Chapter Five
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Senate Crossbench Background 2016
Barton Deakin Brief: Senate Crossbench 4 August 2016 The 2016 federal election resulted in a large number of Senators elected that were not members of the two major parties. Senators and Members of the House of Representatives who are not part of the Coalition Government or the Labor Opposition are referred to collectively as the Senate ‘crossbench’. This Barton Deakin Brief outlines the policy positions of the various minor parties that constitute the crossbench. Background Due to the six year terms of Senators, at a normal election (held every three years) only 38 of the Senate’s 76 seats are voted on. As the 2016 federal election was a double dissolution election, all 76 seats were contested. To pass legislation a Government needs 39 votes in the Senate. As the Coalition won just 30 seats it will have to rely on the support of minor parties and independents to pass legislation when it is opposed by Labor. Since the introduction of new voting reforms in the Senate, minor parties can no longer rely on the redistribution of above-the-line votes according to preference flows to satisfy the 14.3% quota (or, in the case of a double dissolution, 7.7%) needed to win a seat in Senate elections. The new Senate voting reforms allowed voters to control their preferences by numbering all candidates above the line, thereby reducing the effectiveness of preference deals that have previously resulted in Senators being elected with a small fraction of the primary vote. To read Barton Deakin’s Brief on the Senate Voting Reforms, click here. -
1 Hyperlinks and Networked Communication: a Comparative
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by The Australian National University 1 Hyperlinks and Networked Communication: A Comparative Study of Political Parties Online This is a pre-print for: R. Ackland and R. Gibson (2013), “Hyperlinks and Networked Communication: A Comparative Study of Political Parties Online,” International Journal of Social Research Methodology, 16(3), special issue on Computational Social Science: Research Strategies, Design & Methods, 231-244. Dr. Robert Ackland, Research Fellow at the Australian Demographic and Social Research Institute, The Australian National University, Canberra, Australia *Professor Rachel Gibson, Professor of Politics, Institute for Social Change, University of Manchester, Manchester, UK. *Corresponding author: Professor Rachel Gibson Institute for Social Change University of Manchester, Oxford Road Manchester M13 9PL UK Ph: + 44 (0)161 306 6933 Fax: +44 (0) 161 275 0793 [email protected] Word count: 6,062(excl title page and key words) 2 Abstract This paper analyses hyperlink data from over 100 political parties in six countries to show how political actors are using links to engage in a new form of ‘networked communication’ to promote themselves to an online audience. We specify three types of networked communication - identity reinforcement, force multiplication and opponent dismissal - and hypothesise variance in their performance based on key party variables of size and ideological outlook. We test our hypotheses using an original comparative hyperlink dataset. The findings support expectations that hyperlinks are being used for networked communication by parties, with identity reinforcement and force multiplication being more common than opponent dismissal. The results are important in demonstrating the wider communicative significance of hyperlinks, in addition to their structural properties as linkage devices for websites. -
Federal Election 1996
DEPARTMENT OF THE PARLIAMENTARY LIBRARY Parliamentary Research Service Federal Elections 1996 Background Paper NO.6 1996-97 • ~ l '-\< ~.r /~( . ~__J .. ~r:_~'_r.T-rr-Ji,_.~:;~;.~:~~;:;;~~~5!~'~ ;aft~::.u...- ... ~ . ..x-"\.~. ~'d__~ 4 ...,,--.;." .. _"'J,.gp. ..... !:l,;:.1t ....... ISSN 1037-2938 © Copyrigbt Commonwealth of Australia 1996 Except to the extent of the uses pemtitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means including information storage and retrieval systems, without the prior written consent of the Department of the Parliamentary Library, other than by Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament in the course of their official duties. Tbis paper bas been prepared for general distribution to Senators and Members of the Australian Parliament. Wbile great care is taken to ensure that the paper is accurate and balanced, the paper is written using information publicly available at the time of production. Tbe views expressed are those of the author and sbould not be attributed to the Parliamentary Researcb Service (PRS). Readers are reminded that the paper is not an official parliamentary or Australian government document. PRS staff are available to discuss the paper's contents with Senators and Members and their staff but not with members of the public. Publisbed by the Department of the Parliamentary Library, 1996 Parliamentary Research Service Federal Elections 1996 Gerard Newman Andrew Kopras Statistics Group 4 November 1996 Background Paper No.6 1996-97 Acknowledgments The authors would like to thank Brien Hallett, Australian Electoral Commission, and JanPearson for their assistance in preparing this paper. -
Still Anti-Asian? Anti-Chinese? One Nation Policies on Asian Immigration and Multiculturalism
Still Anti-Asian? Anti-Chinese? One Nation policies on Asian immigration and multiculturalism 仍然反亚裔?反华裔? 一国党针对亚裔移民和多元文化 的政策 Is Pauline Hanson’s One Nation party anti-Asian? Just how much has One Nation changed since Pauline Hanson first sat in the Australian Parliament two decades ago? This report reviews One Nation’s statements of the 1990s and the current policies of the party. It concludes that One Nation’s broad policies on immigration and multiculturalism remain essentially unchanged. Anti-Asian sentiments remain at One Nation’s core. Continuity in One Nation policy is reinforced by the party’s connections with anti-Asian immigration campaigners from the extreme right of Australian politics. Anti-Chinese thinking is a persistent sub-text in One Nation’s thinking and policy positions. The possibility that One Nation will in the future turn its attacks on Australia's Chinese communities cannot be dismissed. 宝林·韩森的一国党是否反亚裔?自从宝林·韩森二十年前首次当选澳大利亚 议会议员以来,一国党改变了多少? 本报告回顾了一国党在二十世纪九十年代的声明以及该党的现行政策。报告 得出的结论显示,一国党关于移民和多元文化的广泛政策基本保持不变。反 亚裔情绪仍然居于一国党的核心。通过与来自澳大利亚极右翼政坛的反亚裔 移民竞选人的联系,一国党的政策连续性得以加强。反华裔思想是一国党思 想和政策立场的一个持久不变的潜台词。无法排除一国党未来攻击澳大利亚 华人社区的可能性。 Report Philip Dorling May 2017 ABOUT THE AUSTRALIA INSTITUTE The Australia Institute is an independent public policy think tank based in Canberra. It is funded by donations from philanthropic trusts and individuals and commissioned research. Since its launch in 1994, the Institute has carried out highly influential research on a broad range of economic, social and environmental issues. OUR PHILOSOPHY As we begin the 21st century, new dilemmas confront our society and our planet. Unprecedented levels of consumption co-exist with extreme poverty. Through new technology we are more connected than we have ever been, yet civic engagement is declining. -
We're Not Nazis, But…
August 2014 American ideals. Universal values. Acknowledgements On human rights, the United States must be a beacon. This report was made possible by the generous Activists fighting for freedom around the globe continue to support of the David Berg Foundation and Arthur & look to us for inspiration and count on us for support. Toni Rembe Rock. Upholding human rights is not only a moral obligation; it’s Human Rights First has for many years worked to a vital national interest. America is strongest when our combat hate crimes, antisemitism and anti-Roma policies and actions match our values. discrimination in Europe. This report is the result of Human Rights First is an independent advocacy and trips by Sonni Efron and Tad Stahnke to Greece and action organization that challenges America to live up to Hungary in April, 2014, and to Greece in May, 2014, its ideals. We believe American leadership is essential in as well as interviews and consultations with a wide the struggle for human rights so we press the U.S. range of human rights activists, government officials, government and private companies to respect human national and international NGOs, multinational rights and the rule of law. When they don’t, we step in to bodies, scholars, attorneys, journalists, and victims. demand reform, accountability, and justice. Around the We salute their courage and dedication, and give world, we work where we can best harness American heartfelt thanks for their counsel and assistance. influence to secure core freedoms. We are also grateful to the following individuals for We know that it is not enough to expose and protest their work on this report: Tamas Bodoky, Maria injustice, so we create the political environment and Demertzian, Hanna Kereszturi, Peter Kreko, Paula policy solutions necessary to ensure consistent respect Garcia-Salazar, Hannah Davies, Erica Lin, Jannat for human rights. -
Election Day Polling Booths (Information As at 28 March 2020) Polling Booths Will Be Open on Election Day (Saturday, 28 March 2020) from 8Am to 6Pm
2020 Local government elections - Election day polling booths (information as at 28 March 2020) Polling booths will be open on election day (Saturday, 28 March 2020) from 8am to 6pm. Polling booth locations may be subject to change. Changes are listed at the bottom of this table, or check the ECQ website for updated information or phone 1300 881 665. Local government area Ward / Division Booth Name Disability Access Address Aurukun Shire Council Aurukun LG Full Wo’uw Koalam Community Centre, Cnr Tal Tal Street and McKenzie Drive, AURUKUN Boulia Shire Council Boulia LG Full Shire Hall, Herbert Street, BOULIA Brisbane City Council All Wards Brisbane City Hall None Brisbane City Hall, Sandgate Room, (Ann Street entrance), BRISBANE Brisbane City Council Bracken Ridge Brisbane City Hall None Brisbane City Hall, Sandgate Room, (Ann Street entrance), BRISBANE Aspley Full Aspley Special School Hall, 751 Zillmere Road, ASPLEY Aspley East Full Aspley East State School, Multi Purpose Activity Centre, Clorane Street, ASPLEY Bald Hills Full Bald Hills State School Hall, 2156 Gympie Road, BALD HILLS Bracken Ridge Full Bracken Ridge Uniting Church, 7 Pellinore Road, BRACKEN RIDGE Bracken Ridge East Full Bracken Ridge State School, Denham Street, BRACKEN RIDGE Bracken Ridge West Full Norris Road State School Hall, Pritchard Place, BRACKEN RIDGE Bridgeman Downs Assisted Church of the Resurrection Hall, 30 Ridley Road, BRIDGEMAN DOWNS Fitzgibbon Assisted Fitzgibbon Community Centre, 545 Roghan Road, FITZGIBBON Taigum Full Taigum State School Hall, 266 Handford -
Parties and Interest Associations Report Intra-Party Democracy, Association Competence (Business), Association Competence (Others)
Sustainable Governance Indicators SGI 2015 Parties and Interest Associations Report Intra-party Democracy, Association Competence (Business), Association Competence (Others) SGI 2015 | 2 Parties and Interest Associations Indicator Intra-party Democracy Question How inclusive and open are the major parties in their internal decision-making processes? 41 OECD and EU countries are sorted according to their performance on a scale from 10 (best) to 1 (lowest). This scale is tied to four qualitative evaluation levels. 10-9 = The party allows all party members and supporters to participate in its decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are open. 8-6 = The party restricts decision-making to party members. In most cases, all party members have the opportunity to participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are rather open. 5-3 = The party restricts decision-making to party members. In most cases, a number of elected delegates participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are largely controlled by the party leadership. 2-1 = A number of party leaders participate in decisions on the most important personnel and issues. Lists of candidates and agendas of issues are fully controlled and drafted by the party leadership. Denmark Score 8 Four of the political parties represented in the Danish parliament, the Liberal Party, the Social Democratic Party, the Social Liberal Party and the Conservative Party have existed for more than 100 years and have all regularly taken part in governments. -
Elections and Politics in Fiji
i ii iii Co-Published by ANU E Press and Asia Pacific Press The Australian National Unversity Canberra ACT 0200 Email: [email protected] Website: http://epress.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Lal, Brij V. Islands of turmoil : elections and politics in Fiji. Bibliography. Includes index. ISBN 0 7315 3751 3 ISBN 1 920942 75 0 (Online document) 1. Fiji - Politics and government. 2. Fiji - Social conditions. 3. Fiji - Economic conditions. I. Title. 996.11 This work is copyright. Apart from those uses which may be permitted under the Copyright Act 1968 as amended, no part may be reproduced by any process without written permission from the publishers. The views expressed in this book are those of the author and not necessarily of the publishers. Editor: Bridget Maidment Publisher: Asia Pacific Press and ANU E Press Design: Annie Di Nallo Design Printers: University Printing Service, The Australian National University Cover photo, Nukulau Prison, is copyright and used with permission (www.fijilive.com). Author photo by Darren Boyd, Coombs Photography. First edition © 2006 ANU E Press and Asia Pacific Press For the people of the Fiji Islands There is a dawn at the end of the darkest night v Contents Abbreviations vii Preface viii 1. The road to independence 1 2. Continuity and change 24 3. Things fall apart 49 4. Back from the abyss 77 5. Rabuka’s republic 100 6. Charting a new course 126 7. A time to change 155 8. George Speight’s coup 185 9. In George Speight’s shadow 206 10. -
Response from Dr Jim Saleam to the Objections Raised to the Australia
Australia First Party P.O. Box 593 Rockdale 2216 August 18 2016 Mr. Tom Roberts Commissioner Australian Electoral Commission P.O. Box 6172 Kingston 2604 Re: Application for logo / objection Australia First Party (NSW) Incorporated Australian Electoral Act Section 129 / Tomas Fitzgerald This very lengthy objection is the product of an academic noted for his knowledge of intellectual property rights and related law. We thank him for his intervention. Nonetheless, there is an old bar-room saying that ‘bullshit baffles brains’. I would suggest that this objection is the perfect converse example of brains being hired to argue bullshit. Consequently, it needs some careful attention lest direction is lost. Mr. Fitzgerald states the law Section 129 and the power of the AEC to decline to register a logo. I intend to reply as I see and understand Mr. Fitzgerald’s objections. 1. Our position on this application reduces to a simple argument: Australia First Party does not seek to register the logo or the trademark of any other person as Mr. Fitzgerald would have it. A logo can be a composite thing or a simple thing, whatsoever the logo maker would design it to be. Mr. Fitzgerald says: The ordinary use of the word logo denotes a symbol or graphical representation that identifies an organisation or person. In this respect, logos are akin to trademarks, though they are not identical. The specific legal definition of trademark and the protections offered thereto will no doubt differ from logos more generally. Nevertheless, it is an apposite comparison. (p.4) Conversely, a political entity could not have a reasonable expectation that they are entitled to register as a political logo a graphical representation which is another person’s trademark. -
Second-Order Success, First-Order Gains and the European Electoral Cycle
Prepared for the 26th ECPR Summer School on Political Parties. The University of Nottingham (UK), School of Politics and International Relations, 12 September - 23 September, 2016. This is a preliminary draft that will be revised. Comments welcome. A Springboard to the Domestic Arena? Second-Order Success, First-Order Gains and the European Electoral Cycle Julia Schulte-Cloos 21 August 2016 [Word Count: 9250] Abstract European Parliament (EP) elections offer a distinct incentive structure to voters as there is no government formation at stake. Triggering protest and non-strategical votes, small and radical parties enjoy structural advantages in the supranational contest. While these patterns are well established in the literature, it remains puz- zling how success in the second-order arena impinges on the parties’ first-order trajectories. We lack a systematic understanding of the implications that the sec- ondary elections themselves have on party competition within the domestic arena. This paper posits that EP elections serve as a springboard for success in the national arena. The institution of the EP elections along with the different voting calculi therein has unanticipated consequences for domestic party competition. Drawing on a novel database encompassing the electoral results of all EU member states in national and EP elections since 1979, the temporal distance between these elections, and their position within the respective electoral cycles, I show that particularly populist radical right parties benefit from a spillover of European success to the na- tional arena. This effect is especially pronounced if the temporal distance between the national and the European election is close. The results suggest that the insti- tution of EP elections not only provides these parties with a permeable forum for politicising Europe and their antagonism towards further integration, but that the European campaign also bestows salience upon their nationalistic policy demands. -
Supplementary Remarks – Daryl Melham MP
Supplementary remarks – Daryl Melham MP Should British subjects who are not Australian citizens continue to exercise the franchise? In 1984 Australian citizenship become the qualification for enrolment and voting. However, an exception was made for British subjects who were already on the electoral roll, recognising them as a separate class of elector, with grandfathering arrangements put in place to maintain their entitlement to the franchise. The Australian Electoral Commission (AEC) advised that as at 30 September 2008, some 162,928 electors with ‘British subject’ notation remained on the electoral roll.1 Since 1984, three significant events have occurred which provide sufficient reason to reconsider whether grandfathering arrangements that maintain the franchise for British subjects who are not Australian citizens continue to be justified. The first was the passage of the Australia Act 1986, which severed any remaining constitutional links between the Commonwealth and state governments and the United Kingdom. The second was the High Court of Australia’s decision in 1999 in relation to the eligibility of a citizen of another country (in this case the United Kingdom) to be a member of the Commonwealth Parliament. In the view of the High Court, Ms Heather Hill — who was a citizen of the United Kingdom and had been elected to the position of Senator for Queensland at the 1998 federal election— was a subject 1 Australian Electoral Commission, submission 169.6, Annex 3. Note that the national total for electors with British subject notation differs from that in the Australian Electoral Commission’s submission (159,095) due to an error made by the Commission in summing each division and jurisdictions. -
Report of the Redistribution Committee
The 2009 Proposed Redistribution of Queensland into Electoral Divisions Report of the Redistribution Committee Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 Section 68 Table of contents Executive Summary 1 Direction for a redistribution of Queensland electoral divisions 2 Quota 2 Enrolment projections 3 Appointment of the Redistribution Committee for Queensland 4 Invitations to submit public suggestions and comments 4 Statutory requirements for the making of a proposed redistribution 6 Technical procedures 8 Analysis of population trends 8 Enrolment in existing divisions as at 19 February 2009 9 Analysis of enrolment trends 10 Enrolment projections for existing divisions as at 9 July 2012 12 General strategy 15 Public suggestions and comments 17 Guidelines for the naming of divisions 19 Name of new division 19 Proposed redistribution of Queensland – by division: 20 Proposed South-East Queensland (South) divisions 22 Proposed South-East Queensland (North) divisions 27 Proposed Country divisions 30 Conclusion 34 Table 1 – Determination of the quota 2 Table 2 – Enrolment projections at 9 July 2012 3 Table 3 – Queensland regions for proposed redistribution 16 Table 4 – Summary of movement of electors between divisions 17 Table 5 – Themes 18 Table 6 – Divisions in order of discussion 21 Table 7 – Enrolment of existing divisions 35 Table 8 – Summary of proposed divisions 36 Table 9 – General description of how proposed divisions are constituted 37 Graph 1 – Queensland population quotas from 1997 to 2009 9 Graph 2 – Variation from the enrolment quota as at end 19 February 2009 for existing divisions 11 Graph 3 – Variation from projected average enrolment as at 9 July 2012 for existing divisions 13 Map Projected enrolment for existing divisions as at 9 July 2012 14 Enclosures Sheet 1 – Maps 1 and 2 Sheet 2 – Map 3 Sheet 3 – Map 4 CD – Containing the public suggestions received and comments received on those suggestions.