commonwealth Alternative Procedures (section 57) ............................................ 10 o Commonwealth Restrictive Procedures (section 128) .......................................... 13 o Special Procedures for Financial Legislation (section 53, 54, 55) ........................ 15 o State Restrictive Procedures .................................................................................. 19 Topic 3 – Characterisation and Interpretation o Principles of Constitutional Interpretation ............................................................. 25 o The Process of Characterisation ............................................................................. 28 Topic 4 – Financial and Economic Powers o Taxation Power – section 51(ii) ............................................................................. 33 o Grants Power – section 96 ..................................................................................... 36 o Appropriation Power – section 81 ......................................................................... 38 o Corporations Power – section 51(xx) ................................................................... -
The Idea of a Federal Commonwealth
Chapter One Th e Idea of a Federal Commonwealth* Dr Nicholas Aroney Arguably the single most important provision in the entire body of Australian constitutional law is s. 3 of the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act 1900 (UK). Th is section authorised Queen Victoria to declare by proclamation that the people of the several Australian colonies should be united in a Federal Commonwealth under the name of the Commonwealth of Australia. Several things are at once noticeable about this provision. Of primary importance for present purposes is that, while the formation of the Commonwealth depended upon an enactment by the Imperial Parliament at Westminster and a proclamation by the Queen, the Australian Commonwealth was itself premised upon the agreement of the people of the several colonies of Australia to be united into a federal commonwealth. Th e framers of the Constitution could arguably have used any one of a number of terms to describe the nature of the political entity that they wished to see established. Th e federation was established subject to the Crown and under a Constitution, so they might have called it the Dominion of Australia and describeddescribed it as a constitutional monarchy. Th e Constitution was arguably the most democratic and liberal that the world had yet seen, so perhaps they could have called it the United States of Australia and describeddescribed it as a liberal democracy. But to conjecture in this way is to hazard anachronism. Th e framers of the Constitution chose to name it the Commonwealth of Australia and toto describedescribe it as a federal commonwealth. -
How Federal Theory Supports States' Rights Michelle Evans
The Western Australian Jurist Vol. 1, 2010 RETHINKING THE FEDERAL BALANCE: HOW FEDERAL THEORY SUPPORTS STATES’ RIGHTS MICHELLE EVANS* Abstract Existing judicial and academic debates about the federal balance have their basis in theories of constitutional interpretation, in particular literalism and intentionalism (originalism). This paper seeks to examine the federal balance in a new light, by looking beyond these theories of constitutional interpretation to federal theory itself. An examination of federal theory highlights that in a federal system, the States must retain their powers and independence as much as possible, and must be, at the very least, on an equal footing with the central (Commonwealth) government, whose powers should be limited. Whilst this material lends support to intentionalism as a preferred method of constitutional interpretation, the focus of this paper is not on the current debate of whether literalism, intentionalism or the living constitution method of interpretation should be preferred, but seeks to place Australian federalism within the broader context of federal theory and how it should be applied to protect the Constitution as a federal document. Although federal theory is embedded in the text and structure of the Constitution itself, the High Court‟s generous interpretation of Commonwealth powers post-Engineers has led to increased centralisation to the detriment of the States. The result is that the Australian system of government has become less than a true federation. I INTRODUCTION Within Australia, federalism has been under attack. The Commonwealth has been using its financial powers and increased legislative power to intervene in areas of State responsibility. Centralism appears to be the order of the day.1 Today the Federal landscape looks very different to how it looked when the Australian Colonies originally „agreed to unite in one indissoluble Federal Commonwealth‟2, commencing from 1 January 1901. -
What Is Executive Power?
1 What is Executive Power? I Introduction In the 1988 case of Davis v Commonwealth, Mason J said of executive power that it is potentially very broad yet ‘its scope [is not] amenable to exhaustive definition.’1 Executive power is a power with significant content but ill-defined limits. It is not the particular power of lawmaking, or of determining disputes but, rather, the general power to carry out all the other functions of government. In the Westminster tradition, all governmental power derived originally from the Crown2 and independent legislative3 and judicial4 functions were a subsequent development. The Coronation Charter of Henry I, the immediate successor to William I and, therefore, the first postconquest king to have a coronation as such, illustrates the breadth of the original power of the Crown (the following excerpts indicating executive, judicial and legislative power respectively): 1 Davis v Commonwealth (1988) 166 CLR 79, 93. 2 Magna Carta 1215 (Imp); NSW v Commonwealth (1975) 135 CLR 337, 480, 487–91 (‘Seas and Submerged Lands Case’) (Jacobs J); J H Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, (Butterworths, 2nd ed, 1979) 12–15; John Gillingham, ‘The Early Middle Ages 1066–1290’ in Kenneth Morgan (ed), The Oxford Illustrated History of Britain (Oxford University Press, 1984), 104; Elizabeth Wicks, The Evolution of a Constitution: Eight Key Moments in British Constitutional History(Hart, 2006) 3–6; cf Australian Capital Television Pty Ltd v Commonwealth (1992) 177 CLR 106, 137–8 Mason CJ discussing ‘sovereign power which resides in the people’ by virtue of the mechanism for constitutional amendment being a referendum under s 128 of the Constitution. -
Chapter One the Seven Pillars of Centralism: Federalism and the Engineers’ Case
Chapter One The Seven Pillars of Centralism: Federalism and the Engineers’ Case Professor Geoffrey de Q Walker Holding the balance: 1903 to 1920 The High Court of Australia’s 1920 decision in the Engineers’ Case1 remains an event of capital importance in Australian history. It is crucial not so much for what it actually decided as for the way in which it switched the entire enterprise of Australian federalism onto a diverging track, that carried it to destinations far removed from those intended by the generation that had brought the Federation into being. Holistic beginnings. How constitutional doctrine developed through the Court’s decisions from 1903 to 1920 has been fully described elsewhere, including in a paper presented at the 1995 conference of this society by John Nethercote.2 Briefly, the original Court comprised Chief Justice Griffith and Justices Barton and O’Connor, who had been leaders in the federation movement and authors of the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution. The starting-point of their adjudicative philosophy was the nature of the Constitution as an enduring instrument of government, not merely a British statute: “The Constitution Act is not only an Act of the Imperial legislature, but it embodies a compact entered into between the six Australian colonies which formed the Commonwealth. This is recited in the Preamble to the Act itself”.3 Noting that before Federation the Colonies had almost unlimited powers,4 the Court declared that: “In considering the respective powers of the Commonwealth and the States it is essential to bear in mind that each is, within the ambit of its authority, a sovereign State”.5 The founders had considered Canada’s constitutional structure too centralist,6 and had deliberately chosen the more decentralized distribution of powers used in the Constitution of the United States. -
Australian Constitutional Law Exam Notes 2019
Australian Constitutional Law Exam Notes 2019 Constitutional Interpretation Methods of Interpretation Ø Originalism Ø Intentionalism Ø Literalism Ø Legalism Ø Realism Ø Purposive/progressive Pre Engineers’ Ø Between 1903-1920 the States had separate powers to the Cth known as reserved powers. The Cth was not allowed to make laws that were reserved to the States. If the Cth created a law that had regard to a topic that was reserved to the State, then the law was invalid. Ø Engineers’ overruled this doctrine, and held that there was no doctrine of reserved power. Division of legislative power Ø Constitution assigns Parliament with 40 heads of power in s 41. Ø States get residual power – s 107. Ø In Australia, the general arrangement is concurrent law-making power. o As the States still make laws on issues the Cth has legislative power; except Cth has exclusive power on matters which the States cannot legislate (ss 51, 52 and 90). Ø Federalist tradition o Each one of the individual governments is said to be sovereign, therefore, do not have power to legislate over each other. o This gave rise to: § Implied intergovernmental immunity: both the States and the Cth were normally immune to each others laws. § Residual powers: all matters that were not explicitly mentioned in the Constitution as belonging to the Cth Parliament were believed to be reserved for the States. Implied intergovernmental immunity Ø Doctrine states: two governments operating at different levels in same territory are immune to other’s laws. Ø Although this was never explicitly stated in the Constitution, this is crucial to federalism. -
Details Page
Christos Mantziaris* THE FEDERAL DIVISION OF PUBLIC INTEREST SUITS BY AN ATTORNEY-GENERAL ABSTRACT Until recently, the orthodox position was that the Attorney–General of any polity had standing in a public interest suit merely by showing that the suit was brought to enforce compliance with the Constitution. This liberal and pragmatic approach to standing was reinforced by a system of statutory rights of removal of causes to the High Court and rights of intervention and the ever-broadening standing rules for ordinary citizens. This development ended in the Bishops Case (2002).1 In that case, the majority refused the federal Attorney-General standing because he could not show the existence of a ‘matter’ under Chapter III of the Constitution. The majority derived from the concept of ‘matter’ a new constitutional implication limiting the role of each Attorney-General within the federation. The real animus of this new restriction lies in judicial choices about competing public interests in the administration of justice and the appropriate response to the problem of selective political enforcement of the law. The Court disguised these policy choices in the matter concept. The reasoning is symptomatic of the current High Court’s reasoning on Chapter III matters. * BA (Hons) (Syd), LLB (UNSW), PhD (ANU), Sydney Bar. This article is based on a paper presented at the conference ‘Dead Hands or Living Tree? and Other Constitutional Conundrums: A Festschrift in Honour of Geoffrey Lindell’, Australian Association of Constitutional Lawyers, University of Melbourne, 6–8 December 2002. For comments on this paper, I thank Tony Connolly, Leighton McDonald, Carol Harlow, Jane Stapleton, Ted Thomas, Kristin Walker, Ernst Willheim and Leslie Zines. -
Perspectives on the Constitution
Topic 1: Perspectives on the Constitution In 1999 a constitutional referendum vote was held for the purpose of establishing a republic in Australia Australia was uninhabited, Terra Nullius The Australian Courts Act 1828 (UK) established that the laws of England were applicable to conditions in Australia The Australian Constitution Act 1842 was the first time that some steps were taken to representative government in Australia Soon Australian colonies were able to draw up their own constitution bills The final constitution bill was approved by the Federal Convention 1898 Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act 1900 Received the royal assent on July 1900 and the Commonwealth of Australia was proclaimed to come into existence on 1st of January 1901 Colonial context of the introduction of English Laws Australia’s constitutional system has evolved from the initial introduction of English laws to the ‘settled colony’ Based on terra nullius Which has now been repudiated by the HC in Mabo v Queensland (2) The Australian Constitutions Act 1850 gave to the Australian colonies the power to draw up their own constitutional documents These Constitutional Acts established responsible government in the colonies Beginnings of federal government As the states each had their own constitutional documents, there was a need felt to establish some sort of general assembly or a central legislative authority to deliberate and legislate on matters of common interest A convention of the Australian colonies was held in Sydney in 1883 Recommended that the UK -
The Role of Advocates Sir Maurice Byers Lecture
Legal Change — The Role of Advocates Sir Maurice Byers Lecture Chief Justice Robert French AC 22 June 2016, Sydney Introduction I learned from Maurice Byers a great advocate's perspective on the High Court — 'they're just chaps Bob, just chaps' — or so he told me, as we prepared for the hearing in Koowarta v Bjelke-Peterson1 in 1982. As a description of the gender of the Court it was accurate. I learned from him in Fencott v Muller2 in 1983 that one line of dismissive humour could do more for a wide view of the corporations power than an hour of earnest argument. In 1986 on my appointment to the Federal Court he sent me a note expressing confidence that I would eventually be appointed to the High Court. Perhaps he was encouraging me to stay on for the long haul and was relying upon the proposition, a little like the one about monkeys typing Shakespeare, that given enough time almost anything has a finite probability of happening. Six years later, in 1993, I barely found the strength, when he appeared before me for the plaintiff in Newcrest Mining (WA) Ltd v Commonwealth,3 on remitter from the High Court in all respects save for the constitutional question, to resist his siren song invitation to have a go at the constitutional question anyway. Our encounters were brief, but each a delight in its own way. I have been invited to present many lectures named after significant legal personalities. None has given me greater pleasure than the invitation to present this the 16th Lecture in the series established by the New South Wales Bar Association to honour his memory. -
THE IMPACT of HIGH COURT DECISIONS on the GOVERNANCE of AUSTRALIA I Regard It As a Great Honour to Be Asked to Give the Annual
THE IMPACT OF HIGH COURT DECISIONS ON THE GOVERNANCE OF AUSTRALIA I regard it as a great honour to be asked to give the annual Hal Wootten Lecture. Hal Wootten has been one of the most significant figures in Australian legal history. He was a practising barrister who became a Queens Counsel and the leader of the Industrial Bar. He was an innovative Supreme Court judge for 10 years. As Royal Commissioner into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody, he brought home to the consciousness of the Australian people that the real issue was not why so many Aboriginals were dying in prison – whether by suicide or otherwise - but why so many Aboriginals were in prison. These were great achievements. Nevertheless, many knowledgeable lawyers would say that his greatest legal achievement was developing this Law School and the Aboriginal Legal Service which commenced shortly after its foundation. That is because the object for which this Law School was founded will continue to be achieved long after those of us present tonight have gone. Lawyers and many others assume that he came to the Law School to achieve social justice for disadvantaged groups. No doubt that was one of the objects. But it would be more accurate to say that his purpose in coming to the Law School was to achieve justice for all. As he has been at pains to point out publicly, he saw a major object of a Law School as producing lawyers who would see the legal profession as having a duty to serve the whole of society. That meant 1 producing lawyers who had the ability to meet the needs of business, governments and ordinary citizens as well as disadvantaged groups like Aboriginals. -
Crown and Sword: Executive Power and the Use of Force by The
CROWN AND SWORD EXECUTIVE POWER AND THE USE OF FORCE BY THE AUSTRALIAN DEFENCE FORCE CROWN AND SWORD EXECUTIVE POWER AND THE USE OF FORCE BY THE AUSTRALIAN DEFENCE FORCE CAMERON MOORE Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Creator: Moore, Cameron, author. Title: Crown and sword : executive power and the use of force by the Australian Defence Force / Cameron Moore. ISBN: 9781760461553 (paperback) 9781760461560 (ebook) Subjects: Australia. Department of Defence. Executive power--Australia. Internal security--Australia. Australia--Armed Forces. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press. Cover photographs by Søren Niedziella flic.kr/p/ ahroZv and Kurtis Garbutt flic.kr/p/9krqeu. This edition © 2017 ANU Press Contents Prefatory Notes . vii List of Maps . ix Introduction . 1 1 . What is Executive Power? . 7 2 . The Australian Defence Force within the Executive . 79 3 . Martial Law . 129 4 . Internal Security . 165 5 . War . 205 6 . External Security . 253 Conclusion: What are the Limits? . 307 Bibliography . 313 Prefatory Notes Acknowledgement I would like to acknowledge the tremendous and unflagging support of my family and friends, my supervisors and my colleagues in the writing of this book. It has been a long journey and I offer my profound thanks.