DOCSLIB.ORG

A Letter from South Africa

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
A Letter from South Africa Notebook Hermann Giliomee A LETTER FROM SOUTH AFRICA n July 1987, a group of Afrikaner dissidents spokesmen, particularly the Minister of Defense, metI in Dakar, Senegal, with officials of the African General Magnus Malan. When the strongest bomb National Congress. Among the Afrikaners attending blast ever in South Africa occurred in Johannesburg were Frederick Van Zyl Slabbert, former leader of a few days after the group's return, Malan declared the parliamentary opposition, Beyers Naude, former "conferees with terrorists owe an explanation to secretary of the South African Council of Churches, those injured in the explosion." the writers André Brink and Breyten Breytenbach, This was deliberately to miss the point. As Peter and the Capetown political scientist, editor of Die Gastrow, a member of the South African group, Suid-Afrikaan, Hermann Giliomee, who wrote the said: "There will always be South Africans deter- following report for Dissent. mined to investigate all possible avenues out of the cycle of death and destruction in an effort to History cast a long shadow over a recent meeting in establish a nonracial democracy." Dakar, the capital of Senegal, between a group of 62 internal South Africans, most of whom were Afrikaners, and a delegation of the African National Congress (ANC), the exiled liberation organization. Compared to the Palestinian Liberation Organiza- For a century now, Afrikaner and African national- tion with its quasi-state organization, the ANC is a ism have developed alongside each other. The first considerably more modest outfit. In 1983 its Afrikaner political organizations were founded in approximate budget was $100 million with a total 1880, just a few years before the African ones membership of 10,000. It trains between 5,000 and appeared. Today both nationalisms vie for political 7,000 guerrillas, and maintains representatives in control in an ever more lethal struggle. world capitals. Estimates of the number of foreign- None of the Afrikaners in Dakar could claim to trained insurgents inside the country range from a represent Afrikanerdom. Many of them write in the figure of thirty according to the South African police Afrikaans press, but none has any real influence in to 400 by independent analysts. the inner Afrikaner circles. Afrikaner racists branded The real power of the ANC is not military. It is the Dakar delegates as volkverraaiers—national rooted in the political support it enjoys in the black traitors—for conferring with the ANC. The govern- townships of South Africa as the oldest and most respected organization fighting white domination. In ment of President P.W. Botha brands the ANC as a 1981 poll, 42 percent of black South Africans in communist-dominated terrorists who wage war on the Witwatersrand area expressed the opinion that peace-loving South Africa. the ANC leaders were "the real leaders of the black By sitting down with the ANC delegation in people in South Africa." Only 17 percent opted for Dakar the group of internal South Africans empha- Chief Buthelezi, the Zulu leader who has fallen out sized that the conflict is rooted in the country's with the ANC. In the same poll Africans in the history, one in which violence and atrocities have KwaZulu and Natal region were asked what would been committed on all sides. Dakar was an effort to happen if insurgents were to come in secretly and break the attempts by Pretoria and the ANC to ask people to work with the ANC. Forty-eight demonize each other. This position elicited a percent said "most or many people" would help the crescendo of condemnation in the pro-government ANC, a figure which went up to just below 60 press. It reached its peak in attacks by government percent among school-going black South Africans. WINTER • 1988 • 21 Notebook Only eight percent said that nobody or almost The Dakar discussions stumbled on assessments of nobody would offer help. the current balance of power. The ANC believed that ANC support has undoubtedly increased since the it is still riding the wave, but some South Africans widespread disturbances that have racked the think that the ANC momentum has been checked for country since September 1984. The ANC and its the time being and new strategies are required. Tell- internal auxiliaries made scores of townships ing comments were made by a member of the South ungovernable by establishing street committees and African group with first-hand knowledge of recent people's courts as the de facto authority, enforcing developments in the Eastern Cape, traditionally a school, consumer, and rent boycotts. In May 1986 strong ANC base, where it established virtual control the government was under concerted international over the townships in the early part of 1986: "I pressure to set Nelson Mandela and other imprisoned strongly doubt," said the delegate, "that your strat- ANC leaders free and unban the organization. egy has been effective. Thousands in the Port Eliza- Then the wheel turned. The draconian second beth-Uitenhage area have been put out of work through State of Emergency swept thousands of pro-ANC sanctions and disinvestment without any commensu- activists into detention. Considerable resistance rate gain. The townships are again under rigid control appeared among liberal white Africans against the of the police, aided by vigilantes. The ruling class is brutal methods some activists used to ensure using more effective methods, particularly house compliance with the prolonged rent boycotts. While bonds, to co-opt a stratum of black supporters.. the gruesome "necklace" immolations were used by There is no evidence that you have brought the state all parties, possibly including the security forces, closer to negotiation. The whites you managed to hit most were seen as the work of activists loyal to the were local businessmen with little or no influence ANC. The ANC leadership in exile is ambiguous on over national, or even city, politics." this issue. Some of its executive committee have condemned it; others have depicted it as necessary to intimidate or liquidate collaborators with apartheid. Yet the state did not win conclusively. Most The ANC made a dramatic diplomatic advance in observers believe that once the State of Emergency 1986 and early 1987 when its leader, Oliver Tambo, is lifted, widespread unrest will again occur. A lack met separately with the political heads of the British of confidence has seeped into the business commu- and American foreign ministries. However, the nity, which is holding back on new investments, organization has a long way to go before reaching thus exacerbating the serious unemployment situa- the all-important next level—a meeting with Mrs. tion. Moderate urban black leaders refuse to talk to Thatcher and President Reagan. This year the going the government about a new Constitution while the has been getting tougher for the ANC. With ANC is banned and Mandela and other leaders are in television coverage of the townships heavily re- prison. The ANC cannot challenge the government stricted, international interest in South Africa's but it can effectively veto any Constitutional political drama has dropped. Since the beginning of initiatives with respect to blacks. Even the ultraloyal- 1987 state security forces are said to have become ist Botha mouthpiece, Die Burger, wrote on July 29, less involved in open clashes, with an 80 percent 1987 (after the Dakar conference): "There can be no decline in "incidents" in the first six months of compromise with [ANC violence]. However, at the 1987, compared with the corresponding period in same time it is equally true that there is a serious 1986. London and Washington are toughening their desire for peace. The sparks remain alive that the stand against the ANC. In Whitehall the question is protagonists of violence will come to their senses again being asked whether the ANC resembles the and will take a seat at the conference table." Irish Republican Army rather than the advance guard Debating and consorting for a week with some of of a genuine Africanist movement. the senior ANC leaders yielded both pleasant surprises and disappointments. The major surprise was in Thabo Mbeki, 45, son of the ANC leader A serious backlash has set in among South Govan Mbeki who was in jail for 23 years and was African whites, including sympathizers with the recently set free. In Mbeki the ANC has an heir black nationalist cause. As a Progressive Federal apparent with outstanding skills. In opening state- Party candidate said in Dakar, in 1981 it was still ments at the conference one of Mbeki's codelegates possible for him to get elected while insisting on the took an intransigent line, projecting an inevitable ANC's right to be incorporated in the political showdown between the white government and the process; in 1987 he was defeated by an electorate ANC. He also insisted that the ANC had the right to that believed that a PFP victory would mean a short assume control over all the "democratic" forces route to an ANC (and communist) dictatorship. inside and outside the country. This seemed to 22 • DISSENT Notebook undercut the rationale of the Dakar talks except as an tional cleavage between the young, embittered new ANC exercise in public relations. It also left little recruits who demand instant action, and the older space for liberals who reject apartheid but refuse to generation of exiles who insist on strategic thinking. join a revolutionary movement. Moreover, the There is also a generational cleavage between, on apparent insistence on hegemonic control during the the one hand, people like Mbeki and Pallo Jordan, struggle raised serious doubts about whether the who are in their forties and emphasize an inclusive ANC would introduce a multiparty democracy if it nonracialism, and on the other hand, the generation won power.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • True Confessions, End Papers and the Dakar Conference
    Hermann Giliomee True Confessions, End Papers and Hermann Giliomee was Professor of the Dakar conference: A review of Political Studies at the University of Cape Town and is presently Professor the political arguments Extraordinary at the History Department, University of Stellenbosch. E-mail: [email protected] True Confessions, End Papers and the Dakar conference: A review of the political arguments As a social critic Breyten Breytenbach published two books of political commentary and political analysis during the mid-1980s without the opportunity of engaging with commentators at home. While True Confessions of an Albino Terrorist is part autobiography and part searing comment on prison life, End Papers is a more detached dissection of the major political and cultural issues confronting South Africa. Breytenbach was now one of the respected international voices on the political crisis in South Africa. The violent break-up of apartheid had changed Breytenbach’s social criticism. In the place of the earlier rejection and denunciation had come a willingness to engage and reason with his audience. The Dakar conference of 1987, which Breytenbach co-organised, offered an ideal opportunity for this. The conference was given wide publicity and was seen by some as the catalyst that broke the ice for the negotiations between the government and the ANC two and a half years later. Key words: Afrikaans literature, Dakar conference, National Party, African National Congress, South Africa, violence, negotiations. Introduction Shortly after being released from jail in 1982 Breyten Breytenbach published two non-fiction books, The True Confessions of an Albino Terrorist (1984) and End Papers (1986).
    [Show full text]
  • Winning Hearts and Minds in the Namibian Border War
    85 WINNING HEARTS AND MINDS IN THE NAMIBIAN BORDER WAR Lieneke Eloff de Visser1 Abstract During the Namibian border war, South African counterinsurgency doctrine acknowledged the importance of securing the allegiance and cooperation of the population. This article demonstrates that, in the operational zone, the responsibility of winning the hearts and minds of the Namibian people largely fell to the SADF (South African Defence Force). Although the SADF dedicated considerable resources to this task, these efforts were often at cross-purposes with those of institutions in the political, police and administrative domains. In addition, there was a lack of unity and purpose within the SADF. This article argues that lack of unity between and within the different domains undermined the effort at winning the hearts and minds of the Namibian population, and must at least partly have contributed to SWAPO´s victory in the 1989 elections. Introduction In devising appropriate responses to the challenges of the Namibian border war (1974–1989), the South African military drew on the work of C.A. „Pop‟ Fraser and John McCuen. Fraser, a WWII veteran, became Chief of Joint Operations of the South African Defence Force in 1966. In an unpublished study entitled Lessons learnt from past revolutionary wars, released in the early sixties, Fraser distilled the basic principles of counterinsurgency warfare from the work of authors such as Galula and Trinquier. McCuen served in staff and command positions in the United States Army in Vietnam, Thailand, Germany and Indonesia. While serving on the US Army General Staff in 1966 his book, The Art of Counter-Revolutionary War – The Strategy of Counter-Insurgency, was published.
    [Show full text]
  • Searchlight South Africa: a Marxist Journal of Southern African Studies Vol
    Searchlight South Africa: a marxist journal of Southern African studies Vol. 2, No. 7 http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.PSAPRCA0009 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Searchlight South Africa: a marxist journal of Southern African studies Vol. 2, No. 7 Alternative title Searchlight South Africa Author/Creator Hirson, Baruch; Trewhela, Paul; Ticktin, Hillel; MacLellan, Brian Date 1991-07 Resource type Journals (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Ethiopia, Iraq, Namibia, South Africa Coverage (temporal)
    [Show full text]
  • PRENEGOTIATION Ln SOUTH AFRICA (1985 -1993) a PHASEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS of the TRANSITIONAL NEGOTIATIONS
    PRENEGOTIATION lN SOUTH AFRICA (1985 -1993) A PHASEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE TRANSITIONAL NEGOTIATIONS BOTHA W. KRUGER Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at the University of Stellenbosch. Supervisor: ProfPierre du Toit March 1998 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za DECLARATION I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this thesis is my own original work and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it at any university for a degree. Signature: Date: The fmancial assistance of the Centre for Science Development (HSRC, South Africa) towards this research is hereby acknowledged. Opinions expressed and conclusions arrived at, are those of the author and are not necessarily to be attributed to the Centre for Science Development. Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za OPSOMMING Die opvatting bestaan dat die Suid-Afrikaanse oorgangsonderhandelinge geinisieer is deur gebeurtenisse tydens 1990. Hierdie stuC.:ie betwis so 'n opvatting en argumenteer dat 'n noodsaaklike tydperk van informele onderhandeling voor formele kontak bestaan het. Gedurende die voorafgaande tydperk, wat bekend staan as vooronderhandeling, het lede van die Nasionale Party regering en die African National Congress (ANC) gepoog om kommunikasiekanale daar te stel en sodoende die moontlikheid van 'n onderhandelde skikking te ondersoek. Deur van 'n fase-benadering tot onderhandeling gebruik te maak, analiseer hierdie studie die oorgangstydperk met die doel om die struktuur en funksies van Suid-Afrikaanse vooronderhandelinge te bepaal. Die volgende drie onderhandelingsfases word onderskei: onderhande/ing oor onderhandeling, voorlopige onderhande/ing, en substantiewe onderhandeling. Beide fases een en twee word beskou as deel van vooronderhandeling.
    [Show full text]
  • Life & Times of Magda A: Telling a Story of Violence in South Africa
    Life & Times of Magda A: Telling a Story of Violence in South Africa Author(s): Didier Fassin, Frédéric Le Marcis, and Todd Lethata Reviewed work(s): Source: Current Anthropology, Vol. 49, No. 2 (April 2008), pp. 225-246 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/526096 . Accessed: 08/06/2012 11:42 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The University of Chicago Press and Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Current Anthropology. http://www.jstor.org Current Anthropology Volume 49, Number 2, April 2008 225 Life & Times of Magda A Telling a Story of Violence in South Africa by Didier Fassin, Fre´de´ric Le Marcis, and Todd Lethata How to write about violence? Most recent anthropological works have dealt with this question in terms of either political economy, narratives, or performance. Using J. M. Coetzee’s Life & Times of Michael K as a pre-text, an ethnological inquiry into violence is proposed through the biography of a young South African woman.
    [Show full text]
  • The Gordian Knot: Apartheid & the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970
    THE GORDIAN KNOT: APARTHEID & THE UNMAKING OF THE LIBERAL WORLD ORDER, 1960-1970 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Ryan Irwin, B.A., M.A. History ***** The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Professor Peter Hahn Professor Robert McMahon Professor Kevin Boyle Professor Martha van Wyk © 2010 by Ryan Irwin All rights reserved. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the apartheid debate from an international perspective. Positioned at the methodological intersection of intellectual and diplomatic history, it examines how, where, and why African nationalists, Afrikaner nationalists, and American liberals contested South Africa’s place in the global community in the 1960s. It uses this fight to explore the contradictions of international politics in the decade after second-wave decolonization. The apartheid debate was never at the center of global affairs in this period, but it rallied international opinions in ways that attached particular meanings to concepts of development, order, justice, and freedom. As such, the debate about South Africa provides a microcosm of the larger postcolonial moment, exposing the deep-seated differences between politicians and policymakers in the First and Third Worlds, as well as the paradoxical nature of change in the late twentieth century. This dissertation tells three interlocking stories. First, it charts the rise and fall of African nationalism. For a brief yet important moment in the early and mid-1960s, African nationalists felt genuinely that they could remake global norms in Africa’s image and abolish the ideology of white supremacy through U.N.
    [Show full text]
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
    VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United
    [Show full text]
  • The Apartheid Divide
    PUNC XI: EYE OF THE STORM 2018 The Apartheid Divide Sponsored by: Presented by: Table of Contents Letter from the Crisis Director Page 2 Letter from the Chair Page 4 Committee History Page 6 Delegate Positions Page 8 Committee Structure Page 11 1 Letter From the Crisis Director Hello, and welcome to The Apartheid Divide! My name is Allison Brown and I will be your Crisis Director for this committee. I am a sophomore majoring in Biomedical Engineering with a focus in Biochemicals. This is my second time being a Crisis Director, and my fourth time staffing a conference. I have been participating in Model United Nations conferences since high school and have continued doing so ever since I arrived at Penn State. Participating in the Penn State International Affairs and Debate Association has helped to shape my college experience. Even though I am an engineering major, I am passionate about current events, politics, and international relations. This club has allowed me to keep up with my passion, while also keeping with my other passion; biology. I really enjoy being a Crisis Director and I am so excited to do it again! This committee is going to focus on a very serious topic from our world’s past; Apartheid. The members of the Presidents Council during this time were quite the collection of people. It is important during the course of this conference that you remember to be respectful to other delegates (both in and out of character) and to be thoughtful before making decisions or speeches. If you ever feel uncomfortable, please inform myself or the chair, Sneha, and we will address the issue.
    [Show full text]
  • Trc-Media-Sapa-2000.Pdf
    GRAHAMSTOWN Jan 5 Sapa THREE OF DE KOCK'S CO-ACCUSED TO CHALLENGE TRC DECISION Three former security branch policemen plan to challenge the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's decision to refuse them and seven of their former colleagues, including Eugene de Kock, amnesty for the 1989 murder of four policemen. De Kock, Daniel Snyman, Nicholaas Janse Van Rensburg, Gerhardus Lotz, Jacobus Kok, Wybrand Du Toit, Nicolaas Vermeulen, Marthinus Ras and Gideon Nieuwoudt admitted responsibility for the massive car bomb which claimed the lives of Warrant Officer Mbalala Mgoduka, Sergeant Amos Faku, Sergeant Desmond Mpipa and an Askari named Xolile Shepherd Sekati. The four men died when a bomb hidden in the police car they were travelling in was detonated in a deserted area in Motherwell, Port Elizabeth, late at night in December 1989. Lawyer for Nieuwoudt, Lotz and Van Rensburg, Francois van der Merwe said he would shortly give notice to the TRC of their intention to take on review the decision to refuse the nine men amnesty. He said the judgment would be taken on review in its entirety, and if it was overturned by the court, the TRC would once again have to apply its mind to the matter in respect of all nine applicants. The applicants had been "unfairly treated", he said and the judges had failed to properly apply their mind to the matter. The amnesty decision was split, with Acting Judge Denzil Potgieter and Judge Bernard Ngoepe finding in the majority decision that the nine men did not qualify for amnesty as the act was not associated with a political objective and was not directed against members of the ANC or other liberation movements.
    [Show full text]
  • Umkhonto Wesizwe's Contribution to The
    JOERNAAL/JOURNAL KWHELA UMKHONTO WESIZWE’S CONTRIBUTION TO THE DEFENCE OF THE AFRICAN REVOLUTION IN ANGOLAJ GC Kwhela** 1. INTRODUCTION Prior to independence, on 11 November, 1975, the prospective Angolan govern- ment under the leadership of the MPLA (Movimento Popular de Libertaçaõ de Angola) was under continuous attack from the FNLA (Frente Nacional de Libertaçaõ de Angola) and UNITA (Uniaõ Nacional para a Independencia Total de Angola). The FNLA was attacking from the then Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of the Congo) with the support of the United States’ Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and was repelled at Quifangondo, close to the capital, Luanda. UNITA was advancing from the south in conjunction with the South African Defence Force (SADF) with the aim of capturing the capital before Independence Day. The joint UNITA-SADF forces, which held the town of N’Gunza (which was then called Novo Redondo), were repelled at the Queve River, Cuanza Sul Province by the People’s Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola (FAPLA). FAPLA forces were later on reinforced by Cuban forces that provided assistance in resisting the advancement of the joint UNITA-SADF forces to Luanda and ultimately the SADF withdrew from Angola on 27 March 1976. Although the conflict continued throughout the 1970s and the early 1980s in the Cunene, Cuando Cubango and Moxico provinces of Angola, the joint UNITA- SADF forces began another offensive in 1983 with the rejuvenated support of the United States under the Reagan administration. This was the first instance in which uMkhonto weSizwe (MK), the armed wing of the African National Congress (ANC) of South Africa, became a prominent actor in the defence of the African revolution in Angola, in what was then called the "eastern front" within the Malanje province.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa in the Global Imaginary: an Introduction
    South Africa in the Global Imaginary: An Introduction Leon de Kock English, South Africa 1. The Elements in Play What I want to write about is the penetration, expansion, skir- mishing, coupling, mixing, separation, regrouping of peoples and cultures—the glorious bastardisation of men and women mutually shaped by sky and rain and wind and soil....Andeverywhereis exile; we tend to forget that now. The old ground disappears, ex- propriated by blood as new conflicting patterns emerge. Breyten Breytenbach, Dog Heart, Introductions to South African literary culture conceived as an entity have a peculiar trademark: They apologize for attempting to do the impossible 1 and then go ahead anyway. This gesture, ranging from rhetorical genu- flection to anxious self-examination to searing critique of others who have dared to undertake what should not be attempted lightly, reveals a signifi- cant fault line in the field of South African literary studies, although field is a problematic metaphor here, like almost every other metaphor one cares to use. Literary ‘‘fields’’—entities, groupings—require some reason other than the mere convenience of geography for their existence: they need mini- mal convergence in the domains of origin, language, culture, history, and nationalism (contested or not) to become, in some sense, cohesive and inter- referential. But in the South African case each of these domains fragments . See, for example, Gray (: ); Van Wyk Smith (: i–iii); Chapman (: xx); Wade (: –); and Jolly and Attridge (: ). Poetics Today : (Summer ). Copyright © by the Porter Institute for Poetics and Semiotics. Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/poetics-today/article-pdf/22/2/263/458140/22.2de_kock01.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 264 Poetics Today 22:2 into heterogeneity the moment one looks more closely at the literary ob- jects at hand.
    [Show full text]
  • SOUTH AFRICA, the COLONIAL POWERS and 'AFRICAN DEFENCE' by the Same Author
    SOUTH AFRICA, THE COLONIAL POWERS AND 'AFRICAN DEFENCE' By the same author ECONOMIC POWER IN ANGLO-SOUTH AFRICAN DIPLOMACY DIPLOMACY AT THE UN (edited with Anthony Jennings) INTERNATIONAL POLITICS: States, Power and Conflict since 1945 THE POLITICS OF THE SOUTH AFRICA RUN: European Shipping and Pretoria RETURN TO THE UN: UN Diplomacy in Regional Conflicts South Africa, the Colonial Powers and'African Defence' The Rise and Fall of the White Entente, 1948-60 G. R. Berridge Readerill Politics University ofLeicester © G. R. Berridge 1992 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1 st edition 1992 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or * transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, london W1T 4lP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Published by PAlGRAVE Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PAlGRAVE is the new global academic imprint of St. Martin's Press llC Scholarly and Reference Division and Palgrave Publishers ltd (formerly Macmillan Press ltd). ISBN 978-1-349-39060-1 ISBN 978-0-230-37636-6 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9780230376366 This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources.
    [Show full text]