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Williams V Commonwealth: Commonwealth Executive Power
CASE NOTE WILLIAMS v COMMONWEALTH* COMMONWEALTH EXECUTIVE POWER AND AUSTRALIAN FEDERALISM SHIPRA CHORDIA, ** ANDREW LYNCH† AND GEORGE WILLIAMS‡ A majority of the High Court in Williams v Commonwealth held that the Common- wealth executive does not have a general power to enter into contracts and spend public money absent statutory authority or some other recognised source of power. This article surveys the Court’s reasoning in reaching this surprising conclusion. It also considers the wider implications of the case for federalism in Australia. In particular, it examines: (1) the potential use of s 96 grants to deliver programs that have in the past been directly funded by Commonwealth executive contracts; and (2) the question of whether statutory authority may be required for the Commonwealth executive to participate in inter- governmental agreements. CONTENTS I Introduction .............................................................................................................. 190 II Background ............................................................................................................... 191 III Preliminary Issues .................................................................................................... 194 A Standing ........................................................................................................ 194 B Section 116 ................................................................................................... 196 C Validity of Appropriation .......................................................................... -
A Decade of Australian Anti-Terror Laws
A DECADE OF AUSTRALIAN ANTI-TERROR LAWS GEORGE WILLIAMS* [This article takes stock of the making of anti-terror laws in Australia since 11 September 2001. First, it catalogues and describes Australia’s record of enacting anti-terror laws since that time. Second, with the benefit of perspective that a decade brings, it draws conclusions and identifies lessons about this body of law for the Australian legal system and the ongoing task of protecting the community from terrorism.] CONTENTS I Introduction ..........................................................................................................1137 II Australia’s Anti-Terror Laws ................................................................................1139 A Number of Federal Anti-Terror Laws ......................................................1140 1 Defining an Anti-Terror Law ......................................................1141 2 How Many Anti-Terror Laws? ....................................................1144 B Scope of Federal Anti-Terror Laws .........................................................1146 1 The Definition of a ‘Terrorist Act’ ..............................................1146 2 Offence of Committing a ‘Terrorist Act’ and Preparatory Offences ......................................................................................1146 3 Proscription Regime ....................................................................1147 4 Financing Offences and Regulation ............................................1147 (a) Offences ..........................................................................1147 -
American Exceptionalism and Government Shutdowns: a Comparative Constitutional Reflection on the 2013 Lapse in Appropriations
AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM AND GOVERNMENT SHUTDOWNS: A COMPARATIVE CONSTITUTIONAL REFLECTION ON THE 2013 LAPSE IN APPROPRIATIONS KATHARINE G. YOUNG∗ INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................... 991 I. THE U.S. SHUTDOWN AND POLITICAL DYSFUNCTION ......................... 993 II. COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVES ON LEGISLATIVE FINANCIAL IMPASSE ............................................................................................... 998 III. BEHIND CONSTITUTIONAL DESIGN: AUSTRALIA’S FINANCIAL IMPASSE ............................................................................................. 1007 IV. CONSTITUTIONAL RESPONSE TO FINANCIAL IMPASSE: THREE FRAMES ............................................................................................. 1018 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................. 1024 INTRODUCTION The shutdown of the United States government for sixteen days in October 2013 symbolized a distinctively American version of political failure. Failure is, of course, not uncommon in the lifecycles of modern constitutional government. Between 2010 and 2011, Belgium spent more than 530 days without an elected government, due to a political gridlock between politicians from the Flemish-speaking North and the French-speaking South.1 And between 2006 and 2013, Canada’s Parliament was suspended four times at the Prime Minister’s request, amounting to a stoppage of 181 days.2 The United States, Belgium, and -
What Is Executive Power?
1 What is Executive Power? I Introduction In the 1988 case of Davis v Commonwealth, Mason J said of executive power that it is potentially very broad yet ‘its scope [is not] amenable to exhaustive definition.’1 Executive power is a power with significant content but ill-defined limits. It is not the particular power of lawmaking, or of determining disputes but, rather, the general power to carry out all the other functions of government. In the Westminster tradition, all governmental power derived originally from the Crown2 and independent legislative3 and judicial4 functions were a subsequent development. The Coronation Charter of Henry I, the immediate successor to William I and, therefore, the first postconquest king to have a coronation as such, illustrates the breadth of the original power of the Crown (the following excerpts indicating executive, judicial and legislative power respectively): 1 Davis v Commonwealth (1988) 166 CLR 79, 93. 2 Magna Carta 1215 (Imp); NSW v Commonwealth (1975) 135 CLR 337, 480, 487–91 (‘Seas and Submerged Lands Case’) (Jacobs J); J H Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History, (Butterworths, 2nd ed, 1979) 12–15; John Gillingham, ‘The Early Middle Ages 1066–1290’ in Kenneth Morgan (ed), The Oxford Illustrated History of Britain (Oxford University Press, 1984), 104; Elizabeth Wicks, The Evolution of a Constitution: Eight Key Moments in British Constitutional History(Hart, 2006) 3–6; cf Australian Capital Television Pty Ltd v Commonwealth (1992) 177 CLR 106, 137–8 Mason CJ discussing ‘sovereign power which resides in the people’ by virtue of the mechanism for constitutional amendment being a referendum under s 128 of the Constitution. -
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Christos Mantziaris* THE FEDERAL DIVISION OF PUBLIC INTEREST SUITS BY AN ATTORNEY-GENERAL ABSTRACT Until recently, the orthodox position was that the Attorney–General of any polity had standing in a public interest suit merely by showing that the suit was brought to enforce compliance with the Constitution. This liberal and pragmatic approach to standing was reinforced by a system of statutory rights of removal of causes to the High Court and rights of intervention and the ever-broadening standing rules for ordinary citizens. This development ended in the Bishops Case (2002).1 In that case, the majority refused the federal Attorney-General standing because he could not show the existence of a ‘matter’ under Chapter III of the Constitution. The majority derived from the concept of ‘matter’ a new constitutional implication limiting the role of each Attorney-General within the federation. The real animus of this new restriction lies in judicial choices about competing public interests in the administration of justice and the appropriate response to the problem of selective political enforcement of the law. The Court disguised these policy choices in the matter concept. The reasoning is symptomatic of the current High Court’s reasoning on Chapter III matters. * BA (Hons) (Syd), LLB (UNSW), PhD (ANU), Sydney Bar. This article is based on a paper presented at the conference ‘Dead Hands or Living Tree? and Other Constitutional Conundrums: A Festschrift in Honour of Geoffrey Lindell’, Australian Association of Constitutional Lawyers, University of Melbourne, 6–8 December 2002. For comments on this paper, I thank Tony Connolly, Leighton McDonald, Carol Harlow, Jane Stapleton, Ted Thomas, Kristin Walker, Ernst Willheim and Leslie Zines. -
Judges and Retirement Ages
JUDGES AND RETIREMENT AGES ALYSIA B LACKHAM* All Commonwealth, state and territory judges in Australia are subject to mandatory retirement ages. While the 1977 referendum, which introduced judicial retirement ages for the Australian federal judiciary, commanded broad public support, this article argues that the aims of judicial retirement ages are no longer valid in a modern society. Judicial retirement ages may be causing undue expense to the public purse and depriving the judiciary of skilled adjudicators. They are also contrary to contemporary notions of age equality. Therefore, demographic change warrants a reconsideration of s 72 of the Constitution and other statutes setting judicial retirement ages. This article sets out three alternatives to the current system of judicial retirement ages. It concludes that the best option is to remove age-based limitations on judicial tenure. CONTENTS I Introduction .............................................................................................................. 739 II Judicial Retirement Ages in Australia ................................................................... 740 A Federal Judiciary .......................................................................................... 740 B Australian States and Territories ............................................................... 745 III Criticism of Judicial Retirement Ages ................................................................... 752 A Critiques of Arguments in Favour of Retirement Ages ........................ -
The Role of Advocates Sir Maurice Byers Lecture
Legal Change — The Role of Advocates Sir Maurice Byers Lecture Chief Justice Robert French AC 22 June 2016, Sydney Introduction I learned from Maurice Byers a great advocate's perspective on the High Court — 'they're just chaps Bob, just chaps' — or so he told me, as we prepared for the hearing in Koowarta v Bjelke-Peterson1 in 1982. As a description of the gender of the Court it was accurate. I learned from him in Fencott v Muller2 in 1983 that one line of dismissive humour could do more for a wide view of the corporations power than an hour of earnest argument. In 1986 on my appointment to the Federal Court he sent me a note expressing confidence that I would eventually be appointed to the High Court. Perhaps he was encouraging me to stay on for the long haul and was relying upon the proposition, a little like the one about monkeys typing Shakespeare, that given enough time almost anything has a finite probability of happening. Six years later, in 1993, I barely found the strength, when he appeared before me for the plaintiff in Newcrest Mining (WA) Ltd v Commonwealth,3 on remitter from the High Court in all respects save for the constitutional question, to resist his siren song invitation to have a go at the constitutional question anyway. Our encounters were brief, but each a delight in its own way. I have been invited to present many lectures named after significant legal personalities. None has given me greater pleasure than the invitation to present this the 16th Lecture in the series established by the New South Wales Bar Association to honour his memory. -
Gridlock: Removing Barriers to Policy Reform
Gridlock: Removing barriers to policy reform Grattan Institute Support Grattan Institute Report No. 2021-08, July 2021 Founding members Endowment Supporters This report was written by John Daley. Bel Matthews and Rory Anderson provided extensive research assistance and made substantial contributions. The report draws The Myer Foundation on the work of all of Grattan’s past and current staff, and would not have been National Australia Bank possible without them. Susan McKinnon Foundation We would like to thank numerous current and former academics, government and industry participants and officials for their valuable and diverse input, particularly Affiliate Partners Aaron Martin, Allan Fels, Anne Twomey, Ben Jensen, Carmela Chivers, David Kemp, Ecstra Foundation George Williams, Glyn Davis, Jill Rutter, Joo-Cheong Tham, Lindy Edwards, Martin Parkinson, Mike Keating, Percy Allan, Peter Goss, Reuben Finighan, Sarah Nickson, Origin Energy Foundation Saul Eslake, and Sean Innis. Susan McKinnon Foundation The author is fully responsible for any errors or omissions, and the views expressed, which do not necessarily represent the views of Grattan Institute’s founding Senior Affiliates members, affiliates, individual board members, reference group members, or Cuffe Family Foundation reviewers. Maddocks We thank the Cuffe Family Foundation for its support to finalise this report. Medibank Private Grattan Institute is an independent think tank focused on Australian public policy. Our The Myer Foundation work is independent, practical, and rigorous. We aim to improve policy by engaging with decision makers and the broader community. We acknowledge and celebrate Scanlon Foundation the First Nations people on whose traditional lands we meet and work, and whose Trawalla Foundation cultures are among the oldest in human history. -
The Religion Clauses and Freedom of Speech in Australia and the United States: Incidental Restrictions and Generally Applicable Laws
University of Maryland Francis King Carey School of Law DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law Faculty Scholarship Francis King Carey School of Law Faculty 1997 The Religion Clauses and Freedom of Speech in Australia and the United States: Incidental Restrictions and Generally Applicable Laws David S. Bogen University of Maryland School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/fac_pubs Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Digital Commons Citation Bogen, David S., "The Religion Clauses and Freedom of Speech in Australia and the United States: Incidental Restrictions and Generally Applicable Laws" (1997). Faculty Scholarship. 684. https://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/fac_pubs/684 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Francis King Carey School of Law Faculty at DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE RELIGION CLAUSES AND FREEDOM OF SPEECH IN AUSTRALIA AND THE UNITED STATES: INCIDENTAL RESTRICTIONS AND GENERALLY APPLICABLE LAWS DavidS. Bogen* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction ....................................................................................... 54 II. Australian Constitutional Guarantees for Religion and Speech ....... 55 A. Section 116 of the Australian Constitution ................................ 57 B. The Implied Freedom of Political Discussion ............................ 63 1. The Implication of an Implied Freedom .............................. 64 2. 1997: Lange, Kruger, and Levy .......................................... 69 3. The Standards for Determining a Violation ........................ 75 a. The Legitimate Objective Test.. .................................... 75 b. Proportionality and the "Appropriate and Adapted" Test .............................................................. -
Crown and Sword: Executive Power and the Use of Force by The
CROWN AND SWORD EXECUTIVE POWER AND THE USE OF FORCE BY THE AUSTRALIAN DEFENCE FORCE CROWN AND SWORD EXECUTIVE POWER AND THE USE OF FORCE BY THE AUSTRALIAN DEFENCE FORCE CAMERON MOORE Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Creator: Moore, Cameron, author. Title: Crown and sword : executive power and the use of force by the Australian Defence Force / Cameron Moore. ISBN: 9781760461553 (paperback) 9781760461560 (ebook) Subjects: Australia. Department of Defence. Executive power--Australia. Internal security--Australia. Australia--Armed Forces. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press. Cover photographs by Søren Niedziella flic.kr/p/ ahroZv and Kurtis Garbutt flic.kr/p/9krqeu. This edition © 2017 ANU Press Contents Prefatory Notes . vii List of Maps . ix Introduction . 1 1 . What is Executive Power? . 7 2 . The Australian Defence Force within the Executive . 79 3 . Martial Law . 129 4 . Internal Security . 165 5 . War . 205 6 . External Security . 253 Conclusion: What are the Limits? . 307 Bibliography . 313 Prefatory Notes Acknowledgement I would like to acknowledge the tremendous and unflagging support of my family and friends, my supervisors and my colleagues in the writing of this book. It has been a long journey and I offer my profound thanks. -
Preselection 2010: the ALP Selects Its Candidate for Fraser
Preselection 2010 The ALP selects its candidate for Fraser Fear and loathing on Anzac eve? For eight aspiring Federal politicians and 241 ALP Members April 24 was the culmination of five weeks of frenetic campaigning. At stake was the labor candidacy for the Federal Division of Fraser. The campaign had been hard and long, though fair and clean. The winner was a youngish gen Xer Andrew Leigh, a professor of economics at the ANU. Voting took place at the Polish White Eagle Club in the inner northern suburb of Turner on a cold showery day, verifying the old Canberra adage that winter starts on Anzac day. In the weeks from the announcement of the preselection to preselection day the eight candidates devoted themselves to winning over the hearts and minds of pre selectors. Campaigning was intense and redefined to new levels of sophistication. How did Andrew Leigh win? Or why did the other seven lose? This is the story of that campaign. Fraser always labor The Federal Division of Fraser covers Canberra’s north side1 plus the Jervis Bay territory. It comprises the three communities of Belconnen, Gungahlin and North Canberra. The division was created in 1974 when the old ACT electorate was split in two, the Division of Canberra covered most of the south side. For a brief period 1996 to 1997 the ACT was divided into three Divisions with Fraser covering the more northern parts of the ACT. It was named after highly regarded Jim (James) Fraser who was the ALP member for the ACT from 1951 to 1970. -
Legislating for a Bill of Rights Now*
Legislating for a Bill of Rights Now* George Williams Introduction What are the rights and responsibilities of Australian citizenship? Do we possess a right to a jury trial? Does compulsory voting infringe upon our right to opt out of the political process, or is it part of our civic duty? Is there an entitlement to basic services for communities in the bush? Our system of government does not provide answers to these questions. In 1901, the framers of our Constitution avoided such issues. For nearly 100 years, we have continued to do the same. Our democracy is the poorer for this failure. This is one symptom of other serious problems within the political system. The 1999 republic referendum exposed Australians’ lack of knowledge about the current system, as well as their high level of alienation from the political process and their elected representatives. It says much that the two most effective arguments in the debate were ‘Don’t Know—Vote No’ and ‘Vote No to the Politicians’ Republic’. We have not set out the role of the people within the political process. Certainly, the Constitution does not do the job. It is no wonder that many Australians are disconnected from the fact that it is they, the people, that are ultimately sovereign. Some have increasingly searched outside our borders for answers, turning to international treaties and conventions. This has its place, but it cannot make up for the fact that there is no Australian frame of reference on basic questions of human rights. * This paper was presented as a lecture in the Department of the Senate Occasional Lecture Series at Parliament House on 17 March 2000.