Christopher John Blakeman Phd Thesis

The third and last introductory chapter is a detailed analysis of the poetry of Theodulf as a whole. This chapter looks at the subject, language and prosody of the poems and the influence on them from other poets.

The six poems then follow. Each is first prefaced by a short introduction, then the text is given with a translation on the following page, The text and translation for each poem is then followed by a line by line commentary, noting literary and historical points of interest. CONTENTS

Preface ......

Introduction:

Chapter 1 ...... 2

Chapter 2 ...... 33

Chapter 3 ...... 55

Notes the text on ...... 80

Abbreviations ...... 81

Poems: Texts, translations and Commentaries:

C. I (Sirmond III. 1; DUmmler 25) 84 c...... -

C-II (Sirmond 111.2; DUmmler 26) 174 c......

C. III (Sirmond 111.3; DUmmler 27) 186 c......

C. IV (Sirmond 111.4; DUmmler 43) 237 c......

111.5; DUmmler 31) 249 C. V (Sirmond c......

VI (Sirmond 111.6; DUmmler 32) 257 C. c......

270 Bibliography ...... Preface

In many ways Theodulf has been overshadowed by Alcuin.

Alcuin's corpus is greater but the pragmatism of his character and of his work is, If eel, surpas-sed. by the wit and imagination of Theodulf. He can without hesitation be described as the most vibrant poet 0f his circle, wr iti ng wi th perception, wit, eloquence and anger. Theodulf is in comparison a lesser figure in the court, but this distance enhances his interest as an observer of the court.

These six poems have been chosen partly because they are a convenient grouping, the first six in the third book of

Jacob Sirmond'---D edition. They also offer an instructive cross- section of Theodulf's life and poetry by their varietý of addressees and genres. In this selection are Theodulf's most grandiloquent and also his most recondite poems (I and III). A unifying aspect of this selection is the court, with references in all to the royal family or the court.

Thanks are due in particular to my supervisor, Roger

Green, for his support and advice during my studies, I would also like to record my thanks for the material supplied by the many libraries and for the help given by the staff of the

University Library.

-I- CHAPTER 1

Theodulf's Life and Career

Theodulf's date of birth

The precise date of Theodulf's birth is unknown and there

are no references by Theodulf to his age at any point.

DUmmler's evidence for a birth date of c. 760 is based only on

a letter of Alcuin dated 801 1. The significant phrase cui est

aetas florida is used by Catullus of a youth 2, and Alcuin

himself, using a similar phrase in an earlier letter 3,

intends only a comparison between his own slowness and the

others' more youthful vigour. Such an ambiguous phrase at best

shows only that Theodulf is younger than Alcuin and does not

support this date. The difference in the ages is made more

difficult to assess by the context of the letter (see n. 3).

Alcuin's ill-health at this time is described immediate ly

before the phrase so that his description of Theodulf's

1youthful vigour' is perhaps a reference to their relative

states of health and not to their ages. It is certainly not a

precise indication of Theodulf's age. DahlhauS-Berg interprets

the passage as a reference to a high-point in Theodulf's

4 career The argument below for the date of Theodulf's earliest poem in Charles' court (c. 23) suggests an entry date

of 788-789. The tone of the poem is humble and perhaps

indicative of youth. If one assumes that Theodulf was twenty

years old at the time of his entry, an approximate birthdate

of 768-769 is possible.

- Theodulf's place of birth

There is more evidence for Theodulf's place of birth than

for his date of birth. Theodulf was probably born in Spain and

may later have moved to Septimania. The name Theodulf is

certainly Visigothic 5. The most important passage occurs in

Theodulf's poem Parenesis ad Iudices written after his Journey

to south-west Gaul ass missus dominicus in 798 6, and is at the

centre of Adolf Ebert' s brief exposition of the evidence 7. At

Narbonne Theodulf is met by a group of people (c. 28.137-140

(p. 497) ):

Mox sedes, Narbona, tuas urbemque decoram

tangimus, occurrit quo mihi laeta cohors,

reliquiae Getici populi, simul Hespera turba

me consanguineo fit duce laeta sibi.

That this Hespera turba is composed of Spaniards is' not

immediately apparent. Hesperia from which the adjective is

derived is more frequently used of Italy by classical authors

B. Ebert gives one example of the use of Hesperia for Spain by

Theodulf himself. 9. There are however precedents for this

usage which Ebert makes no mention of. Most influential on

Theodulf is Isidore with whom Theodulf was well acquainted. He explains the name of the Hesperii, a Spanish tribe, with the statement that Hispania/ Hesperia are synonymous 10. Elsewhere

Isidore describes Spain Hesperia I'. Alcuin as vera. ., shows

that he is following Isidore when he includes both names in reference to Isidore in a letter, naming him as sidus

doctor Hispaniae Hesperige, 12. Horace and Martial al-so use

- He---: 13. -peria or the related adjective

Ebert completes his argument 114 for Theodulf's Spanish origins with a reference to Theodulf's poem on books he has read, where in the list of authors Theodulf refers to

Prudentius:

Diversoque potens prudenter promere plura

metro, 0 Prudenti, noster et ipse parens 15

Ebert says that parens does not refer to influence of

Prudentius because of the actual lack of variety in the metres used by Theodulf, but means that they have a common patria

(Prudentius was born c. 348 in Catalonia, possibly at

Saragos--3a). But parens is linked with the description of

Prudentius' poetic output in the previous line, and while

Frudentius is indeed Spanish there does not appear to be a similar use of parens elsewhere to describe the relationship between compatriots. So parens is more likely to refer to

Prudentius as 'father' in the sense of a person influential upon the content of Theodulf's poetry.

The relationship between Theodulf and the Gothic people he meets at Narbonne is described by Ebert (pp. 96-97) as that of compatriots, each having origins amongst the Goths of Spain

16. This consanguinitas, says Ebert, shows that Theodulf could not have been born in Septimania, but Liutpold Wallach claims that the evidence for Theodulf's origin in Septimania cannot

17 line be questioned .A after this same passage does however indicate that Theodulf has previous experience of the area and in particular Carcasonne and the area between Carcasonne and

- Narbonne: Inde te, Carcasona, Redasque ". If revisentes - indeed this area is his birth-place he does, not make any mention of it.

Further evidence for Theodulf's country of origin can be found in the two extant epitaphs for Theodulf, both of uncertain date and provenance. The first was found by Jean

Mabillon in the Codex Vitonianus, which Mabillon suggests, on

the basis of the hand, is from the ninth century 19. The final line of the epitaph suggests that it was written in or

intended for Theodulf's Angers 20 The place of exile, . second epitaph, which according to DUmmler is later 21, was found by

Nicholas Du Chesne in Brussels, in the Ms. Bib. Ray. 9612.

Both epitaphs give Theodulf's place of birth as Hesperia. The

earlier of the two distinguishes between Speria and Gallia as

22. Theodulf's birthplace and place of upbringing respectively'

Although the value of this undated epitaph as an account of

Theodulf's early life is doubtful, it is interesting for its

implication that Theodulf ' s, early life was spent in Gaul. The

verb nutriit implies the formative years of his life, and

Gallia could refer to Charles' territories around Septimania.

Such a theory, that Theodulf spent his early life in this

his area, is however undermined by Theodulf's description of

mission to this area in c. 28. Theodulf's reaction to the area

does not show the joy of a person returning to what would

essentially be his home, and at most he is revisiting the area

(see n. 18 above). Theodulf however could just be demonstrating

indifference or dislike for hiS homeland.

- Ann Freeman in the second of her studies on the Libri

Carolini 23 has produced strong evidence to demonstrate

Theodulf's Spanish origins. The Libri show on several occasions that Theodulf has based the scriptural citations on

litUrgy 24. 25 the Spanish The citation in Book 3.14 repeats the antiphon Ante colles ego parturieba_r intended in the

Mozarabic liturgy for Matins on Christmas day. Most striking in the same chapter is the verbatim rendering of the citations from Ecclesiasticus and the Old Latin version of Proverbs in the Mozarabic form:

Ego quasi terebinctus expandi ramos meos

Ego feci ut oriretur lucifer in caelo

Ego omnes qui me amant diligo

Exitus enim mei vitae sunt

These citations are shown to be derived from dirýct experience of the liturgy and not through intermediaries such as Elipand of Toledo. Theodulf's composition of the Libri and the strong Spanish influence on the orthography of the work will be discussed later in the chapter.

Alcuin's address to a rival with the pseudonym Dares

2 &is His pL_anic C_!:IS interpreted by DUmmler as a reference to , Theodulf rather than to Felix of Urgelles and Elipand of

2-7 The date for the letter 799 the Toled 0 . of early suits period of keen rivalry between Theodulf and Alcuin and his pupils, manifested in c. III which dates from sometime between

June 798 and the winter of 800 (see introduction to commentary for c. III below). Although Alcuin's conflict with Felix of

- Urgelles over the heresY of Adoptionism was taking place at

about the same time (see n. 66 below), the reference to Homer,

at the end of the passage quoted from Ep. 164 (see n. 26 above),

links Dares Hispanicus closely with poetry. The arrogant

Dares prepares to silence even Homer (possibly a reference to

Angilbert but more likely to be the original Homer as the example of the finest poet, heightening the 'young' poet's presumption). The absence of evidence for any poetic activity by either Felix or Elipand makes it likely that Theodulf is referred to here and so provides further evidence of his

Spanish nationality.

The circumstances of Theodulf's departure from Spain are not certain. There appear to be two references to it. One occurs in the later of the two epitaphs: deserui patriam gentemque, domumque, laremqUe 23. This hexameter, in the place of a pentameter, breaks, up the metrical pattern of the epitaph and is perhaps a later interpolation or corrupted line. The other reference, by Theodulf, provides the most significant evidence. In one of his earliest poems, the

23 29 thanking Charles, Theodulf acrostic c. p while writes: annuit is mihi, qui sum immensis casibus exul. Exul is used later by Theodulf of himself when disgraced and sent into

Pious 3 exile by Louis the 0, but there is no further evidence that Theodulf suffered a similar condemnation earlier in his life. To judge from this line Theodulf was driven out of Spain by events at home. Ann Freeman with reference to this phrase immensis casibus sugge-sts that Theodulf was driven out of

- Saragossa by sporadic fighting that occurred there during the late 7701 S), and early 780's, between the Franks and Saracens

11 She that Saragossa if . also shows would, it had relt.-ained the library of the eminent seventh century bishop, Brau'Lio, have been in the forefront of biblical and theological studies, a suitable place for the education of Theodulf.

Theodulf's entry into the court

The date and circumstances of Theodulf's entry into the court are as uncertain as his earlier life. If indeed he

Joined the court at the time of the Frankish army' s incursions into the area around Saragossa, then a date between 778,

Charles' initial expedition, and 785, when Gerona fell to the

Franks, is likely. A terminus post quem can perhaps be established by Alcuin's earliest verse-epistle to the court, c. 4 (pp. 220-223), probably written soon after the meeting with

Charles at Parma in 780-781. Alcuin greets in turn the important court officials and scholars, including Peter of

Pisa, Paul the Deacon and PaulinUS 32, but no mention is made of Theodulf. This could also be explained if Theodulf was yet to reach the court. Therefore at best a terminus of 781 for

Theodulf's arrival can be established, or possibly a date just before this. It is known that Theodulf was active as a poet by 791, and apparently established, as his abilities are noted by an unknown poet writing under the pseudonym Fiducia. in the verse-epistle to Angilram, Charles' chaplain, who died

31 in 79 1 .

-8- Theodulf's first poem in the court appears to be the acrostic c. 23 collected in the Codex Bern.. 212 along with others by Alcuin and Josephus Scottus, and discussed by Dieter

Schaller 34. The technical demands of the acrostic form indicate that this poem is probably the product of a poet keen to show his abilities to a new patron. The humble tone of the final verses (e. g. servulus exiguus iussu-conpulsus erili) 35 is inconsistent with Theodulf's position elsewhere, in

I 36. particular in C. Indeed Theodulf actually refers two lines later to j)riMoS 37 versiculos nostros. .. which strongly supports this as Theodulf's earliest work in the court.

Schaller, having dismissed Liersch's suggestion of 782 as conjecture (p. 390) concludes that the poem must be before 790, and following Rieber 33 states that there is an allusion in lines 30-32 to the commencement of the palace at Aachen, indicating a date soon after the winter of 788-789 when, as

Fichtenau has revealed 39, building at Aachen commenced.

Theodulf's authorship of the Libri Carolini shows that he must have quickly established a reputation as a theologian of sufficient calibre to work on such an important document. Work on the Libri was begun on receipt of the Latin translation of the Acts of the Nicene Council, probably in 789. Schaller's date (see above) is compatible with this and although

Theodulf's advancement i-s rapid it is quite possible that he arrived at the court as an able theologian. The circumstances of Theodulf's introduction to the court are also uncertain. It is his abilities as a theologian that probably attracted

- Charles' interest in Theodulf. That Theodulf was invited into the court by Charles seems likely from the evidence of other

40. scholars' experience S

Libri Carolini

The Libri Carolini or Caroli Magni Capitulare De

Imaginibus, the title given to the work by Bastgens in his edition 41, was a reaction to the ideas set out in the Acts of the Second Nicene Council, called by the Empress Irene and

Constantine VI in 787. The transmission of the Council's resolutions to the Carolingian court was not however without problems. The translation of the Acts from Greek to Latin, made by Pope Hadrian at Rome and sent to Charles about two

42, years after the Council was poor and led to confusion and misunderstanding 43.

The importance of this treatise lies both in its political implicationss. and as a demonstration of the theological strength of the court. Eli-)abeth Dahlhaus-Berg sees the need to avoid an agreement between the Papacy and

Byzantium as the motivation for such a vigorous denunciation of the Eastern use of images. Such an agreement would place the Frankish church out on a political limb within the

blocs 44 the existing allied power .A strong condemnation of

Council's proposals would show an uncertain Papacy the strength of the Frankish Church. The treatise was probably not intended for anyone other than the Fope and his theologians and certainly did not receive a wider readership at the time.

- 10- The work was probably referred to at the Synod of Paris in

825, when the subject of images was raised again (Freeman

667).

From a theological point of view the Libri give an insight into the methods of the Court theologians. A working copy, Ms. Vaticanus Latinus 7207, shows, by its numerous alterations, that the work was discussed and revised by other

theologians in the court. Charles' direct involvement in this revision has been suggested by Von den Steinen 45 on the basis of the marginal notes in this manuscript, but this theory has

been brought into doubt by a later study 46.

The case for Theodulf rests firmly on the form of the

scriptural citations in the work and the orthography still

evident in the Ms. Vat. Lat. 7207 despite corrections, and his

authorship of the Libri has been conclusively proved by Ann

the treatise 47 Alcuin Freeman in her three articles on . was

long assumed to be the author 48, and one scholar, despite Ann

Freeman's evidence, still maintains this opinion 49.

The scriptural citations in the Libri are in part

directly derived from the Spanish Mozarabic Liturgy, and in

particular from the antiphons. There is a single complete L6on, in extant example of a Mozarabic Antiphonary, at and

that the similarities can be seen. In the Libri 1,25 the

the form found in passage quoted from Isaiah 61.7-8 follows

the LO-on Antiphonary rather than the Vulgate. Evidence perhaps

that these citations are being taken from memory is the

passage beginning: Ante col les ego parturiebar (L. C. 3.14). It

- 11 - is strongly influenced by the Spanish form, in the antiphon for Matins on Christmas day, but the omission of occasional words perhaps betrays the fact that Theodulf did not have the text to hand. One of the clearest 'Spanish' citations comes again in 3.14 (quoted above in the section on Theodulf 's birthplace). The first three lines differ significantly from the Vulgate form 50 while the fourth line is not found in the

Vulgate. The passage reproduces the text of the antiphon In carnes tollendas from the L6on book, including the final line.

These examples are only a small sample of the very many passages common to both the Libri and the Spanish Liturgy. Ann

Freeman lists these in the first of her studies 51.

The orthography of the Libri betrays its Spanish roots only in the working copy (Vat. Lat. 7207), in which the _ original form has been corrected, and it is this correctýed form, as Ann Freeman points out, (p. 691) that Bastgens uses in his edition (see n. 41). The clearest orthographical parallel with Theodulf's own usage is the old Spanish form cerubin which is changed to cerubim by the correctors. Cerubin can be found under the inscription by the mosaic of the Ark along with cherubims in the church of St. Germigny-des-Pr6s, placed there by Theodulf in 806 and inscribed with his name. Other

Spanish forms can be seen to have been corrected: qu for c; ae for e; b for v and g for c.

The fact that Theodulf was chosen as author of this

the statement of Western doctrine and the standard of work shows Theodulf's standing as a theologian. The argument of the

- 12 - work is strongly supported by biblical and patristic examples and its length and thoroughness is impressive.

Theodulf as Bishop of Orl6ans

Theodulf appears to have been a deacon on his arrival at the court and refers to this in his fragmentary 0 poem

Pargenesis ad Episcopos 52. When Theodulf actually became bishop of Orl6ans is not certain. The earliest contemporary reference to Theodulf as a bishop is in a letter from Alcuin

to Charles dated July 798, in which Alcuin asks Charles to

by Felix Urgelles to Theodulf 53 This pass on a work of . can

therefore be established as a firm terminus ante quem. A biographical outline in the Gallia Christiana indicates that

bishop in 788 54 the death Theodulf was , coinciding with of

the Abbot of Fleury, Manasse, but this date cannot be pr6ved and indeed is contradicted by the evidence for Theodulf's I entry into the court (see above). A date earlier than 798 would seem likelY on the basis of a reference in Theodulf's poetry. C. I dated about 795-796, shows that he is absent from

date. the court 55 but this cannot establish an exact

With the bishopric of Orl6ans came the responsibility for

the abbeys of Aniane, Micy and Fleury. Of these the most

important was Fleury. The monastery was an important

for the scjLjýptorium and appears to have been re---.)pon---)ible

library production of Theodulf's Bibles; its contained a collection of patristic texts of great variety ". The abbey of St. Maximinus at Micy however suffered a collapse of

- 13- discipline, The discipline in this Benedictine foundation was restored by Theodulf by the import of monks from Benedict of

Aniane's monastery in Septimania (see c. 30 (pp. 520-522)).

Theodulf's mission to Gaul

Theodulf's role as a missus dominicus in Southern Gaul with Leidrad, bishop-designate of Lyons, is clear evidence of his rank and importance. It was necessary that the missus, who in effect was an extension of the king's authority administering justice and making known the king's rulings on

local issues (contained in the Capitularies), should be above bribery. That Theodulf was chosen as a missus says much for

the king's estimation of his integrity and ability. An example of his integrity is shown in his rejection of the

57. petitioners' bribery

The mission of 798 sg is shown to be mainly concerned wi th the administration of justice by the introductory discourse on the benefits for a just man and the biblical models of piety and justice 59. Theodulf appears to have taken his duties seriously and the poem is more than an account by a royal official and has a strong vein of moral-didactic advice

for other judges within it. Theodulf's exhortation to moral rectitude 60 includes a sharp attack on the dangers of overindulgence in alcohol. From the examples used by Theodulf

it is reasonable to assume that the blandishments against which Theodulf warns were part of his own experience during his mission. Although we have no Capitulary that would have

- 14- outlined the specif ic aims of Theodulf's and Leidrad's mission, the poem shows from the variety of the people trying to bribe them 61 that they probably acted as magistrates settling cases in the towns listed earlier in the poem, from

Vienne to Cavaillon 62. Even if the poem reveals more about

Theodulf's ideas about justice and the qualities essential for a judge than about the work of a missuS, it reveals a sharp and perceptive man 63.

Dispute with Alcuin

Although elements of a rivalry between Theodulf and

Alcuin can be in Theodulf's 64 two seen poetry , only documented examples of rivalry exist. One of these concerns the composition of Pope Hadrian's epitaph 165, and will be discussed later; the other is the acrimonious disp6te concerning a fugitive priest from Orl6ans sheltering at Tours in about 801-802 and Alcuin's refusal to return the priest to

Theodulf. The episode provoked several letters by both Alcuin and Charles 64, but unfortunately although we know that

Theodulf wrote at least two to each of these men about this matter, none has survived 67.

The facts of the matter are confused. Alcuin admits in the first of these letters (see n. 66) that the priest had indeed escaped from prison (but had confessed his sins) and

Haur6au points out that the acceptability of asylum was declining with Charles' reform of the rights of appeal 68.

However the same letter goes on to describe the retaliatory

- 15 - actions taken by Theodulf, who according to Alcuin sent eight armed men to seize the priest in church itself during a Sunday service, Following this sacrilege the soldiers were then expelled by members of the abbey. Alcuin defends his right to grant asylum and reiterates this in his letter, and the violent popular reaction to the men from Orl6ans apparently supports the right of Alcuin's case. There is in fact an inconsistency in Alcuin's accounts of the ejection of the men.

In his letter to his pupils (Ep. 245) he mentions only the monks' involvement, while in his letter to Charles (Ep. 249) the extent of the violence is exaggerated and he states that a mob of citizens of Tours had gathered to attack Theodulf's men. The dispute was settled by the intervention of Charles who sent a representative, Theodbert (Teotbert) to settle the matter and bring the priest back 49.

Treatise on the Holy Spirit 809-810

In 809-810 Theodulf became involved in the dispute concerning the use of filioque in the Creed and the question of whether the Holy Spirit proceeded 'from the Father' or

Father the Son' The in the Frankish If rom the and . practice church had been to include the filioque and the use of the extended formula spread to the East. The formula was used by the monks of Mount Olivet and created a controversy between

John, St. Saba in Jerusalem 70 The these monks and a monk at .

Pope's intervention resulted in the question being debated at the Synod of Aachen in November 809, and a legation comprising

- 16- Bernhar, Bishop of Worms and Adelhard, Abbot of Corbie, was sent to Rome to continue the debate with the Pope. At what point during these events the Liber De Spiritu Sancto was composed is not certain, but as no mention of the Pope or Rome is in the 71 made prefatory verses D it is probable that the

Treatise was prepared for the Synod.

In his work in favour of the extended formula 72 Theodulf expounds the argument with the support of a great number of biblical and patristic quotations. Thyodulf declares the value of such examples for the case of the Frankish Church in what is probably a rather warlike allusion to the Synod 73.

After the Libri Carolini in 787-789 (see above), this work is Theodulf's next theological work for Charles. It is interesting that twenty years should pass before Charles commissioned this work, Although not evidence for Charles' dissatisfaction with the Libri, it is due at least in part to

Alcuin' s supremacy as a theologian during the last decade of the century and until his death in 804. This supremacy can be seen in Alcuin's involvement in the campaign against the

Adoptionist heresy in 798-799 74 as a personal adviser to

75 76. Charle S and as a spokesman for the Frankish church

Syn)d of Chalon 813

Theodulf was also involved in some capacity in the Synod of Chalon, one of five regional Synods convened for church reform in 813, and in particular the form of penitence.

Theodulf's authorship of the Council's canons is shown by

- 17 - Dahlhaus-Berg 77 with examples of parallels between the canons and the prose and poetry of Theodulf. The dissemination of these canons is shown by the R. F. A. for 813 which shows that copies were kept in each of the towns and also in the palace. It seems unlikely that Theodulf presided over the

Synod itself as this was the responsibility of the Archbishop of the see. The Acts of three of the other Synods (at Arles,

Reims and Mainz) record the names of these archbishops 73, but not Tours and Chalon. Dahlhaus-Berg (p. 222) suggests that

Magnus of Sens and Leidrad of Lyons, the archbishops with responsibility for Tours and Chalon, are the most suitable.

Exile

Theodulf's career ended in Louis the Pious' reign in disgrace and exile. Theodulf was implicated in the plot by

Bernard of Italy against Louis towards the end of 817, and in

818 (after Easter) Theodulf was punished, his see was taken f rom him, and he was exiled to St. Aubin in Angers 79.

Theodulf's guilt is in doubt and there is reason to believe that he was the victim of personal grievances. During his

he exile Theodulf denied his guilt 30 and indeed in 820 refused to accept a pardon on Louis' terms, which appear to have included the condition that Theodulf should confess his guilt 31. Theodulf's satirical style cannot have made many friends amongst the Frankish aristocracy if his attack on

Count Wibod in c. I 32 ism an example. The ho-stility of one nobleman, Matfrid, Count of Orl6ans is important in explaining

- 18- Theodulf's exile. Matfrid's strong position in the court meant that he was able to influence Louis, and the ways in which

Theodulf's secular rivals benefited from his removal, as

Dahlhaus-Berg describes 93 indicates to , a conspiracy remove

Theodulf. References in the CataloSus Abbatum Floriacensium

34 , and the late tenth century Miracula S. Maximini by Letaldus indicate the possibility of a conflict of interest and of the benefit gained from Theodulf's disgrace 35. That Louis should be prepared to believe Theodulf's guilt is perhaps explained by Theodulf's support for Charles' eldest son, Charles 34, who in fact died young, in 811. Theodulf's loyalty to Louis was therefore in doubt.

Theodulf's death

Theodulf's death, like his birth, is shrouded in some mystery. The date appears to have been around 821. After

Moduin's verse-epistle of 820 (see n. 81) no further correspondence appears to exist, and 821 is the year of the accession of Theodulf's successor, Jonas, as Bishop of

Orl6ans. The only reference to the circumstances of Theodulf Is death is to be found in the same passage from Letald's

Mir-.ýýcula quoted in n. 85. Letald, a Benedictine monk at Micy

tenth near Orl6ans active around the end of the century,

This asserts, without further proof, that he was poisoned. is not corroborated, but if rivalries with the secular authorities such as the Count of Orl6ans were running high, and Theodulf's standing with the Emperor was weakened by the

- 19- refusal to accept Louis' terms of pardon, then murder is) a possibility.

- 20- Notes

1- Ep. 225 (p. 369). Sent to Theodulf congratulating him on receiving the Archbishop'S pallium in 801.

2. c. 68.16: iucundum cum f lorida ver -aetas ageret.

3. Ep. 145 (p. 231) dated March 798.

4. E. Dahlhaus-Berg, Nova Antiquitas at Antiqua Novitas:

Typologische Exegese isidorianisches und Geschichts-: )bild bei

Theodulf von Orl6ans (Cologne, 1975), p. 11.

5. Cf. subscriptiones for the Acts of the Councils of Toledo nos. 12 & 16 (M. G. H. Leg. Nat. Germ. I ed. K. Zeumer (Hanover,

1902), p. 486) dated January 681 and April/May 693 respectively.

6. c. 28 (pp. 493-517).

7. A. Eber t, 'Theodulfs Geburtsland', Berichte über die

Verhandlungen der Königlich Sächsischen Gesellschaft der

Wissenschaft zu Leipzig: Philologisch-Historische Klasse 30

(Leipzig, 1878), pp. 95-97.

8. Cf. for example: Verg. Aen. 1.530; Hor. c. 3-6.8 and 4,5.38.

- 21 - 9. 39.8 (p. 531) (to Louis): Hesperiam c. reprimas, ut premis ipse feras. Louis the Pious' defeat of the Saracens in Spain

in 810 is described in Thegan's Vita Hludovici Imp. 15 (M. G. H.

SS. 2, p. 615.

10. EtYMM.9.2.126.

11. Etym. 14.4.28.

12. 4.182 (p. 303). Addressed to Elipand of Toledo.

13. c. 1.36.4: Hesp eria... ultima; Epig. 13.40.2:

Hesperius liquor (referring ... to a Spanish fish sauce).

14. op. cit. p. 67 (n. 7).

15. 45.15- 16 (p. 543) c. .

16. Theodulf makes reference to his own Gothic roots in c. I.

17. L. Wall ach, 'The Unknown Author of the Libri Carolini,

Patristic Exegesis, Mozarabic Antiphons and the Vetus Latina',

Didascaliae: Studies in Honor of Anselm M. Albareda (New York,

1961) p. 509.

18. c. 28.141 (p. 497).

- 22 - 19. J. Mabillon, Analecta Veterum. 1.383 (Paris, 1675).

20. Anal. Vet. 1.377 line 8: Moenibu- his traditur et _ex-mul exsul erat.

21. PLAC. p. 444. No evidence is given to support this assertion.

22. Epi t. 1,4: prot ul it hunc Sper i a, Gal 11 a sed nut ri i t.

23. A. Freeman, 'Further Studies in the Libri Carolini',

Speculum 40 (1965), pp. 274ff.

24. ibid. pp. 239-243.

25. M. G. H. Legum III, vol. 2 supp. ed. Bastgens, p. 131.

26. Ep. 164 (p. 266): Tung habet Flaccus omni laetitia gaudere et more senis Entelli saltare tripudiare totis viribus et

Daretem Hispanicum vincere. qui gloriatur in fortitudine iuvenilis aetatis Homerumque versificantemque conticescere f acit -

27. M. G. H. Epist. II p. 266 n. 6. Felix is suggested by Jaff6 in his edition of the letter, while the theory that this refers to Elipand is taken from a later marginal note in the 11th

Century Ms. Cotton. Tiber. A 15.

- 23- 28. Gallia Christiana VIII (Paris, 1744), col. 1422,17.

29. line 28 (p. 481)

30. Th. 72.1 (p. 563): Hoc, Modoine, tibi Teudulfus-dirigit exul; ibid. 15 (p. 563): Exul, inops, pauper, tristissimus, anxius. egens.

31. Freeman (as n, 23 above) pp. 276-277.

32. c. 4.41-42 (p. 222) (Paulinus and Peter); c. 4.57 (p. 222).

33. Paul and Peter c. 44.16 (p. 77): Teudulf us rutilat mire de arte Iuvenci.

34. D. Schaller, 'Die Karolingischen Figurengedichte des Cod.

Bern. 212' Medium Aevum Vivum Fes tschrif tf Llr Walther BUlst , edd. H. R. Jauss and D. Schaller (Heidelberg, 1960), pp. 22-47

(pp. 38-41 on Th. 23).

35. c. 23.40 (p. 481).

36. The tone of the panegyric in c. I, as will be discussed in the next chapter, is repectful but not obsequious.

37. c. 23.42-43 (p. 481).

- 24- E. Rieber, Die Bedeutung alttestamentlicher Vorstellung für das Herrschertum Karls der Grossen_ und seines Hofkreises Diss,

(TUbingen, 1949), p. 95.

39. H. Fichtenau, 'Byzanz und die Pfalz zu Aachen',

Mitteilunzen des Instituts für Österreichische

Ge-schichtsforschuq& 59 (Vienna, 1951), pp. 19-21.

40. Alcuin's biography reports that Alcuin was invited by

Charles at Parma in 781: Vita Alcuini 6.

41. Cf. title page of his edition (as n. 25 above).

42. Suggested by Wolfram Von den Steinen, 'Die

Entstehungsgeschichte der Libri Carolini', Quellen und

Forschungen aus Italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheke 21

(TUbingen, 1929-1930) p. 73. Cited in E. Dahlhaus-Berg (as n. 4),

186.

43. Cf. Lib, Car. Praef atio (Bastgens) p. 51,2; p. 61,10. The author is reduced to saying that he simply does not understand particular citations in the text. (For other similar

Speculum 32 666). references cf. A. Freeman (1957), p.

44. E. Dahlhaus-Berg, pp. 187-188.

45. W. Von den Steinen N. A. 49, (1930-1931), pp. 207-280.

- 25 - 46. A, Men t z, 'Die Tironischen Noten', Arch. Jv f ür.

Urkundenforschung 17 (1942), pp. 261-263.

47. 'Theodulf of Orl6ans and the Libri Carolini' Speculum 32 ,

(1957), pp. 663-705; 'Further Studies in the Libri Carolini I:

Palaeographical problems in Vaticanus L at i nus 7207;

Patristic Exegesis, Mozarabic Antiphons and the Vetus Latina',

Speculum, 40 pp. 203-289; 'Further Studies III: The Marginal

Notes in Vaticanus Latinus 7207', Speculum 46 (1971), pp. 597-

612.

48. For the discussion of the supporters. of Alcuin' s case see

Freeman (1957), pp. 669ff.

49. L. Wallach, 'Charlemagne's Libri Carolini and Alcuin',

,l Traditio 9 (1953), pp. 143-149 and Diplomatic studies in Latin

and Greek documents from the Carolingian Age (Ithaca, 1977),

chs. 1-7 and 15-16. Wallach appears to have changed his mind

in the period between these two works (work cited in n. 17). An

uncompromising contradiction of Wallach's views, in particular

those in the second of these works, and a defence of Freeman's

arguements are provided by Paul Meyvaert in 'The Authorship of

The Libri Carolini: Observations prompted by a recent book',

R6vue Benedictine 89 (1979), pp. 29-57.

- 26- 50. Eccles. 24.22: Ego quam terebinthu--D extendi meos ramos

Eccles. 24.6: Fgo feci in caelis ut oriretur lumen indificiens

Proverbs 8.17: Ego diligentes me diligo.

5 1. pp. 683-687.

52. c. 2.31 (p. 453): parva sed in maZna cum sim levitide turba.

The use of levita to refer to a deacon is paralleled in some of the Alcuin' letters Ep. 120 (p. 175) salutationes of s cf. 0 diaconus appears to be more commonly used.

53.4.149 (pp. 243-244): sed obsecro si yestrae placeat pietati: ut exemplarium illius libelli domno dirigatur apostolico. - aliud quoque Paulino Patriarchae, similiter

Theodulfo doctoribus Richbodo. et episcopo et magistris. .I

Alcuin here refers to the work of Felix of Urgelles (see also

Ep. 145 (p. 233) and E12.148 (p. 241) ) and the martial allu-sion earlier in the letter is to the Saxon campaign of 798.

54. Gallia Christiana VIII edd. J. Thiroux, F. Hodin et al.

(Paris, 1744), col. 1419: Abbas Floriacensibus et

Aurelienensibus episcopus ab eodem datus. iam pragerat anno

788. sal tem.. .

55. c. I. 11-12 is probably the clearest indication of this.

- 27 - 56. Cf. C. L. A. (ed. Lowe) VI, p. xx; and the list of patristic

texts at Fleu, -Ly pp. xx-xxi.

57. c. 28.163-254 (pp. 499-500) and rejected with a forceful

tricolon crescendo in 1.256 (p. 500): 0 scelus, 0 furor, 0 res

truculenta nimis.

58. The year is shown by a reference to Theodulf's fellow

missus Leidrad's forthcoming accession to the bishopric of

Lyons: c. 28.119-120 (p. 498). Leidrad was made bishop of Lyons

in 799 (Gallia Christiana IV. 52).

59. c. 28.1-95 (pp. 495-496).

60. ibid. 354ff (pp. 503ff).

61. ibid. 163-166 (p. 498).

62. ibid. 125-152 (p. 497).

63. Such comments as at line 203-204 concerning the title given

to him by a flatterer:

Hoc e,, o sum domino - dominum me forte vocabat -

laturus

Theodulf sees through the flattery and uses forte ironically,

as if the title was used casually.

- 28- 64. c. I. 191ff (gentle irony at Alcuin's expense); c. III

(pp. 490-493) (criticism of Alcuin's pupils).

65. c. II (s-ee below: introduction to commentary); Tituli Saec.

Oct. c. 9 (p. 113).

66. Alc. Ep. 245 (pp. 393-398) (from Alcuin to his pupils

Nathanael and Candidus); Ep. 246 (pp-398-399) (Alcuin to an unknown Bishop); Ep. 247 (pp. 399-400) (Charles to Alcuin);

Ep. 249 (pp. 401-404).

67. Cf. Ep. 245 (p. 394): sicut in eius legebatur litteris; and

Ep. 247 (p. 399): gdlatae nobis sunt litterae a Theodulfo V- - episcopo missae. The contents and accusations of Theodulf's letters can be construed from Alcuin's letter. I

68. J. B. Haur6au, Singularit6s Historiques et Litt6raires

(Paris, 1861), p. 79.

69. Reference to this missus is made indirectly by Charles in his letter to Alcuin (4-247) and he is named by Alcuin in

Ep. 249.

70. John's involvement in the debate is mentioned in the Royal

Frankish Annals for 809.

71. Th. 36 (pp-527-528).

- 29- 72. Qpera Theod. Episc. ed. J. Sirmond (Paris, 1646) col. 967-

1018.

73. c. 36.29-34 (p. 528):

Is tibi si dicat: Dextram impositure duello

exere virtutis iam modo, si quid habes',

tu mox: 'Arma patrum vasto de gurgite sumpta

cernito, quos docuit lex nova sive vetus.

His dum nostra acies munita fatescere nescit,

cum vero vinces, cuius es ipse sequax.

74. The letters of Alcuin show his involvement: Epp. 148

(pp. 237-241); 149 (p. 242-245); 166 (pp. 268-274) (to Elipand);

171 (pp. 281-283); 172 (pp. 284-285).

75. Ep. 136 (pp. 205-210); Ep. 144 (pp. 228-230) dated March 798.

76. Ep. 137 (pp. 210-216) to the Goths, dated c. 798.

77. Dahlhaus-Berg, pp. 13-14; pp. 221-235.

78. M. G. H. Conc. I 1.1.34-36.

79. Cf. R. F. A. for 818.

80. c. 71.71-76 (p. 562) (Verse-epistle to Aiulf bishop of

Bourges. Theodulf's guilt is asserted in two articles: W. Mohr,

- 30- 'Die Kirchliche Einheitspartei und die Durchführung des

Reichsordnung von 817', Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 72

(1961) pp. 563-569 and T. F. X. Noble, 'The revolt of King Bernhard

of Italy in 817, its causes and consequences', Studi Medievali

15 (1974) pp. 315-326.

81. Moduin (c. 73.85-92 (pp. 571-572)) in reply to Theodulf's

verse-epistle (c. 72), relates Louis' terms. P. Godman feels that

these are terms known to Theodulf already: 'Louis the Pious and

his Poets', FrUhmittelalterliche Studien 19 (1985), p. 252.

82. c. 1.205-212.

83. As n. 4 pp. 18 and 19 respectively.

84. M. G. H. SS. 15, p. 507: Sed quia semper sapientibus invidetur

difficileque est in prosperis invidia carere, apud Imperatorem

Ludovicum ab emulis accusatus coniurecionis adversus eum facte

fuisse Andegavis conscius exiliatus ... est.

85.3.13, Migne P. L. 137 coi. 802: Fertur enim. vi veneni ab his exstinctus qui dum exularet, libertate potiti, bona eius invadendi iam hauserant cupiditatem.

86. c-35 (pp. 526-527) of uncertain date. Godman (n. 81) p. 245 feels that it may date from the time of the Ordinatio Regni in

- 31 - 806. Theodulf addresses the younger Charles in much the same affectionate term.. as for his father.

- 32 - CHAPTER 2

Theodulf and the Court

Charles' recruitment of scholars to his court, amongst whom came Theodulf, was in part motivated by a desire to fulfil the qualities of an ideal ruler 1. He wished to be seen to be associated with learning if not as an exponent.

Yheodulf's abilities ass a theologian and a poet appear to make

ýim an ideal member of the court. Theodulf's relations with the court and his position within the court however differ significantly from the other important members 2. ThiS chapter will show the difference between Theodulf and Alcuin's po-sitions in the court, and their interactions there. A comparison between these two key figures in the court and the differences it reveals give an in-sight into the nature of the court and how Theodulf fitted into it.

Theodulf's Relationship with Charles

Theodulf does not appear to have had a close relationship with Charles. In the more settled period for the court, at Aachen after 794, Theodulf in common with Alcuin spent little time at the court. Personal contact with Charles

Alcuin wass therefore sporadic and in the case of was

No between maintained by frequent letters. correspondence

Theodulf and Charles has survived, and the only evidence for

is the letters to by Alcuin, any epistolary contact referred

to Charles during dispute Alcuin written in complaint a with

- 33- in 802 3. Alcuin's letters show a personal relationship of sorts with Charles; on the other hand the tone of Theodulf' s, letters to Charles must have been very different. Many of

Alcuin's letters were written in reply to questions from the king on various subjects (see below) and indicate the value placed by Charles on Alcuin's opinion. Alcuin' s presence at the court was valued by Charles and his requests for Alcuin can be inferred from Alcuin's replieS 4. The intimate toness found in Alcuin's letters to Arno 5 are not however repeated in those to Charles. A letter of consolation sent on the death of Queen Liutgard 11 contains much spiritual advice through scriptural references.

Theodulf's poems to Charles reveal no close relationship between them 7. These are complimentary but formal and have I little in common with the personal poems from Alcuin to

Charles 4, which convey their compliments on an intimate scale. Alcuin's praisle of Charles is on the same level as his personal letters, unlike the larger scale of Theodulf's poems to Charles. The tone df Alcuin's poems to his friends) places his poems to Charles in perspective and they demonstrate a greater intimacy as the opening lines of Alc. c. 18 (pp. 239-

240) show. In particular line 3 cuiu-M amore calent patris praecordia tota and lines 7-8 Quem mea mens) ardet, sacri--) religata catenis. / ambit et exquirit. diligit et memorat.

Alcuin's relationship therefore still retains the distance necessary between a ruler and a dependant.

Charles' role as patron underlies his relationship with

- 34 - Theodulf. Theodulf's advancement in the Church (outlined in ch. 1 above) was the reward for ability, in particular as a theologian, and at the king's discretion. These were rich rewards. Orl6ans and the abbeys, in particular Fleury, were rich, as shown by the quantity and quality of the manuscripts kept and produced there 9. Such patronage expected some return and Theodulf's panegyric for Charles (c, I) is motivated in par t by grat it ude f or these gi f ts. Ref erences to the k ing at line 33 (largitor honorum) and line 36 (sit tua larga manus) look back to the honours received and forward to future rewards. Ability is important but the path to patronage, as

Godman notes 10, can be smoothed by skilful poetry. Although

Godman restricts his observations here to the poetry of Alcuin I and Paul the Deacon, Theodulf also demonstrated his skills as I a poet with his f irst poem for the court, c. 23 (see above ch. I n. 34). The use of an acrostic to convey simple prayers and good wishes to Charles shows a self-conscious wish to impress.

Charles' position as a patron is emphasised further in

Theodulf's dedication to Charles, referred to as

lector (line 41), the the In line nobilis ... at end of poem. a echoing Eugenius (line 40) 11 Theodulf describes himself as a mere servulus writing the poetry at the instigation of Charles

12.

With the exception of the above poem Theodulf fulfils his 'duties' as a court poet without emphasis on the poet- patron relationship. Charles is praised by Theodulf in poems such as c. I and V in anticipation of, or out of gratitude for,

- 35 - patronage. This praise is itself adequate for Theodulf without need of further self-abasement. Alcuin is more open about his dependence. He thanks Charles for gifts (c. 38 (p. 252)), while in c. 40 (p. 253) Charles' and Delia's lack of concern for

Alcuin's. poetry (line 9) is seen as the cause of Alcuin's deprivation (line 5): tristis abit senior ieiuno ventre poeta.

The puer in Moduin's Ecloga, when asked by the senex why he wants to become a poet (lines 60ff) first of all cites the restoration of Virgil's fortunes through his poetry (lines 71-

75). This, along with the subsequent references to the rewards received by both Classical and contemporary poets, implies that Moduin himself was hoping to receive patronage and as the senex implies earlier (lines 28-37), the way to such patronage is to compose publica carmina. In the second part of the

Ecloga praise of Charles and of the peace achieved by him is voiced by Micon (lines 58ff). The epithets heaped on Micon by

Nectylus in lines 27-28: Fortunate Micon, locuples, formose, venuste, / Deliciose. potens, opibus cumulate superbis show a poet who has clearly benefitted from patronage. Moduin, if he is represented by the puer, has perhaps been excluded by

Charles 13 and is looking to return to favour.

Theodulf's Pane7yrics

Theodulf's relationship with Charles remained essentially formal as is indicated above. As part of this relationship two occasional poems were written to celebrate

Charles' successes (c. I and c. Vj). Of the two c. j fits the

- 36- phrase publica carmina used by Moduin (see preceding paragraph) and taken from Ovid 14. Godman translates this phrase as 'poem-epistles for "general consumption"' 15.

The incorporation of praise within a poem-epistle follows the panegyrics of Venantius 16. In comparison with

Theodulf Venantius was a prolific panegyrist and was associated with a variety of courts producing works for kings and nobles in both Austrasia 17 and Neustria 13 moving easily between the courts. The scale of Theodulf's panegyrics matches those of Venantius. The praise of Charles in c. I is achieved in 114 lines, comparable in size with Venantius'

1 royal I panegyr i cs (6.1 (143 1i nes) ; 6.2 (114 11 nes) ; 9.1 (148 lines); 9.2 (140 lines). Venantius' approach to the panegyric was one of directness and succinctness, The term 'miniaturist' is used elsewhere to describe Venantius, not however with any implication that his value is lessened IL9. Theodulf follows

Venantius in abandoning much of the elaboration and decoration found in the late Latin panegyricists, although Theodulf does not ignore these poets 20 The formulae of Menander Rhetor have not been followed and were probably not known at first-

21, The hand although similar subjects occur in C. J more intimate setting of Theodulf's panegyrics makes any rhetorical

As the embellishments unnecessary. an example, physical

for the attributes of the honorand are a common subject

ten treated length. Claudian for panegyricist and are of at

21 lines to describe Honor i I example allows uss, physical

- 37- appearance (IV Cons. Hon. 11.518-538). Charles' physical attributes are dealt with in four lines (c. I. 17-20).

The content of Theodulf's panegyric and in particular c. I is the most comprehensive and far reaching of the contemporary praise of Charles, and refutes completely the label 'standard to it by Witke 22 The King is of stuff' given . at once set in a worldwide context, both in the implied scope of his power (line 3) and as the object of universal approval

(lines 1-2). Theodulf is here more closely following Venantius in looking outwards. The universal dissemination of

Chilperic's reputation and renown is described at length by

VenantjUS 23 and Sigibert and Charibert are treated in a similar manner 24. None of Theodulf's contemporaries were writing in this style and it is perhaps, as Godman implies, that Theodulf is writing such panegyric as a reaction to the

Alcuin Angilbert 25 more muted and confined panegyric of and .

His expansive approach is shown in lines 25-26:

Latior est Nilo, glaciali grandior Histro

Maior et Euphrate est, non quoque Gange minor.

Such a comparison has a model (see commentary) but the resul t is to associate Charles with distant places and although Theodulf is only describing Charles' prudentia the suggestion is that the scope of Charles' role could extend to these places. The extent of Charles' power actual and imagined is shown through the peoples who pay their respects (lines 37-

45). Charles had subjected the Avars and the Huns but the

- 38- portrayal of the Arabes and 1!omades as subject races is

entirely fanciful.

Theodulf's treatment of Charles in this panegyric follows the late Latin models in its concentration on his 26. An virtuteS example of Venantius, treatment of his

honorand's in this virtues, case Chilperic's, is shown in c. 9.

1.95-104:

Erigit exiguos tua munificentia cunctos,

et quod das famulo credis id esse tuum.

Qualiter hinc itidem tua se praeconia tendunt

laudis et hoc cumulo concutit astra fragor.

Cui simul arma favent et littera constat amore:

hinc virtute potens, doctus et inde places.

Inter utrumque sagax, armis et iure probatus

belliger hinc radias, legifer inde micas.

De virtute pater, reparatur avunculus ore,

doctrinae studio vincis et omne genus.

Venantius' succinct summary of Chilperic's qualities has

points in common with Theodulf's treatment of Charles. The

generosity of Chilperic (lines 95-96) is matched by the

description of Charles: Aureolasque manus. pauperiem quae

abolent. (c. 1.18) and later Theodulf exhorts Charles (line

36): sit tibi larga manus. The emphasis on Chilperic's

abilities in both war and learning (99-102) is paralleled by

Theodulf. Charles' intellectual and martial capacities, are emphasised by the comparisons with Solomon and David (c. I. 29-

The these 30). pairing of contrasting qualities i-. ) also used

- 39- of Charles in Paul the Deacon c. 14.51-52 (p. 52) written on the occasion of the defeat of the Danish King Sigfrid:

Nam cupio vester, cunctos ut vincis in armis,

sic mentis superet lumine celsus apex.

Charles' prudentia has already been described as beyond compare (lines 23-24) and elsewhere he is shown to be the intellectual superior of all in the court except for Alcuin

(lines 139-140). The subjection and conversion of the Avars

(lines 37-48) support the claims for Charles' abilities as a warrior-king.

The name David, although symbolic of courage (see above) is also used to represent Charles' role as a rex doctus. This role, rooted in classical models 27, and followed by

Venantius, is part of both Theodulf's and contemporary panegyrics. Angilbert extols Charles as the cultivator of bo -th sacred and profane knowledge in the court: c. 2.15-21:

David amat veterum sacratos noscere sensus,

divitiasque senum gnaro percurrere corde,

scrutarique sacrae gestit secreta sophiae,

David amat vates, vatorum est gloria David.

David habere cupit sapientes mente magistros,

ad decus, ad laudem cuiuscumque artis in aula,

ut veterum renovet studiosa mente sophiam,

The narrow scope of Alcuin's panegyric in comparison with those of Theodulf has been noted above. The basic

broadly subjects of both authors are similar and it is in the

- 40- area of style that they differ. Theodulf describes the minutiae of appearance and addresses his praise to the particular successes of Charles; the sack of the Avar camp in c. I and his 'rescue' of Leo in c-VI. Alcuin restricts his praise to the use of imprecise epithets. Alcuin frequently describes Charles as lux, spes, salus and decUS 2 19 and uses these again for his praise of Hadrian and Leo 29. Alcuin achieves the effect of praise with these phrases, often arranged in an asyndetic tricolon (c. 28.27: Aurea lux mundi, terrae sal, porta salutis. ; Epit. 1) but with little force.

This style is regarded as bland by Theodulf and he rejects it with a food metaphor and follows it with a wish for more

30. exciting fare, probably a reference to his own poetry

Theodulf himself employs these epithets: c. 35.1 0 mea magna salus, 0 spes, 0 71oria regni. This poem addressed to Charles' son Charles however moves back to the style of the other

31. panegyrics and of the epitaph for Hadrian These poems both

32 avoid the bland generalities of Alcuin's verse The clearest example of Alcuin's more pedestrian style are the

Charles Rome 33 The directness Theodulf verses sent to at . of in the opening lines of c. I contrasts with Alcuin's opening

(lines 1-2):

Carmina dilecto faciat mea fistula David

laurigero David carmine dignus erit,

In contrast to the content and force in Theodulf's

to be for verses Alcuin's verses seem only effect. On the one hand Theodulf attempts to define Charles' greatness (C. I. 3-8)

- 41 - whilst Alcuin falls back on the stock epithets to describe

Charles (c. 35.3-4):

David amor populi, David laus, gloria plebis

atque decus regni spesque corona suis.

As Godman notes 34 this use of David 35 is surpassed by

Theodulf (c. 1.29-32), who adds the examples of Solomon and

Joseph, the paragons of wisdom and beauty, to David as the ideal of strength. The most effective comparison of styles is between C. I and Alcuin's court poem c. 26 (pp. 245-246).

Similarities of date and setting emphasise the restrained style of Alcuin. Charles is briefly praised (lines 2-6) with stock epithets and although Charles is placed at the head of the court hierarchy the whole poem lacks dynamism and force

Panegyrics and Patronage

One view of the motivation for writing panegyrics on

Charles is given by Vivian Smith Saunders:

Busy proud men wri-te - with apparent sincerity -

poems comparing their ruler with God and asserting

his primacy over even the Pope. Power and luxury

are described not longingly nor enviously, but

joyfully because the writer shares the power and

it. 37. luxury, and also because the owner deserves

According to Smith Saunders the poets, are writing from a settled position of privilege and are writing genuine praise

This the fails to of Charles. view of poets ass altruists

- 42 - consider the fact that they must maintain this position in the court. Whilst the poets may believe what they write to be true the facts do not match the ideal picture that is painted.

Einhard's Vita Karoli describes a king who i--:, far from

t 38 The Theodulf's physically perfec . sincerity of description of Charles' physical perfection is weakened by the hyperbole

39. The attribution and praise of virtues not poSsessed by

Charles is noted by Wallace-Hadrill 40. It is clear from

Einhard 41 that Charles' real intellectual attainments do not match the qualities implied by his nickname David and stated by Theodulf (c. I. 29; 114 ; 139-140). The exaggeration however is part of Theodulf's desire to demonstrate his superior command of the genre and there is no indication that he wishes the praise to be taken lightly. The question of the insincerity of the panegyricist and in particular Venantius is

by Godman 42 The the raised . artificiality of poet-patron relationship underlies any criticism of the insincerity of

Theodulf's praise of Charles. Patronage was completely in the hands of Charles, so that material support and advancement depended upon the state of the relationship with Charles.

Fleckenstein has outlined the central position of Charles in the court 43 and it is clear from the entries in the Annals that the court met in the breaks in the king' s campaigning,

The court was completely centred around the king and the only

is the that source for patronage court, so continued success in the court is dependent on the king. The king had recruited the scholars to the court and it would appear that the

- 43 - development of the court school was also assisted by Charles.

Fleckenstein 44 supports the basis of the story in Notker' s

Gesta Karoli Magni 11 that Charles had personally chosen the pupils for the school. The influx of pupils however is more likely to be a corollary of the arrival of the scholars to the court who are able to carry out the teaching. Charles seems to have taken a personal interest in the school and Alcuin refer--:,

to the pupils at the court school as pueri vestri 46. Whatever

Charles' actual intellectual capacities his interest in learning of all kinds is clear from his many questions in his letters to Alcuin.

Theodulf's varied roles in the court are outlined in the previous chapter. Theodulf was clearly valued by Charles both as a theologian as his work on the Libri Carolini and Treatise on the Holy Spirit demonstrate and as an administrator, as a judge/magistrate in the mission to Narbonne in 798.

Intellectual rigour and a strong forthright character however

47 combined to make Theodulf a difficult person to assimilate into the inner circle of the Court. It is impossible to be certain about the exact ' personnel of this inner circle but

Alcuin was certainly the key figure. The important early members of the court are described by Fleckenstein 43 and he sees the impact of Alcuin from 782 onwards as beginning a new phase in the court. Theodulf's position in the hierarchy of the court is however difficult to establish. Wallace-Hadrill

Theodulf is suggests that although atypical of the court in

- 44- the early part of his career he is not in an "outer circle" 49 and it is only later that his transition to this circle takes) place. Theodulf, however, was never part of the inner circle of the court centred around Alcuin, and Godman sees the unctuous tone of the beginning of c. I as consistent with the tone of a "poet denied the entr6e" 50. The attacks on Alcuin later (in c. 1.131-140 and 191-198) and on Alcuin' s pupils in c. III suggest a strong rivalry and Theodulf's exclusion is probably due to Alcuin. The importance of this circle is difficult to assess but it would appear that exclusion from this circle did not hold back Theodulf's career.

Theodulf and Alcuin

This rivalry between Theodulf and Alcuin was that of the I new blood with the old. This is shown in Alcuin's letter to one of Charles' daughters, not addressed by name, written in early 799 51. Alcuin pictures himself as the old Entellus victorious against the young Dares Hispanicus. This rivalry underlies some pointed remarks in a letter to Theodulf dated probably between 796-800 52. The context of the remarks in cI lends a singular sharpness to the lines at the end of this letter.

Et hoc servandum est, ne mittatur vinum novum in

utres veteres. "Et nemo bibens vetus, statim vult

novum; dicit enim: Vetus melius est''.

- 45 - Theodulf is indeed a relatively new force in the court with a new distinctive poetic style and here Alcuin rejects the new in favour of the old. This letter could indeed be taken as a straightforward request for wine from Theodulf.

Alcuin, however, is using wine as a metaphor for learning.

Evidence for this comes at the beginning of the letter:

Quem (Zabdias) ordinata caritate introduxit rex

in cellam vinariam, ut scolastici floribus

fulcirent eum et stiparent malis amore

languentium, illius qui laetificat cor hominis.

If this nobilior Zabdias is Theodulf, as DUmmler states

(Ep. iv p. 318 n. 6) and the cella vinaria is the court school then this is the only reference to Theodulf'. M activity as a teacher in the court. Such complimentary remarks are inconsistent with the relations between Alcuin and Theodulf in this period. Alcuin's activities in the palace school make his identification with Zabdias more likely. The source for much of the passage above is the Song of Songs (see DUmmler) and the metaphorical allusions of the source suggest a metaphorical interpretation of this letter, Alcuin indeed could be reacting to the Speisemetaphorik 53 used by Theodulf to disparage Alcuin (c. I. 197-8).

Theodulf never achieved the status of Alcuin and although he reached a high position in Carolingian society he always remained distant from the centre of the court. The rivalry between them and Alcuin's pre-eminence in the court

- 46- suggest that Alcuin was either directly or indirectly the cause of this.

- 47 - Notes

1. The models are outlined in Godman Poetry, p. 5.

2. The careers and po-sitions of these other members are described in W. von den Steinen, 'Karl und die Dichter',

K. d. G. ii, pp. 67-80.

3. Cf. ch. 1 n. 67 above.

4. For example Ep. 145 (pp. 234-235) (invitation to Saxony);

Ep. 177 (p. 293) ; Ep. 178 (pp. 295-296) (both invitations to

Rome).

5. Cf. Ep. 179 (p. 297); 4.193 (pp. 319-320); Eq. 194 (p, 322).

6. Ep. 197 (pp. 325-326) dated June 4th 800.

7. Th. c. 23 (pp. 480-481): C-I; C. VI; c. 36 (pp. 527-528).

8. Alc. c. 13 (p. 237) ; c. 27 (pp. 246-247) ; c. 38 (p. 252).

9. Codices Latini Antiquiores VI ed. E. A. Lowe (Oxford, 1953)

VI, pp. 29-35. Most of the mss. listed here have a Fleury provenance, having been either written there or brought in.

10. p. 50. -Poets,

- 48- 11. Eug. Monast. 31-32.

12. Iussu compulsus erili is the phrase used by Theodulf. See

J. Griffin, 'Caesar qui cogere posset', Caesar Augustus -

Seven Aspects edd. F. Millar and E. Segal (Oxford, 1984), pp. 189-218 who discusses the elements of compulsion on the

Augustan poets (pp. 189-193).

13. See R. P. H. Green, Seven Versions of Carolingian Pastoral

(Reading, 1980), p-64.

14. Ov. Tristia 5.1.23: Quod superest, animos ad publica carmina flexi.

15. Godman Poets, p. 11.

16. In particular Books 7 and 9 (M. G. H. A. A. IV pp. 153f f and

201f f)-

17. 7.1 (to King Sigibert and Queen Brunichild (561-575));

7.1; 7.2; 7,4 (to Duke Gogo (Mayor of the Palace) ); 7.7;

7.8; 7.9 (Duke Lupus).

18.6.2 (to King Charibert (561-567); 6.3 (Queen

Theudechild); 6.4 (Queen Bertichild); 6.5 (Queen Gelesvinta);

9.2; 9.3 (King Chilperic (561-584).

- 49- 19. Godman Poets, pp. 13-14.

20. The language of Theodulf, as shown in the commentary for c-I has been influenced by Sidonius (line 3); Dracontiuss

(lines 17,20,101); Claudian (line 117); Corippus (line

117).

21. For example mention of the subject's exploits (TEpdctEiq) and the virtues of bravery, justice, moderation and wisdom is suggested by Menander (Rhetores) Graeci 3.373 (Leipzig,

1856)). These four cardinal virtues are however quite common.

22. C. Witke, Latin Satire (Leiden, 1970), p. 172.

23. C. 9.1.13-22.

24. C. 6.1a. 1-2 (Sigibert); 6.2.7-8 (Charibert).

25. Poets p. 68.

26. Ebert states that these virtutes are es-sential elements in Venantius' praise: cf. Das Preisgedicht des Mittelalters bis zum 12 Jahrhundert, p. 47. For further discussion of

Venantius' concentration on Charibert's virtutes see Godman

Poets, pp. 26-28.

27. See Godman Poets, p. 26 n. 127 for bibliography.

- 50- 28. Cf Alc. 7.16; 21; 26; c. 26,5-6. He - c. also uses rector, defensor and amator.

29. Cf. c. 28.4: Lux decus ecclesiae, Romanae loria gentis, and c. 28.27. For Hadrian decus is used in his epitaph: Tit.

aec. Oct c. 9.1 (p. 113).

30. C. 1.197-198: Este procul pultes et lactis massa coacti / sed pigmentati sis prope mensa cibi. Godman sees the blandness of the porridge as a metaphor for Alcuin's mind compared with the spice of Theodulf's intellect: Poets p. 68.

But Theodulf clearly sets the metaphor in the context of the f east (c. 1.199-200) and therefore is more likely to be referring to the performance of his own poetry and the rejection of Alcuin's. In f act Theodulf goes on ' to demonstrate the 'spice' of his poetry with the sharp caricature of Wibod.

31. C. II. 5 (specimen; lux; norma).

32. A lack of conviction does however enter the style of the welcoming poem for Louis (c. 37).

33. Alc. c. 45.31 (p. 258): Roma caput mundi, primi quoque culmen honoris; and line 63: Ipsa caput mundi spectat te

Rom§-Pd t-L-L_ onqm, indicate that Charles is at Rome.

- 51 - 34. Poets, p. 68.

35. See also Ang. c. 2.

36. The 'heated enthusiasm' of Alcuin for the cooks noted by

Godman (Poetry, p. 11) is not present. Alcuin's praise of

Thyrsis and Menalcas, although cut short certainly falls

short of the level of praise for Charles.

37. V. Smith Saunders, Glittering Praise: Latin Poetry

directed to rulers of the Carolingian Age, Ph. D. Diss.

(Indiana, 1975), p. vii.

38. Vita Karoli c. 22.

39. C. I. 13-20.

40. J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, The Franki-sh Church (Oxford, 1984),

198.

Vita Karoli c. 25.

42. Poets pp. 6-7.

43. J. Fleckenstein, ' Karl der Groge und sein Hof ', K. d. G. i, pp. 47-49.

- 52 - 44. Fleckenstein (as n. 43) supports the story in Notker Gesta

Karoli Magni.

45. Gesta 3 and 4.

46. Alc. Ep. 145 (p. 232).

47. This can be seen in his condemnation of bribery

(c, 28.163ff pp-498-499)) his later refusal to admit complicity in the plot against Louis (see ch. 1) and in his criticism of the other court members.

48. Fleckenstein (see n. 43), pp. 32-35 covering the years 772-

782.

49. J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, Frankish Church (Oxford, 1984),

225.

50. Poetry, p. 12.

51.4.164 (p. 266). The appellation nobilissima puella supports this identification.

52.4.192 (p. 319).

- 53- 53. D. Schaller, I Poetic Rivalries at the Cour t of

Charlemagne' Classical Influences, , on European Culture 500-

1500 ed. R. R. Bolgar (Cambridge, 197 1), pp. 156-157.

- 54- CHAPTER 3

The Poetry of Theodulf

The six poems under discussion here represent only two of the types of poem written by Theodulf: verse-epistles (III; V;

IV) and occasional poems (see n. 5) (1; 11; VD. These generic designations do not show the diversity of form within each genre. In the group of verse-epistles the mordant poem to

Rabanus is very different from the other more respectful poems to Liutgard and Gisla. The group of occasional poems, diverse by nature, contains two poems to Charles and Pope Hadrian's

Ep it aph. The last of these differs from Theodulf's other poetry in that here Theodulf is writing in another persona, in this case Charles'. No particular persona is adopted in his I other epitaphs. These six poems do not include either exegetical or theological works, that make up half of his work, although there are moral/didactic elements in this group

The genres that make up Theodulf's poetic output are little different from those of his contemporaries, and appear to differ only in their distribution. Theodulf and Alcuin both composed verse-epistlest moral/didactic poems, exegetical and

differ from occasional poems. In style Theodulf's may

Alcuin's. Witke 3 has stressed the satirical features of c. 28

forms these features and c. 111,1, but the basic within which

The demands Theodulf the occur are not satirical. on of court

discussed, have and his responsibilities as a cleric, already

- 55 - dictated the types of poem written by Theodulf. Poems are written on Charles or Louis on instruction or out of duty as a

4 court poet.

Moral/didactic poems constitute about half of the 5000 lines of Theodulf's poetry, while occasional poems 5 (19%), verse-epistles (17%) and exegetical poems (9%) make up the rest. Alcuin's output of a little over 6000 lines contains a very different distribution of genres ',. Theodulf's emphasis on the moral issues, on the basis of these figures, appears to be in sharp contrast with that of Alcuin, but many of Alcuin's verse-epistles contain moral/didactic elements.

A comparison of both poets' output of verse-epistles is of interest. As a percentage of each poet's output on the basis of the number of lines there is little difference between them (17% of Theodulf ' s, 19,2% of Alcuin's). 'The number of letters these figures actually represent are very different. Alcuin composed 42 verse-epistles, compared with 12 by Theodulf, The former is preoccupied with the maintenance of communication with a variety of friends, pupils and contacts, both as a court poet/teacher and as an Abbot. Theodulf is more limited in his epistolary output. No collection of letters by him exists and there appears to be only a single surviving letter 3. There is little evidence that Theodulf was a frequent letter writer. The dispute with Alcuin over the fugitive cleric in 801-2 provides the only other evidence of

Theodulf's letter writing 9. The large number of letters

for written by Alcuin is, extraordinary the time.

- 56 - One genre in which Alcuin seems to surpass Theodulf and his other contemporaries on the basis of volume, is in his composition of inscriptions, in fact about 1500 lines 10.

Theodulf produced onlY a handful of inscriptionss, and amongst those is the epitaph for Hadrian, rejected in favour of

Alcuin's (see introduction to c. II).

Theodulf is unique amongst his contemporaries in including satirical elements in his poetry. There are no poems however that can be described as satires. Witke in hism chapter on Theodulf (see n. 3) outlines the elements of satire in c. I and c. 28 and the influences that classical satirists have had, although the comparisons with examples in Horace' -- writing are of doubtful validity since Theodulf was almost certainly unacquainted with this poet's work. Witke however rightly states that Theodulf does not pass beyond these elements 'Into writing full satire. The respective laudatory and didactic subjects of these poems dominate the satirical elements ".

The classical satirist in his dissatisfaction with society's vices does not usually attack named contemporaries, whereas

Theodulf names the Scottus in his vilification and directs a more gentle irony at the other court members. Witke makes' no mention of c. III and yet this contains satirical elements. The poem contains many of the same elements and ' targetS' as c.

Theodulf's dissatisfaction with his surroundings, in this case the court and young court poets, is not diluted by the needs to praise Charles. Unlike classical satirists, whose basic intention was to bring their dissatisfaction to a wider

- 57 - Theodulf audience, was not attacking society as a whole, and directed his attack on the specific abuses of Rabanus and the other young poets.

Style

In terms of style Theodulf is probably the liveliest of the court poets. Theodulf felt himself to be in a position to criticise Alcuin for being somewhat bland 12. He also appears to parody Alcuin's deferential tones in the praise of Charles at the beginning of c. I (see discussion in previous chapter),

One striking stylistic feature of Theodulf's poetry is the grouping of three phrases in a line, for example c. I. 87:

Larga manu, clemens animo, blandissima verbis. (also c. 1.97;

141; 216. c. 11.5-6. c. IV. 19; c. VI. 5 and 48). Homoioteleuton

(c. I. 31; 75. c. II. 7) and also anaphora (c. II. 6 and c. VI. 48) occur within such lines. Theodulf is here influenced by the form used by Frudentius (Contra Symm. 2.435) and Venantius:

V. M. 4.709: arva capax, pelagus intrans, super astra coruscans.

13. As in Venantius the phrases involved usually describe complimentary characteristics or contain laudatory epithets.

Theodulf's, use of Venantius as a model for panegyric will be discussed below.

The coincidence of ending between the third foot and final foot, where there is a morphological agreement between them, occurs frequently and almost exclusively in the pentameter: (see c. I. 20; 80; 85; 218; 230; c. II. 8; C. III-86; c. V. 16; c. VI. 2; 16). The same coincidence occurs less

- 58- frequently where there is) a grammatical agreement (See c. 1.78; III. c. 72 and 76). Other forms of homoiolteleuton also occur but with less frequency and not with agreement (see c. I. 74;

11.7; c. c. 111.63; c. IV. 15; 25). Agreement does not occur of ten and Theodulf's u-se of balanced lines, (c. I. 20 and 218) and groupings of three phrases (c. II. 7) contribute t0 this feature. The frequency of homoioteleuton in poems 1,2,8 and 28 of Theodulf is noted by Strecker 16, although he does not distinguish internal rhyme without grammatical agreement.

The amount of alliteration used by Theodulf appears to be similar to that of his contemporaries. As Godman notes, the alliteration within Virgil has influenced Alcuin 14, and it is likely that Theodulf was so influenced as well. All the poems here display this feature. It is most frequent in c. III.

Alliteration occurs here in the following frequencies. Four times in a line: lines 9 and 105 (see below). Two and three letters alliterated: line 99, two pairs: lines 41 and 64, three: lines 38,40,99 and 106, and most commonly two alliterations in a line in about 35 of the 112 lines: for example lines 4 (sacra sedet) and 81 (crimina coryi).

Theodulf uses an extreme form of alliteration at c. II1.105: nos nostros nobis nostra teneamus in aula, and multiple alliteration also occurs in c. I. 8: Tantillus tantam tem.no tacere tamen. The model for this figure appears to be verses assigned to Venantius, but which are probably spurious.

A couplet is made up almost completely with this figure

Appendix c. 5.9-10:

- 59- digne nec indignans digno- dignatio dignans,

florum flos florens, florea flore fluens.

This poem occurs in a codex from Verdun dated c. 800, also

by Theodulf containing a verses Is. So that although Venantius' authorship is spurious, it is possible that Theodulf read the

verses.

In the first of these examples Theodulf is not using this

figure merely for display, as a demonstration of virtuosity.

He is emphasising by the repeated personal pronouns and

possessive adjectives the separation of Rabanus and the group of young poets from the other pupils in the court. In the second example an element of display appears, undermining the humility expressed.

Other stylistic devices are used: asyndeton (c. I. 80; 142;

215-218; 221-222; c. 11.25; c. VI. 14; 47), anaphora (c. I. ý 17-

218; c. 11.6; c. IV. 24; c. V. 1-2; c-VI. 11-15; 48). The effect of

these two devices will be discussed below. Tmesis and epanalepsis also occur but do not constitute a significant feature. Tmesis is used only once by Theodulf in c. IV. 29:

Suave- que. Gisla, tuo feliciter utere -rico. Examples of

to tmesis by proper n ame -s subjected earlier and near contemporary poets are noted below in the commentary for c. IV. 29. Theodulf Is variation of the epanaleptic couplet at c. I. 22-23 is noted below in the commentary. Theodulf exploited this form less frequently than his contemporaries. He composed only one complete poem of these couplets, addressed to Louis

17. In comparison Alcuin composed three poemS- made up of 27

-60- couplets 18.

Another feature of Theodulf's style is the use of chia-smus and balanced lines. The second of these features includes examples, of both reiteration and contradiction of the first half in the second. For reiteration see: c. I. 20; 124;

218 and c. II. 8. For contradiction see: c. I. 120; 176; 230; c. III. 47; 86; C. V. 16 and c. VI. 21; 23. Chias mus occurs infrequently (c. I. 126; c. II. 22).

The vocabulary of the poems contains only a few peculiarities. Some unusual words occur which have recognisable sources, (see commentary): c. I. 8 tantillus; 181 pomiflua; c. III. 33 vinnula. Other words and forms appear to be unique to Theodulf: c. III. 63 cottus; 64 gentilupum; 78 bacchipotens; 97 Polyphemius; 106 trispedicos; C. V. 17 balsameum. There is often a specific purpose. Cottus, is used to sustain the homoioteleuton, gentilupum, a translation of

Theodulf's name, follows the latinizing of Rabanus in this poem. Theodulf's invention of the adjective bacchipotens is perhaps a parody of this form of compound adjective found in epic (Verg. A. 11.8: bellipotens).

Theodulf's skills as a poet are clearly demonstrated by his integration of style and content, especially in the case of invective. He represents his anger against the Scottus with anaphora and asyndeton, emphasised by a balanced line with internal rhyme: c. I. 217-218:

Res fera, res turpis, res segnis, resque nefanda,

Res infesta piis, res inimica bonis.

-61 - Again when attacking the Scottus three lines later in the same poem, he uses asyndeton in his description of the

Irishman, as if he cannot fit enough words of contempt into a line: anceps, attonitus, tremulus, furibundus, anhelus/ stet levis aure manu lumine, mente pede. Asyndeton is again used at c. III. 63 in Theodulf's vilification of the Scottus, but further emphasised by homoioteleuton: Hic Scottus sottus cottus

The satirical elements in Theodulf are conveyed by understatement and vivid character sketches. Other than the direct vilification of the Irishman (see above) and Wibod

(c. 111,1.205-212), Theodulf Is style of satire is subtler. The description of the 'tireless' Thyrsis 19 at first appears sincere, however the final couplet shows Theodulf's real I purpose: Regalique throng calyus hic impiger adstet cunctaque prudenter, cuncta verenter agat. To describe Thyrsis as calyus undermines the preceding description. Theodulf infers that the activity of Thyrsis is rather tiresome and that he has a hand in everything is emphasised by the repeated

ta. ta. The to Rabanus, in c. III is clear, cunc .. cunc message that he is not welcome in the court. Theodulf conveys this message not by understatement but by caricature. Rabanus and his friends in this poem have taken on the form of birds. The style as Godman notes 20 is allusive, and the significance of some of the references has now been lost. Caricature is used frequently in Theodulf's poem on the court. Alcuin is shown as somewhat of a gourmand, always ready to preach to the rest of

-62- 21 the feast, but always too busy consuming food and drink .

Einhard is- t 22 Theodulf caricatured as a scurrying 0 an , makes fun of both his size and ceaseless activity.

Style and content work together also in Theodulf's p 3negyrics. The hyperbole of the language in the first 32 lines of c. I matches the scope of this panegyric. Charles' praise is measureless (lines 3-4) and Theodulf, following

23 VenantiUS p emphasises this by the list of rivers. This list of long rivers is itself contained within a line that extends beyond the others in the poem. Theodulf declares his own modest abilities as a poet and his unwor thiness to write about Charles. This modesty is undermined by a line that includess sustained alliteration and asyndeton. Theodulf, as is noted above, uses in this poem and others groups of three I phrases containing complimentary epithets or qualities. This technique is used to best effect in the epitaph for Hadrian:

1.5-8:

Pontificum specimen, lux plebis, norma salutis

Vir pie, vir sapiens, vir venerande satis

Mente nitens, formaque decens, sensuque renidens

Inclyto amore vigens, speque fideque cluens.

The cumulative effect of this is emphasised by anaphora

(line 6) and homoioteleuton of -ens (lines 7-8), with final syllable rhymes in each of the couplets.

Metre

As Strecker notes (as n. 16 p. 222) Theodulf uses the

- 63- 240 elegiac couplet almost exclusively and in Strecker's opinion bis zur ErmUdý! nF,. Theodulf's model is more likely to be Venantius rather than Ovid, but both could have had an influence. With the exception of the Vita Sancti Martini

Venantius wrote in elegiacs-. Theodulf does however demonstrate an acquaintance with Ovid (see below), so that the problem of deciding the main influence is hard to solve. Theodulf certainly does not follow Ovid in the form of the pentameter ending, since Ovid invariably uses a disyllabic ending for the

2S. pentameter Theodulf however ends the pentameter on occasions with a three-syllable word (c. 1.18; 30; 134 (with eli sion); 138; 204; 212; c. 111.12; 42; 52. ), a four-syllable word (c. 1.140 Flaccidica; c. 111.24 auri sonum) and on a single occasion a five-syllable word (c. I. 172 amicitiis).

Theodulf's use of metre generally f ollows classical conventions but there is one common variation. Theodulf frequently treats short syllables in the third foot of the pen t amet er as 1 ong when f ol 1owed by a vowel: c. 1.12 (c el er ipse); 64 (redeat atria); 86 (ducibus omnibus); 94 (Carolus, et) ; 120 (dissimulet, audiat); 180 (dedit altior); 242

(inf ensus est) ; c. 11.2 ' (f ulyus et) ; c. 111.30 (pariter org,,ana) ;

80 (maneat inter); 94 (Christus auxilietur); 98 (nequeat effuZere); C-VI-30 (Dedis officiique). Thi: ) practice i -N consistent with that of the elegists, see Platnauer (below n. 26) p. 59-61 and is also found in Venantius: 1.15.28

(praecedis amplificando); 3.20.4 (Mag is ars) and 5.5.82 worýmorimur et).et

- 64- Closely related to the above practice is the lengthening

before 'h-' Examples of short syllables . of the treatment of

'h-' as a consonant have been noted from Virgil (A. 9,610) onwards (Norberg p. 7-8). Theodulf is here clearly not treating

'h-' in this way, as the elision at c. I. 6 (atque homini) and

105 (apta huic) Show. Examples of this lengthening in the pentameter are at: c. 1.122 (intus hunc) ; c. 11.40 (omnis hoc) ; c. 111.12 (rutilat hic) ; c. IV. 16 (divinus hinc), and in the hexameter: C. I. 11 (simul hunc); 103 (componit hanc); 119

(suscipiat hinc); 123 (calyus hic); 161 (fuerit haec).

Other anomalies are few. A few quantities are incorrect:

in c. I. 100 the final syllable of varia has been lengthened

before g-p in c. I. 233 the final syllable of multa has remained short before sc and in c. III. 71 and c. IV. 3 the long second syllable in psalterium is treated as short, anomalies

24. generally avoided by classical poets, with exceptions In

c. 1.116 compl ere, c. I 1.4 Hadriane and c. 11.10 egregie, the

naturally short final syllables are lengthened. Synizesis

(tenuior) occurs at c. 1.179, and Theodulf on occasion fails to elide dominum in c. VI. 41 and 46 and strophium in 1.106. There

is hiatus between viduae and Hiram at c. III. 93 and at c. IV. 7

(bene Hieronymus).

On occasion Theodulf does use metre to create an effect.

At the end of c. III two u-ses of spondees for ef f ec t. are

apparent. The asyndetic outburst of lines 221-222: Anceps,

attonitus. tremulus, furibundus, anhelus/ stet levis aure,

mente, pede, with its dactylic pattern is

- 65- followed by a calmer, more rational tone, created by the u--:,e

four in line 225: Nunc lectorem of s1pondees ad nunc -se convertat ad omnes, before building up to a further outburSt in lines 229-234. A sonorous tone is created by the spondaic hexameter in the last couplet of the poem, as Theodulf pronounces Charles' divinely given right to rule:

Qui te mundani regni rex extulit arce,

praemia perpetui det meliora tibi.

Influences of earlier writers on the poems

The works) of Virgil and to a les-ser degree Ovid were important. Virgil, as is shown elsewhere 27 was widely disseminated by the 8th-9th centuries. Direct contact with

Virgil by the court poets is clear from the frequent quotation from Virgil in their poetry. There is less evidence t-hat

Theodulf and his collegues had direct contact with the works of Ovid. There are no manuscripts of the three workS moSt influential on the poets at this time (Amores. Ars Amatoria and Metamorphoses) earlier than the 9th century 23, Alcuin may have known Ovid only at second-hand, as Manitius has stated

29 but the of references to Ovid in Theodulf 9 quantity indicates that he had first-hand knowledge.

Although we have no manuscripts of Ovid from the

Carolingian court or indeed Orl6ans, Theodulf indicates that he has read the t ex ts of Ovid, and not i us t extracts.

Theodul f's record of his reading matter -' 0 Shows f ro, -,i the f ir-st line that he is dealing with at least a ---:,ub--Itantial

- 66- amount of each author: Namque ego suetus eram hoss libros

l. egisse frequenter. No dicStinction is made between the amounts of Virgil and Ovid read by Theodulf in hism reference to these

authors and examples from their works 31. It is not known how complete Theodulf's reading of Ovid was, Manitius states that

in the 9th century the only manuscripts of Ovid were at

Konstanz Murbach 32 Theodulf however, and . as is stated above,

appears to have had access to Ovid and Spain i---D,a likely

source for this.

The evidence for the availability of other cla-ssical

authors at the court can be seen in the list of notable

classical works recorded by an unknown scholar at the end of

33 The list between Tibullus the eighth century . contains and

Claudian a reference to the Ars Poetica of Horace. B. L. Ullmann

interprets this unique record of Horace in the court aý a

reference to the work being bound up with the other works, and

not to the works of Horace as a whole 34. No significant

amount of Horace appears in the works of either Theodulf or

Alcuin. A -single and distant allusion to the Ars Poetica

35 Alcuin's letters appears in Theodulf . and poems contain a

few more allusions, but their sources are likely to be second-

hand 36.

The most important evidence for Theodulf's attitude

towards his classical sources is to be found in c. 45 37. The

value of Virgil and Ovid, for the Christian reader, rests on

their interpretation: lines 21-22: Falsa poetarum stilus

ffert, vera sophorum/ falsa horum in verum vertere saepe

- 67 - solent. Although their verses are frivolous they are open to other interpretations. The classical mythical characters are shown by Theodulf to symbolise virtues and faults. Theodulf carries on to equate Proteus with truth 18, YiL&o with justice

39 and Hercules and Cacu---3with courage and deceit respectively

40 The classical portrayal of. Amor also provides Theodulf with the basis for an outburst of moral indignation at immorality.

The actual ways in which lines of Virgil and Ovid are used by Theodulf do not really match the moralis-Ding ideals set out in c. 45 (see above). The use of Virgilian or Ovidian language is not accompanied by justification or qualification, but rather they are integrated into the verse. Such references would be clear to the reader and it is perhaps the desire to demonstrate his learning that overrides Theodulf's reservations about the value of Virgil.

Alcuin's attitude is similar to that of Theodulf. Alcuin also looks for philosophical or moral value from their verses.

Alcuin, however, while using Virgil himself as a source for his verse, on occasion warns others of the limitations and even dangers of reading Virgil. In prefatory verses for his exegesis on the Song of Songs, Alcuin warns of the deceptions in Virgil:

Cantica sunt nimium falsi haec meliora Maronis.

Haec tibi vera canunt vitae precepta perennis,

Auribus ille tuis male frivola falsa sonabit.. 41

Alcuin is scathing about the value of Virgil again, in a letter of moral advice to Gundrada: Ep, 309 (p. 475): Haec in

- 68- Virgiliacis non invenietur mendaciis. An earlier letter, to

Ricbod, concerns itself not with the innate lack of worth in

Virgil's verse, but with an excessive amor Maronis on Ricbod's

part, the study of this poet is a distraction 42. Ironically

Alcuin has amalgamated two lines of Virgil as a proverb to

relate his feelings at regaining Ricbod's attention 43

Of the poems under study here c. III shows the greatest

degree of influence by Virgil, approximately 14 of the 144

lines contain allusions to or quotations from Virgil. This

frequency a appears to match Alcuin's own use of Virgil. In the

1658 lines. of Alcuin's poem on York, 167 quotations and

allusions have been noted 44. Theodulf's use of Virgil ranges

from close quotation (c. I. 60 of A. 4.438 and c. III. 15 of

Georg. 1.388) to a similar idea or use of verb (cf. c. 111.16 -

Ecl. 9.36 and c. VI. 24 - A. 11.126). Unlike Alcuin, who wrote

poems in Virgilian genres (c. 57 (pp. 269-270), c. 58 (pp. 270-

272) (both pastoral dialogues) and c. 59 (p. 273)). Theodulf

limits hi -D dependence on Virgil to language and ideass.

C. III. 3, with a high percentage of references to the Eclogues

shows some pastoral colouring but no more than that.

Theodulf's use of 'Ovid as a source is exceptional amongst

is 45 As his contemporaries, as noted elsewhere . a comparison

Alcuin's poem on York contains only a single quotation from

Ovid. The quotations from Ovid in Theodulf's poetry match

those of Virgil in their extent if not their frequency,

Complete phrases are taken from Ovid (c. I. 219 - Ars. Am.

779), while some lines contain only similar ideas (c. I- 162-

- 69 - 164 - Ars. Am, 1.271-272; c-III. 108 - Met. 13.458-459).

The context of some of the references taken from Ovid are sexual, and in view of Theodulf's outburst in c. 45 the use of

these references is surprising, in particular see c. 111.19 -

Am. 1.5.23 1.219 Ars Am. 3.779 Theodulf has and c. - . possibly derived these from a secondary ssource where the original context has been lost. He is relying on his readers' ignorance

of Ovid or he is ignoring their context,

Although there is evidence that Theodulf came into

contact with pagan authors such as Claudian and Ausonius, no

reference to their work appears to exist in Theodulf's poetry.

Claudian is listed in the catalogue of Court books in Berlin

Diez B Sant. 66 (see n. 32). The evidence for Theodulf's

contact with Ausonius is his association with the manuscript

Leiden Voss. Lat. F111 (dated c. 800), found on the ile Býrbe,

46. near Lyon According to Della Corte Theodulf was the scribe

of this manuscript 47.

Late latin christian authors, as the list of Theodulf' s

48, reading matter indicates were important to him and his

influence Venantius' influence is work shows their . clear.

Theodulf's poetry contains frequent use of phrases from

Venantius, particularly in the panegyrical elements (see

below). The short poem c. V contains a striking amount of

references (lines 1,2 and 6). Venantius' influence extended

throughout the Court. Alcuin, --D poem on York contains about 90

lines influenced to some degree by Venantius.

As is noted above (text and n. 13), the triple phrase is

- 70- used by Theodulf in his praise of Charles and his family (c. I;

VI), c. Hadrian (c. II) and Gisla (c. IV). In the opening line of

c. I Theodulf modif ies a topos of Venantius (6. la. 1; 6.2.4) to

show the variety of people who praise Charles. The form of the

panegyric, as will be discussed elsewhere, is not directly

influenced by Venantius but the language is.

Theodulf is more influenced by Spanish authors than his

contemporaries. Theodulf's reading of Prudentius, no-ster et

ipse parens 49, is likely to have occurred in Spain, and

certainly the poetry of others in the court does not show the

same level of references. Although this level is not as high

as of Virgil, Ovid and Venantius, there are several phrases

taken from Prudentius. The line Tutor opum, vindex scelerum,

largitor honorum (Prud. Contr. Symm. 2.435) is) reused by

Theodulf (c. I. 31; c. II. 28) and has influenced c. VI. 5. Another

example is found in c. I. 98 taken from Contra Symmachum 1.276:

nectaris ambrosii sacrum potare Lyaeum. The use of the phrase

nectaris ambrosii in the same position is striking.

Theodulf' s use of Martial is limited to two references

(c. I. 234 - Epig. 8,20; c. III. 28 - Epig. 10.64.4). Although the

first of these may be a commonplace the latter is a close echo of Martial's line. Eugenius has not extensively influenced

Theodulf's poetry. Only four examples appear to exist (c. I. 8 -

Eug. c. 5.13; c. 1.33 Eug. c. 2 1.13; c. 1.210 Eug. c. 14.56; c. III. 5 - Eug. c. 49). Isidore's influence on the language of

Theodulf' s poetry is restricted to unusual words at c. 1.164 musio) and c-III. 33 (vinnula).

- 71 - A source f or much of Theodul fIs moral-didac t ic poet ry and

Alcuin' s poetry and letters is the Bible. These six poems however contain little biblical material and when there iss an allusion the original context is lost. Biblical names are taken by members of the Court as nicknames and in c. 111.89 the eunuchs' names are derived from the Book of Judith and Esther

50. Nembroth in c. 111.95 is taken from Gen. 10.8. Phrases from the Bible are used: Huc illuc discurrent (Judges 15.5) is used with a slight change in c. 1.155, but no biblical context has accompanied it.

The influence of earlier sources is easier to establish than the interconnection-s between the contemporary poets. They are on the whole using the same sources and therefore words and phrases found in both could have been derived I independently. An example of this can be found at c. 1.18 1.

This has parallels) with Angilbert c. 2.68 (p. 362): Uvidus imbrifero veniet de monte Menalcas. However, the likely common source for these references is Virgil Ecl. 10.20: Uvidus hiberna venit de glande Menalcas. The use of a compound adjective by Theodulf (pomiflua) indicates however that he is aware of Angilbert's poem. A clearer example of a common

Virgilian source is for the unusual adjective velivolum

(Aen. 1.22-4) used by Theodulf: c. 111.97 and Alcuin c. 1.1311,

1407; c. 3.9; c. 15.15 and c. 26.18. Positive direct inf luences on Theodulf by contemporary poets are very few. The rare adjective aurisonum in Paulinus (Ep. 15 (p. 518) dated 791) iss used by Theodulf in c-III. 24 and the opening line of c. Ij

- 72 - (epitaph for Hadrian) has followed the prefatory verses for a psal ter sent to Hadri an: Vers Li b. Saec, Oc t- Adi ec t. 4. i i. 1

(p. 92). Examples of Theodulf's influence on other poets are similarly scarce. The idea of c. 111.1-2, if the date of the poem is correct (winter 798-9 cf. Intro. c. III below), appears to have influenced the idea but not the language of a letter of Alcuin 51.

- 73- Notes

1. Other epitaphs) are not written in a particular persona: cf.

24 (p. 483) (To Fastrada); c. 40 (p. 532) (To Helmengald); c. 49

(pp. 549-550) (to St. Nazar).

2. Cf. c. 111.4.17-30 (p. 541).

3. C. Witke, Latin Satire: The Structure of Persuasion (Leiden,

1970) ch. 7 pp. 168f f,

4. Cf. c. I; c. II; c. 28 (pp. 493ff); c. V; c. VI; c. 36 (p. 527); c. 37 (p. 529) (to Louis); c. 39 (p. 531) (to Louis).

5. Including panegyrics, epitaphs and inscriptions.

6.31% Historical (two poems), 24% Inscriptions, 19% Verse- epistles, 8% Hagiographical, 4% Exegetical, 4% Moral-didactic,

2% Liturgical and 1% Occasional.

7. Alc. c. 24 (ad gentem Gothorum); c. 44 (pp. 255-257) (to

Candidus); c. 46 (pp. 259-260) (to Friducinus) and c. 48 (pp. 260-

261) (to Bishop Arno).

8. Ep, 24 (p. 533) (to Archbishop Magnus of Sens),

- 74- 9. Alc. Ep. 245 (p. 394): ... et plurima addere quae gesta non grant, sicut ine-iuss lecrebatur litteris,

10. Al c. c. 88 (p. 305) - c. 114 (p. 345).

11. (See n. 3) p. 177 (on c. III, 1); p. 191 (on c. 28).

12. See food metaphor in c. 1.191-198 (p. 488) (see commentary below).

13, Also Venantius 2.11.19; 3.8.17,19; 4.3.9; 4.11.5;

4.11.11; 5.3,5; 6.8.11; 7.14.11; V. M. 1.27; 1.126; 1.490; 2.9;

4.578-581; 4.709 (H).

14. P. Godman, Alcuin: The Bishops, Kings and Saints of York

(Oxford, 1982) p-cv, citing the work of A. Cordier,

Latine. Le Proc6d6 dans L'ýn6ide de Virgile' 'L'Alitteration ,

Publications de la Facult6 des Lettres de 1' Universit6 de Lille

3 (Paris, 1939) pp-2-18.

15. Mabillon Anal. Vet. p. 387.

Strecker, 'Studien Karolingischen Dichtern' N. A. 44 16. K. zu ,

(1922) p-222.

17. C. 39 (p. 531) 13 couplets.

- 75 - 18. Alc. c. 34 (pp. 250-251); c. 35 (p. 251); c. 37 (p. 251-2).

19. c. I. 117-124.

20. P. Godman, Poets and Emperors: Frankish Politics and

Carolingian Poetry (Oxford, 1987), p. 70.

2 1. c. 1.191-196.

22. c. I. 155f f..

23. Ven. V. M. 2.78.

24. The exceptions are the Sapphic metre: c. 37 (p. 529); c. 70

(p. 560); c. 77 (p. 578), (all dated 814 and after and addre--: )sed

to Louis the Pious) and hexameter: c. 68 (p. 557).

25. J. P. Postgate, Prosodia Latina (Oxford, 1923) p. 84.

26. M. Platnauer, Latin Elegiac-Verse (Cambridge, 1951) pp. 62-63

27. L. D. Reynolds (ed. ), Texts and Transmission: A Survey of the

Latin Classics, (Oxford, 1983) p. 435.

28. ibid. pp-260ff. These manuscripts do not in fact contain

Ovid's complete corpus.

- 76- 29. M. Manitius, Geschichte der Lateinischen Literatur deS

Mittelalters 1 (Munich, 1911) p. 274.

30. c. 45 (pp. 543-544) (Also P-Godman, Poetry of the Carolingian

Renaissance (London, 1985) No. 18 pp. 168f.

31. c. 45.18ff (pp. 543-544).

32. (As n. 28) p. 540.

33. In Ms. Berlin Diez B Sant. 66, discussed by Bischoff in

K. d. G. 1 pp. 42-56 (= Mitt. Stud. iii pp. 149-169).

34. B. L. Ullmann, 'A List of Classical Manuscripts (In an Eighth

Century Codex) Perhaps from Corbie', Scriptorium 8 (195 4) pp. 24-37, in particular pp. 26-7.

35. Horace Ars Poetica 476 alluded to by Theodulf c. 28.351-2.

36. Alc. c. 9.23 - Hor. c. 2.10.11 (perhaps from Jerome Hebraicae

Quaestiones In Libro Geneseps 1.19; c. I- 784; Ep. 11 (p. 163) ;

Er). 83 (p. 363) ; Ep. 126 (p. 385) - Hor. Serm. 1.10.34-, E.2.16 3

(p. 265) quotes Hor. Epist. 1.10.41, but Alcuin does not name the author of the quote, referring only to quidam poeta. This indicates perhaps that the quote has been taken from a secondary source.

- 77- 37. as n. 31.

38. Georg. 4.387ff.

39. Aen. 4.6.

40. Aen. 8.209-211.

41. C. 72.6-8 (p. 299).

42. Ep. 13 (p. 39).

43. Tung felix nimium quo non felicior ullus, formed from

Aen, 4.657 and 769.

44. P. Godman (as n. 14) pp. 152-3,

45. Noted by Manitius (as n. 30) p. 540 and Godman Poetry p. 8 and

169n. ,

46. S. Taf el, Rheinisches Museum f Uir Philolo 69 (1914) pp. 630-641.

47. F. Della Corte, Rivista Di Cultura Qlasssica e Medioevale 2

(1960) p. 21.

48. C-45-Ilff (p. 543).

78- 49. C. 45.16 (p. 543).

50. Judith 12.11; 12.3; 14.14; Esther 2.15.

51. Alc. Ep. 181 (p. 299) dated Sept. 799.

- 79- Notes on the Text

Jacob Sirmond' ss (5) edition of 1646 is the editio princeps, but with the attendant reservation that with no remaining manuscripts we cannot be certain that Sirmond has faithfully represented his sources. Between Sirmond's first edition and the most recent, of Ernst DUmmler (D), several scholars have provided alternatives, as the apparatus criticus in DUmmler shows. In the seventeenth century Joannes Mabillon

(M arid' in the eighteenth Nicholas Du Chesne (Du C).

Contributions to the work on Theodulf were made in the nineteenth century by Philip Jaff6 (1), Wilhelm Wattenbach (10 and Karl Liersch (L) and culminating in the edition by DUmmler, most important, despite the limited notes, and references,, as the only complete edition since Sirmond. Dieter Schaller (SC) and Peter Godman (G) in this century have commented upon some of these poems. Full details of these editions and studies can be found in the bibliography.

-80- Abbreviations

Corpus Christ ianorum c-'eL-'L_--S CCSL L."5t i I-,'

Godman Poetry Poetry of the Carolingian Qlenaissanc-.

(London, 1985).

Godman Poets Poets and Emperors, Franki---Dh Folitics and

Carolingian Poetry (Oxford, 1987).

MG Karl der Große. Leb-enswerk und Nachleben 1-

4, edd. H. Beumann, B. Bischoff et. al.

(Dusseldorf, 1965).

KLP Karolus Magnus et Leo Pqpa, Monumenta

Germaniae Historica Poetae Latini Medii Aevi

1 (Berlin, 1881), pp-366-379.

mi Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch

Norberg Introduction A i'Lude de Versification

Latine M(ýdi6vale (Stockholm, 1958).

PLAC Poetae Latini Aevi Carolini, ed.. E. DUmmler.

M. G. H. Foetae Latini Medii Aevi I (Berlin,

1881).

- 81 - RFA Roval Frankish Annals, M. G. H. Scriptores 1,

ed Pertz, (Hanover, 1826), pp. 134-215.

Schaller D. Schaller, 'Der Junge 'Rabe' am Hof Karls

'Der Junge 'Rabe' des Großen (Theodulf carm. 27)', Festschrift

fUr B. Bischoff, edd. J. Autenrieth and

F. Brunhblz (Stuttgart, 1971), pp. 123-141.

Schaller id. 'Poetic Rivalries at the court of

'Foetic Rivalries' Charlemagne', Classical Influences on

European Culture 500-1500, ed. R. R. Bolgar

(Cambridge, 1971), pp. 151-157.

Schaller id. 'Vortrags- und Zirkulardichtung am Hof

'Vortrags- Karls des Großen', M. J. 6 (1970), pp. 14-36.

und

Zirkulardichtung'

- 82 - TEXT, TRANSLATION

COMMENTARY

- 83- Introduction to c-I (c. 25 (Sirmond IIIJ)

This poem-epistle was composed away from court (cf. lines

11-12) and was intended to be passed amongst select members of the court and then given a public reading. Schaller (M. J. 6 (1970), 16) groups c. I 'together with Angilbert c. 2 (pp. 360-363) and Alcuin c. 26 (pp. 245-246). C. I is comparable with these poems of Angilbert and Alcuin in that they all give an inslight into, if not a description of, life at court, both of the royal family and of the court members. Theodulf however has written a work distinctive from the others in its variety and scope.

The first 114 lines of c. I are a panegyric for Charles and his family which in length and content surpasses the panegyrical elements of Ang. 2 and Alc. 26. There is little similarity between

Alcuin's and Angilbert's lifeless pictures of Charles and that given by Theodulf. In the others Charles is restricted to the confines of the court setting and praised with stock epithets

(Alc. 26.5-6). Theodulf, however, treats Charles as a world ruler receiving world-wide acclaim. The celebrations for the capture of the Avar treassure highlight Charles' expansionist policies, while

Charles' praise is measured against the rivers of his kingdoms

(lines 3-4) and his wisdom against the rivers of the world (line---3

23-26). This opening section (lines 1-50) mus,t have had a tremendous impact upon the court and in particular on Alcuin and

Angilbert. Theodulf's sweeping panegyric has the effect of making their poems all but irrelevant in the minds of Charles and the

Only members of the court. one poem of this period can match the

-84- scale of this panegyric, the ' Paderborn Epic' (PLAC i pp. 366-379).

This later epic poem is a little over twice as long as c. I, contains encomiastic elements and also sets Charles in a broader context, showing Charles as the ruler of Europe (line 12).

One of the significant features of c. I is that the panegyric is followed by sections of ribaldry and invective. Such satirical elements are not found in any of his contemporaries' poetry. The inclusion of mockery of various members of the court (lines 117-

158,175-212) and invective against the Irishman (lines 159-174,

213-234) along with the panegyric raises the question of the sincerity of Theodulf's praise. The panegyric section could be seen as just another part of the mockery, belittling Alcuin and his circle by showing up their blinkered view by the expansive I scope of his own poem. It is only with hindsight that such associations become apparent. Insincere praise of one's patron, even if it is not blatant, is clearly unacceptable. The panegyric is sincere and although he may be consciously trying to better his rivals his treatments of King and Court are kept distinct.

The date of the poem is easily established by the context. C. I describes the court celebrations for the arrival of the Avar treasure, captured by Eric Duke of Friuli in 796 (cf. R. F. A. for

796). Theodulf describes the treasure (lines 33-34) and the tribute of the subject Avars (lines 39-42). Godman is impreci-se

In Poetry about the particulars of the poems date. (p. 11) and

Poets (p. 68) he states, that the poem is wri t ten sometime in 796

- 85 - and incorrectly adds that the poem is set in 795. The most likely date for the poem is the Easter of 796, the first meeting of the court after the victory over the Avars and a date supported by the description the (liness 51-56). had of advent of spring CD Angilbert lef t the court (lines, 145-146) and, as Schaller has shown (as above pp. 17-18), this absence, on an embassy to Pope Leo III at

Rome, carrying part of the treasure, was in the early part of 796.

Schaller shows that by the latter part of the year Angilbert was back in Gaul when he composed a poem of welcome for Pippin on his return from Pannonia (Ang. c. D.

Like Theodulf's other poems c. I draws on many periods for its language. Classical and christian writers are both represented in

the allusions without any apparent preference. This contrasts strongly with c. III with its proportionally greater nutber of allusions to Virgil (cf. introduction c. III below). The influence of two poets, Ovid and Venantius, does, however, stand out.

Theodulf's knowledge of Ovid is outlined above in chapter 3 and it would appear that Theodulf had extensive knowledge of Ovid. C. I has- ten clear quotes from and allusions to Ovid, taken from the

Fasti, Metamorphoses, Amores, and Ars Amatoria. Theodulf twice uses phrases (lines 19 and 219) taken from sexual contexts

(Ov. Am. 1.5.23 and Ars, Am. 3.779). Theodulf makes no ref erence to the original contexts and as the commentary notes below it has to be assumed that his audience was ignorant of them. That Theodulf knew these amatory poems at first hand is unlikely on the basis of both propriety and availability. A lost compilation is a more

-86- likely source for these quotations, and given Theodulf's exceptional use of Ovid, a source known to him alone. Spain is therefore a possible origin for this.

Theodulf's reading of Venantius is not in doubt and there are various allusions to Venantius in 15 lines of c. I, a significant if not large contribution. This contribution ranges from the use of a similar idea (lines 1,7,18 and 87) to a strong influence on the language (lines 3,13,25,35,49,97,113 and 221). Venantius in particular is an important influence upon the panegyric section of the poem. Godman in his timely and able analysis of Venantiu-M' panegyrics (Poets ch. I pp. 16f f. ) highlights particular topics in

Venantius's panegyrics that have their parallels in c. I, for example the emphasis of the geographical scope of the ruler's fame (ibid. pp. 32-33).

Although Theodulf has been influenced in the language and form of his panegyric the political expediency of much of Venantius' poetry was irrelevant to him. Venantius, as Godman frequently states in his assessment, of ten used his panegyrics to smooth the political paths between the Frankish nobility and the Merovingian court. Venantius shows a keen perception of the political situation and how best to support the King's and his own cause.

C. 6.2 (Godman Poets_ pp. 23-24) supports Charibert' s claim to Paris

fraternal Any af ter a certain amount of -strife. political manoeuvring that can be seen in c. j is within the court, for example in Theodulf' s rivalry with the other poets. Charles' rule

- 87- is firm and uncontested and Theodulf is writing within a secure and settled court. Venantius had been spurred on by the necessity of seeking patronage and his itinerant lifestyle suggests an interrupted flow of favours. Theodulf on the other hand is writing out of gratitude for the king's support rather than the hope of support to come. Theodulf is celebrating and not defending

Charles' rule.

Structure

1-8: The king' s greatness is stated. The scope of his praise is outlined and Theodulf's unworthiness to voice it.

9-12: The style of the poem is outlined and also the nature of its circulation.

13-22: Praise of the physical and intellectual qualities of

Charles.

33-50: The scene at court with the actual and imagined tributes of the subject nations.

51-56: Charles' military dominance brings peace just as spring renews the earth.

- 88- 57-66: Scene at court as ambassadors arrive and report to the king. The buildings at Aachen are briefly described and the people waiting to see the king.

67-114: All the royal family in turn are described and praised in hierarchical order.

115-160: Notables of the court, including those who (are absent

(141-146), are greeted and flattered, in particular Alcuin (131-

140).

161-174-: First attack on Scottus ridiculing hope of any reconciliation and mocking Irishman's incapability to pronounce the letter 'c'.

175-200: Teases other members of the court both scholars and domestic. Ends with humorous sketch of Alcuin eating.

201-212: Feast ends and Wibod reacts to the insults of Theodulf.

213-220: Main attack on Irishman; he is described in terms of the greatest contempt. Irishman is dehumanised and fiercely insulted.

221-228: Irishman's frustrated and animated reaction to Theodulf's insults.

-89- 229-234: Final Irishman. Against his ignorance attack on 0 and belligerence.

235-244: Poem returns to the king. Wishes for his continued happiness. Theodulf asks for forgiveness, through Christ for any offence in the poem and asks finally for God to grant rewards in heaven for Charles.

- 90- C. I (c. 25)-

Te totus laudesque tuas, rex, personat orbis,

Multaque cum dicat, dicere cuncta nequit.

Si Mo--)a, Rhenus, Arar, Rodanus, Tiberisque, Padusque

Metiri po=ýsunt, laus quoque men-Da tua est.

5 Res satis inmensa est tua laus, inmensa manebit,

Dum pecori atque homini pervius orbis erit.

Quam bene si nequeo studiis explere loquendi,

Tantillus tantam temno tacere tamen.

Ludicris haec mixta iocis per ludicra currat,

10 Saepeque tangatur qualibet illa manu.

Laude iocoque simul hunc illita carta revisat,

Quem tribuente celer ipse videbo deo.

0 facies, facies ter cocto clarior auro,

Felix qui potis est semper adesse tibi

15 Et diademali sat dignam pondere frontem

Cernere, quae simili cuncta per arva caret,

Egregiumque caput, mentum, seu colla decora,

Aureolasque manu-s, pauperiem quae abolent.

Pectora, crura, Pedes, est non laudabile cui nil,

20 Omnia pulchra vigent, cuncta decora nitent.

Atque audire tui perpulchra affamina sensus,

Quo super es cunctis, est tibi nemo super,

10. illa L ille S. 22. super es D; superes G.

- 91 - All of the world resounds your name and your praises 0 King,

And it things, it although says many 0 cannot say everything.

If the Meuse, Rhine, Arar, Rh6ne, Tiber and Po

Can all be measured, then your praise also can be measlured.

Your praise is quite measureless, and will remain measureless,

For as long as the earth is open to beast and man.

If I cannot sufficiently do justice to this praise by way of speech,

I, so small as I am, however scorn to be silent about so great a praise.

Let this praise run through the festivities mixed with playful jests,

10 And let it often be touched by every hand.

Let this scrawled letter revisit this man along with praise and I es ts,

He whom, God willing, I will soon see myself.

0 face, face brighter than thrice smelted gold,

Happy is he who can always be with you

15 And see that brow worthy of the weight of the crown,

Which has no equal in all the lands.

And see that noble head, and chin or handsome neck,

Those golden hands, which abolish poverty.

Your chest, legs and feet, all of you is worthy of praise,

20 All is beautiful and in good health, handsome and radiant.

And happy is he who hears the most beautiful words of your intellect

In which you are superior to all and no-one can better you.

- 92 - Est tibi nemo Super, sollers prudentia cuius

Tanta cluit, nullus cui puto finis inest.

25 Latior est Nilo, glaciali grandior Histro,

Maior- et Euphrate est, non quoque Gange minor.

Quid mirum, aeternus si talem pastor alendis.

Pastorem gregibus condidit ipse suis?

Nomine reddis avum, Salomonem stemmate sensus,

30 Viribus et David, sive Ioseph specie.

Tutor opum es, vindex scelerum, largitor honorum,

Atque ideo dantur haec bona cuncta tibi.

Percipe multiplices laetanti pectore gazas,

Quas tibi Pannonico mittit ab orbe deuss.

35 Inde pias celso grates persolve tonanti,

Cui, solet ut semper, sit tua larga manus,

Adveniunt gentes Christo servire paratae, I

Quas dextra ad Christum sollicitante vocas.

Pone venit textis ad Christum crinibus Hunnuss,

40 Estque humilis fidei, qui fuit ante ferox.

Huic societur Arabs, populus crinitus uterque est,

Hic textus crines, ille solutus eat.

Cordoba, prolixo collecta-s tempore gazas

Mitte celer regi, quem decet omne decens.

45 Ut veniunt Abares, Arabes Nomadesque venite,

Regis) et ante pedes flectite colla, genu.

45. Abares 5; Arabes C.

- 93- No-one can better you; whose shrewd wisdom

Is famed as being so great, and which I think has no limit.

25 It is broader than the Nile, and greater than the icy Danube,

Larger than the Euphrates and as great as the Ganges.

What wonder is it if the eternal Shepherd himself has placed

Such a shepherd to tend his flocks.

Your name recalls your grandfather, the nobility of your intellect, Solomon,

30 Your strength recalls David and your beauty Joeph.

You are the protector of riches, avenger of crimes, bestower of honours,

And for these reasons all these good things are given to you.

See with joyful heart the many treasures,

Which God sends to you from the land of Pannonia.

35 So give due thanks to Heavenly God,

To whom, as it always is, may your hand be generous.

The peoples arrive ready to serve Christ,

Whom you call to Chri-st with an encouraging hand.

The Hun comes to Christ with his hair bound up behind,

40 And he who was once fierce, is humble in his faith.

Along with him may be the Arab, both a long haired people,

Let the one go with hair bound up, the other with it loose.

0 Cordoba, send swiftly the treasures amassed over many years

To the King whom every decent thing becomes.

45 Just as the Avars come so must you Arabs and Nomads come,

And bend your neck and knee before the feet of' the King,

- 94- Nec minus hi, quam vos, saevique trucesque fuere,

Q Sed hos qui domuit, vos domiturus erit:

Scilicet in caelo residens, per Tartara regnans,

50 Qui mare, qui terras, qui regit astra, polum.

Ver venit ecce novum, cum quo felicia cuncta

Teque, tuosque adeant, rex, tribuente deo.

En renovatur ovans aeternis legibus annus,

Et sua nunc mater germina promit humus.

55 Silvae fronde virent, ornantur floribus arva,

Sicque vices servant, en, elementa suas.

Undique legati-veniant, -qui prospera narrent,

Fraemia sint pacis, omnis abesto furor.

Mox oculis cum mente simul manibusque levatis

60 Ad caelum, grates fertque refertque deo.

Consilii celebretur honos, oretur in aula,

Qua miris surgit fabrica pulchra tholis.

Inde palatinae repetantur culmina sedis,

Plebs eat et redeat atria longa terens.

65 Ianua pandatur, multisque volentibus intrent

Pauci, quos sursum quilibet ordo tulit.

Circumdet pulchrum'proles carissima regem,

Omnibus emineat, sol ut in arce solet.

Hinc adstent pueri, circumstent inde puellae,

70 Vinea laetificet sicque novella patrem.

Stent Karolus Hludowicque simul, quorum unus ephebus,

47. saevique W, saevi S.

- 95 - Nor were these any less savage and fierce than you,

And he who hass subdued these is about to subdue you:

Namely residing in Heaven and ruling Hell,

Who rules the sea, earth, stars, heaven.

See the new spring has come with which, 0 king, God willing,

May all happiness come to you and your family,

So the year rejoicing in the eternal laws is renewed,

And now Mother Earth pushes forth her shoots.

5 Trees flourish with leaves and fields are adorned with flowers,

In this way the elements keep to their order.

Let ambassadors come from all sides to tell their good news,

Let there be the rewards of peace, and away with all anger.

Soon he gives thanks again and again to God

0 With eyes, mind and hands raised to heaven.

Let the honour of his counsel be celebrated, and prayed fýr in he palace,

Where a beautiful building rises uP with its wondrous dome.

Then let them seek again the heights of the palace quarters,

And may the congregation pass up and down the long halls.

5 May the door open and may a few enter, though many wish to

Who have risen from all ranks.

May his most dear children surround the handsome King,

And may he outshine all, just like the sun in heaven.

May the boys stand by him here, and the girls there,

Like the young vine, and may they bring joy to their father.

Let Charles and Louis stand together, of whom one is a youth,

- 96- Iam vehit alterius os iuvenale decus.

Corpore praevalido quibus est nervosa iuventa,

Corque capax studii, consiliique tenax.

75 Mente vigent, virtute cluunt, pietate redundant,

Gentis uterque decor, dulcis uterque patri.

Et nunc ardentes acies rex flectat ad illoss,

Nunc ad virgineum flectat utrimque chorum,

Virgineum ad coetum, quo non e--:)t pulchrior alter,

80 Veste, habitu, specie, corpore, corde, fide.

Scilicet ad Bertam et Chrodtrudh, ubi sit quoque Gisla,

Pulchrarum una, soror, sit minor ordo trium.

Est sociata quibuS Leutgardis pulchra virago,

Quae micat ingenio cum pietatis ope.

85 Pulchra satis cultu, sed digno pulchrior actu,

Cum populo et ducibus omnibus una favet.

Larga manu, clemens animo, blandis--: )ima verbis,

Prodesse et cunctis, nemini obesse parat.

Quae bene discendi studiis studiosa laborat,

90 Ingenuasque artes mentis in arce locat.

Prompta sit obsequio soboles gratissima regis,

Utque magis placeat, certet amore pio,

Pallia dupla celer, manuum seu tegmina blanda

Suscipiat Carolus, et gladium Ludoich.

81. Chrodtrudh Du C; Rodtrud 5.

- 97 - The other's face already bears the grace of manhood.

Both are vigorous youths strong in body,

With minds full of enthusiasm and fixed in their purpose.

75 They are strong in mind, famed for their courage, and abound with piety,

Each the pride of their family, each dear to their father.

And may the King direct his burning eyes now towards them,

Now towards the groups of girls on both sides,

A group of girls which no other exceeds in beauty,

80 In dress, manner, appearance, in body, mind, and faith.

Certainly he looks to Berta and Rotrud, where Gisla may be also,

Their sister, one of the beautiful girls, though she may be

the youngest of the three.

Joined with these is the beautiful maid Leutgard,

Whose mind radiates with an abundance of piety.

85 She is most beautiful in appearance but fairer still in her worthy conduct,

She alone is favoured by all people and nobles.

Open-handed, kind hearted, very gentle in her speech,

She is ready to help all and hinder none.

This studious lady works hard in the study of learning well

90 And stores up the noble arts in her mind.

May the beloved offspring of the King be swift to obey,

And may they compete in kindly love to give more pleasure.

Let Charles swiftly take up the double cloak or soft gloves

And let Louis take up the sword.

- 98 - 95 Quo residente, suum grata inter basia munus

Dent natae, egregiae, det quoque carus amor.

Berta rosas, Chrodtrudh violas dat, lilia Gisla,

Nectaris ambrosii praemia quaeque ferat;

Rothaidh poma, Hiltrudh Cererem, Tetdrada Liaeum,

100 Quis varia species, sed decor unus inest.

Ista nitet gemmis, auro illa splendet et ostro,

Haec gemma viridi praenitet, illa rubra,

Fibula componit hanc, illam limbus adornat,

Armillae hanc ornant, hancque monile decet.

105 Huic ferruginea est, apta huic quoque lutea vestis,

Lacteolum strophium haec vehit, illa rubrum.

Dulcibus haec verbis faveat regi, altera risu,

Ista patrem gressu mulceat, illa ioco.

Quod si forte soror fuerit sanctissima regis,

110 Oscula det fratri dulcia, frater ei,

Talia sic placido moderetur gaudia vultu,

Ut sponsi aeterni gaudia mente gerat,

Et bene scripturae pandi sibi compita poscat,

Rex illam doceat, quem deus ipse docet.

115 Adveniant proceres, circumstent undique laeti,

Complere studeat munia quisque sua.

97. dat, lilia D; et lilia S.

- 99- 15 When he sits let his noble daughters give him their gift,

Along with kisses as dear love requires

ýertha gives roses, Rotrud violets and Gisla lilies,

Let each bear their rewards of ambrosial nectar;

Rothaid gives apples, Hiltrud corn and Thodrud wine,

00 Which differ in appearance, but have their beauty in common.

The one shines with jewels the other radiant in gold and purple,

The one glowing with an emerald, the other with a ruby.

The one wears a clasp, while belts adorn the other,

One wears bracelets, and one is graced by a necklace.

105 One suits a dark red dress and the other a yellow,

One wears a milk-white bodice, and the other a red bodice.

Let one favour the King with sweet words, and the other with a

; mile,

Let one charm her father by her movement, the other with a j oke.

And if perhaps that most holy sister of the King should be there,

[10 May she give sweet kisses to her brother, and her brother to ier.

Thus she may restrain her joy behind a calm face,

To remain mindful-of the joys of her eternal husband,

And should she call for the ways of the Scriptures to be

?xplained,

Let the King, whom God himself teaches, teach her.

1,15 Let the nobles come forward, and surround him with happy faces,

And let each be careful to fulfil his duties.

-100- ThyrSis ad obsequium semper sit promptus herile,

Strenuus et velox sit pede, corde, manu.

Pluraque suscipiat hinc inde precantia verba,

120 Istaque dissimulet, audicat illa libens:

Hunc intrare iubens, hunc expectare parumper

Censeat, hunc intus, hunc tamen esse foris.

Regalique throno calvus hic impiger adstet,

Cunctaque prudenter, cuncta verenter agat.

125 Adsit praesul ovans animo vultuque benigno,

Ora beata ferens, et pia corda gerens.

Quem sincera fides, quem-tantus culminis ordo,

Pectus et innocuum, rex, tibi, Christe, dicat.

Stet benedicturus regis potumque cibumque,

130 Sumere quin etiam rex velit, ille volet.

Sit praesto et Flaccus, nostrorum gloria vatum,

Qui potis est lyrico multa boare pede.

Quique sophista potens est, quique poeta meloduss,

Quique potens sensu, quique potens opere est.

135 Et pia de sanctis scripturis dogmata promat,

Et solvat numeri vincla favente ioco.

Et modo sit facilis, modo scrupea quaestio Flacci,

Nunc mundanam artem, nunc redibens superam:

Solvere de multis rex ipse volentibus unus

140 Sit bene qui possit sclvere Flaccidica.

Voce valens, sen-suque vigil, sermone politus,

Adsit Riculfus, nobilis arte, fide.

-101- May Thyrsis be always swift to his master's service,

And be active and swift of foot, heart and hand.

Let him accept many entreaties from all sides,

120 And ignore some, and listen willingly to others;

Ordering this one to enter, let him decide that another,

Should wait for a moment with one inside and one outside.

Let this tireless bald man stand by the royal throne,

And act always wisely, always reverently.

125 May the bishop be present rejoicing in mind, and kind expression,

With a happy face and pious heart.

Whom a sincere faith, the greatness of his high rank,

And his spotless heart dedicates to you Christ the King.

Let him stand on the point of blessing the King's food and drink,

130 And let him fly if the King were to even wish to eat.

Let Flaccus be present, the glory of our poets,

Who is able to sound forth many verses in the lyric measure.

He is at once a powerful thinker, and a melodious poet,

Masterful in his understanding and masterful in his work,

135 Let him propound the pious doctrines from the Holy Scriptures,

And with an encouraging laugh release the chains of meaning

)f a number.

Let Flaccus' question be now easy, now difficult,

Now on a secular subject now a sacred subject:

But may the King, among the many who wish to

40 Be the only one able to solve Flaccu-, problems.

Let Riculf be present, with strong voice, alert mind

And polished speech, noble both in skill and faith.

-102- Qui et si longinqua fuerit regione moratus,

Non manibus vacuis iam tamen inde redit.

14-5 Dulce melos canerem tibi, ni absens, dulcis Homere,

Esses, sed quoniam es, hinc mea Musa tacet,

Non Ercambaldi sollers praesentia desit,

Guius fidam armat bina tabella manum.

Pendula quae lateri manuum cito membra revisat,

150 Verbaque suscipiat, quae sine voce canat.

Lentulus intersit, laturus dulcia poma,

Poma vehat calathis, cordis in arce fidem.

Cui sunt arguti sensus, alia omnia tarda:

Ocior esto, probus Lentule, voce, pede.

155 Nardulus huc illuc discurrat perpete gressu,

Ut formica tuus pes redit itque frequens.

Cuius parva domus habitatur ab hospite magno,

Res magna et parvi pectori---ý antra colit,

Et nunc ille libros, operosas nunc ferat et res,

160 Spiculaque ad Scotti nunc paret apta necem.

Cui dum vita comes fuerit, haec oscula tradam,

Trux, aurite, tibi quae dat, aselle, lupus.

Ante cani-s lepores alet aut lupus improbus agnos,

Aut timido muri musio terga dabit,

157. ab add. D. 159. operosas 1; operosus S.

-103- And who even if he lingers in a far off country,

He does not however now return with empty hands.

145 1 would sing sweet verses for you, sweet Homer, if you were not away ,

But since you are away then let my Muse stay silent.

May the skilful presence of Ercambald be in attendance,

Whose faithful hand is armed with his double tablet.

Which hanging at his side may come quickly back into his hands,

150 And let it take the words which he speaks silently.

Let Lentulus be among them, who will bear sweet apples,

Carrying apples in his basket and faith in the citadel of his

ýeart.

Hi--I mind is shrewd but everything else is slow:

So good Lentulus be quicker in speech and step.

155 May Nardulus scurry unceasingly here and there,

JuSt like your step, ant, he comes and goes,

A great guest lives in his small dwelling,

And a greatness lives in the caves of a small heart.

Now let him carry books, now more weighty matters,

160 Now let him prepare weapons right for the death of the

Irishman.

To him I shall give these kisses as long as I live,

Which the fierce wolf gives to you, long eared little ass.

Sooner would the dog feed the hare or the wicked wolf the lamb,

Or the cat r'un away from the timid mouse,

-104- 165 Quam Geta cum Scotto pia pacis foedera iungat,

Quae si forte velit iungere, ventus) erit.

Hic poenasve dabit fugietve simillimus Austro,

Utque sit hic aliud, nil nisi Scottus erit.

Cui si litterulam, quae est ordine tertia, tollas,

170 Inque, secunda suo nomine forte sedet,

Quae sonat in 'caelo' prima, et quae in 'scando' secunda,

Tertia in 'ascensu', quarta in 'amicitiis',

Quam satis offendit, pro qua te, littera salvi,

Utitur, haud dubium quod sonat, hoc et erit.

175 Stet levita decens Fredegis sociatus Osulfo,

Gnarus uterque artis, doctus uterque bene.

Nardus et Ercambald si coniungantur Osulfo,

Tres mensae poterunt unius esse pedes.

Pinguior hic illo est, hic est quoque tenuior illo,

180 Sed mensura dedit altior esse pares.

Pomiflua sollers veniat de sede Menalcas,

Sudorem abstergens frontis ab arce manu.

Quam saepe ingrediens, pistorum sive coquorum

Vallatus cuneis, ius synodale gerit.

185 Frudenter qui cuncta gerens, epulasque dape---)que

Regis honoratum deferat ante thronum.

Adveniat pincerna potens Eppinus et ip-se,

Fulchraque vasa manu, vinaque grata vehat.

167. fugietve W; fugietne S. 178. es--De S; ecce Du C 181. sollerss. solers S.

-105- 65 Than the Goth make a pious treaty of peace with the Irishman,

If he should wish to make one it would be all wind.

He will be punished or he will flee like the South wind,

And though he tries to be different, he is no"'Ihing but an rishman.

If you take away the letter, which is the third in the ali-phabet,

70 And which happens' to be the second in hi-D name,

Which is the first in 'caelo', and the second in 'scando',

The third in 'ascensu' and the fourth in 'amicitiis',

Which he gets wrong, and instead pronounces you, letter of the aviour,

Certainly he will be what he pronounces.

75 The honorable deacon Fredegis stands next to Osulf,

Both knowledgeable on grammar, both very learned.

If Nardus and Ercambald were to be joined to Osulf,

They could make up the three legs of a table.

One is fatter than the other and one is also thinner than the ther,

50 But a higher measure has made them equal.

Let skilful Menalcas descend from his home abundant with apples,

Wiping away the sweat from his brow with his hand.

Often entering flanked by rows of bakers and cooks,

He carries out his law as in a synod.

ý5 In all things he acts wisely, and may he set out

Banquets and feasts before the honoured throne of the King.

And let Eppinus himself the strong cup-bearer approach,

Let him carry beautiful vessels and pleasing wines.

-106- Iam circumsedeant regalia prandia iussi,

190 Laetitiae detur munus ab axe poli,

Et pater Albinus sedeat pia verba daturus,

Sumpturusque cibos ore manuque libens.

Aut si, Bacche, tui, aut Cerealis pocla liquoris

Porgere praecipiat, fors et utrumque volet,

195 Quo melius doceat, melius sua fistula cantet,

Si doctrinalis pectoris antra riget.

Este procul pultes, et lactis massa coacti,

Sed pigmentati sis prope mensa cibi.

Participent mensis epulas, et dulcia sumant

200 Pabula, vina bibant stansque sedensque simul.

His bene patratis, mensis dapibusque remotis,

Pergat laetitia plebs comitante forass.

Hacque intus remanente sonet Theodulfica MuSa,

Quae foveat reges, mulceat et proceres.

205 Audiat hanc forsan membrosus Wibodus heros,

Concutiat crassum terque quaterque caput.

Et torvum adspiciens vultuque et voce minetur,

Absentemque suis me obruat ille minis.

Quem si forte vocet pietas gratislsima regis,

210 Gressu eat obliquo vel titubante genu.

Et sua praecedat tumefactus pectora venter,

Et pede Vulcanum, voce Iovem referat.

Haec ita dum fiunt, dum carmina nostra leguntur,

199. mensis epulas L; mensas epulis S. 200. bibant D; bibent S.

-107- Now let the summoned guests sit down around the royal fea--)t,

190 And may the gift of happines: -s be granted from heaven.

May Father Albinus sit ready to speak pious words,

And to take food freely with mouth and hand.

He may order glasses of wine or beer to be brought,

And perhaps he might want both.

195 That he may teach all the better, and his pipe may play sweeter

If he should water the caverns of his learned heart.

Begone porridge and mass of curd,

But let the table of spiced meat be close by.

Let them take part in the feast at table and eat sweet foods

200 And let them drink wines as some stand and some sit.

With this feast concluded satisfactorily, and the tables and

dishes removed,

Let the people with accompanying joy go out of the dbors.

Within with this happiness remaining let Theodulf's MuMsesound

f or th,

Which may cherish Kings and flatter nobles.

205 Perhaps that long limbed hero Wibod might hear these verses,

He might strike hiss thick head three or four times.

And casting a stern look he might threaten with face and voice,

And heap threats upon me in my absence.

If perhaps the King with gracious piety may call him,

210 He may go with sideways step or tottering knee.

And go forth his swollen stomach preceding him,

And recall Vulcan with his walk and Jove with his voice.

So while these things happen, while my poem is being read,

-108- Stet Scottellus ibi, res sine lege furens,

215 Res dira, ho-stis atrox, hebes horror, pestis acerba,

Litigiosa lues, ress fera, grande nefas,

Res fera, res turpis, re-s-) segnis, resque nefanda,

Res infesta piis, res inimica bonis.

Et manibus curvis, paulum cervice reflexa,

220 Non recta ad stolidum brachia pectu-s eant.

Anceps, attonitus, tremulus, furibundus, anhelus,

Stet levis aure, manu, lumine, mente, pede.

Et celeri motu nunc hos, nunc comprimat illos,

Nunc gemitus tantum, nunc fera verba sonet.

225 Nunc ad lectorem, nunc se convertat ad omnes

Adstantes proceres, nil ratione gerenss.

Et reprehendendi studio ferus aestuet hostis,

Cui sit posse procul, iam quia velle prope e--Dt.

Plurima qui didicit, nil fixum, nil quoque certum,

230 Quae tamen ignorat, omnia nosse putat.

Non ideo didicit, sapiens ut possit haberi,

Sed contendendi ut promptus ad arma foret.

Multa scis et nulla sapis, plura, inscie, nosti,

Quid dicam inde magis? non sapis atque sapis.

235 Rex sua fulcra petat, habeat sua mansio quemque,

Rex bene laetus eat, plebs bene laeta meet.

-109- The little Irishman may stand there, thing a raging 0 without check,

215 A foul thing, a black enemy, a dull horror, a bitter disease,

A thing, quarrelsome plague,0 a wild a great wrona-

A thing, thing, lazy thing wild wicked , and unspeakable thing,

A thing hostile to the dutiful, a thing hateful to the good.

And with bent hands and his neck bent back a little,

220 Let him go with arms bent over his stupid chest.

Uncertain, astonished, trembling, furious, breathless,

Let him stand uncertain of hearing, hand, eye, mind, foot.

And with rapid movement let him now restrain these, now those,

Now issuing only groans, now wild words.

225 Now he may turn to the reader, and now

To all the nobles standing by him, doing nothing ra, tionally.

Let this wild enemy rage with the wish to criticize,

Let the ability to criticize be far off, because the wish to

is now nearby.

This man who has learned much, has learned nothing fixed, nothing

certain,

230 But he thinks he knows all the things which he does not know.

He did not learn such things to be considered wise,

But so that he would be quick to arms in an argument.

You know many things and are wise about none of them, you are a

learn6d ignoramus,

What more can I say, you know and you do not know.

235 Let the king seek his couch and let all go home,

Let the king go suitably happy and the people too.

-110- At tu posce pio reditum mea fistula regi,

Et cunctis veniam, quos ciet iste iocus.

Qui ne quem offendat, placeat dilectio Christi,

240 Omnia quae suffert, cui bona cuncta placent.

Hac ope qui vacuus, qui tanto est munere nudus,

Sit licet infensus, est mihi cura levis.

Qui te mundani regni rex extulit arce,

Praemia perpetui det meliora tibi.

238. iocus S.

-111- But you my pipe ask the holy king if you may return,

And ask for pardon from all whom this humour disturbs.

May the love of Christ, which bearss, all things, which all good

: hings please.

ý40 Grant that it offends no one,

If anyone lacks this wealth and is bereft of so great a gift,

Although he be hostile it is no matter to me.

May the King who has raised you to the rule of the earthly

.ýina-dom, 0

Give you the better rewards of the eternal kingdom.

-112- Commentary

1. Te... Charles is rex: placed in an emphatic position at the

beginning of this panegyric.

totus the ... orbis: completeness of this exaggerated statement has the effect of strengthening Theodulf's praise, and of emphasiSing

the boundlessness Charles's of worth. A modified version of this

topoS is in shown Venantius Fortunatus: 6. Ia. 1, where Venantius

uses the phrase ab occa-Mu... in ortum.

Theodulf personat: here employs this verb with just a single

object, though in classical Latin it is more commonly used with

the accusative and ablative; to make 'a' re-Mound with ' b' : cf.

Verg. A. 6.171; 418.

2. cum: the whole world voices Charles' praises, but despite that

it cannot do justice to it.

nequit: this word is not used frequently in the poetry of the

contemporary poets, though it does occur: cf. Th. 10.19 (p. 4.64) ;

Alc. c. 98. inscrip. ii. 5 (p. 323) ; Hibernicus Exul 17.28 (p. 407).

3. Mosa: Venantius) has list Vita S. Mart. a similar of rivers: cf -

2.78: Rhenus, Atax, Rhodanus, Tibris, Padus, Hister. Orontes-

This is more extensive in its geographical scope than that of

Theodulf, as indeed the context demands. A similar list within

-113- Sidonius c. 5.208-9 is correspondingly narrower in its scope:

Rhenus, Arar, Rhodanus, Mosa, Matrona, Sequana, Ledus,

Clitis, Elaris, Atax, Vacalis, Ligerimque

Clearly Theodulf has used these listS as models, choosing only those rivers that suit his purpose, These are almost all the major rivers of Charles' kingdoms, so that not only their respective sizes are significant, but they also emphasise the extent of

Charles' dominions approximately from North to South, though the

Tiber is placed before the Po, which seems to follow the order of

Venantius' list. Theodulf does omit the Seine and the Loire, in order to keep within the single line. Theodulf elsewhere goes further with a list of rivers that obey Charles, c. 28.103-106

(p. 496):

Cui parent Walis, Rodanus, Mosa, Renus et Henus,,

Sequana, Wisurgis, Wardo, Garonna, Padus,

Rura, Mosella, Liger, Vulturnus, Matrona, Ledus,

Hister, Atax, Gabarus, Olitis, Albis, Arar.

4. metiri: if the rivers can be measured then Charles' praise can

then the also be measured, but as the former is impossible

Such hyperbole is in greatness of Charles is inexpressible. common

by it Theodul f panegyr 1 c, f or exampl e Venan ti us c. 10.8.1-2, and

being The topos achieves the effect of praise without specific. of inexpressibility is discussed in Curtius (European Literature and the Latin Middle A&gs) pp. 159-162.

-114- 7. nequeo: cf. above line 2. Theodulf now begins the common theme of stating his own unworthiness to speak týie praise of such a great man. This declared modesty, that he does not have the skill necessary to express Charles' praise, is shown false by the elaborate construction actually used in the next line. By this sustained alliteration Theodulf in faCt shows that he is a poet worthy of such a subject. Such a statement of modesty is common in a recusatio: cf. Ven. Fort. Vita S. Mart. 1.34ff; Corippus In

Laud. Just. lff; Sid. Ep. 4.18.3-4.

8. tantillus: this diminutive is not common and Theodulf has almost certainly taken this f rom Eugenius c. 5.12 (M. G. H. A. A. 14 p. 235): Dum petis tantilla lucra, dona perdis maxima. The form is found elsewhere in Plautus and Terence in particular and occas-ionally in Catullus, Lucretius and Apuleius. ' Theodulf maintains the alliteration for a complete line: cf. below c. III. 105, for a similar but shorter example.

temno: 'disdain ', I scorn' : Verg. A. 1.542; Lucr. 3.957; Stat.

Theb. 2.570. The use of temno wi th an infinitive, an unc ommon construction, is influenced by the similar use of the related verb

2.20; contemnere in the Vulgate and Patristic writers: Iud.

11.17; Deut. 21. 18; Aug. Ep. 104.1; Hier. In Jerom. 8.6; In Is. 64.4-

5. This construction only appears to be found in in Horace, again with contemnere: Ep. 1.1.29 ; 50.

-115- 9. iocis: ' with sportive jest I. The_; jests the -1udicris... -.) -e are gibes at the expense of the court members.

per ludicra: the festive mood of the court is shown by this reference, that the recitation would be accompanied by much hi lari ty.

currat: the jussive subjunctive is used, as in the next line, to indicate Theodulf's wish.

11. simul hunc: on the metrical point see p. 65 above.

illita: with this deprecating reference to the roughness-) of his letter-poem Theodulf continues the theme of his own modest abilities: cf. also Hor. Sat. 1.4.36.

carta: for such addresses to the poem itself, a technique derived f rom the classics, cf. Ang. 2.72; 80; 93 (p. 362); Alc. 4.1 (p. 220) ;

Alc. 35.1 (p. 25 1); Alc. 46.1 (p. 259) Alc. 74.25 (p. 296) Alc. 75.1 ; ; -3

(p. 296).

12. tribuente deo: below line 52 Ven. Fort. 10.11.26. ... cf. and

celer ipse: on metrical point see p. 64 above.

-116- 13-20. The physical appearance of Charles. This section is almost

ironic in its attention to every physical feature of Charles.

Though Theodulf shows later that he is capable of irony about

others (cf. lines 115ff), the use of irony here would not be

compatible with the deference demanded of Theodulf as a court

member. By the comprehensiveness) of the praises Theodulf aims to

rival and overtake both his contemporaries and predecessors.

13. ter cocto: as is noted by DUmmler, the 'image of resmelted gold

is also used by Venantius Vita S. Mart. 1.127: pulchrior electro

ter cocto ardentior auro. and Virgil Aen. 8.624: Tum levis ocreas

electro auroque recocto. The first of these lines has strongly

influenced Theodulf in its language, but is used of the spiritual

passion of Hilary of Poitiers. Theodulf has in fact moved a step

further on from the original image of Venantius by Comparing

Charles' appearance to gold rather than to a silver-gold alloy,

The line by Virgil, which has influenced Venantius, de-scribes the greaves of Aeneas and not his appearance. Charles' appearance is I compared with and indeed surpasses a material that is both bri, cht and precious. Images of brightness to describe the king and the royal family occur elsewhere in Theodulf's poetry, to represent both physical beauty and material wealth: cf. below lines 68,85,

101; c. VI-5. The same line is used of Charles, the king's second son: cf. Th-35.5 (p. 527). The image of gold is also used by Modoin to describe Aachen the new 1golden Rome' : cf. 1.27 (p. 385) ; 2.7f f

388).

-117- 14. potis: DUmmler notes the passage: 3 Reg. 10.8: Beati viri tui, et beati servi tui. quistant coram te semper, et audiunt sapientiam tuam, but its significance is mily in the idea of

'happy the it men who are with you' , and does not influence the language Theodulf This of . adjective, though by no means uncommon in classical poets, is not used by contemporary poets.

Godman has removed DUmmler's comma at the end of this line, which is preferable to Sirmond's full-stop. There is no need of a pause here.

15. diademali: an uncommon word, Dracontius uses it of the brow, meaning 'crowned': Orestes. 260 (of Orestes killing Aegisthus):

Diademalem f t f Satisf 33: Diademalem rangi cum vertice rontem, and ..

turpem cornua frontem.

diadema is used frequently in the Bible: cf. 2 Sam. 1.10; 12.30; 4

Reg. 11.12; cf. also Alc. 43.15 (p. 255) ; Alc. 45.47 (p. 257) ; Alc.

47.3 (p. 260); et saepe.

17-18. Cernere is understood for this couplet, Theodulf is stretching the construction over six line-M. This is uncommon, as

the sense usually lies in a single couplet. The overflowing construction represents the overflowing greatness of Charles.

the Isid. caput: seen as the seat of the senses and character: cf.

Etvm-11.25.

-118- mentum: Theodulf could be aware of the connotations of strength and determination the chin has. In Virgil Aen, 4.246-251, the description of Atlas is completed by the mountain / Giant's icy fringe / beard. J. H. W. Morwood Q, R-S. 75 (1985), p. 57) states that this represents his character of dogged determination with the chin jutting and unmoved. That Theodulf uses the chin does not necessarily signify that he has employed this passage as a model, but such an interpretation would be most suitable for his panegyric.

colla: this idealised portrait of Charles does not agree with

Einhard's description in the Vita Karoli ch. 22. The conventions of panegyric demand the unswerving praise of the honorand, unflattering aspects are glossed over. The line of Dracontius:

Hexaem 279: omnia pulchra gerens, oculos, os, colla *manusque, noted by DUmmler, is relevant only in that it is a list of physical features, and has not influenced Theodulf's language here.

18. aureolas: this adjective is diminutive in form but not in sense, and is synonymous with aureas: cf. Exodus 25.25; where it is used of a crown over the Ark of the Covenant:

Et ipsi labio coronam interrasilem altam quattuor digitis:

et super illam alteram coronam aureolam.

abolent: the concept of renown through generosity is shown

Suet. Vita Aug. 75; Ven. Fort. 9.16.11-14, it elsewhere: cf . and

-119- is also shown in the vernacular tradition: Beowulf ch. 1.20ff.

Theodulf has been the recipient of gif ts as part of the patronage of Charles, other manifestations of which are referred to by

Alcuin and Modoin: cf. Alc. 38.1-3 (p. 252); Mod. 1.87-90. Einhard:

Vita ch. 27, recounts Charles' generosity to those abroad, but the reference by Theodulf here is to the anticipated prosperity through the distribution the booty 0 of from the sacking of the Avar camp: cf. R. F. A. for 796, and below line 36.

19. pedes. Theodulf by his anatomical pedantry is gently mocking the somewhat unctuous tones of Alcuin and Angilbert, while at the same time showing that all of Charles is praiseworthy. Similar lists of part- of the body occurs in Venantius V. M. 1.375: manus ora Senae recubabat imago sepulta and K. L. P. 254: pes, manus, ora, genae, cervix radiata nitescit.

non laudabile cui nil: it would be surprising if there iS, a conscious reference here to Ov. Am. 1.5.23: singula quid ref eram? nil non laudabile vid-i, where Ovid is describing the charms of

Corinna. The contexts) of both passages are similar, but Theodulf is unlikely to have run the risk of seeming improper or of insulting Charles. Given the infrequency of references to the

Amores, Theodulf could have been unaware of the original context hi. mself, though where he came upon this line is uncertain.

20. A well balanced line, each half of which carries synonymous words in a similar order, so that the point is reiterated. For a

-120- similar construction but with the second half contradicting the first: cf. Dracontius Satisf. 28: aspera cuncta petat, prospera cuncta negat.

21. audire: this infinitive should be taken with line 14.

perpulchra: not commonly found in the classical writers, though it does occur in Terence: Eun. 468.

af famina: this word is not used before Apuleius (Met. 11.7; 11.30).

The only other examples of its use are Venantius 5.1.3 and

Juvencus 1.91. The last of these iss the only to use the plural

orm.

sensus: used again below line 29.

22. super es: Godman's reading superes gives the same meaning and is acceptable. To the ear these two versions would have been indistinguishable. The compound verb with the dative is more commonly used than the preposition with ablative, but this does not conclusively support Godman.

the form the e --)t tibi nemo super: Theodulf here varies of epanaleptic couplet by repeating the second half of the pentameter in the first half of the following hexameter. The origJLnal form is the f irst half of the hexameter echoed in the second half of the

in f 011 owi-nS. pentameter. Theodulf and his contemporaries,

-121- particular Alcuin, exercissed their skills with this form, composing complete poemS from these coupletS, only occa sionally defective: cf. Paul the Deacon 2 (pp. 36-41) ; Alc. 34 (pp. 250-25 1 ):

Alc. 35 (p. 251 ); Alc. 37.1-8 (pp. 251-252); Th. 39 (p. 5331) The and . inverted epanaleptic couplet using the same phrase is repeated at

Th. 76.32-33 (p. 577).

23. sollers: the use here with prudentia produces an awkward tautology. But as is shown above: line 20, the reiteration is an accepted part of the panegyric.

prudentia: considering Charles' emphasis on education, both of his clergy and of himself, this quality must have been important to him. It is a quality that is shown in other panegyrics to be necessary for a ruler: cf. Claud. Paneg. Man. Theod. 143; Paneg.

Lat., 7.5.2. For the associated description of Charles as. a doctor: cf. Alc. Ep. 257 (p. 415); Cathwulf 4.7 (p. 503).

25-26. As DUmmler notes (p. 484 n. 4), Theodulf has based the first of these lines on Venantius: Vita S. Mart. 1.129: uberior Nilo, generoso sparsior Histro.

Theodulf has a different reason for using these rivers, for him their size and the contrast b2tween them of south / north, hot / cold are the most important factors. Theodulf in fact goes beyond

Venantius' line and includes the Euphrates and the Ganges. Their signif icance is again in their size, but they also give Charles

-122- associations with exotic and unknown places that fit the topos of boundlessness inexpressibility: and cf. Sid. Carm, 7,44. For a discussion of this topos: cf. E. R. Curtius European Lij, terature and the Latin Middle Ages pp. 159-162.

27, to God aeternus ... p as r: must institute Charles' kingship. For reference to God as the Shepherd: cf. Ps. 23; Zach. 10.2-3; Micah

14.

alendis: Theodulf uses the ssimile of the shepherd feeding his flock, by he is Charles which representing the provider, not ju--:>t of food on this festive occasion, but of wealth for his kingdoms: below line 33,

I 28. condidit: to call Charles a shepherd established by God, seems at f irst to recall Christ. Although the images of light hint at

Christ in Majesty, they go no further, since to equate Charles with Christ would be unthinkable. It is the cognomen David, used below line 30 and elsewhere, which is most significant here.

Ezechiel 34.23-24 shows God, the optimus pastor establishing David as the shepherd to guide his sheep: cf. Alc. 45.27; 57-58 (p. 258).

avum: Theodulf returns to the foundations of Charles' presen t power, Charles Martel. But it is to the biblical t,,,,pe--D that he passes for Charles' personal qualities. This shows the restrained nature of Theodulf's panegyric, for there would be scope to recount the military victories of Charles Martel and to dwell upon

-123- Charles' ancestors, as occurs elsewhere in Late Latin panegyric-

Ven. for I cf. Fort. 9.1.104 a cursory treatment of this topos levoc,

For a more extended treatment cf. Claudian IV Cons. Hon. 18-14." 1.

Salomon: though more usually represented as being pacificus: cf.

Wigbod 86.19 (P. 96) ; Josephus Scottus 5.11 (p. 156); Alc. 68.6.

(p, 287) Alc. ; 69.17 (p. 290). Theodulf alone of all the poets uses

the epithet sapiens of Solomon: cf. Th. 21.41 (p. 478); Th. 76.13

(p. 577).

30. viribus: Theodulf appears to be alluding to the meaning of the

Hebrew name David: cf. Hier. Lib, Interpr. Hebr. Nom. 35.11. But

he may have derived this epithet from his reading of the Vulgate.

For example his defeat of the Ammonites in battle: 2 E-gZ. 10.17-19. I

Joseph: as Godman notes (p. 151n), the association of Charles with

the beauty of Joseph is rare, if not unique. The beauty of Joseph

is shown in his story by his attractiveness to Potifar's wife: cf.

Gen. 39.11-15. In a poem to Louis the Pious Theodulf reworks this

line: Th. 76.14 (p. 577).

31. tutor: these titles for Charles are taken from Prudentius,

Augustus: Contr. Symm. 2.435: tutor ussed about C) opum, vindex scelerum, larsitor honorum, and are repeated elsewhere by

Theodulf. They are used again in full about Charles: c. VI. 5 (see below) and this first epithet is used of Pope Hadrian: c. II. 28

(see below).

-124- vindex: Cf. Corippus In Laud. Just. praef. 28. Justice is a

with Charles: Alc. 45.22 (p. quality often associated cf - 257);

Alc. 75, iii. 14 (p. 297).

largitor: cf. above line 18.

33. percipe: the vividness of the imperative focusses the attention on to the scene at court, with the booty of war and possibly prisoners of war present.

multiplices: the emphasis is on the size of the booty rather than its variety. This adjective is used in the same way in Eugenius c. 2 1.13 (p. 248) ti pl ices auri congess it acervos,

(completed by Vollmer).

gazas: Einhard in the Vita Justifies the looting of the Avar Ring by claiming that the Avars had thems-Delves unjustly taken the riches from others: cf. Vita Karoli ch. 13. Alcuin discusses the

taking booty: Alc. Ep. 107 (pp. 153- campaign and ju stif. ies- the of

154) ; Alc. Qq. 110 (pp. 157-159).

the Avars is 34. Pannonico: Pannonia, the territory of , which

is situated to the north of Dalmatia and which approximately equivalent to modern Hungary.

i '1 Ov. Fast. 3.466. ab orbe: f or a si mi 1 ar usage mean ng and' :cf.

-125- deus: that God should send rewards to a ruler is a conventional

motif. Here Theodulf makes no mention of Charles' general, Eric

Duke of Friuli, who as the Royal Frankish Annals record, actually

plundered the Ring. Nothing is allowed to distract the attention

from Charles.

35. tonanti: Theodulf uses a synonym for deus by way of variety.

Tonans is commonly used in classical poetry as an epithet of

Jupiter, in late antiquity it was taken over by the Christian

poets and used of God: cf. Dracontius De laud. Dei 1.1.19; Ven.

Fort. 4.14.15; Vita S. Mart. 1.126; 1.323; 2.231. The Carolingian

poets following them seem to move between deus and tonans without

scruple. Though it is not a common word in their poems it does

occur: Alc. 23.15 (p. 243) ; Ang. 2.26 (p. 361 ). Similarily these poets

have no scruple about referring, on occasion, to heaven as

Olympus: Alc. 56. ii. 1 (p. 268); Hib. Exul 5.15 (p. 401).

36. larga: the motif of generosity is u---)ed above: line 18.

37-50. in the following section fact is mingled with panegyrical

licence to show the extent of Charles' domination. This reiterates

what Theodulf has shown in geographical terms above: lines 3ff,

25f f-

Christo: the baptism of subjected races was seen as the duty of

the ruler and a necessary requirement of the ruled. Alcuin

-126- disc-usses the subjection of the Saxons and the Avars in several of his letters: E-p 110,111,113 and 174. D _ý.

38. sollicitante: Theodulf intend-s the meaning 'with encouraging hand' This ignores the . violence that has proceeded this, conversion.

textis: the Avars' long hair is here bound, in contrast with

Corippus' description: In Laud. Just. 3.262-263. Here the bound hair is symbolic of their captive state and the restraint put upon them. Theodulf does not expound further upon their long hair, which does not seem to have had the same impact as in the

Byzantine court of the 6th century.

Hunnus: the Avars were baptized in early 796. Alcuin discusses the process of baptism: Eýp. 113 (pp. 163-165), and justifiess. the act through reference to Matthew 28.19-20.

40. f erox: on the fierceness of the Avars: cf. Alc. 4.110 (p. 157)

41. Arabs: Theodulf now passes to a section of dubious factual basis, presenting these peoples as following the Hun. Elsewhere he describes them as fierce: Th. 28.212 (p. 499).

42. hic... i1,1 e: the metaphor of the hair is used again, here to

bind his hair show the freedom when baptized, the Arab is free to and the Avar to loose his.

-127- 43). Cordoba: the personified city is addressed. The Emirs of

Cordova had in 778 established themselves as the rulers of Spain,

through the independent Caliphate of Umayyad. It is likely as a direct consequence of this Muslim rule that Theodulf himself was driven from his homeland. Theodulf usess this city-state elsewhere, as an example of a place of wealth: Th-7.56 (p. 462); Th. 28.245

(p. 500).

prolixo: this adjective is not used by the Augustan poets in this

temporal though it is in context, 0 used this way by later classical writers: Apul. Met. 5.25.

44. decet. decens: the two .. use of etymologically linked words ends the line neatly: cf. also Alc. 69.117 (p. 290): pacif icus post quem Salomon rex regna regebat.

45. Abares: the Avars or Huns. Alcuin notes the etymological links of the name with avarus: Al c. Gramm. 10 (Keil Vol. 7 p. 297);

Isidore Etym. 9.2.66. This form of the name appears in two Spanish manuscripts of Isidore: Leiden V-o---)s, Lat. F. 74; and Toledo 15,8

W. M. Lindsay in his edition corrects the spelling. Sirmond avoids

Arabes, DUmmler (p. 484n) This is the repeated as notes . consistent with the context of the victory celebration. - and the bapti-sm of the Avars.

Nomades: the generic name for wandering tribes in Africa, Scythia,

Arabia and India. The last of these is the most likely, having

-128- already referred to the Ganges: line 26 above. That the most distant tribe should end Theodulf's catalogue is fitting: cf.

Pliny N. H. 6.55. Such catalogue---:, showing the geographical or ethnographical scope of the honorand's power occur often in panegyric: Gorippus In Laud. Just. 3.88-91; Ven. Fort. 9.1.15;

10.7.7-9.

46. flectite: the third imperative in as many line-s-3 gives a strong sense of urgency that jus-sive subjunctives would fail to convey.

47. hi: the Avars. In fact captives could have been present at the recital, the emphatic pronouns indicate this. The rhetorical apostrophe to the other tribes) in the next line continues with the emphasis, giving a very vivid effect.

genu: this is used frequently in the Bible: cf. Gen. 41.43; Esther

3.2; Math. 27.29; Rom. 14.11; Eph. 3.14.

48. domiturus erit: a periphrastic future tense: 'he wi 11 be about

has less than a straightforward to vanquish you' , which certainty future tense. This form could also be used for metrical reasons,

49. Theodulf makes it clear by this line that it is God who has

the vanquished. But the ambiguity of the previous line allow-D listener to think of Charles as the conqueror of thc-se peopless.

Theodulf does not name God, but simply refers to ille.

-129- Tartara: term is again a classical used, without scruple, of a Christian Venantius, concept. amongst others in late antiquit - y, provides a chriStian link with the classical usage: Vita S. Mart,

1.168; C 3.9.33; 3.9.78; arm. 4.26.88. El-slewhere The odulf refers to the Stygian shades: Th. 8. iii. 16 (p. 463); Th. 11 28 (p. 466); -

Th. 17.101 (p. 471). For God's power in Hell: cf. Apoc. 20.6f f.

51. ver: ecce emphasises that spring is the time of the recitation. Metaphorical interpretations are possible and Alcuin uses winter to illustrate his own disfavour with Charles and

Delia: cf. Alc. c. 39 (pp. 252-253) ; Alc. c. 40 (p. 253).

felicia: Alcuin's three poems, on the cuckoo (Alc. c. 57-59 (pp. 269-

273)) are partly a celebration of the Joys of spring.

52. tuos: the likely is ' family' though Theodulf most meaning your , leaves a certain ambiguity that could embrace the rest of the court too.

53. ovans: the personification of annus is made more vivid by the uncommon use of this verb with an inanimate subject or abstract concept and is found elsewhere: cf. Mart. 8.65.8 (arcus); Ven.

Fort. V. M. 4.708 (of gratia). For a parallel example of the year displaying human emotions: cf. Claud. IV Cons, Hon. 1-2-:

A'uspiciis iterum sese regalibus - annus

induit et nota fruitur iactantior aula.

-130- 54. humus: Theodulf mater ... personifies the earth using the

classical designation mater. Though a vivid image of the ground

bearing the the crops, classical associations of the cult of the

Magna Mater are incongruous here. A classical goddess may be

here alluded to but there is no evidence that this is anything

other than a natural force created by God: Ov. Fast 6,735, cf .

Lucr. 2.993. For a further example of Earth personified: Th. 47

(pp. 547-548).

55. ornantur: the idea of ornare is common amongst contemporary

poets: cf. Alc. c. 1.1487-8 (p. 202) Alc. 14,12 (p. 238) Th. 42 (a) ; c. ; .7

(p. 540) ; Th. 71.4 (p. 560) ; K. L. P. 11; 19 1; 226; 228; 257 (pp. 366-372).

This parallels the repeated images of gold and jewels: cf. above

line 13 and below line 101.

56. elementa: this probably refers to the four natural elements.

Jerome (Quaest, Ad Hedybiam 4) and Lactantius (Instit. Divin. 2.6) - use this word to indicate the sun, moon and other planets. The

former is more appropriate with vices the changing elements

representing the seasons.

57. legati: the subjunctive indicates that Theodulf is not

directly relating events, but expressing his wishes, now that the spring weather will allow travel. These legati do not refer to the missi dominici but to nuntii. This could refer specifically to

Angilbert's mission to Rome returning with relics: cf. Alc. Ep. 97

(pp. 141-142).

-131- Theodulf prospera: pýedictable optimism on Is p,3r-t in the context

these Theodulf of victory celebrations). may have in mind the continuing war with the Saxons.

58. praemia: the spoils from the Avars were of course present at . the line court cf. above 33, so that the wish would be most apposite.

pac i s: the importance of peace is reflected in Charles' titles used on his Capitularies and in the salut8tj ones of Alcuin's letters: Pacif icus (used in particular af ter 800) aR. 1.45

(p. 126) dated 806) ; no. 125 (p. 246) ; no. 103 (p. 2 19). As a concept of kingship: Alc. 4.198 (p. 327).

60. fertque refertque: Theodulf uses this phrase from Virgil

Aen. 4.438 without reference to the original context which is the description of the pleadings of Anna to Dido.

61. consilium: Godman's translation as 'wisdom' is. perhaps too loose. Not h'e re the of f icial consmi Ii um: cf. Ganshof Frankish

Institutions under Charlemagne pp. 21-22, as this does not fit the context.

62. surSit: it seems that the building of the chapel in progress.

The King's Hall would have been the first priority of the bu4. lders when Aachen became a more regular residence for the court after

794. We have no completion dates, but the chapel must have been at

-132- least partly complete by 798, according to Alcuin' s description of the columns: Ep. 149 (p. 244). The use of the present tense may refer to this.

tholis: thi-s could be a reference to a cupola, which used with aula refers to the palace as a whole as distinct from the King's

Hall. For further study of the palace: cf. Leo Hugot Die Pfalz

Karls des GroBen im Aachen, K. d. G. iiii, pp. 534-572. These tholi could be roofs or vaults, since the only cupola is that of the chapel. It is more likely however that Theodulf is referring to this dome as a striking feature of the palace. There is a parallel example when a plural is used for a single dome: K. L. P. 96; 105

(p. 368). Cf. also Sedulius Carm. Pasch. 1.269: emicat aula tholis.

63. palatinae... sedis: periphrasis for palatium, here used to emphasise the stature amd importance of the palace. Aachen is also referred to as caput mundi: cf. Naso Ecl. i. 15 (p. 385).

redeat atria: on metrical point ssee p. 64 above.

lon, a,,.a: this may well refer to the long connecting building between the palace on the north of the site and the chapel on the south.

Ov, Ars Am. 1.5 t ere n---?:' tread of ten' :cf. Verg. Georp,. 1.380; 42-;

Mart. 2.11.2; i dem 10.10.2.

-133- 65. multis: the number olf petitioners is growing, a consequence of a more settled base of government, and this may well refer to these people. For the later trouble and disruption cause'. by th, 2,2e petitioners: cf. Capit. 1.62.2 ; 64.4.

67. circumdet: Theodulf's memory of previous occasions means that he can describe, even when absent, the progression of such an occasion, though shying from direct narrative by the use of subjunctive.

sol: to compare Charles directly with the sun is an accepted part of the panegyric form: cf. above line 13; K. L. P. 14 (p. 366).

69. the boys then the adstent ... circumstent: stand closest, next I girls, Theodulf is suggesting that they 'radiate' out from

Charles.

70. novella: ' young' PS. 127.3: Filii tui, sicut novel ! ae olivarum, is the probable source for the use of this word,

71-76. Theodulf introduces Charles' sons. He describes them in order of seniority and mentions their military, physical and mental qualities, paralleling Charles' own qualities.

71. In 784 Charles (772-811) reportedly led troops against the

Saxon-, while in 794 he led a section of the army in the bloodless subjection of the Saxons at Sindfeld, south of Faderborn. He acted

-134- as general for his father in later campaigns against the Slav-s in

805. As prospective heir, he died on December 4th 811. Other mentions by Carolingian poets: Ang. 1.13; 49; 0 651; (pp. 358-3/60); K. L. P. 198 (p. 371); Th-35 (pp. 526-7),

Hludowicque: (776-840) the son of Hildegard, he was annointed in

781 at Rome as King of Aquitaine: cf. also Ang. 1.19; 49; 66

(p. 359). Significant here are the two sons not mentioned, both

Pepins. The elder, another Hildegard' of 0 s sons, was born about 774, and was king of Italy 781-810. At this time he was in

Pannonia: Ang. 1,1 cf . also (p. 358). The other, known as Pepin the

Hunchback, had been tonsured and confined to the monastery of

Pruem after his unsuccessful conspiracy of 792: cf. R. F. A. and

Einhard Vita Karoli ch. 20.

'a boy' This is ephebus: . word rare at this time. Theodulf may have derived the word from Isidore: Etm. 8.11.54; 11.2.10. Isidore suggests an etymology from Phoebus.

72. alter i us: this refers to the eldest son, Charles, aged 24 years.

73. He is here altering a line by Prudentius: Contra Symm. 2.320: sanguine praecalido fervet nervosa iuventa, using a word with a similar sound and identical scansion, but not synonymous. The last phrase is used in a metrically identical position.

-135- 74. A well balanced line (see also line 20 above).

77. ardentes acies,: the closest parallels for this use are in

Virgil: G. 3.505; 4.451; &. 2.210 and the Bible: Esther 15.10. Each uses the phrase ardentes ocul. i. Virgil A. 12.670: ardentis oculorum orbis ad moenia torsit also provides the use of this adjective with eyes, although in periphrasis. A. 6.788 uses a form of flecto with acies: huc Reminas nunc flecte acies, hang aspice Sentem.

None of these lines provide a direct parallel with this line.

illos: refers to his sons, Charles and Louis.

78. chorum: it is used to mean simply a 'group' and is found in classical and late latin: cf. Verg. Georg. 4.460; Ov. Fast. 4.45 1;

Claud. Rapt. Pros. 2.239; Iuvencus 4.465. In particular used with virgineus: Hier. Ep. 22.41.

79. coetum: Theodulf varies the figure found in lines 22-23 above,

Used using a synonym rather than repeating the phrase. again with vir. g,ineus: Ov. Fast. 2.173-174:

cu'i dea 'virgineos, periura Lycaeoni, coetus

desere, nec castas pollue' dixit 'aquas'

f 80. Such asyndetic listS are common in Sidonius, or example:

9.90-92; 15.141-143; 243- C. 1.10; c. 2.413-415; c. 5.474-477; c. C.

244; c. 23.300-302.

-136- 81. Bertam: (also found in the form Bercht8). The eldest daughter

Charles Hildegard, She of and was the in the 7901 s by

Angilbert two Nithard of sons, and Hartnid, and the omission of

details is such not surprising here due to the clandestine nature

of their liai---Don.

In K. L. P. 220ff there isa des)c rip ti on remarkable in its

sumptuousness. Angilbert refers to her beauty briefly: Ang only .

1,51 (p. 359); Ang. 2,48-54 (p. 361). Alcuin makes no mention of her

in his poetry and he mentions her only once in his letters: Ep. 72

(p,

Chrodtrudh: (forms Rodtrud and Hrodtrudh also found) next daughter

of Charles by Hildegard. Given the nickname Columba by Alcuin: cf.

Fr). 84 (p. 127) Egp. 195-196 (pp. 322-324). In 781 ýhe became F- ; about ! engaged to Emperor Constantine VI (780-797), but despite negotiations in 787 no marriage resulted. She is mentioned in the same poems as Berta above.

Gisla: the third of Hildegard's daughters, not the sister of

Charles. She is nicknamed Delia by Alcuin,

83. Leutgardis: (Liutgarda) the fourth wife of Charles, married af ter the death of Fastrada in 794, she herself probably died in early 800: cf. Alc. Ep. 197 (p. 325) (dated Jun 4th 800).

-137- is that viraZo: a possible meaning of a woman capable ol man's but here it to just actions seems. mean a maiden' The use by Theodulf, is today of what an uncomplimentary word, seems influenced by Isidore: Etym. 11.2.22, Theodulf uses virago

elsewhere in the same way: Th. c. 1-299-300 (p. 451):

prisca virago viro letum fert, at nova Christum

vivere discipulis nuntiat ecce pi-i-).

Used of the Virgin Mary in a poem attributed to Venantius: cf

Ven. Fort. Appendix1.21 (p. 371).

84. pietatis ope: a phrase used by Venantius Fortunatus in

metrically identical places: cf. Carm. 6.3.16; 9,12.6.

86. ducibus omnibus: on the metrical point see p. 64 above.

favet: Theodulf's pointed asSer t ion of Liutgard's universal

popularity may seem superfluous, but when one considers Charles'

previous Queen, the assertion is justified. Einhard Vita 20 and

the R. F. A. for 792 say that the conspiracy of Pippin was caused by

the Fastrada, it is this background that cruelty of and against 0

Theodulf is describing Liutgard. This is not to say that Theodulf is misrepresenting Liutgard or at least exaggerating her qualities, but the contrast between the women would have been clear. Fastrada is mentioned only once in Alcuin's, letters, and

Theodulf's epitaph for her: c. 24 (p. 483), the only reference to her in the poems, is singularily neutral in its tone.

-138- 87. larga Theodulf himself manu: re-uses this phrase in the poem to Liutgard: V. 6 c. and of Gissla in c. IV, 19. The quality of generosity of a queen is also shown in Ven. Fort. c. 6.3.19-22 (on

Theudechild).

89. studiis studiosa: the play on words with similar roots, the figura etymologica, giving an assonant effect, is favoured by the

Carolingian poets: cf. Alc. c. 76.11 (p. 297) ; Alc. c. 44.49 (p. 257).

90. inqenua---5: a word synonymous with liberalis in Cicero, and used with artes: Cic. Fin. 5.18.48; De orat. 3.6.21.

arce: so Theodulf ends an exposition of Liutgard's virtues, more comprehensive than any other poem of this court circle.

91. obsequio: used below line 117, though there it has the meaning of 'service'.

93. pallia dupla: such a cloak must have been a symbol of authority and wealth: cf. Alc. ýýP_E. 100 (pp. 145-6) (from 'Charles-' to Offa King of Mercia) dated post April 796. Where the gifts offered to Offa are strikingly similar, two Syrian cloaks and a

Hunnish sword.

94. Carolus, et: on the metrical point see p. 64.

-139- 95. the suum: emphasises personal nature of the gif ts: cf. line 97.

ba-Mia: Theodulf usses basia here in preference to oscula for the sake of the metre.

munus: the context of lines 97ff support the translation as

'gift', though it is more commonly found in the plural: Verg. Aen

5.532; Tib. 1.8.29. Munus is used: Ov. Am. 1.8.67; Verg.

GeorF,. 3,39.

97. Berta: once again the daughters of Hildegard: cf. above line

81.

I lilia: in fact the ts listed, rosas ... violas ... when actual gif are their significance lies in their symbolism, rather than that they are actually given to their father. These flowers, ass we 11 associations with spring, have Christian associations. Roses are linked with the Virgin Mary in later iconography, as is the lily, but the Carolingian poets, although they have models to work from in Venantius, do not follow the cult of the Virgin Mary. But these f lowers most likely represent the virginity and purene: )M of spirit of the girls. The violets represent humility in later iconography

(the l3th Century story of Fina). There is no source for such an idea before this time, Theodulf seem-3 to work directly from the

the Anth. Lat. Apart from DUmmler's to the line of . reference

Anth. Lat., these three flowers are frequently grouped together in

-140- later poets: Ven. Fort. 4.26.125; 8.3.237; 7,12,41; Dracontius

Epith. 45. An interesting in-sight into one significance of these flowers is in Ambrose In Luc. 7.128: u claritas anZelor, Um est -bi -,ý -_- Z, illic confessorum violae, lilia virginum, rosae martyrum sirit,

98. nectaris ambrosii: not as Godman translates it, the adjectival form is being used here. Similarly used by Prudentius

Contra Symm. 1.276: nectaris ambrosii sacrum potare Lyaeum.

Theodulf reuses this phrase, albeit reversed: c. 30.52 (p. 521 ).

From the context this must refer to wine.

99. Rothaid Hil truh Tetdrada: Tetdrada these three is, ...... only of according to DUmmler, addressed by Alcuin in the letters: Ep. 279

(p. 435) also Dungal Scottus ER. 7 (p. 582). She was the daughter of

Fastrada, and abbess of Argenteuil by 814: Mabillon Annal. Ord.

Bened. 2.348. The others are only mentioned in K. L. P. 242-250 and

263-267. Both were the daughters of Charles by concubines.

Poma... Cererem... Liaeum: these more lowly gifts reflect the

time. Between these relative positions of these daughters at this the two three gifts there is also an hierarchical distinction,

bears daughters by concubines bear simple gifts while Tetrada wine, a comparatively more elaborate gift.

-141- Liaeum: the line this is used in of Prudentiu-m: cf. above line 98.

Theodulf uses it again elsewhere: Th. 48.8 (p, 549).

100. varia: it is not made clear to whom the variations of appearance listed below refer. The richness of the daughters' appearances) diminishes as the list progresses, determined by their age and importance. On metrical point see p. 65 above.

101. Once again the image of brightness is used: cf. Dracontius c. 7.46: pqrpuret et niteat Semmae pallente rubore. The line previous to this in Dracontius also parallels the list of flowers above: c. 7.45: Lilia mixta rosis socians violasque hyacinthus.

102. gemma viridi: This green gemstone must refer to emeralds, rather than to sapphires, as Godman translates this phrase (Poetry p. 155). The periphrastic form is preferable to the metrically unwieldy smaraRdus.

103. componit hanc: on the metrical point see p. 65 above.

105. ferruginea: this -sombre dark purple directly contrasts with the descriptions of purple and gold that have proceeded, and the bright colours that follow.

gp-! the colours for each of the girls' attire are suited to est -a: their personality. The first in dark purple is more serious, while

-142- the yellow matches the bright personality of the other. The colour simile is also extended to the next line.

106. lacteolum: thiss reflects the purity of the wearer, just as

Theodulf uses the lily as a symbol of the purity of Gisla: cf. above line 97,

strophium: the context indicates that this is the bodice, a more substantial piece of clothing than the classical undergarment.

Theodulf' s purpose is to represent the bottom of the hiearchy by

the most basic of garments. The long first syllable is made short by the following consonant.

109. si forte: doubt creeps into Theodulf's picture of the people I present at court.

soror: Charles' sister Gisla born in 757 (Sirmond p. 1064), she

later became abbess of Chelles. She appears to have been on

friendly terms with Alcuin, who gave her the nickname Lucia- cf.

Alc. c. 12.4 (p. 237). Several letters from Alcuin to Gisla have survived: (Epp. 15,32,84,154,195,213,214,216). The only other mention of her in contemporary poetry is Ang. 1.55 (p. 360).

In this line, Theodulf conveys. ) Gisla, s Sense of propriety and dignity by her reaction to the temporal pleasures.

112. sponsi: as today nuns become 'brides of Christ', so that

Gisla should only take pleasure in spiritual joys. Alcuin gives

-143- similar advice elsewhere: cf Alc. Ep. 15 (pp. 40-42). This letter is dated 793, and to judge from the manner in which Alcuin gives advice on the ways to act piously and his emphasis on sponsa and sponsus Gisla's entry into the order was in this year. Godman's punctuation for this line is superior to DUmmler's: a comma here continues the sense of the line. Et at the beginning of the next line does not suggest a break and the replacement of the full-stop with the comma allows the description of Gisla's qualities to continue.

113. compita 'ways': for a similar sense of 'meaning': cf. Ven,

Fort. 3.4. praef. 3: feceratis ignorantem per sermonum conpitos

Such an unusual use of this word by Theodulf suggests- both the sense of the scriptures as a path to salvation and of the difficulty in teaching the scriptures.

114. rex: there is no evidence to suggest that Charles would have been able to produce any exegesis on the scriptures, but this does not detract from the flattery that is intended. Alcuin actually did explain Biblical texts to Gisla. In a letter dated sometime af ter April 19th 800 ýhe writes about sending part of a commentary on the Gospel of John: cf. Alc. Ep. 195 (pp. 322-323); Ep. 213

(pp. 354-357).

116. complere: the short last vowel is lengthened by its position before ýj-tudeat-

-14-4- munia: in the next 88 lines Theodulf gives short portraits of the

members of the court and their duties on this occasion, which

would probably relate to their normal functions in the court.

117. Thyrsis: this nickname, taken from Verg. Ecl. 7, refers to

Meginf rid, Charles' camerarius: cf. Alc. c. 26.47 (p. 246);

Ang. 2.63ff (p. 362) and Th. 111.49. But he is mentioned only in

passing, although the scope of this poem allows for a more

is extensive treatment. Thyrsis is placed here first as he the

controller of the court organization.

promptus: Theodulf emphasises in this couplet the alacrity and

keenness of Meginfrid, with the implied suggestion that he is

overkeen in his service.

herile: this is used here as a synonym for principis: cf. Stat.

Silv. 5. 1.122; Claud. IV Cons. Hon. 614; Corippus In Laud.

Just. 2.296.

119, suscipi-at hing: on the metrical point see p. 65 above.

precantia verba: either of two classical usages of this phrase could have influenced Theodulf: Ovid Met. 7.590: pro gnato genitor,

dicit Virgil A. 7.236-7: "nec temne, dum verba precantia and ... guod ul t ro/ praeferimus manibus vittas ac verba precantia.

Theodulf has placed the phrase in the same metrical position as

Virgil, suggesting perhaps that this is the line that has

-145- influenced Theodulf. Meginfrid's duty is to act as the intermediary between Charles and those coming to the court with requests and petitions for the King: cf. above line 65 for the scene describing the crowd of petitioners. His task is to decide on who should see the king or who should not.

120. dissimulet: Theodulf is following a biblical usage in using this verb with the meaning ' ignore' : cf. Gen. 19.16 when Lot is advised by the Angels to leave: Dissimulante illo apprehenderunt

Job 3.26: Nonne dissimulavi ? manum eius et manum uxoris ... and nonne silui ? nonne quievi ?. On the metrical point see p. 64 above.

122. intus hunc: on the metrical point see p. 65 above.

123. regalique throng: Theodul f emphasises Meginf rid' s status by his proximity to the throne.

calvus) hic: on the metrical point see p. 65 above. Angilbert makes reference to the 'shining white head' of Thyrsis: Ang-2.64 (p. 362) and Theodul f himsel f ref ers elsewhere to his baldness: c. II1.49.

But here Theodulf abandons circumlocution and is almost insultingly personal as a result.

mpiper: by overstressing the vigour of his action Theodulf employs litotes to suggest that he is overzealous in carrying out his duties.

-146- 124. The ambiguity of this line that ends this description of

Meginfrid relies on the manner in which it is recited, either with

a tone of sincerity or with deep irony. The irony of the previous

line suggests that the latter manner is the more suitable.

'with This verenter: reverence' . adverb appears to have been used

by only Sedulius before this: Carm, Pasch. 1.8; 1.24.

125. praesul: this word for the dancers at festivals was reu-Med by

Christian writers to refer to clerics: cf. Greg. of Tours Hist.

Franc. 1.36; 5.46; Ven. Fort. Vita S. Mart. 1.25; Jonas Vita

Columb. 2.8. Other uses contemporary with this poem is in Alcuin of

bishop Arno of Salzburg: Alc. c. 48.39 (p. 261 ); Alc. Ep. 113 (p. 163).

Theodulf does not name this bishop who presides at the court, but I it is certain that this is Hildebald, both archbishop of Cologne and arch-chaplain to Charles from 794 onwards. Theodulf elsewhere

in a court poem, referring to him as Aaron., describes him carrying out a similar duty at the feast, though with a certain amount of irony: c. III. 75-76 (p. 492). An inscription written by Alcuin uses the same adjective of Hildebald as here: Alc. c. 107.11.8 (p. 33/4):

Hildebaldus ovans, AErippina praesul in urbe. Hildebald's _ appearance and manner must have been sufficiently well known and

Theodulf has no need to name him, although in the later poem: c. 111.75, he uses his court title. Alcuin in his court poem of 796 also avoids the nickname, referring to him ass presbyter egregius:

Alc. c. 26.30 (p. 246), suggesting that he has not yet received this name. The name is used by Angilbert: Ang. 2.57 (p. 361), which gives

-147- a precedent for the usage if the poem is dated correctly by c to 794/5. This indicates. that Theodulf Alcuin .Jchaller either and have ignored the name or that the date Angilbert's 0 of poem is later.

126. A well balanced line with chiasmus of ora beata, pia corda and each half of the pentameter ends with a present participle preceded by a neuter plural noun with adjective. Such internal rhyming occurs elsewhere in Theodulf's poetry: c-III. 6; 38; 76.

See introduction.

127. culminis ordo: the circumlocution has the effect of further elevating Hildebald's rank. Theodulf appears sincere in this and in the listing of Hildebald's qualities.

130. volet: this could be the future of velle and the interplay of velit and volet is attractive. More likely is the iussive subjunctive of volare, that at the king's slightest wish he will

'fly' into action.

131. sit praesto: Theodulf varies the introduction for the court members. Here he uses a phrase synonymouss with adsit but with the associations of high rank through its etymological connection with aEqesta Lre, and which may be apt as an introduction for such an important court member as Alcuin.

-148- Flaccus: this is the pseudonym taken by Alcuin in the early 7901s:

cf. Alc. c. 13.3 (p. 237) dated 792 by Mabillon: Ann. 2.304, and it is

the the Though Alcuin earliest usage0 of pseudonym. was not

acquainted with the poems of Horace in any quantity, the poetic

ability implied by the name would have pleased Alcuin. Thiý - is the

first of two references to Alcuin in this poem, each contrasting

with the other. This reference, using the court nickname, is not

accompanied by any irony and contains complimentary references to

his abilities as a poet and a teacher. Theodulf later (lines 191-

198 below), can make fun of Alcuin's liking for food, having

fulfilled his obligations of complimenting one of the most

important scholars in the court and a good friend of Charles.

132. potis: cf. line 14.

lyrico. Alcuin did ten in lyric .. pede: not write of a metre: cf.

Alc. 121 (p. 349), and so a literal interpretation is not

appropriate.

133. sophista potens: this phrase is used elsewhere by Theodulf:

Th. c. 17.55 (p. 473). Theodulf is here using sophista in reference perhaps to Alcuin's teaching of rhetoric. This word is, however, used at thiss time not simply as a teacher, of rhetoric but as a synonym for doctor, following the meaning given by Isidore:

Etm. 8.6.2: doctores sapientiae in an account of the early Greek philosophers. Cf. also Alc. c. 1.845 (p. 188); K. L. P. 70 (p. 368);

-149- Alc. 4.307 (p. 470), and so a less specific interpretation is better.

melodus: This adjective occurs only in late antiquity: cf.

Ulixes. liquit Aus. 16.16.8. .. canentes qui melodas virgines, and

Prud. Cath. 9.2: dulce carmen et melodum, Zesta Christi insignia.

135. dogmata: Alcuin's teaching of the scriptures in the court school is an aspect of his role as a biblical exegete. His letters are punctuated frequently by biblical references, most often for

the purpose of advice, particularly in letters predating and

contemporary with this poem: Alc. Ep. 81 (p. 123); EgA05 (pp. 15l-

152); Ep. 114 (pp. 167-170). Alcuin's exegetical works are listed by

the anonymous biographer of Alcuin: Vita Alcuini 24.

136. numeri: the interpretation of numbers was of special intere-st

to Alcuin and was a corollary of his scriptural studies. Alcuin

Ep. 81 corresponded on this subject on several occasions: cf. Alc.

(p. 124) ; Ep. 133 (pp. 200-201); Ep. 143 (pp. 226-227). Godman's

association of this line with the FropositioneS ad acuendos

iuvenes is of less certain relevance than the references, above.

f tas: 137. scrupea: this adjective is used by AuSonius of dif icul

27.2.2.

Godman (p. 157n) this to the dialogue quaestio: as notes , ref ers

form of teaching employed by Alcuin in the Disputatio de rhetorica

-150- et de Virtutibus. The date of this work is disputed, Manitius

Ges,chichte der Lat. Lit, Mitt. 1, p. 283, places the work in _de--:.

796, while Howell The Rhetoric of Alcuin and Charlemagne, p. 7 prefers 794. The reference to the return of Alcuin in the text is taken by Howell to be his return from England in 794. This reference could also support Manitius' date, as Alcuin moved between Tours and Aachen. In this work Alcuin statess the importance of questioning and the value of the questioner: ch. 35.

139. the king is flattered is to rex. .. unus: once again and Shown head the court in answering such questions. This does not refer to the Disputatio, where Charles is the questioner.

140. Flaccidica: Theodulf has invented this adjective and uses it only on this occasion. The form used elsewhere by Theodulf and

Alcuin himself is Flaccinus: Th. c. III. 29; Alc. Ep. 143 (p. 225);

E_p. 145 (p. 232) ; Ep. 162 (p. 260). Such af orm here may be necessary for the metre, but the extended and unexpected form perhaps reflects the extended and unexpected form of th equestion sm themselves.

141. These qualities that Theodulf attributes t-o Riculf are notable for their restraint, suiting the neutral picture given of

Riculf .

-151- sensuquie vigil: this adjective i--D also used with a form, of se,-msus-

in Statius: Silv. 5.1.78: etv io, isens us e digna evolvere

tantas, however Theodulf is not describing ýjensu. 0 --

142. Riculfus: this is) the later of the two clerics named Riculf

associated with the court as Riculf Bishop of Cologne had died in

794. Riculf by this time had served Charles in the court as

chaplain since 781 and was made Bishop of Mainz in 787. His

friendship with Alcuin is shown by the nickname Damoetas given to

him: Alc. c. 5.8 (p. 223); Alc. Ep. 26 (p. 67). The use of this nickname

certainly pre-dates this poem, Alcuin, s., letter and accompanying

verses referred to above are dated by DUmmler to about 794, though

in his note on Alc. c. 5, made earlier, he suggests a date between

783-786. That Theodulf does not use this nickname here, although

he does use it in the later poem: c. I. 58, suggests that Theodulf

is not aware of the name at this time.

longinqua Riculf had in 787 been to ... regione: sent on a mission

Tassilo Duke of Bavaria, but the reference here must be to the

Pannonia, Charles had region of where recently campaigned against0

the Avar-M. Riculf had also accompanied Charles on the Saxon campaign of 794, as Alcuin's correspondence with him shows: Alc.

Ep. 25 (p. 66). No correspondence between Alcuin and Riculf exists for the period 795-800.

-152- 144. There is a reference to one of the gi f tS brought back by

Riculf from his travelss in 794, an intricately carved ivory comb, shaped like a strange beast: cf. Alc, E-p.26 (p. 67).

145. melos: the adjective dulce that accompanies melos creates tautology. A play on words can be seen when the etymology of the word given by Isidore is understood: cf. Isid. Etym. 3.20.5. : haec et melo--D a suavitate et melle dicta. Dulce is found with this word elsewhere in Theodulf: Th. 79.2 (p. 579). It is common in late antiquity (Venantius uses it 9 times) but does not appear in the work of Theodulf's contemporaries. Theodulf employs it frequently and it seems to be af avour ite usage: Th. 43.13 (p. 5 41 ); Th. 69.10;

54 (p. 559); Th. 72.2 (p. 563); Th. 79.2 (p. 579); Th, 79.68 (p. 581).

I 145. absens: DUmmler notes the other references in the poetry to

Angilbert's absence from court in early 796: Alc. 26.45-46 (p. 246);

Ang. 1.47 (p. 359). But Alcuin in his letters also makes reference to this mission: Alc. Ep. 95 (p. 140) ; Alc. Ep. 97 (p. 141 ). Alcuin also wrote, in Charles' name, a letter to accompany Angilbert:

Alc. E12.93 (pp. 136-i38).

146. The unctuous tones of the previous line, with repeated use of dulce, raises the expectations that Theodulf will in fact expound the virtues of Angilbert, by stating what would have been said had he been present at court to hear it. But unexpectedly and with intended humour he states bluntly that since Angilbert is not here there is no point in writing about him. Angilbert receives only a

-153- sIngle couplet, which for such an important figure in the court is unusually scant. Theodulf intends to focus his attention on only those present at court.

147. Ercambaldi: from 797-812 Ercambald acted, as DUmmler notes, as cancellarius or notarius for Charles. The following lines' show that he is at this time a -secretary, taking down notes: cf. below lines 148-150. Another fact is revealed below line 177, that he was of diminutive stature. Ercambald' s size leads, Alcuin to name him Zacheus in his court poem: cf. Alc. 26,25 (p. 246), as Schaller notes: M. J. 6 (1970) pp-24-25.

148. Theodulf in this line uses stock terms of the epic to describe Ercambald's work, such as 'arming' and 'trusty hand'.

bina tabella: such wax-covered writing tablets, for taking notes on are referred to by Einhard Vita Karoli 25. Once again DUmmler's punctuation is corrected by Godman. The relative pronoun in line

149 links with this line and the continuity of the couplets is also indicated by the agreement of pendula with tabella.

149. armat: the use of this verb with tabella seems to have no other direct parallels. The use of armare- with non-military articles is common.

150. sine voce canat: this oxymoron could refer to the tablet

the 'renders them tonelesslyl (Godman) which takes words) and -A

-154- is that thiss, refers, to the more vivid meaning 0 IfErcambald rnouthing words> as he writes them down.

151. Lentulus: Godman (p. 158n) the dif f , notes icul ty in namiing this member of the court. This name is certainly a psseudonym, a pun on this man's slowness. There are parallels with the description of Drances in Alcuin: Alc. 26.23-24 (p. 245-6):

Quid faciet tardus canuto vertice Drances.

consilio validus gelida est cui dextera bello.

Both references are to men who are physically slow but who are mentally quick: cf. below lines 153-154. Theodulf" makes no reference to old-age, indicating perhaps that the nickname Drances given by Alcuin is a joke at the expense of a young man.

poma: the reference to apples has no parallel in Alcuin' s poem, and here does not help to identify Lentulus.

155. Nardulus: the diminutive form is also used by Alcuin:

Alc. 30, ii. 6-7 (p. 248). Theodulf does not use Einhard's nickname

Beleel/Beselel: cf. Alc. 26.21 (p. 245); Alc. Ep. 172 (p. 255). See also above lines 142 and 147 where he also avoids the nicknames of

Riculf and Ercambald.

huc illuc discurrat: this phrase is directly influenced by one from the bible: cf. Iud. 15.5. Speaking of the frantic movement of

-155- the wolves to whose tails Samson had tied lighted torches:

iSne succendgns, dimisit, ut huc illucquýi- discurrent.

Statius Ach. 2.113: per. pete Eressu: cf . tela sequi saepe- i pse ý,i-

me praepete. The use of perpete is most effective.

Godman ends this line with a colon, which is an unnecessary change

of DUmmler's comma. The simile in the next line is dependant - on

this line.

156. formica: Godman follows Schaller (Interpretationsprobleme im

Aachener Karlsepos, p. 164) in placing formica within commas, as

Theodulf addresses the ant, referring to tuus pes.

I redi ti tque: cf Ovid Ars Am. 1.93: Ut redi ti tque f requens um . _Ionp,,

formica per agmen. Ovid is also using the ant in a simile for the

ladies descending en masse on the games. The idea of the ant

tirelessly marching about is shown also in Virgil Georg. 1.380. The

phrase is also used again in Ovid Met. 2.409: redit itque frequen

but not in a similar context.

157. parva domus: this line parallels Alcuin' s description of

Einhard: Alc. 30. ii. 1 (p. 2 48) : Ianua parva q uidem et pa r,,, us habitator in aede est. Dbmmler associates these versess with line

155 (p. 487 n. 4). The parallel is) of the idea of a s-mall bo,.,y, using the metaphor of the small house. The small size of Einhard is again referred to below line 177.

-156- 158. Theodulf reiterates the idea conveyed in the previous line. In

this and the next line Theodulf makes a similar statement to that

by Alcuin in his Einhard: made epigram0 on Alc. 30. ii (p. 248), that

although Einhard is small he is no less capable because of that.

Alcuin takes his analogies from nature, the bee carrying honey,

the pupil in the eye, while Theodulf does not elaborate his theme.

Godman's comma at the end of this line is preferable to the full-

stop of DUmmler. The description of Einhard is continued in the

following line and the commencement of a sentence with et is

unsatisfactory: cf. line 112 above.

pectoris antra: Theodulf, as Godman notes: p. 158n, has taken this

phrase from Frudentius Psychomach. 6: men-) armata queat rio2it-Ei de

pectoris antro.

159. this to Einhard's operosas ... res: refers perhaps work as a

craftsman.

160. spicula: the metaphor of sharp weapons is u-sed by Theodulf elsewhere, of the words with which the Scottus will attack

Rabanus: c. III. 55. There are no references el-s-ewhere to any hostility between Einhard and the Scottus. Theodulf is making a veiled reference to Einhard' s skill as a metal-worker, as paret empha---:,ises. But there may not have been any actual hostility between these two men.

-157- Scottu-z: this >: the true identity of Irishman has been established by Bischoff" through 34 lines of verse by a follower of The--G'ulf found in an early ninth cent -ury manuscript: MS. Paris Bibl. Nat.

Lat. 7490. There the Irishman Cadac-Andreas is attacked. with language similar to this poem and c. III. 63-67: cf. Mi t tell at.

Stud. ii (1967), pp. 21-22 (text of poem) and pp. 22-32.

161. The biblical quote elevates the style, to increase the barb of the next line.

dum vita comes fuerit: Theodulf has taken this phrase directly from the Bible, altering only the conjunction: cf. 4 Reg. 4.16: In tempore isto et in hac eadem hora, si vita comes fuerit, habebis in utero filium.

fuerit, haec: on the metrical point see p, 65 above.

162. aselle: the epithet auritus used with this word he-s probably been t aken f rom Ovi d: Ars Am. 1.5 47; Am. 2.7.15; Fas ti6.469. These lines provide no other influences on the language u-sed here.

Theodulf intends to portray the Scottus as slow and stupid: cf. below lines 169-174. The ass is shown to be slow elsewhere: Verg.

Georg. 1.273; Isid. Etym. 12.1.38,

lupus: Theodulf continues the animal pseudonyms with a word play

Godman 158n. on part of his own name: cf. p.

-158- 163-164. The for the idea than the model rather langua- 6e of this

statement of impossibility is Ovid AL2. 1.271-2, Ovid -_Am. where the likelihood -)peaks of of a girl relfusing a man's advances:

vere prius volucres taceant, aestate c-ir-adae,

Maenalius lepori det sua terga canis.

The has context changed and although the dog and hare are used as

an example in both couplets, the situations differ. For siirilar

adynata see Verg. E. 1.59-63; Moduin 1.48ff,

musio: this rare word has its origins in the language of children.

There is no hint of this sense in Theodulf's use of the word, and

is used as he would use feles. The only use of the word elsewhere

is by Isidore: Et ym. 12.2.38: 10 ap pellatus q uod muribu- -mu-:, infestus Isidore is sit. . also unaware of the word' s associations

with children, and he naturally emphasises the etymology of the

word in mus, which indicates that Theodulf has used Isidore as his

source. Theodulf uses this word twice, here and Th. 28.442 (p. 505),

ina different context. These usages are unique amongst his

contemporaries.

167. simillimus Austro: this phrase is taken directly f rom

Frudentius Apoth. 611 and is used in a metrically identical

position: Quis tam pinnatus rapidoque simillimus austro.

168. An unusual line. Nil is an awkward phrase to use of a person. It is more usually found with an inanimate subject: Ov.

-159- F-D. 13.22: quod spectarem. nil nisi pontus erat. Tirý,-2 outbl-; L-<-t at

i nes 2 15 ff expl ai ns the use of this phrase, where there is repeated reference to the Scottus, ass a res,

169. litterulam: this refers to the letter ,c,, as Godr:,.an

(Poetry 159n) from correctly asserts p. , and which when removed

Scottus makes the Irishman a sottus or ' idiot' : cf. also C. ITI. 63;

Bi-schof f P. 2 1.11. But Godman deduces incorrec tly that the 1it tera salvi (line 173) also ref ers to the letter 'cI. Though Godman notes Schaller's article (Fs. Bischoff p. 129 n. 3), he does not show that Schaller states that the littera salvi is the littera salutis, the IXI or Christ-symbol. Schaller shows that the lenition of the Irish phonology changes the 'plosive' consonants

(c, t, b, d, g) into an aspirant (ch, th etc. ).

174. hoc et erit: though Theodulf states that the Irishman saves himself from being a sottUS, the in-sult against him has been made, over his peculiarity of pronunciation.

175. levita: this title is equated with diaconus by Isidore:

Etym. 7.12.22 and is so used in early Christian writers. A biblical

ter in the ref erence to those in the second rank, af sacerdotes,

drawn from the tribe hierarchy of the Temple officials, originally

1 Chron. 23 (on their duties in the of Levi: cf. Num. 18.2-7;

The is also used by Alcuin of himself: Alc. E_p.49 temple) - word

(p. 93) ; Eg. 51 (p. 94).

-160- Fredegis: the form of this Anglo-Saxon name is variable: cf. ind,: ýx in Dilmmler Epp. IV p. 622 v. Fredegisus. This pupil ol" Alcuin was given the cognomen Nathanael by Alcuin: 4.251 (p. 406) dated 801-

802; 4.261 Fredec

Ep. 148 (p. 237) and vice versa: Ep. 261 (p. 418) ; Ep. 262 (p. 419-420).

There is only a single reference to Fredegis' rank as a deacon:

Ep. 251 (p. 406) dated 801-802, though elsewhere in a letter dated two years earlier he is an archdeacon: Ep. 210 (p. 351). Theodulf shows here that Fredegis is already a deacon, and in 804 he was in fact to follow Alcuin as abbot of Tours. From the evidence of the letters his important years of service appear to start in 798, and his status within the court at the time of the recitation is shown by the brevity of the addre---)s here.

Osulfo: Osulf was also an Anglo-Saxon and a pupil of Alcuin and the close parallels with Fredegis are emphasised by sociatus. He was in addition a famulus to Charles' eldest son. Osulf may be the pupil nicknamed Dodo and Cuculus, who is reproached by Alcuin for his poor behaviour and slack morals: Alc. 4.65 (pp. 107-8); Alc. 62

(p. 269), and by Arno: Alc. Ep. 66 (pp. I iO-l 11). There i-> no evidence for association in the court poetry or the letters of Alcuin, but

15 does to Alcuin 0---)ulf for the Vita Alcuini ch. refer renrimandingI- his behaviour, though this could be an erroneous interpretation, by the author of the Vita, of Alcuin's letters referred to above.

One fact that is certain is that Osulf was physsically small: line

177 below.

-161- 178. The meaning of this line is obscure. Theodulf has empha--i, -::ed that if the three joined together, are that is to 3y standir-ig -=, D together, then he humorously describes these three short mie-n as looking like table legs. Godman's translation is not clear in Jlts

meaning.

179. tenuior: Theodulf employs synizesis here.

180. The 'higher meassure' refers to that of God. The use of altior

immediately following the previous remarks on their he i gn t, humorous creates a contrast, Theodulf has here modelled this line

Venantius 10.11.22: on c. quos deus omnipotens his dedi t esse pares

The sense of the two lines is the same, that in the sight of God

all men are equal whatever their size, and although Theodulf doess

not use deus, he does re-use the phrase dedit esse pare- in almost

the same position. This line seems to show Theodulf softening the

force of his criticism. On the metrical point of dedit altior see

p. 64 above.

181. This line is closely based in structure on Ang. 2.68 (p. 362)

dated to the Christmas) of 795 by Schaller (M, J. 6 (1970) p. 36):

uvidus imbrifero veniet de monte Menalcas. Ultimately this is

Verg. E. 10. 2-0, taken f rom . although Theodulf does not f oilow Virgi., as closely as Angilbert. The adjective uvidus in Virgil and again by Angilbert is replaced here by line 182. In both lines a compound adjective is used, but Theodulf uses, de sede in place of

-162- de monte. The uniqueness of Theodulf's compound adjective leads to the proposal of replacing pomi f1 ua wi th pomi f era, an al ternat i ve that cau-ses. no dif f icul ties wi th the metre, and, woul,,.-' draw the line closer to Angilber'k-'s original. This descrip t. ion of the kitchen again uses a description of apples: cf. above line 151,

This fruit by virtue of its scarcity may be used here to emphasise the wealth of the palace, but the image of apples 'flowing' seems incongruous. A possible interpretation, if unsubs-tantiated, is that this is to The to in a reference cider . reference apple, -:: connection with Menalcas has no parallel. The lack of manuscript

for in Sirmond evidence calls caution making --:.uch a change, and as our earliest source has to be accepted.

Menalcas: this cognomen was the name given to Audulf, Charles'

Chief-Steward, and there is no reference to him by his vernacular name in contemporary writings.

182. frontis ab arce.: this grand phrase heightens the mockery when describing the perspiring Audulf.

184. vallatus cuneis: Theodulf uses military imagery to describe

Audulf's entry. Audulf has become a general directing his troops.

he We have evidence of his strict control over the kitchens, where

(p. 246). The key to seems to rule with a firm hand: Alc. 26.48-9 this imagery is Audulf's, successful military campaign of 786, leading Charles' army against the Bretons: cf, R. F. A. for 786.

-163- ius synodale: Theodulf gently mocks the imperiousness of the seneschal. His orders are ' law' and are given in the tone of a synod. The reference to the synod does not match the military image that precedes it.

187. Eppinus: Eberhard the chief of the cupbearers, is also named

Nemias by Alcuin and by Theodulf in a later poem: cf. Alc. 26.50

(p. 246); c. 111.79. This biblical name refers to Nehemias, the cupbearer to Artaxerxes King of Persia. Eberhard holds a similar position in the court, having served the king for a long time as cupbearer, but also acting as an emissary, on a peaceful mission

to Ta---)silo, Duke of Bavaria in 781.

r)o t ens: this adjective is echoed in bacchipotens: c. III. 79, indicating that Eberhard has influence in the court, but also with the idea of the power of the wine.

191. Cf. above line 131 where Alcuin is referred to by his other nickname. Theodulf describes Alcuin with a gentle irony. He is pictured as being somewhat over eager in his eating, with food in his hand while he is still e8ting: line 192. He is shown to take not just wine or beer but both.

192. liben-m: DUmmler's full-stop, which Godman replaces with a

future comma, completes a couplet unified in style by the repeated

fresh participles, while the aut of line 193 indicates a start,

-164- 193. Bacche Cerealis: the ... pious - words, of line 191 contrast

this description strongly0 with of eagerly taking alcoholic drinks.

Alcuin in several letters dated before 796 shows that he is strongly against drunkenness: cf Alc. 4.20 (pp. 57-58); 21 - -Ep.

(p. 59) ; Ep. 38 (p. 81); Ep. 42 (p. 86) ; Ep. 114 (p. 168): and also in his poetry: Alc. 59,22-23 (p. 273), Theodulf shows Alcuin's fondness for wine and beer, so gently showing Alcuin to be rather a hypocrite: cf. below line 195.

195. This line perhaps echoes the words of Justification spoken by

Alcuin himself: 'so that he may teach and sing poems all the better'.

196. pectoris antra: cf. line 158.

197. este procul: this phrase is taken from Ovid and used in a metrically identical position, but these lines) of Ovid do not ref er to food: Ars Am. 1.31 (of vittae) ; Ars Am. 2.151 (of lites and

i As__3Schaller (Poetic Rivalries 156), Theodulf proel a) . states p. dismisses such food aS) Alcuin prefers: Alc. 26.49 (p. 246): Ut calidos habeat Flaccus per fercula pultes. Theodulf includes white cheeses as well. This food is contrasted with spiced meats in a metaphor for the insipid 'pale' poetry of Alcuin compaLred with the more 'fiery' poetry of Theodulf hims-Delf.

lac t is iassa coac t i: this is again taken f rom Ovid Met. 8.666 where it also forms the last three feet of the hexameter.

-165- 198. pigmen tat i: this rare adjective in the two recorded uses means simply coloured, in Tertullian and particularly of hair in

Prudentius Hamartigenia 315: piEment8to- i3cit -quas me-retrix improba crine. The description of spiced food with this adjective is unique but apposite.

200. stansque sedensque: a reference to the differing ranks at the feast, the higher ranks sitting and the lower ranks standing as they drink.

201. patratis: this word is more usually found in classical latin in the context of the completion of a war or the ratification of a treaty. Theodulf is perhaps intending to convey the formal manner in which the feast is concluded, although there are no parallelss, I for the use of patrare in the context of a feast.

Theodulf here the in Virgil men-sis. .. rerýotis: echoes, phrase

Aen. 1.216: postquam exempta fames epuli--: ) mensae2ue remotae, and

1.723: postquam prima quies epulis mensaeque remotae. In both

Theodulf and Virgil the phrase completes an hexameter and the contexts are both of feasting, followed by speeches or recitations.

202. plebs: Einhard records Charles' fondness for great numbers of people at his f easts: Vita Karol i c. 24. Plebs is used above at line 64- for the petitioners) present at the court.

-166- 204. foveat mulceat: Theodulf is directly ... referring 0 t0 the subject of the poem. Schaller has linked reges to lines. I- -foveat 114 to and mulceat proceres-D lines 115-200 (M. J. 6 (1970) p. 23).

This line the sums up preceding lines but makess no reference to -, the the subject of rest of the poem. The listener is not prepared for the contrasting vehemence of Theodulf's attack upon the

Irishman.

205. membrosus: this word is found elsewhere only once: Priap. 1.5, with specific reference to the particular physical attribute of the Priapus. Godman, following Schaller p. 23, translates this word as 'brawny' : p. 161, which corresponds to the further description of Wibod below line 211. There is no reference to support such a translation this Given the of rare word. ironic u--:)e of heros for a man he insults, the translation as ' long-limbed' is literal and more suitable. There is also no manuscript evidence for the circulation of the Priapea in the 8th-9th centuries: cf. Texts and

Trans. mi---ý-sion ed. Reynolds pp. 322-323, and so Theodulf's source for this word is unc 1 ear. Even in the context of these insults

Theodulf would not use this adjective if he was conscious of the original context,

Wibodus: there is no other mention at this time of this warrior who interrupts the recitation. The description of Wibod' s hostile reaction to Theodulf's poetry is presented humorously and acts, as

-167- to the dangerous Irishman: a contra---)ting prelude more 0 cf. Schaller

(as note for line 204 above) p. 23.

206. Theodulf has closely based this line on Ovid: Met. 1.179: terrif icam capitis concu-s-s-lit. terque quaterque. The subject is the same, the striking of a head, and Theodulf uses the same phrase and verb. Another line of Ovid provides the same phrase in the

Met-2.49-50: terque same context: ... qui quaterque / coricutiens illustre caput

210. titubante Senu: DUmmler's reference t0 Frudentius Contra

Svmm. 2.319: infirmus titubat pueri gressusque animusque, is not directly relevant to this phrase used by Theodulf. Titubare is used in both, but Prudentius uses it of gressus. Theodulf has based thi s phrase on Eugeni us 14.56: ettit uban te genu Prorui t ante thronum. Theodulf has used the phrase in a context similar to Eugenius, Theodulf is also emphasising the humility of Wibod, with the additional humour of his physical appearance.

The Godman's comma here is preferable to the full-stop of DUmmler. description of Wibod's departure is continued with further humorous description of his physical appearance.

figurez. to 212. pede Vulcanum, voce Iovem: Theodulf usses these insult Wibod, inferring that he limps and bellows. This is a humorous reversal of the paradigms in lines 29-30 above.

-168- 214. Scottellus: hi--: Theodulf commences 1 attack with the diminutive form Scottus, belittling the Iri-shman in of 0 a patronising to, -, e: cf. also c. 111.102 (of Rabanus). Godman' s translation conveys the wrong tone, emphasiSing the wretchedness of the Irishman and not the patronising tone of the diminutive.

215-219. These two couplets are similar in language. The phrase res fera is repeated and phrases in the first couplet have companion phrases in the second that reiterate the sense: hosti---) atrox/res inimica; hebes horror/res segnis; grande nefas/re-s nefanda

216. Again Godman's comma is preferable to DUmmler's full stop.

The invective is continued in lines 217-218 using the same asyndetic structure, though with more sustained anaphora.

219. paulum cervice reflexa: this complete phrase has been taken from Ovid: Ars Am. 3.779: trata ---;, premit genibus paulum cervice reflexa. It is used by Theodulf in a metrically identical position. The context of this line from Ovid is again of a sexual subject: cf. also line 19 above. There is no reference to this in

Theodulf, who is intent on describing the bent and twisted appearance of the Irishman. Godman notes (p. 161n) a line of Virgil as being relevant: Aen. 8.633. This line also ends) with cervice ref lexa though the context is of the she-wolf bending her neck to lick the young Romulus and Remus, and paulum is not found here.

The phrase cervice reflexa also ends a line in the K. L. F. 116

-169- (p. 369), but the is again context compliment, --ýry, of rr,ý-an working

hard heavy their car-Lying 0 weights on shoulders, a-d no, an

insulting personal description.

220. Theodulf is stolidum: reiterating the invective, which is

implied above: lines 169ff.

221. Theodulf here employs asyndeton, as above lines 215-218, to

convey his anger. This line has been based Venantius V. M. on . 23: Attonitus, praef. trepidus, hebetans, vagus, anxiu-, anceps. -- This line is used by Venantius as part of a prolonged simile

representing his poetic work as a boat on the sea. Theodulf has

used the same structure, and anceps and attonitus appear in both

lines. Venantius' simile also contains the next two words in I Theodulf 's line: V. M. praef. 17: furibunda ruina; praef. 21:

tremul is Theodulf has been ... undis. influenced by his reading of

this preface.

223. Godman notes Virgil Aen. 8.20 as relevant to this line: atque

animum nunc huc celerem nunc dividit illuc. The structure of this

line has similarities to Theodulf's line. Two alternatives are

the 1 here there' given, each with conjunction nunc: now ... now .

Aeneas' mind iss vacillating between different ideas,, and there is

no mention of any suppression of emotions. Godman' s tran-s-lation of

hos illos is The line that this has ... unsatisfactory. precedes described the jerky movements of the Irishman and so it is these movements that he is suppressing. To curb feelings: ce'l

-170- is incongruous and an ill-suited phra-Me, and in fact vividly

describes the effort to curb his angry trembling.

228. Theodulf uses infinitives as nouns.

232. The reference to Sedulius noted in DUmmler should read: Carm,

Pasch. 1.328-330, The Se lines have influenced the idea of

Theodulf's line rather than the language, that those learned in

secular studies only use their learning to fight, Sedulius goes

further than Theodulf in dismissing the sapientia mundi- as

irrelevant to God. The arma here are the metaphorical ' arms' of

intellectual debate: cf. also line 160; c. III. 61. Theodulf's

declamation against intellectual back-biting appears hypocritical

in the context of his own contribution to this f ield against the

Irishman.

233. DUmmler' s comma at the end of this line i -D' preferable to

Godman's full-stop. The stylistic unity of this line and line 234,

with scis repeated does not suggest a break and it is unusual to

begin a sentence at the pentameter line.

multa scis: the short last vowel of multa is made long by

position.

234. magis: thiý---, has the sense of Theodulf not wishing to waste words on the Scottus. Godman's translation: p. 163, doe --;, not sufficiently emphasise this.

-171- non sapis atque this paradoxical statement is t -sapis: al, en directly from the two line epigram of Martial: 8.20:

cum facias versus nulla non luce ducenos,

Vare, nihil recitas: non sapis atque sapis.

Theodulf has used the phrase in a metrically identical position and also in the same context of a questioning of abilities.

236. DUmmler's full-stop is preferable to Godman's comma. Theodull, now moves on to address the poem and a break here is more sat isf actory.

237. red it um: this refers to the text of the poem returning to

Theodulf, Godman's translation does not convey this point, saying only that the poem wishes to withdraw.

238. dilectio: 'love' This is in the Bible by Christ . word used as a synonym of caritas: cf. Jo. 15.9.

the i taken 240, omnia quae suffert: phrase omnia suffert Z-) directly from I Cor. 13.7. In this passage it is used of caritas, and as is shown above: line 239, Theodulf usess a synonym of this, word.

242. infensus est: on the metrical point see p, 64 above.

the e,-t mihi cura le,; ji-: Godman, s translation does not emphasise

that Theodulf is dismissing lacks point a,--:, unimportant any man who

-172- caritas: even though he may be his enemy, this misssing0 quality of

Charity is the most important fact.

-173- Introduction to c. II (c. 26 (Sirmond 111,2))

This poem is one of two epitaphs extant for Pope Hadrian I, who died on December 25 th 795. The other epitaph (Ti t. Saec. Oct. 9

(p. 113-114) ) is carved on Hadrian's tomb in Rome. The language of this other epitaph indicates that Alcuin was the author, with phrases echoed in other works of Alcuin (cf. Wallenbach pp. 182-

191). As there are two epitaphs for Hadrian it is likely that these two poets seem to have competed against each other to write the of f icial epitaph for Hadrian's tomb, although no other references exist to support this. This epitaph shows clearly the personal relationship between Charles and Hadrian indicated in

Einhard's Vita Karol. 19. Both this and Alcuin's epitaph are written in the person of Charles and lines 13-16 of this poem and lines 17-18 of Alcuin's show Charles' grief at Hadrian's death.

Godman asserts that c. II was written at court (FrUhmitt. Stud. 19

(1985), p. 285).

A terminus post quem for this poem is clearly December 25th 795, the date of Hadrian's death, and this poem must date from soon af ter this and before the name of Hadrian' s successor, Leo III, had been announced. Theodulf does, not name Hadrian's successor in line 29, but it would perhaps be inappropriate to name Leo in this context; so a date af ter the announcement is poSs-Dible. Early

796 is the most likely date for the poem.

The style of this poem is derivative. Theodulf has taken several

features of the phrases and stylistic from epitaphs of Venantius

-174- (lines 5,7,23-24,25). This derivative style is common dt this

time it to and is impossible as---ert why Alcuin, epitaph wa-D

preferred to Theodulf's. This poem is well structured.

Structure

1-10: Introduction to the epitaph. The purpose and object of the

poem are set out (lines 1-4) and then follow words of praise for

Hadrian.

11-18: Charles reflects on Hadrian's death (lines, 11-12) and

recalls his own grief for his parents' deaths,

19-22: The gifts made ready for Hadrian by Charles have now become the marble for the tomb and the epitaph itself.

23-34: At this half-way point Theodulf moves to a reque--;, t for all who pass by the tomb, including his successor, to say a prayer for Hadrian. He goes on (lines 25-34) to develop the theme. The epitaph exhorts--ý all to pray for Hadrian,

35-42: Reflection on the transience of the flesh and the life af ter death. The poem ends with words of advice to any who read

that they for the epitaph, are only mortal and -should prepare death themselves.

-175- C. II (c. 26)

Aurea funereum complectit littera carmen,

Verba tonat fulvus et lacrimosa color.

Promere quae Carolum compellit amorque dolorque

Me tuus, Hadriane praesul amate nimis,

Fontificum specimen, lux plebiS, norma salutis,

Vir pie, vir sapiens, vir venerande satis.

Mente nitens, formaque decens, sensuque renidens,

Inclyto amore vigens, speque fideque cluens.

Tu decus ecclesiae, fax splendens urbis et orbis,

10 Carior, egregie, tu mihi luce, pater.

Quem cum dira dies non exhibitura sequentem

Eripuit vivis, res patuitque mihi,

Protinus agnovi veteris vestigia luctus,

Morsque parentum oculis est revocata meis.

15 Taedia Pippini sensi venientia morte,

Bertradamque dolor, pro dolor, iste refert.

Cumque tui aspectus, sanctis-sime papa, recordor,

Corque oculosque meos nil nisi luctus habet.

Munera grata tibi incolumi mittenda parabam,

20 Tristia nunc maesto pectore dona paro.

Marmora pro tunicis, proque auro flebile carmen,

Quae gerat urna capax iam tua parva domus.

Quam quis ab occa--, u properans vel quisquis ab ortu

Conspicis, hic munus quod venereris habes.

25 Sexus uterque, senex, iuvenis, puer, advena, civis,

Quisquis es, 'Hadriano', dic, 'Sit amoena quies'.

-176- Golden letters make up this funeral poem.

The golden colour sounds-Dout the tearful wordss.

Words which love and sadness for you, 0 Hadrian much loved pontiff,

Have compelled me, Charles, to write,

5 You, the model for bishops, light of the people, and pattern of salvation

0 holy man, wiSe man and truly venerable man.

Brilliant in mind, fine in appearance, and resplendent in intellect.

Flourishing with a renowned love and famed with hope and faith.

You are the honour of the church, shining torch of the city and world,

10 You, noble father, are dearer than light to me.

Whom when the awful day that will present no following day

Snatched away from the living, the reason became clear to me,

Forthwith I recognised the traces of an old grief

And the death of my parentS was recalled before my eyes.

15 And I felt the approaching loathing over the death of Pippin

And the grief, alas the grief, brought back Bertrada.

When I remember your face, most holy father

Only grief fills my heart and eyes,

I was preparing pleasant gif ts to be sent to you when you lived,

20 Now with a mourning heart I prepare sad gifts.

Marble instead of clothes and a song of grief instead of gold,

Which your spacious tomb, now your small home, may bear.

Which any of you can see as you come from East or West

There you have a gift which you may venerate.

25 Man and woman, old man, youth, boy, foreigner, citizen,

Whoever you are, say 'let there be a delightful rest for Hadrian'.

-177- Praesulis istius semper, tu Roma, memento,

Qui tibi tutor opum, murus et arma fuit.

Tu quoque successor residens in sede sacrata,

30 Sis memor, oro, huius, si deus ipse tui.

Huic prece grata quies detur Paulique Petrique,

Hunc quoque caelicolum cuncta caterva iuvet.

Huic lucem concede piam, concede quietem,

Rex deus, atque operis tu miserere tui.

35 En est quod fuerat: pulvis de pulvere sumptus,

Sed putres cineres tu reparare vales.

Credo, quod hic pulvis transacta morte resurget.

Nec: iam post tumulum sic moriturus erit.

Hos apices quicumque legis, te nosce futurum

40 Hoc quod hic est, omnis hoc caro pergit iter.

Inde tuam mentem venturis. D casibus aptans

Oratu et precibus sis) memor huius, ave!

-178- You, Rome, always call that Pope to mind

Who was the guardian of your wealth and who wass your wall and

r mss,

Also his successor sitting in the sacred seat

30 You I be him, ju should, pray, mindful of -Dt as God is o' L you.

May pleasant rest be given to this man by the prayer of Peter and

Paul,

Also the whole host of heaven help him.

0 God our King, grant him pious light, grant him peace,

And take pity on what you have created,

35 So he is now what he once was, dust from dust.

But you are capable of reviving the putrid ashess.

I believe that this dust will rise again when death is passed

And that he will not thus die again after the grave.

You whoever read these words, be mindful that you

40 Will be just the same as, this man, all flesh passes this way.

Then shaping your mind to your own coming death

Be mindful of this man in your intercessions and prayers, farewell.

-179- CommentaLy

1. Theodulf has based this line on Vers. Lib. Saec.. Oct. Adiect.

4. ii. 1 (p. 92) - Aurea Daviticos en pin:, it littera cantus. These

verses preface a richly decorated psalter sent to Pop; ý Hadrian

sometime before his death (cf. DUmmler p. 91n. ). The context in

Theodulf is different, but he has imitated the structure of the

line, littera using aurea ... in a metrically identical position,

and ending the line with a synonym of cantus.

2. fulyus et: on the metrical point see p. 64 above.

Hadriane praesul: the f inal short ' e' is made long at the

caesura of the pentameter before two consonants. This is similar

to the practice outlined above in the introduction (p. 64).

Theodulf is aware of the quantity of the f inal ' e' in the vocative

as hisý practice elsewhere shows: c. 2.1; 10.37; 17.71 et al. For

similar lengthening see line 10 below.

5. norma salutis: Theodulf repeats here a phrase used by

Venantius: 10.13.7: exulis auxilium, errantis via, norma salutis.

It is used by Theodulf in the same position. Although the original

context is not an epitaph, Theodulf has also imitated the tricolon

construction used by Venantius elsewhere, f or example: 4.. 11.5:

rel igi onis- vitae decus, arma salutis. The phrase is) usef ul -apex, . at the end of the hexameter.

-180- This is in for phrase used an epitaph Archbishop Chrodegang of

Metz in 766 (Tit, Saec. Oct. 4.18 (p. 109)). It is in a different

in the but does position metre, ref er to the life of 'he in Venantius. This archbishop as epitaph for Chrodegang also imitates in the first line Venantius 4.11.1-2, used by Theodulf in this poem: cf. below lines 23-4. The phrase is used by Theodulf

Th. 2.67 (p. 453) in elsewhere: the context of condemnation and not praise, also: Th. 17.6 (p. 472); Th. 28.32 (p. 494).

7. This line is a tricolon structure with homoioteleuton.

formaque decens: this phrase is perhaps based upon a line of

Venantius: 4.7.11: forma venusta decens, animus, sine fine benignus. Venantius includes a second adjective but the context I of the line is also an epitaph. Theodulf however has the ablative f ormd.

9. urbis et orbis: this phrase is used first by Ovid, referring as here to Rome: cf. Fast. 2.684: Romanae spatium est urbis et orbis idem. It is used later by Corippus: In Laud. Just. 1.181: aspice quanta fuit, nostrae simul ur-bis et orbis. Theodulf uses the phrase in the same poslition as Corippus, but does not stress the size of the city, DUmmler's text of Alcuin's epitaph for Hadrian contains, this phrase: Tit, Saec. Oct. 9.14 (p. 113): urbis etorbis honor, inclyta Roma, t uas. Wallach in Alcuin and Charlemagne (p. 181) points out the discrepancy between DUmmler's text and the actual inscription, which reads: Urbs caput orbis honor inclyta Roma

-181- tua---i.. This that DUmmler has followed shows a manuscript conta4, nirS I a revision of the inscription influepced by Theodull" te: t. --,, -,.

10. Theodulf incorrectly egregie: treats the naturally short last

long, syllable as perhaps confusing the quantity of the vocative with the adverbial form. The absence of a main verb indicates that

Theodulf intended the vocative. See note on line 4 (Hadriane) above.

11-12. This sonorous ecphrasis describes with a stylish flourish the day of Judgement. The last day is described with the same adjective ina fragmentary inscription from Padua: near cf .

C. I. L. XI f asýc. 2.2 no. 6926:

0 genesis, 0 dira dies

suprema iacenti

13. This line is similar to Virgil Aen. 4.23: agnosco yeteris .... vestigia flammae. Dido is here speaking of the 'flame' of love not grief. Theodulf has followed Virgil closely, the phrase agnovi yeteris vestigia differs from Virgil only in the tense of the verb.

15-16. Pippin died on September 24th 768 at St. Denis (cf. R. F. A. for 768) and was buried there (Einhard reports that he died of dropsy: Vita Karol. 3). Bertrada died on July 12th Tý3 and was buried with Pippin at St. Denis. Einhard notess Charles' particular fondness for his mother: Vita Karoli 18.

-182- 19. munera o:-,rata: a letter from Charles to Leo shows that theme gif ts, prepared for Hadrian, were subsequently sent to h's

Leo: successor Alc. 4.93 (p, 137): sed et hoc vestrae sanc-tiSsim3e benivoleritiae innote-scimus, uod cum dile_ction-i---:, munera pat ri o _. dulcissimo, praedeceslsori vestro, dirigere paraveram-, These gifts included treasure from the Ring of the Avars, recently

by Eric Duke sacked of Friuli: cf. R. F. A. for 796; c. I. 33, and were conveyed by Angilbert on behalf of Charles as the letter goes on to show. Theodulf makes no reference to this fact, nor does he name Leo as Hadrian's success-or (cf. below line 29), which r-,3y indicate that this epitaph was written close to the date of

Hadrian' s death, December 25 th 795 and before his successor was named.

21. flebile carmen: this phrase is used by Ovid of his own poetry:

Trist. 5.1.5: f lebilis Lit noster sstajus est ita flebile carmen.

Theodulf has used the phrase in the same poSition. The original context in Ovid is not however that of death or an epitaph, but of his own exile. The phrase is also used in an epitaph for Romuald,

Arighis Duke of Benevento, written in 787: Tit. Sa.ec. OCt. son of -

8.27 (p. 112): hoc lacrimans cecini David egro flebile car-men.

Chiasmus is used here.

22. A well constructed line al-so with chiasmus and accentuating the contrast between capax and parva. This line implies at first

later sight the cremation of the Pope, through the use of urna and

to cineres (line 36). Urna is however used elsewhere mean a

-183- sarcophagus, in the prose Vita Ermenladi (Abbot of Antre, near

Nantes) ch. 18 (M. G. H. Script. Rer. Merov. 5 (p. 704) ): Res mira

Pos t depositionem sanctorum membrorum in urna, ar-tificum - diligentia ad hoc ipsum praeparata, die tertio ibidem --in claruit.

In the epitaph for Alcuin cineres. is used even though Alcuin was certainly buried (line 13 of this epitaph), implying that this word is synonymous with pulvis: cf. Alc. 123.8 (p. 350): nung cinis et pulvis vermibus atque cibus.

23-24. This couplet is closely ba-Med on Venantius c. 4.11.1-22:

Quisquis ab occasu properass huc, quisquis ab ortu

munus in hoc tumulo quod venereris habes.

T hes e lines have similar contexts as both are epitaphs and

Theodulf has followed the construction of the original. The verb properare is used in the same position, although it is in the present participle form. The phrases ab occasu and ab ortu are similarly used and munus and the phrase quod venereris habes are repeated. Theodulf's lines dif fer in that he uses quis to mean

'whoever' and that he goes, on to elaborate upon the variety of visitors to the tomb.

25. A line of Venantius has -similarities: 4.9.6 (an epitaph for

Leontius, bishop of Bordeaux): hinc puer, hinc iuvenis deflet, et inde senes. The similarity is however only in the variety of ages of the people listed.

-184- 27. tu Roma: a personification of Rome also occurs in Alcui-Is epitaph on the tomb.

28. tutor opum: this phrase is taken from Prudentius

Synm. 2.435 (-::,ee c. 1.31 ).

29. Hadrian's Leo succe---),--Dor: successor is not named: cf. above line 19.

35. fuerat: this pluperfect is best translated as an imperfect.

36. reparare: no other u---:.e with cineres appears to exist.

40. omnis hoc: on this metrical point see p. 65 above.

42, ave: this use has no contemporary parallel. Catullus does use it in a similar context at c. 101.10: atque in perpetuum, frate ave et vale and is found in a few classical funerary inscriptions cf. C. I. L. 6.23297.5. These examples could not have influenced

Theodulf and it is not clear where he has taken this form instead of vale the usual word for 'farewell'.

-185- Introduction to c. III (c. 27 (Sirmond 111,3. ))

This letter-poem, probably composed at Orl6ans) (see note on line

2), concerns itself not with the praise of Charles and his court, as the earlier c. I had done, but with the poetic rivalries within

the court. There is a change of mood as Schaller points out (Der

Junge 'Rabe' p. 132), from euphoria in c. I to the realism of this

The is however to Theodulf's liking. A poem. reality not 0(Troup of (corvi line 1) least young poets , comprised at in part of pupils

of Alcuin, seems to be lowering the standard of poetry within the

court. This is commented on by Wallace-Hadrill (Frankish Church

p. 199), who stresses that these poets irritated the older poets,

and adhered strongly to the Anglo-Saxon tradition. The poem is- an

attack on these poets and one member of the group in particular. I

This is a difficult poem with many allusions that today are hard

to decipher. The problems in c. III are in Schaller only touched

upon and have perhaps caused Godman to avoid the poem. Theodulf'S I humour is in part a cause of the difficulties. In two humorous remarks, linked by the theme of hair, on Thyrsis (lines 49-50)

their and on Rabanus himself (line, =- 111-112), a knowledge of

the ' joke' The to appearance is the key to . reference members-Dof

the court by nicknames or epithets causes further dif f icul ties.

The identification of the býrds at the beginning of the poe m is

to uncertain and it is unclear whether the references eunuchs

(87-92) and pygmies (101-106) are literal or metaphorical.

Certain trains of thought in this poem are hard to follow. The

-186- between Delia Beselel connections and are not apparent and the meaning of this section (44-54) is not at all clear. Theodulf is not I think deliberately obscuring the it meaning 0 and is our own lack of information that causes the problems.

The main addressee of the poem remains obscure until line 56, an,: there as later (lines 102,107,112) he is addressed with a pseudonym, The Corviniane and Corvule of these lines are both

Rabanus Maurus, at this time a pupil of Alcuin. Although Rabanus) is not named, Theodulf points to the identification by his allusion to the etymology of Rabanus' name (old German hraban is a raven). As well as the clear associations in the pseudonyms,

Theodulf gives to Rabanus, the corvus itself is mentioned frequently (lines 1,54,57,79,81,96,100). Rabanus' dark colouring, hinted at perhaps by Alcuin by the nickname he gave to

Rabanus (Maurus), is referred to by Theodulf (line 79

line 102 Corvule is the basis, corvo ... nigro; ... niýTre), and of the 'joke' in lines I 10ff. Schaller (p. 134) shows that Rabanus had by thiS time already received this nickname. Maurus, derived ul t imately f rom the name of St. Benedict' s servant (Greg.

DialgS.. 2.3) ties in with an obscure reference in the poem (line

62: Getulumque caput). This is not Theodulf's head, as DUmmler

that states (p. 492 n. 7), the Getulus C little Goth' ) would in

' Schaller (pp. 126-130) argues convincingly case have a short e' . that Getulum iss derived from the North African tribe the Gaetuli,

Etym. 9,2.118). The two the neighbouring tribe of the Mauri (Isid.

In Juv. 5.59), names were apparently interchangeable (Schol, c.

-187- that and indeed Schaller sugge--Dt,-::, it is pos-sible that Theodulf was acquainted with this scholion (p. 127 n. 21). The colouring of

the Gae t ul us /-Maur us parallels the appearance of the corvu:, and

indeed a form of niger (see above) is used with Maurus in

Theodul f (c. 3 4.17 (p. 52 6) Maur i -. q ue nige 11 i s) Rabanus was born

in about 780 at Mainz (M. G. H. P. L. A. C. II c. 97.3 (p. 243)),

educated at Fulda and came to Alcuin sometime before the end of

799 (see paragraph below for the date of poem).

The date of this poem is not certain, but can be narrowed down to

between June 798 and the winter of 800. The terminus post quem is

established by line 7. A letter of Alcuin dated c. June 798

(Ep. 146 (p. 235)) has influenced these lines. Theodulf plays upon

Alcuin' s words as he has done previously (c. 1,197 on Alc. 26,49).

Meginfrid's presence at the court (lines 49-50 Thyrsis) indicates

that the poem is before August 800, when Meginfrid left the court

with Pippin on an expedition against Benevento and died before

to Alc, Eg. 2111 the end of the year (his death i---:- referred in

(p. 351); R. F. A. for 800 de-scribes the expedition). The poem shows

th, at Alcuin has lef t the court for the winter (lines. 35-36), so

that discounting the winters of 797/798 when Charles was on

Charles, is campaign in Saxony (R. F. A. for 797) and 800/801 when

the at Rome, the most likely dates for composition are winters of

798/799 or 799/800. The fact that Liutgard is not mentioned

dates. Charles' family points towards the earlier of these two his receive scant attention in this poem, and only one of

(Delia lines 29 children is named, and then under a pseudonym and

-188- 44). Liutgard's is by ab---:)ence explained the fact that from 794-

799 she was Charles' concubine and not technically Queen until her marriage (see introduction to c. V). Theodulf makes scme pass i ng references to Charles, but there would be lez -s compulsion in 798/799 to mention Liutgard than a year later. That her absence is due to her death, which occurred on June 4th 800Y

is riot possible as the presence of Meginf rid shows (see above).

Of this group of poems under study here c. III and c. I are the

most closely involved with the court, The following are mentioned

in both poems: Charles, Alcuin, Gisla, Einhard, Scottu-M, Riculf,

Meginfrid, Audulf, Hildebald and Eberhard. This poem however iS

specifically directed at Rabanus and although the poem has a

limited circulation in order to make Theodul f's grievances

public, the members of the court mentioned above are not

necessarily part of that circulation, as they clearly are in c. I.

Theodulf does not praise Charles or his family in any way, and

the complimentary and humorous vignettes of the court members are omitted. This along with the allusive style of the poem indicates

that this poem was not intended for public recitation.

Virgil has made a significant contribution to the language of th, 2

Delia poem. There are fourteen lines influenced by Virgil, and her poetry appear to have associations with Virgil (line 44) and the work of the poet seems to be popular within the court, e4Lther in the original text or in imitation (line 52). The reason for so

be many references to Virgil is not clear. Theodulf may alluding

-189- to this rival group's fondness for Virgil, but theý-e is no evidence to support this. Virgil's work was widely read at tnis, time had been treated for long time It is and a as allegorie, -:. possible that once Theodulf had equated Rabanus with corvus the use of pastoral references from Virgil naturally followed.

Theodulf shows elsewhere (c. 45.18-24) that he finds worth in

Virgil (and Ovid) for the meaning beneath the surface of the text

(line 20: Plurima sub falso teSmine vera latent).

Structure

1-12: The rival poets, in the shapes of birds, are criticised for

their pretentions.

13-20: The harsh sounding birds are shown as prevalent, silencing I theýsweeter sounding birds.

21-30: Examples of reversed or unlikely situations are used to

show that the rival poets are unsuited to the court.

31-34: Delia's musical activities are described.

35-42: Alcuin leaves the court with his- pupils teaching them to

compose poetry.

43-52: Delia's effort at poetic composition.

-190- 53-59: A to Lucius reference as a poet leads into an attack on the Corvus.

60-68: The Scottus is attacked and vilified.

69-82: The actions of the court members at the feast. The passage then leads into the absolute exclusion of the raven.

83-86: The brewer Hardberd.

87-92: The the role of three eunuch-:: > in the court.

93-102: Authority within the court.

103-112: Inverted form of greeting is sent to Rabanus, who is then dismissed and shown to be dependent on Alcuin. Then a subtly insincere farewell.

-191- C. III (c. 27)

Quid cycni faciunt, resonant dum talia corvi,

Et tectis strepitant carmina multa meis)

Nunc fallax simulat hominis rea pica loquelam,

Despiciens volucres, fercula sacra sedet.

5 Psittacus et varias imitatur voce camoenas,

Commaculans musas, vatis Homere, tuass.

Mergulus atque niger Ligeri piscator in undis,

Brigenses silvas nunc habitare solet,

Et pennis pulchrum sese putat esse pavonem.

10 Quae laudes, Lamuel, addidit ecce tuas,

Vox, reor, aequa sonat, fallit sed penna colorem,

Nec varium rutilat hic decus in specie.

Nunc monstrat cuculus vernalis lumina Phoebi,

Balbula vox resonat gutture raucisono.

15 Nunc pluviam pendens ramis vocat improba cornix,

Se fallax vitas iactat habere novem.

Vox merulae taceat, quatit anser plectra palustriss,

Vertice submerso sordida quaeque vorans.

Vernalis sileat dulces acredula cantus,

20 Nocturnos reboat bubo inimica sonos.

Increpat en iterum vates Balensis asellus,

Insuetosque ciet voce rudente sonos.

Vertitur et subito studia in contraria rerum,

Rideat Orpheum Tityrus aurisonum.

25 Orpheus in silvis putridas tu pasce capellas,

-192- What do the swans do while the ravens slound forth such poem,-:

And so many poems chatter around my roofs ?

Now the guilty Magpie deceitfully imitates human speech,

And looking down on the birds sets out the sacred vessels.

5 The parrot imitates various poems with its cry,

Defiling your Muses, poet Homer.

The black cormorant, that fisher in the waters of the Loire,

Is now accustomed to live in the forests of Brie,

And thinks himself handsome because a peacock of his plumage.6

10 That voice, Lamuel, which, see, has added your praises, sounds

right,

But the colour of his featherss. is wrong,

Nor does a varied splendour shine here in his appearance.

Now the cuckoo of spring reveals the rays of Phoebus,

And his stuttering call sounds from his harsh sounding 'throat.

15 Now the per-so-istent crow, hanging from the branches, calls the rain,

And the deceitful bird boasts that it lives for nine lifetimes.

Let the blackbird's song stay silent, the goose in the marsh strikes

the lyre,

And with head submer. 7ed devour-s' all the filth.

So the spring nightingale must silence it-, sweet songs

20 The unfriendly Owl booms out its nocturnal calls.

And again Balaam's ass berates the bards,

And produces unaccustomed words with his braying voice.

Suddenly all is turned round to the opposite,

So let Tityrus mock golden voiced Orpheus.

25 You, Orpheus, feed the stinking goats in the woods,

-193- Tityrus aulensess delicias sequitur.

David in arce manet paucis cum forte puellis,

Pieria sufflat carmina quaeque tuba.

In primis rutilat Flaccinas Delia Musas,

30 Post aliae pariter organa sacra boant.

Delia Threiciam iam pangit pollice chordam,

Floribus atque ornat tempora sacra novis.

Vinnula mellifluas rimatur fistula Musas,

Gutture ter quinos personat ecce tonos.

35 Flaccus abit senior pueris comitatus ab urbe,

Dum lux plena redit, tunc redit ipse domum.

Ille habet aetatem, pro se respondeat ille,

Pro se proque suis verba dabit pueris.

Aut inflare leves calamos mandaverit illis,

40 Vertice Sileni aut serta ligare senis.

Has paucas David cernit psalmista camoenas,

Regales inter iam resonans epulas.

Subiciens paucos inter quoque licia tela

Delia femineos Virgiliana pedes,

45 Beselel atque Lupum subito respexit inertem,

Quapropter tacUit suavia verba timens.

Dum Lupus aufugiet, redit in praecordia sensus,

Carminibus complet flumina, rura, domos.

Et quocumque die crescunt in vertice Thyrssi

50 Iam rutilae crines, tunc canet ipse quoque.

Dum Lupus in scriniis quaerit sua carmina canus,

tuba W; Pieriam... tubam S. 51. scriniis D; scrinis S. 28. Pieria ...

-194- While Tityruz-) goes-Din pursuit of the delight-s-) of the Court.

David stays in his stronghold with perhaps just a few girls,

Each of these plays their songs on the Pierian trumpet.

Delia in particular makes the poems of Flaccus bright,

30 Afterward. - the others in unison sound forth their sacred

instruments.

Now Delia pluckS the Thracian lyre with her thumb,

And adorns her sacred brow with fresh flowerms.

Her sweet pipe explores the honeyed poems

And (listen! ) she sings the fifteen notes,

35 Old Flaccus leaves the city accompanied by his boys,

He returns home when the full light of day returns.

He is old enough, let him reply for himself

And he will speak for himself and for his own boys.

He will have ordered his boys to either blow upon the gentle reed

40 Or to bind the garlands, around the head of the old man Silenus.

The Psalmist David listens to these few verses,

Echoing forth amidst the royal fea-DA.

Delia, as she is interweaving a few feminine vera=,ess

Amongst Virgil's threads. -D,on the loom,

45 Suddenly looked towards Be---)eleel and the motionle<----::, Lupuss.

For this reason fearing their tactful words ss.ý--_- fell ssilent.

When Lupus, leaves her wits return to her

th tier And she fi 11 s the rivers, fi el ds and houses ,q1. poems.

On the day that shining red hair grows on Thyrsis' head,

50 Then he will sing too.

When Lupus as an old man searches in the book chests for his own poems,

-195- Inveniet forsan, ut Maro tunc resonat.

Luciu-s ipse brevi depingit carmina notus,

Talia nec corvus discere forte valet.

55 Scottulus accinctus gladio te spectat acuto,

Perforet ut pectus, Corviniane, tuum.

Non timet hic corvos, volucri nec parceret ulli,

Si modo Damaetam sperat abesse procul.

Non pius est Scottus noster, Damaeta, poeta, 60 Vertitur in luctum ludus ab ore procax.

Attamen arma minans Scottus iam proelia temptat,

Getulumque caput ense ferire volens.

Hic Scottus sottus cottus trinomen habebit,

Gutture gentilupum clamat et ipse cavo.

65 Carmine versifico fumosso et distichon ore,

Hoc cecinit nobis ecce, Menalca, Suo.

Exanimis vivum risu percussit iniquo,

Sed tamen haec pueris praelia proficiunt.

Tres pueri circum Danielis fercula gaudent,

70 Qui superant flammas nobilitate, fide.

Nunc Iob inmensd numero fulgescit honoris,

Psalteriumque oculis fulget amore piis.

In medio David sceptro regit omnia, largas

Disponens epulas ordine pacifico.

75 Et pius Aaron benedicit cuncta per aulam,

Sanctificans verbis fercula cuncta sacris.

Et Nemias, Solymam qui iam renovaverat urbem,

-196- Perhaps he will find that Virgil sounds forth there.

That renowned Lucius himself quickly composes verses,

But perhaps not even the Raven can master ones. such as: these.

55 The little Irishman, with his sharp sword by his side,

Is watching you Corvinianus, intending to pierce your heart.

This man has no fear of ravens, nor would he spare any bird,

If he only hopes that Damaetas is far away.

Our Irishman is not a repectful poet, Damaetas,

60 The insolent jest that he speaks turns to unhappiness.

However now the Irishman brandishing his weapons is attempting battle,

Wishing to strike the Gaetulan's head with his sword.

This 'Scottus', a 'sottus' and a 'cottus', will have this triple

nickname,

And he shouts at Gentilupus with his cavernous throat.

65 See Menalcas, in this song in verse he has

Sung this couplet for us with his smoky mouth.

Thi-- lifeless man struck the living with his malevolent smile.

Yet nevertheless these battles benefit the boys.

The three boys, who overcome the flames by nobility and faith,

70 Rejoice around the vessels of Daniel.

Now Job is resplendent with a great number of honours,

And the psalter shines with the love from his pious eyes.

At the centre David ruless all with his- sceptre,

Arranging generous dishes in a pacifying order.

75 Holy Aaron blesses everything in the court,

Sanctifying all the vessels with holy words.

Nehemiah who had already restored the city of Jerusalem,

-197- Bacchipotens calvus dulcia vina feret,

Qui locus est corvo haec inter convivia nigro ?

80 In silvis maneat inter et ipse lupos,

Ni tamen Helias depurget crimina corvi,

Convocet atque iterum ad fercula sacra sibi.

Hispani potus Hardberd servator avarus,

Armatus Cerere totus in aede sua.

85 Et calidum sceptro versat caldare culinis,

Ut bibat hoc gelidum, quod movet hic calidum.

Graeculus et Putifar invisus forte puellis,

Armatus frustra praelia nulla gerens,

Quem socii pariter Bagao comitantur et Egeus,

90 Ex tribus his truncis non erit unus homo.

Hi, reor, in cameris non sunt iam sponte fideles,

Saeva manus medici cogit habere fidem.

Filius et viduae Hiram bene construit aedem

Altithrono: Christus auxilietur opus.

95 Hos inter Nembroth gigas venabula quassat,

Qui telis corvum fronte ferire parat.

Et mare velivolum turbans Polyphemius ingen-s,

Mergulus ut nequeat effugere aut pelago.

Hi duo dispariles membris, sed mente minaces,

100 Ille pedes corvi franget et iste caput.

Pygmaei tantum cupientes quaerere pacem,

85. caldare L; callare S. 94. Christus D; Christi S. 101. pygmaei L; Pygmalei S. 89. Bagao S; Bagatha L.

-198- That bald 'Lord of the wine' will bring sweet wines.

What place is there for black Raven these festivities a amongst0 ?

80 Let him also stay in the forests amongst the wolves,

Unless Elijah were to absolve the Raven of his crimes,

And again invite him to his sacred feast.

Hardberd, that greedy keeper of the Spanish brew,

Is completely 'fortified' with beer in his own home.

85 With his ladle he stirs the warm cauldron on the stove,

So that which he stirs when hot, he might drink when cold.

That little Greek Potifar, perhaps' hated by the girls,

Is armed in vain and takes no part in any battles,

Whom Bagao and Egeus accompany as his allies,

90 And amongst these three emasculated people there is' not a single man.

They are, I think, not trusstworthy of their own free-will in the chambers,

But the savage hand of the doctor forces them to be faithful.

Hiram, the son of a widow, constructs the temple

Well for God: may Christ help the work.

95 Amongst these the giant Nimrod shakes his spear,

Who prepares to strike the raven on the brow with his weapon, and huge Polyphemus stirs up the sail-flecked sea

To prevent the cormorant from escaping by that way.

These two are unequal in their limbs but both have a hostile attitude,

100 The one will break the Raven's feet and the other hiD head.

Only the pygmies, wish to seek peace for you,

-199- Propter bella gruum, Corvule nigre, tibi.

Haec tibi sufficiant venienti, trispeda tantum

Verbis sufficiant hiems, sitis, atque fames.

105 Nos nostros nobis nostra teneamus in aula

Trispedicos fratres, sit tibi turba brevis,

Hos tantum teneas, acerrime Corvule, versus,

Saepius atque legens pectore conde tuo.

Dum veniet Flaccus pueris comitatus et odiss,

110 Tunc sperare licet iam potiora tibi.

Nunc tibi tot salve, quot sunt in vertice crines

Albentes, sic tu, Corviniane, vale.

-200- Black Corvulus, because of the wars with the storks.

For you let these words be sufficient for your arrival,

Let the three-legged thirst hunger 00 words, cold, and be adequate as these words.

105 Let us keep our own small brothers in our court to ourselves,

And you can have your small-s-Dized gathering.

So, fierce Corvulus, you should keep these verses,

And reading them often lodge them in your heart.

When Flaccus comes back accompanied by his boys and poems,

1.10 Then you may hope for better things.

Now I send as many greetings to you ass there are white hairs. on your head,

And in the same spirit, farewell Corvinianus.

-201- Commentar

I. The rival swans and ravens, representing respectivelly the accomplished and inferior poets) in the court, introduce the motif of birds that forms the basis of the first twenty lines. Persius in the choliambic ver-nes, prefacing his satires has a similar motif of birds attempting to be poets, birds- also found in

Theodulf: the parrot (Pers. Prol. 8), magpie (Prol. 9), ravens, and magpies (Prol. 13). If this has indeed been followed by Theodulf it is a borrowing from this poet unique for this period and there are no clear parallels of language. The earliest manuscript for

Persius is early ninth century, but this lacked the choliambics until the tenth century. Other manuscripts are from the end of the ninth century onwards (see Texts and Transmission-) pp. 293-

294). The swan is found elsewhere as an example of a sweet voiced bird: Lucr. 3.6-7; 4.181; Verg. Ecl. 8.55, and the poor quality of the raven' s voice is ref erred to in Pliny N. H. 10.33. ThiS line imitates the structure of Virgil Ecl. 3.16: Quid domini faciant, audent cum talia fures ?. The contrast in Virgil' s, line is used by Theodulf to suggest the relative positions of the swanS and crows.

2. strepitant: this frequentative form of strepo is used of corvi by Virgil: cf. Verg. Georg. 1.413: inter se in foli-is strepitant.

A forceful word, it suits the description of the cacophony of the a group of ravens.

-202- tec t is it is ... meis: not clear where Theodulf was living when

this Schaller poem was written. (P. 133) has eSta bl i s-heda

terminus June 798 post quem of and a terminus ante quem of 800

(see introduction) Alcuin twice uses tecta to refer to Aachen:

23.22: c. nec pueri musas-per tua tecta canunt and c. 26.20: cýql

daret eZre_gias pueris per tecta camenas. Theodulf is per-haps

emphasising with the poSses-sive adjective that this, refers to

Orl6ans. BY the earlier date Theodulf was certainly Bishop of

Orl6ans and is referred to as a bishop in a letter by Alcuin

dated 798 (Ep. 149 (p, 243) ). This could possibly be a reference to

Theodulf's otherwise unknown quarters in the palace. It is more

likely that the poetry of this court group has perhaps come to

Theodulf than that the itself is , group at Orl6ans. A letter of

Alcuin has a very --Dimilar idea to these first two lines: Ep. 18 1

(p. 299) (dated Sept. 799): corvi volitantes per cacumina tectorum

in tacet The clamant et columba pavimentis nutrita eccle--: )iae ....

same suppression of the birds' song occurs in Theodulf (lines 17-

20). This letter can be firmly dated to September 799, af'ter the meeting between Charles and Leo III and before Alcuin goe-s to

Tours for the winter, The composition date of C. III (see introduction) indicate-: ) that Alcuin is here imitating Theodulf.

3. The 1itytoi tate human t by ma<,0-Pi e' s abi mi speech wa s no ed

Ov. Met. 5.299,676; Pliny N. H. 10,121; Isid. earlier writers): cf ,

The by Et ym. 12.7,46. metaphor of the 'guilty magpie, i--:1 used

Theodulf to imply that the unnamed poet commits plagiarism.

Fallax and simulat show that the magpie has the same

-203- characteristics, as the birds that follow in the poem (line 5

(psittacus) lines 7-12 ' (mergulus) to be ; wishing 0 something they

can never be.

4. Theodulf reference to the fercula sacra shows perhaps that

this pseudonym belongs to a cleric.

5. psittacus: the parrot is also noted for its ability to imitate

man: cf. Ov. Am. 2.6.1; Isid. Etym. 12.7.24. The parrot is a more

imitator than the Stat Sily. 2.4.2: accomplished magpie: cf. .

humanae Sollers imitator psittace linguae. A list of birds in a

short poem of Eugenius parallels Theodulf's, with identical

birds): Eug. Tol. 49 (M. G. H. A. A. 14 (p. 259) ):

Psittacus et corvus cornix et garrula pica

graculus et sturni verba referre solent.. I

With the exception of the jackdaw and the starlings Theodulf uses

these birds), but describes the imitating all only magpie as, 0

human speech.

6. commaculans: cf. Alc. 42.15-16 (p. 254):

In hoc se studio sapientes esse putantes

vatorum valeant si maculare melos.

The context here is also the threat of younger poets. Alcuin usesm

the same image of somehow spoiling the poetry. The manner in which the ' parrot' spoils the poetry is not clear. It is most

likely that this is by reciting them badly or, by copying them badly.

-204- Homere: this in the vatis poet context of the court must be

Angilbert: Alc. 4.164 (p. 266). The cf. 'parrot', a member of" the i=) court, spoiling the poetry which cannot be either thý2 Odyssey

or the Iliad. This Homerus phrase vatis is used by Angilbert of

himself: Ang. 2.9; 102 (p. 360-362). cf. Theodulf even repeats thi---D

f in orm, while elsewhere the poem he use-s vates (line 21).

Sirmond has identified wrongly Angilbert as the addressee of this letter-poem, making no reference to Corvule (line 107) or Corviniane (line 112).

7. mergulus: the identification of this bird is difficult. The

mergulus is listed as one of the bi rds unf itf0r human

consumption in Levi t. 11.17; Deut. 14.17. The mergus is usually

i den tifi ed as t he gul 1 (Verg. Geor7,. 1.361 but a re f erenc ein I Ovid (Met. 11.753) and Theodulf' s description of the bird as niger

and a piscator indicates that this bird is the cormorant.

Alcuin' s poems and letters help to identify the person to whom

this pseudonym is given. The mergulus is probably Adelbert, a pupil of Alcuin and at this time chaplain to Arno, bishop of

Salzburg. The fact that the cormorant is black helps the identification. Adelbert received the nickname Ma;Zus from Alcuin and is addres-sed with this name in a letter to Bishop Arno from

Alcuin: Ep. 260 (p. 418): Hortare, pater sanctae, fi1i 0-) nos t ros) comm.unes) Adhelricum levi tam, Adalbertum MaZum, et Gun tari um, pedisecum pietatis ve-strae, huic se praeparare dicnos caritati,

The adjective niger is used in conjunction with this nickname in another letter from Alcuin to Arno: Alc. Ep. 193 (p. 320): Benefac

-205- obsecro Mago meo nigro, erit enim utilis in domo dei, This

be in thiS letter his adjective seems -to used of physical appearance as in Theodulf. The description of Adelbert and h-is position as a pupil of Alcuin, as Rabanus was, support this

identification of the merp,,ulus, The identification is however made harder by the use of niger by Alcuin on other occasions:

c. 31.4-5 (p. 249): et tu nigre meus candidus esto dei

Cur, mi nigre, taces ? De te nunc nescio quidquam.

and c. 56. iii. 1 (p. 269): 0 plurimum niger, propera ad documenta

magistri. No clear identification of the addressee or addres-: )ees

of these liness can be made. However lines later in the first of

these two poems convey the same idea as here in Theodulf: Alc.

31.7-8 (p. 249):

Sit cibus et potus clipeus rex vita salu-sque

laus cuius resonet semper in ore tuo I

These are perhaps commonplace sentiments but they can be compared

King Lamuel with line 10 below, where the mergulus praises

(Charles).

8, Brigenses. the significance Of the forests of Brie, a region

the Marne, is to the east of Parisi between the Seine and not

the disparity between clear. Theodulf is perhaps representing by Adelbert' s poetry and that of the major court poets, showing

in the forest. that the mergulus, a river bird, is out of place

habitare: Verg. Ec 1.6.2 nos t ra neque erub. ui t si I vas. Z)ilvas... Virgil has habitare Thalia. The idea of less exalted poetry in

-206- not influenced Theodulf. The silvae represent exclusion fr-om

for the court coryus elsewhere (cf. line 80), but here appear to

be somehow better than the 'waters the Loire' Sirmond of . ends line this with a full-stop, but the next line continueZ the idea

s of disparity 11 to the I and -ti ref er-s mergul u-,---) DUmmler Is comma i

nece ---nsary.

9. Such sustained alliteration is found elsewhere in Theodulf:

below line cf. 105; c. 1.8. The repeated ' p' effectively conveys

the contempt of Theodulf for such pretence.

10. quae: this refers forward to the vox in line 11. There is no

feminine noun or pronoun, so a change in the punctuation for

lines 8-12 is necessary.

Lamuel: Schaller (p. 137) concludes) that the typology Of Lamuel as

the 'ideal king' in Proverbs 31, and the etymological links between Lamuel and Solomon point toward Charle-s. There are no other uses of this name by the other Carolingian poets, but the language of the line shows that Charles is the address-ee. The apostrophe has been introduced by DUmmler, who places the commas around Lamuel. DUmmler in his index (p. 646) mistakenly refers, to

Lamuel Samuel (nickname Beornrad, Archbishop Sens) The as of of . same confusion is found later in Chaucer, in the Pardoner'S Tale lines 58,33-587 (in the the to Lamuel context of warning 0 given concerning drunkenness).

-207- 11. This line is s1tructured so as to delay the full fo. -ce of the jibe until the second half of the hevcmeter.

12. rutilat: On metrical point see p. 65 above.

13, cuculus: This pseudonym was given by Alcuin to one of his

ls, known Dodo ism by the pup -i also as as shown similaritiesm between Alc. 57.1-2 (p. 269):

Plangamus cuculum, Dafnin, dulcissime, nostrum

Quem subito rapuit saeva noverca suis. and Alc. 65 (p. 107) (The opening lines after the dedicatory verses addressed to Dodo): Carissimo filiolo meo, quem et sero genui et cito dimisie nec bene üblactatus raptus est ab uberibus mei -M. Irimitiorque noverca tam tenerum de paterno gremio per libidinum vortices caro rapuit. I

Like Rabanu-s and Adelbert, pupils of Alcuin, this cuculus) is perhaps shown by Alcuin to be a poet: c. 57.5 (p. 269): Heu, cuculus no.bis f uerat cantare suetus. Later in this same poem

Alcuin appears to refer to Rabanus: c. 57.19-20:

Si vivat, redeat, nidosque recurrat ad almos

Nec corvus cuculum dissecet ungue fero.

first vern. a 1is,: the purpose 0f this adj ec ti ve, at sight tautological and more likely to agree with Phoebi, is made clear by line 19 below. Theodulf again uses this adjective olf a bird,

between the acredula, and again in the context of a contrasIt

-208- light and dark, the lark the spring 0 and nocturnal owl. Here t7, e

comparison is between the cuculus and the cornix, between the

bringer the bringer of sunshine and of rain, so that the emphasis is on the cuculus as a vernalis avis as Alcuin describes this

bird in Ep. 226 (p. 370)

Phoebus: Alcuin, having the 0 shown cuckoo in the first line to be

the herald of spring, the also as,--: )ociates cuckoo with the return Phoebus: 59.7 (p. 273): of c. et Phoebus vicit tenebrarum re,;Dr. a

refulgens:.

14, balbula: the only other use of the diminutive form is in the name of Notker Balbulus (c. 840-912), biographer of Charlemagne.

Theodulf is probably employing this form for the sake of the metre.

Sutture raucisono: such a description is) inappropriate for the cuckoo and is more suited to the cornix in the next line. The parallel structure of the two coupletS, Ii ness 13-16, each beginning with nunc makes a change in the punctuation impossible.

The compound adjective raucisonus is rare in classical and lat -e latin: cf. Lucr. 2.619; 5.1084; Catullus 64.263; Ven. For t.

V. M. 3: latrante praef . raucisono salo cum perstrepat aýqquor and

V. M. 2.248: murmure raucisono frangente lepore loquellas.

15. Theodulf has closel imitated lines from Virgil y and combined .1. and the Anthologia Latina: cf Verg. Georg. 1.388: Tum corniv

-209- plena DlUViaM VOC,3t improba voce. and Anth. Lat. 71.53 (the

Epistula Didonis ad Aeneam, Shackle ton-Bai ley 1.1, p. 70 from

Salamasianus to codex mid- end eighth0-- century) ramis quoque

Sarrula pendens. The greater influence hass come from Virgil.

Theodulf uses vocat improba in a metrically identical position and the alliteration of plena pluviam is imitated by Theodulf. To

this the has been achieve alliteration, when phrase plena ... voce

made unnecessary by the preceding line, Theodulf employs the

phrase pendens ramis from Anth. Lat. 71.53, and uses it to

maintain the imitation.

16. Theodulf has taken the idea of the crow's longevity from Ovid

Am. 2.6.36: (cornix) illa quidem saeclis vix moritura novem. Pliny

also records that the crow lives for nine human lifetimes: cf.

Pliny N. H. 7.153.

17. quatit: Theodulf uses an verb more commonly used of violent

to describe the striking or shaking goose's clumsy atiempt-DI at 4.64 (cymbals) The isolation the poetry: cf. Verg. Georg. . same of

goose as being out of place because of the quality of its singing

Ecl. 9.36: inter occurs in Virgil ... sed argutos strepere an-:)er

olores.

19. acredula: the sweet voice and association with spring

indicates that thi, bird is the nightingale: Isidore --D . Etym. 12.7.37. He equates the acredula with the luscinia and goes

Prognost. 220, the on to quote Cicero Arat. who gives acredula as

-210- translation of Aratus' UoXu)(6v (An unknown creature). Theodulf has probably followed Isidore in the use of this rare noun. The acredula is also a bird of spring in the Carmen Philomelae. 15

(P. L. M. 5 (p. 364)): vere calente novos componit acredula cantus.

20. bubo: this masculine noun is said by Pease (p. 375) to be first used in the feminine by Virgil (A. 4.462). After Virgil the noun appears to be predominantly masculine.

22. The story of Balaam's ass occurs in Numbers 22.21-33. The use of vates merges the biblical story and contemporary references; the ass speaking to the prophet Balaam and criticism of the poet--:,

the by the ' Lines Ovid have idea in in court ass' . of a similar a different context: Ov. Fast. 1.433-434:

Ecce rudens rauco Sileni vector asellus

intempestivos edidit ore sonos.

23. The subject of the verb is not immediately obvious. The reversal of roles in line 24 shows that Tityrus is the --:,ubject of vertitur.

Verg. in contraria rerum: of the two models for this phrase:

Prud. A. 2.39: scinditur incertum studia in contraria vulzus and

Symm. 2.307-308: pridem condiderat in Contr. et quae/ -i-ura have had the contraria vertit. Virgil's line seems to greater influence on Theodulf since only the phrase in contraria is

in- is shared with Prudentius. The phrase studia contraria in repeated by Theodulf a metrically identical position, in a different These context. reversals of the accepted situation are incorrectly described by Curtius (pp. 95-96) as adynata. They are not however imposSibili ties and the basis of the poem is that

these situations exist.

24. Such a reversal of roles of these pastoral characters comes directly from Virgil Ecl. 8.55: certent et cycnis ululae, sit

Tityrus Orpheus.

aurisonum: this is the only occurence of this compound adjective other than in a letter from Paulinus of Aquileia to Charles

(dated 791): Paulin. 4.15 (p. 518).

I 25. This line has also been influenced by lines from the

Eclogues: E. 8.56 Or pheus- in silvis inter del phinas Arion and

E. 9.23 Tityre, dum redeo (brevis est via) pasce capellas. The phrase Orpheus in silvis is used by Theodulf in a metrically

identical Position and he has used a line similar in idea and

by taken context, the line from Eclogue 8 i--:- preceded adynata

from nature. Theodulf then completes the line with a phrase associated with Tityrus in Eclogue 9, used in the same position.

-212- 26. aulenses: this adjective appears to be unique to Theodulf.

27. The first of only two references to Charles, which pictures the king in a reversal of the expected situation, as he is in a

than is citadel rather campaigning 0 and accompanied by girls rather than soldiers. Charles' almost constant campaigning during his reign (cf. Einhard Vita Karoli 5-15) shows the strangeness of this description.

28. Pieria t this has been taken directly from ... uba: phrase

Martial Epig. 10.64.4: Pieria caneret cum fera bella tuba. The girls) are writing and performing an unexpected type of poetry, which is shown to be epic by the context of Martial's line. I Sirmond's reading Pieriam... tubam creates a second object for sufflat and is impossible.

29. Flaccinas: this form of the adjective is otherwise only used by Alcuin. Eo. 143 (p. 225); Ep-145 (p. 232-4); Ep. 149 (p. '42).

Delia: this nickname was given to one of Charles' daughters,

Charles either Bertha or Gisela. Delia is closely associated with

Alcuin' and appears to have been as much a patron of s poetry as

Charles: cf. c. 39.1 (p. 252); c. 40.9 (p. 253).

64 30. pariter organa: on the metrical point see p. above.

-213- boant: Theodulf this employs verb, more of ten used of loud noise-s, in an unfamiliar context. No parallel usage appears to t. ev.i --:-

31. Threiciam: Theodulf elaborates upon Delia's abilities as a composer of poetry. He associates Delia with Orpheus through thi-S, reference to the Thracian harp. The adjective Thracius is used of

Orpheus himself in Virgil E. 4.55, The paradoxical situations in lines 23-28 that precede this cast doubts upon Theodulf's sincerity. Theodulf intends to show that Delia now writes poetry on classical themes.

pangit: this verb is associated with the physical act of writing the pIoetry in Festuý' epitome of De Significatu verborum (Lindsay p. 235), but is not used of the lyre in Festus: pangere: figere, I inde plantae pangi dicuntur, cum in terram demittuntur, inde etiam versus pangi vel f igi in cera dicuntur. This verb is used by

Ennius of performing on the pipe (Ann. 299). Tangit is perhaps a more suitable verb to be used with chorda. Ovid uses this verb with chordas Rem. Am. 336: non didicit chordas tangere, posce lyram.

pollice chordam: a similar phrase, pollice chordas, occurs elsewhere: cf. Ov. Met. 10.145; Am. 2.4,27; Stat. Sily. 5.5.31; Ven

Fort, 7.1.1: Orpheus orditas moveret dum pollice chordas.

33. this rare adjective occurs only once in classical _vinnula: latin: cf. Plaut. Asin. 222-223

-214- Berie salutando consuescunt compellando blanditer

osculando, oratione vinnula, venustula,

The form is by Isidore vinnola used of a voice, meaning mollis et

f1 bi 1is: Et 3.20.13. Theodul exi ym. f's use of this adjective with

fistula is unique. Theodulf is describing Delia the a as complete

antithesis of the young poetasters.

mellifluas: this compound adjective occurs only in late latin

onwards, but never with MuSlas. cf. Boeth. Con,. Phil. 5. carm. 2,3

(of oris) ; Cassiod. Var. 1.31.4 (of clamores) ; Ven. Fort, Appendix

11.9; Alc. c. 1.87 (p. 171); 1410 (p. 200) (of pectore).

34. The line of Virgil noted by DUmmler: Georg. 1.410 tum liquidas

corvi presso ter gutture voces has not influenced Theodulf at this

point. The context is very different and only gutture and ter

coincide.

ter quinos: Theodulf here avoids the unwieldy quindecim, for

Verg. Aen. 2.126 (bis These f if teen metrical reasons cf. quinos) .

notes represent the complete octave including semi-tones: cf.

Isid. Etym. 3.20.7.

35-36. These two lines of Theodulf are similar in idea and

language to lines of a poem of Alcuin. Delia is shown above (lines

29-31) to have turned away from Alcuin's poetry, a situation a! -Mo

by Alcuin himself: Alc. 39.1 (p. 252); Alc. 40.9 described cf -

-215- (p. 253). Theodulf echoes the language of Alcuin and line 35 has parallels with Alc. 40.5: Tristis abit senior ieiuno ventre--poeta.

The contexts, of both lines are similar, and the phrase abit senior is found in the same position in both lines. Alcuin's association with his pupils (pueri), shown here by Theodulf (line 35) is paralleled in Alcuin's next line: Et pueri tristes planxerunt carmine Flaccum. The boys are not however described by Alcuin as leaving with him. Alcuin's return to the court in the summer is also described by Alcuin c. 40.10: dum redeunt iterum calidi bona tempora Phoebi.

37-38. This couplet contains two veiled insults against Alcuin. In the first half of the couplet Theodulf refers to Alcuin in a manner more suited to a much younger person, and he follows this by implying that Alcuin is not short of words. I

39-40. The meaning of this couplet is unclear. Alcuin has, possibly instructed some of his pupils to write poetry, imitating the pastoral form. The couplet itself is closely based on two lines from Virgil's pastoral poetry cf. E. 5.2: tu calamos inflare levis,

dicere Theodulf has the the e,qo versus, . altered order of original phrase, but uses it in the same position in the hexameter. The idea but not the language of line 40 is based on Verg. E. 6.13- 16.

The outcome of this episode, however, has been reversed. Instead of the boys attacking and immobilising Silenus with his own

Silenus' garlands, Alcuin here instructs his pupils to bind up line: Ov. garlands around his head again. DUmmler notes another

-216- Fa-st. 6.339, is however which relevant only for its reference to Silenus senex... .

39. Theodulf is describing mandaverit.: the events in the court, the present tense in line 40 clearly shows this. This is therefore a future perfect rather than a perfect subjunctive.

41. David... Charles' psalmista: qualifications as a judge of the boys' poetry are emphasised by this form of address. Theodulf has already shown Charles as David the soldier-King (line 27) so that here psalmista is needed to show Charles as David the poet and singer.

42. Theodulf regales ... epulas: succinctly describes the scene at court with a phrase from Ovid Met. 6.488-489 regales mensis -epulae et Bacchus in auro / ponitur.

43-46. The replacement of the full-stop at the end of line 44 with a comma provides a main verb for the sentence (respexit) and links the subj ec t of the two couplets, Delia. Einhard, under his nickname Beseleel, and the unidentified Lupus seem lltý0 be overseeing Delia as she copies out or perhaps reads aloud verses of Virgil. She adds to these verses her own poetry but this is stopped by Einhard and Lupu---3. That Lupus' words are suavia seems appropri atef or Del i a' s rank. Lupus is possi bl y more usual 1y busy and active and his inactivity is noted by TheoduAf to indicate that he has stopped to watch Delia.

-217- 3. inter licia tela: for this ... metaphor Theodulf has imitated Vi 1 Geor&. 1,285 ,art of rgi -286: ... licia telae/addere, changing he Theodulf construction. refers to Gisla working with wool in is poem to her: c. IV, 21.

5. Beselel: this nickname is used of Einhard in the court (Alc.

26.21 (p. 245); Ep. 172 (pp. 284-5)), . and has been derived from

ýxodus 31.3-4; 35.32. Beselel, the craftsman who embellished loses' tabernacle, is a most suitable sobriquet for Einhard who ras responsible for the metal-work in the chapel at Aachen

K. d. G. iii, p. 198-199)

-espexi t inertem: Theodulf has taken this phrase from Virgil

1.27 libertas tamen inertem. He has ,cl. quae sera respexit changed he context but has reused this phrase in the same position in the exameter.

7-48. The subject of this sentence is, made clear by line 46. elia has been silent but is now released from her constraint.

9. Thyrsi: this is 'the court name of Meginf rid, Char I eS' amerariu-m: Cf. Al c. c. 26.47 (p. 246) Ang. 2.63-66 (p. 362) ; h. c. 1.117. Meginfrid's baldness i S' noted by both Angilbert

Ang. 2.64: canuto vertice) and Theodulf (c. 1.123: calyus hic mpiger).

-218- ipse: the subject Of this sentence is probably Lupus. Thyrsis

!e note below) is important in this adynaton_ for his baldness

ý not his poetic abilities. That Lupus does not wish to or mot write poetry is shown in lines 51-52.

scriniis: the books in Charles' court were stored in chests

I the classical word for the container for papyrus rolls was ained. John the Deacon in about 780 uses scrinium with this ie meaning: cf. Vita Greg. Magn. 4.71 (P. L. 75 p. 223):

tot libros ... quorum videlicet in scrinio dereliquit, quot

annos advixit.

ius: the age of Lupus is as obscure as his identity. Theodulf is iever imagining Lupus going to look for his poetry when an old

Maro: the reference here is probably to the verse of Virgil her than the imitations (lines 39-40).

Lucius: this member of the court is not mentioned el-sewhere. is apparently a poet and is well known.

corvus: this raven, unable to emulate Lucius' poetry is

the (Corvi line 1) ( ,anus, the leader of rival poets --:1ee roduction).

-219- Scottulus (Scottellus: c. I. 214), This Irishman has been

ied by Bischof f Cadac-Andreas Rntif as cf. above on c. I- 160. T.,-, e ninutive cservess here to belittle and patronise the Scg". ftus.

adio... acuto. this metaphorical sword (cf. also c. I. 160 icula. (which .. apta are used against the Irishman) ) represents e sharp words of the Irishman. A similar phrase in a different ntext occurs in the Bible: cf. Ps. 56.5:

Filii hominum dentes eorum arma et sagittae

Et lingua eorum gladius acutus.

rviniane: the etymology of this fictitious name and of Corvule low indicate that Theodulf is addressing Rabanus.

Damaetam: this Virgilian (E. 2.37; 39; E. 3 . name passim) was ven to Riculf, earlier deacon in the court and then Archbishop

Mainz (787-813). His absences from court are well documented.

781, acting as, a missUS, he was sent to Duke Tasslilo, and his

Eývels in the early to mid-790's are shown in Alcuin' --

with him: cf. Alc. ýLRE (p. 29); Ep. 25 (p. 66); Ep. 26 r-resTondence .4 - 67); Ep. 35 (p. 77). .

The Irishman's non pius: disrespectful' . style of poetry can

line 55 (gladio This inferred from above ... acuto). phrase also

-ries the idea that the Irishman lacks piety too.

-220- 0. ab ore procax: this phrase is altered and reused elsewhere of

crow: Th. 52.5-6 (p. 552):

Dura satis rostro ceu pulsat pectora cornix

Imbriferos fluxus cum vocat ore procax. he authorship of this poem is doubted by Schaller (D. A. E. M.

1962) (p. 86)), but no alternative identification is made.

1. arma: these are the 'weapons' of intellectual debate: cf. ine 55,

roelia: this word is used elsewhere of intellectual and verbal onflicts: cf. Lucr. 1,638 (of Heraclitus' argument that fire is

the substance) and Ov. Ars Am. 2.151: amarae proelia ,ot original inguae.

2. Getulumque: DUmmler identifies this person with Theodulf,

Theodulf's Schaller ,resumably on the ground-s of racial origins. owever argues convincingly that Theodulf is addressing Rabanus laurus (Der Junge Rabe pp. 126-130). The Gaetuli were an African

(4.40; ribe referred to frequently by Virgil in the Aeneid

1si dore ts the 326; 5.5 1 5.192; 5.351). s ucrcres00 racial 9.2.118), onnection between the Gaetuli and the Mauri (Etym. and

Juv. 5.59 scbLolion on the phrase Gaetulum Ganymedem in escribes him as a Maurum pincernam (Schaller p. 127 and note).

Ummler's assertion that Getulum Clittle Goth' ) refers to

'heodulf is proved wrong by line 64. The Irishman has already

-221- reatened violence against Theodulf (line 63), so that to then

:)ut at Theodulf is an unlikely progression. If this referred to

'Goth' a short first syllable would also be expected, rather an a long syllable.

Se: Theodulf is perhaps aware of the note on usage in Isidore:

18.6.1. - gladius Seneraliter dici tur ens* in roelio. Now -a-s- . at battle has commenced Theodulf uses ensis rather than gladius ine 55 above).

Sottus: DUmmler (p. 487 9) Sirmond' that this . n. repeats s note ckname means bardus et stolidus. This meaning is contradicted

the anonymous verses discovered by Bischoff written in support

Theodulf against the Irishman which show that it means a sot:

81.11-13 (Mittlatt. Stud. ii (1967), pp. 21-22):

sed maneat Scottus Cottus trinomine sottus

sot Cadac usque caper Silenico Bacco sacratus

ambronum sotius ac ebrietatis amator.

1.169-174, that eodulf mocks the Irishman elsewhere: c. saying

letter 'c' e Irishman, who cannot pronounce the , would ---)peak s own nickname.

the ttus: the meaning of this word is unclear. It completes

ha---:, derogatory riations on the name Scottus and probably a or

to sulting meaning. There is a later reference cottus meaning a

Synod Metz 3 at, in particular for a cleric (canonsm of of ch.

-222- dated 888 (Niermeyer Mediae Latinitatis Lexicon Minus c. v. cottu---))). This could however be used as a nickname for a cleric, although there are no examples its in derogatory of use a 0 context.

trinomen: this noun appears to have been invented by Theodulf, and appears elsewhere only in the above mentioned passage, an imitation of Theodulf: Bischoff v. 11. The adjective trinominis is used by Jerome, describing Jerusalem: Ep. 108,9.

64. Gentilupum: this is a translation of the Gothic components of

Theodulf's name (Thiuda = gens; wulf = lupus), Alcuin latinizes the vernacular root of Bishop Arno's name, nicknaming him Aquila.

Theodulf does the same for Rabanus in this poem, nicknaming him coryus. I

65. versifico: this is' a rare word in late Latin, but not in

Alcuin: c. 1.1311 (p. 198) ; c. 1.1407 (p. 200) ; c. 3.9 (p. 2 18) ; c. 14.15 (p. 238) ; c. 26.18 (p. 245). There is no clear inf luence on

Theodulf's use of this adjective.

fumoso: this adjective is used by Jerome as equivalent to I Epi t. Ady. Ruf 31 (C C, S- L-. 79 (p. 102) vaniloquus: s . - nos

The here that Theodulf fumosos arguis. . ... use with ore shows intends the meaning 'boastful'.

-223- 66. Menalca: this nickname is given to Audulf, the chief steward

in Charles' kitchens: cf. Alc. c. 26.48 (p. 246); Ep. 45 (p. 233);

Ang. 2.68 (p. 362). Audul f is perhaps also a target of the Irishman's scorn but his relevance is not made clear.

67. exanimi-s: this adjective is strikingly juxtaposed with vivum:

' The targets spiritually alive' . of the Irishman are contrasted

with their attacker.

iniquo: Theodulf creates a strong image of the Irishman's

expression as he makes. his attack.

68. Theodulf employs the alliteration of ' p' frequently in this

poem: cf. lines 9,15,17,25,31 and 56.

69. The three young men: Shidrach, Mi-shach and Abednego, who survived the flames of the furnace (Daniel 3.93), are equated with unidentified members of the court. The reference to sharing the feast with Daniel is not part of the Biblical story and relates to the feast at court.

Danielis: there is only one contemporary reference to a Daniel.

In 799, during the Saxon campaign, an ambas-sador named Daniel was

Michael Ganglianos, Governol Sicily, to the , ent by of and came king at Paderborn, but left the court before it departed for

Aachen (R. F. A. for 799) so that it is unlikely to be him.

-224- 71. Job: the significance of Job, as of the tres pueri, lies in his triumph over adversity. The reference to the psalter (see next note) indicates that this is a real person.

psalterium: the reward to Job here is connected with either the production of the psalter or the psalter itself. In the story of Job the gifts from God are long-life, many descendants and great prosperity.

The long 'e' is here made short, as in Venantiu--) 2.9,53 stamina psalterii lyrico modulamine texens, and 4.7.15: organa psalterii cecinit modulamine dulci, Elsewhere also in Theodulf this 'e' is shortened cf. c. IV. 3.

73-74. The description of Charles setting out di-shes at the feast is made humorous by the incongruous use of pacif ico. The adjective is used in laudatory verses to Charles, to indicate

Charles' his kingdoms: Fardulf 1.11-12 pacification of cf . (p. 353)

rector ut aulae

fieret, indulsit pacificus Carolus

and K. L. F. 66 (p. 367) (again in prai-se of Charles): pacificus, largus, solers hilarisque, venustus.

Theodulf is perhaps alluding to Charles calming the troubles within his court, shown in the previous lines, by his arrangement of the places at the feast.

-225- 75. Aaron: Theodulf is comparatively reserved in his description of Hildebald, bishop of Cologne and Charles' Archchaplain after

794. Angilbert is Ang. 2.56-58 (p. more effusive: 0 *13/61):

Cur te non memorem, magnae primicerius aulae,

Aaron quippe prius magnus. sub Mose sacerdos

In te nunc nostra subito reviviscit in aula.

77. Nemias: this name, referring to Nehemiah the cupbearer of

King Artaxerxes I and restorer of the walls of Jerusalem (.9 Ezra

1-3), is appropriately given to Eberhard (Eppinus: c. I. 187, who

iss shown to be the chief steward of Charles in the R. F. A. for

781. Theodulf combines the biblical story with the contemporary

details to contrast the achievements of his namesake with the

unflattering portrayal of the Carolingian 'Nehemiah' in the next

line. Eberhard is the object of Alcuin's humour: Alc. c. 26.50-51

(p. 246):

Et Nemias Graeco infundet sua pocula Bacho

Qui secum tunnam semper portare suescit.

78. Bacchipotens: thiS adjective i---) probably unique, a parody of

thi f adj ec ti ve. Theodulf juxtaposes this --D orm of compound

adjective with calvus. Potens is used elsewhere by TheoClulf to describe Eberhard: cf. c. I. 187.

calyus: Eberhard's baldness iss, not referred to elsewhere.

80. man2at inter: on the metrical point see p. 64 above.

-226- lupos: the change from a full stOP to a comma after JUpOS clarifies the adynaton in the next line (see note).

81, Helias: Theodulf is alluding to the feeding of Elijah by the ravens in I Kings 17.4-6. Theodulf however elaborates upon the story in order to relate it to the events in the court. This narne is not found elsewhere of a member of the court and the significance of this reference is that Elijah's absolution of the corvus is an impossibility and that Rabanus is excluded, in

Theodulf's eyes anyway, from the court. The court context is alluded to by the sacra fercula (line 82).

depurget: purgare is more commonly used of crimina: cf. Cic.

Clu. 1.3 (with the specific legal sense of 'disprove') and it is also used with peccata: Eccl. 47.13. Depurgare is apparently used elsewhere only once to mean 'absolve' : cf. Commod. Instr. Ady.

PaF,. i7-18 (C. C. S. L. 128 p. 59): -2,20, Aut si fenerasti duplicem centesima nummum

Largirl vis inde, ut te quasi malum depurgess.

83. Hispani potus: this is a type 01' beer, as is shown by Cerere

Isidore describes the brewing beer in Spain: Etym. (line 84). 0 of

20.3.18:

Caelia a calefaciendo appellata; est enim potio ex suco

tritici per artem confecta. Suscitatur enim igne illa viss

frugiS deinde in germinis madefactae ac -siccatur et post

farinam redacta molli suco admiscitur, quo fermentato

-227- sapor austeritatis et calor ebrietatis adicitur. Quae fit

in his Hispaniae partibus cuius feray. vini locus non est.

Hardberd: knowledge Hardberd our of is confined to this single

He is the reference. 'keeper of the Spanish brew' and is a keen drinker. These lines (83-86) do not apparently relate to those before or after and seem to have little relevance other than as a humorous interlude.

84. The comma at the end of this line in DUmmler's text should be replaced by a full-stop. The next line moves on from the description of Hardberd to his activities in the brew-house. E--It is omitted by Theodulf.

totus: Theodulf armatus ... euphemistically refers to Hardberd's drunken state.

in aede sua: the irony is that Hardberd is drunk even before he leaves the brewery.

85. sceptro: Hardberd' s 'domain' is the brewery and Theodulf ironically refers to his ladle as his 'sceptre'.

caldare: Carl Liersch in his dissertation has thus, emended

Sirmond's apparently meaningless callare. Taken as an infinitive

Liersch's emendation caldare is an unusual construction and the verb itself is rare. In its uncontracted form it occurs only

-228- twice, in two fourth century veterinary writers, Pelagonius) and

Claqdi. ggs Hermerius Chiron. Pelag, 132: post clysterem ambulans

(This satis quiescet----- sed prius ventrem calidaveri-: - -. reading is changed by Ihn to calida fovebi---)). Chiron 381: Cum bene calidaverit pecus ad pedes caput copulato, It is unlikely however that Theodulf was aware of these works. A sixth century Italian copy of Felagonius now exists only as a fragmentary palimpsest

(Naples Lat. 2 (Vindob. 16) f f. 37-41 ) and may have been at Bobbio in the 7th-8th centuries (Texts and Transmission ed. Reynolds, p. 147 n. 7). The complete text survives only as a 15th century copy (Florence Ricc. 1179) of a 7th-8th century text. Theodulf could possibly have formed the verb himself. In this poem words

such as aulenses (line 25); bacchipotens (line 78) and

trispedicos (line 106) show an innovative streak in Theodulf. The I infinitive however is hard to justify. More acceptable however

is to take caldare as a neuter alternative form of caldaria

$cauldron'. This' form is rare and is not found in earlier

Sublacense writers. It is found in the 14th century Chronicon

(c. 1380) Col. 1052 (Murator Antiq. Itali. Med. Aev. Tom. 4),

This referring to a bronze container for holy water. alternative

it makes the best sense, avoiding the tautological use of as a is to verb and any change in the text. A poss-Dible alternative

but change caldare to caldore, a rare noun slightly more common

Gellius Noct. A tt. 17.8.10; than gal dar e (Varro De Ling. La t. 5.59; three 19.4.4-5; Arnobi us 2.21). This would however create

independent ablatives in this single line.

-229- 86. This line is carefully divided into two equal halves, tý,; -ý gelidum of the first contrasting with the calidum in the second.

The two clauses follow the same pattern and the use of homoioteleuton (Selidum... calidum) emphasises the contra-st.

87. There is no contemporary evidence from the court itself for the presence of eunuchs but the contemporary Byzantine chronicler

Theophanis (born 760) records a eunuch staying in Charles' court in 787: (Theophanis Chronographia Vol 1, p. 456 (De Boor, Leipsig,

1885 (facsimile Hildesheim 1980)); vol. 2 p. 302 (Latin translation made by Anastasius in the middle of the 9th century)). This eunuch, Elisaeus, had accompanied the embassy from Constantine V sent to negotiate marriage with one of Charles' daughters. He stayed on at the court and taught Greek to the prospective bride, and though this is not recorded he probably lef t when marriage negotiations broke down. Byzantine embasSies visited Charles at

Aachen and Paderborn in 798 and 799 respectively (R. F. A. for, these years) in order to negotiate peace treaties. This is

been apparently a unique reference to eunuchs who had probably a

is part of an earlier embassy. Their role in the court not

Elisaeus had been, certain. They may have been teachers as or intermediaries or interpreters in dealings between the Greek and

kind Frankish courts. Theodulf does imply that they acted as some

Potifar. is described of guards for the women in the court. as in invisu ; puellis (line 87) and the three eunuchs are

The truncis (line 90) cam-eris... fideles (line 91). adjective supports the assertion that they are actual eunuchs.

-230- Graeculus Putifar: this to ... name refers the chief eunuch of the

Pharoah in the Joseph: Gen. story of 37f f. The contempt uous graeculus does not corre: )pond with the Biblical sto-Y, and

does indicates the probably actual nationality of the addressee.

This term is in of contempt used Cicero: De Orat. 1.47; 1.102 and in Juvenal 3.77 Graeculus esuriens.

88. Theodulf mocks the ph ys ica1 state of Pot if ar and his impotence. Taken with the reference in line 87 to puellis, these praelia are likely to be amatory exploits, in which Potifar, although armatus, cannot take part.

89. socii: the language of war is continued (praelia line 88).

These men are allies both in the sense of sharing a common enemy and of sharing a common condition.

Bagao: BaRao to the the Assyrian King Holofernes, Qw refers eunuch of Judith 12.11 13.3; 14.14. A Bagoas cf. ; -similarly named eunuch, is addressed by Ovid in Am. 2.2.1. Ovid describes him as a custoc-

(line 9) and he seems to be -guarding a young girl. Con-, irmation of this eunuch's role comes in Am. 2.3.1-4. A eunuch in the

Persian court, named Bagou is referred to by Pliny the Elder N. H.

13.41.

E,q, eu--D: the third eunuch is given the same name as, the eunuch in the court of the Fersian King Xerxe---): Esther 2.15. Ee is ýscribed there as a custos virginum, reflecting his role in the

)Urt.

ý. filius et viduae Hiram: Hiram is similarily described in 1

7.13-14: Misit Salomon tulit Hiram de Tyro filium -!Z. quoque et alieris viduae de tribu Nephtali patre Tyrio artif icem

- -- - .-I.. -

distinguishes this Hiram, Solomon's .ieodulf who embellished

2mple with bronze-work, from Hiram, King of Tyre, who sent aterials to David for the construction of the temple: cf. 2 am. 5.11; 1 Chron. 14,1. The significance of Hiram is that lthough compelled by Solomon to carry out the work, the quality f the work is not affected. There is a hiatus between viduae and iram.

4. Altithrono: this compound adjective is first used by Juvencus

Lib. Evang, praef. 24; 2,62), and is used frequently of God by

found in enantius (V. M. 2.263; 328; 3.48" 9 It is elsewhere

39.42 (p. 73); Alc. 3.60 arolingian verse: cf. Paul the Deacon c.

Th. 28.339 (p. 502) 220) ; Alc. 32.2 (p. 249) ; Alc. 46.23 (p. 260) ; ;

c. V. 3.

hristus: DUmmler has changed Sirmond's Christi. This emendation

On the of voids the hiatus of Christi auxilietur. metrical point hristus auxilietur see p. 64 above.

-232- 95. Nembroth: Liersch (p. 11) equates this biblical hunter with

Wibod (Duke of Perigueux) but does not support this claim. This reference to Wibod does, not resemble that at c. I, 205-212. The strength of this hunter, a descendant of the sons of Noah, is shown in Gen. 10.8: porro Chus genuit Nemrod, ipse coepit esse potens in terra et erat robustus venator coram domino. The association with this name of strength suggests a soldier, but this is not enough to confirm that this is Wibod.

Jerome also makes reference to him: Lib. Int. Hebr. Nom. 9.4

(C. C. S. L. 72, p. 69). Alcuin, alluding to Micah 5.6, refers to

Nembroth in Ep. 245 (p. 394): Non illi octo qui in propheta

leguntur in P:ladiis et lanceis pascere terram Nemroth.

in Riggs: this is an elaboration upon the description of Nembroth

both Genesis and Micah. The stature of Nembroth here is intended

Theodulf, to contrast sharply with the stature of Rabanus.

f irst (cf. probably unaware of the natural length of the ssyllable

Stat. Theb. 4.176; Ov. M. 10.150; Pont. 2.10.24), mistakenly treats

it as long.

by Virgil 97. vel i vol um: a vivid compound adjective used

Aen. dispiciens mare velivolum terrasque iacentis, and also _1.224 Alcuin Ovid Ex Pont. 4.16.21 and Prud. Contr. Symm. 2.801. also

(p. 481) 33 (verses to Aethelherd); uses the adjective: Qp. 311 v. horia. Alc. 50.33 (p. 263) nos nunc velivoli pelagi spectamus in

-233- Polyphemius: there are apparently no other examples of this form of the Cyclops' name.

98. mergulus: cf. note on line 7 above.

nequeat effugere: on the metrical point see p. 64 above.

'over the Theodulf pelago: sea' . is perhaps alluding to missions abroad such as those carried out by Alcuin, Angilbert and Arno.

99. dispariles: this adjective is used of limbs by Claudian Carm.

Min. 4.9: Ipse et dispariles monstro commi--osus in artus. There are however no clear parallels between Claudian and Theodulf. The disparity of the giants' limbs is in comparison with each other. I

101. Pygmaei: the story of the pygmies' repeated defeats at the hands of the storks occurs in Ovid M. 6.91-92 and in Pliny N. H.

10.23. Rabanus is shown here to be under attack from the storks,

f the 'Giants' That the just as above he is under attack rom . pygmies are suing for peace on behalf of Rabanus shows that that peace is an impossibility. The story shows that peace only comes to the pygmies when the storks leave.

103. Trispeda: more usually tripes, -edis, this form is not found elsewhere. it is used by Theodulf to emph as, i --;,e the

104 to appropriateness of the word-3. The words are shown in line

(hiems, tis, fames) the be both short and unpleasant si , complete

-234- opposite of the words of welcome and hospitality which might be expected.

104, hiems: the misery of winter is referred to by Alcuin in c. 39

(pp. 251-2) and c. 40 (p. 253),

105, Theodulf produces an even more extreme example of alliteration elsewhere cf. c. 1.8: Tantillus tantam temno tacere tamen.

106. Trispedicos fra t-r e s-: (lit. three foot brothers). This

is found The inferior adjective not elsewhere. members of t'ý.Ie court are kept within its confines.

108. vectore conde t UO: the context of the line from Ovid imitated here shows that there is a more malicious aspect to thiss statement. These verses are like a weapon to be used against

Rabanus cf. Ov. Met. 13.458-459:

aut tu iugulo vel pectore telum

conde meo.

111. tot salve: the use of tot as an adverb iss both unusual a7.d awkward Latin. This clumsiness may be deliberate in order to

Quot tot is in imi tate the spoken Latin. ... used valedicto-, y verses of a letter by Alcuin Eg. 172 (p. 285):

Quot habeas apices, sanctas, mea carta, salutess

dicito tot dulci David amore meo.

-235- 112. Albentes: the joke is clear when one considers Alcuin's

for (Maurus. ) and the adjective niSre (line 102). nickname _Rabanus

Theodulf has no wish to send any greetings to him. Albentes is used elsewhere to describe hair, (Ov, Ars Am. 2.666; Met. 13.534;

Ex Pont. 4.12.30 and Drac. Romul. 8.589).

-236- Introduction to c. IV (Th. c. 4-3 (Sirmond 111.4))

This poem is a verse letter sent with a psalter to Gisia. Th; -=

reference to marriage (line 29) eycludes Charles-I sister Gisla,

Abbess of Chelles who though betrothed twice, was never marrieii.

The Gisla addressed in the poem is his daughter, born J-n 781,

eighth child and third daughter by Hildegard. The sumptuousness

of the gift and the reference to servants (line 22) indicate a

recipient of importance, and a line in Theodulf addressed to

Gisla (under the nickname Delia) also contains references to the

playing of musical instruments: c. III. 31 as in lines 11-15 below.

The date of this poem is not certain. Sirmond states that the

title pater (line 2) indicates that Theodulf iS already a bishop)

showing that the poem would date from Sometime after 798, the

f irst ref erence to Theodulf as a bishop (Alc. Ep. 148 (p. 24'-"-4) ).

However the same tit1e is given to Alcuin as an abbot J-n

Th. c. 1.191, so that an earlier date is possible. The minimum age

for marriage is accepted as twelve years in this period (Sta, f or-, J,

p. 55) so that the poem could date from 793 onwards.

these has not - but its The psalter verses - accompani . ed Murvived, Jerome's latJ,. form is of interest. The psalter contains two of n

tran, ions of the p-malter facing each other (lines 5-7), with ---)lat .

the ' Hebrew' psalter on the verso and the 'Gallican' psalter cn

duplum, is the Lecto. This form of the psalter, the psalterium

356) that he knows ' rare. Wilmart (R. B. 28 ( 19 1 D, p. states o,

-237- only four examples, including this psalter. The surviving example closest in period to this psalter is the subject of Wilmart's article referred to above (Vat. Reg. Lat. ) 11; cf. also Lowe

C-L. A. 1 no. 10 1). This psal ter was prepared somet ime between the end of the eighth century and beginning of the ninth, and is written in square capitals and uncial. The texts however are placed in the reverse order and are not written in gold and silver lettering. Another, Rouen Ms. 24 (A. 41) (Omont 1, p. 7) dates from the tenth century and follows the Gallican and then

Hebrew psalter.

Structure

Theodulf divides the poem into approximately four equal sections.

1-8: Theodulf dedicates and describes the psalter.

9-16: Exhortation to use the psalter.

17-26: Exhortation to Gisla to pray and to be morally upright.

for the 27-34: Wishes for Gisla's happiness in marriage and

future.

-238- C. IV (C. 43)

Gisla, favente deo venerabile suscipe donum,

Quod tibi Theudulfus dat pater ecce tuus.

Nam tibi psalterium praecepi scribier istud,

Arco,ento atque auro quod radiare vides.

5 Quo prior Hebraeo concordat pagina vero,

Editio ut prisca est mox habet inde sequens.

Quas, bene Hieronymus hanc transfert, corrigit illam,

Sensibus egregiis utraque, crede, micat.

Adsidua quod tu et studiosa mente frequenta,

10 Sensibus atque eius strenua subde tuos.

Organum hoc in gremio, modulamina mente teneto,

Hoc plectro, his sistris sit tua plena manus.

Hoc te dulce melos recreet, haec tympana plecte,

Haec sonet harpa tibi, perstrepat ista lyra.

15 Hoc modo cantando, modo pertractando recurre,

Quo mage divinus hinc tibi crescat amor.

Adsidue si ores, tibi sit si lectio crebra,

Ipsa deo loqueris, et deus ipse tibi.

Sit tibi larga manus, mores compti, actio prudens,

20 Unde creatori rite placere queas.

Sit lanae studium, sit cura domestica semper,

Mens tua quo famulo-s mulceat, atque virum.

Actibus in cunctis teneat discretio regnum,

-239- I.. -

Gisla take this venerable gift with God's blessing,

Which Theodulf your father now gives to you.

For I commanded this Psalter to be written for you

Which you see shining with silver and gold.

5 In which the first page conforms with the original Hebrew

The page following directly is as in the older edition.

Of which Jerome translates the one, and corrects the other.

Truly they both shine with noble ideas.

Which you must repeat in your persistent and studious mind,

10 And your nimble mind must place your own ideas- below those of

that man.

Hold this instrument in your lap and the notes in your mind

Let your hand be filled with this plectrum and with these

rattles

Let this sweet music restore you, strike these drums,

Let this harp sound for you and that lyre rings out.

15 Run through this gift now by singing, now by studying,

By which may divine love for you henceforth grow more greatly.

If you pray diligently, if you read frequently

You speak to God and God to you

May you have a generous hand, becoming morals, and a prudent

ac ti on,

20 Through which you may be able to duly please the creator,

You should always spin wool and take care of the household,

So that youl- mind may soothe servants and your husband,

May propriety hold sway in all you do,

-240- Hac ornare libens, hac duce vita manet.

25 Sperne malum, sectare bonum, gere cuncta decenter,

Efferat ut prorsus te generosa salus.

Casta longum vige coniux cum coniuge0 casto,

Et vos effectus laetificet sobolis.

Suave- que, Gisla, tuo feliciter utere -rico,

30 Cumque illo felix dante senesce deo.

Sitis avi et proavi, petat ut vos turba nepotum,

Det donum hoc vobis, qui dedit hoc patribus.

Spes, decus, ordo, fides, pietas, concordia, virtus,

Gratia, paxque, dei sint tibi semper, ave.

25. malum W-, mala S.

-241- Furnish yourself willingly with this and life continues with this as a guide.

25 Shun wickedness and follow good, always act decently

SoS that forthwith noble salvation may carry you forward.

Long may you flourish, a chaste wife, with a chaste husband,

And may the birth of children bring joy to you both

And may you, Gisla, live happijy with your Suavericus

30 And God willing may you happily grow old with him

May you be grandparents and great-grandparents and be Sought by a horde of grandchildren

May he who gave this to your parents give this gif t to you.

Let hope, honour, order, faith, piety, harmony, virtue,

Grace, and the peace of God be always with you, farewell.

-242- Commentary

2. pater: Sirmond misunderstands this reference to Theodulf, assuming that the relationship bettween Theodulf and Gisla is that of a true father and daughter. Alcuin frequently addresses young men and women as fi1ii and fi1i ae: cf. Al c. Epp. 114-116

(pp. 167-171). Pater is used by Alcuin of himself within the teacher/pupil Alc 22.1; 3 243). Theodulf relationship: cf. - c. (p. is referred to by this title on one occasion in Alcuin's letters: Alc. 4.245 (p. 393) (dated C. 801). The letter refers to

Theodulf as venerabilis pater Theodulfus episcopus.

3. psalterium: the references in lines 11-14 below to musical instruments show that Theodulf is conscious of the origins of this word, as the instrument used by the psalmist David: cf.

Isid. Et ym. 6.19.11- 12.

scribier: this form of the ending for the present passive infinitive is found frequently in classical epic.

this arwento-- atque auro: the rich decoration of psalter,

by the either of the lettering - or the covers, shows expense involved that the psalter is being sent to a person of importance. This gives further support to the identification of

Gisla as the daughter of Charles. There is an example of a lettering in psalter of this period which contains gold and Romanum interpretaticnibus: MS. silverý a psalterium cum The Montpellier Bibl. Univ. (Med. ) 409 (Lowe C. L. A. 6. no. 795).

-243- alternate lines of gold and silver letters however occur only in the incipit of fol-3. A psalter written in gold letters only was presented to Pope Hadrian by Charles, as is described in the dedicatory verses: cf. Vers. Saec. Oct. Adiect. 4. ii. 1 (p. 92).

5-6. The description here is of a parallel text of Jerome's translations: cf. introduction and below line 7.

7. The reference to Jerome's Contra Rufinum, in Sirmond's footnotes, concerning the translation of the Septuagint and

Hebrew versions of the Psalms, is wrongly numbered by Sirmond.

The passage is said to be sub finem Libri I, whereas in fact it is found at the end of book 2: Apol. Contr. Ruf. 2.30 (the text I have followed is in C. C. S. L. 79 (p. 64)):

I psalterium quod certe emendatissimum iuxta Septuaginta

interpretes nostro labore dudum Roma suscepit, rursum

iuxta Hebraicum vertens, prefatione munivi

The two translations in Theodulf are the 'Gallican' Psalter and the translation from the Hebrew, second and third respectively of Jerome's translations of the psalms.

Hieronymus: Theodulf treats the short first two syllables as a single long and hiatus occurs between bene and Hieronymus.

11-14. Some lines of Venantius contain a variety of instruments similar to those listed by Theodulf, not however in the context

-244- of a psalter: cf. Ven, Fort. 2.9.53-60:

stamina psalterii lyrico modularnine texens

ver-sibus orditum carmen amore trahit.

hinc puer exiguis attemperat organa cannis,

inde largam -senis ructat ab ore tubam;

cymbalicae voces calamis miscentur acutiss.

disparibuSque tropis fistula dulce sonat; tympana rauca senum puerili--: 0 tibia mulcet

atque hominum reparant verba canora lyram.

That Gisla is skilled in such a wide variety of instruments is

possible but their inclusion is more likely a self-conscious

effort by Theodulf to impress and flatter Gisla.

11. organum: Theodulf refers to the psalter with a general word

for a musical instrument: cf. Aug. Enarr. In Psalm. 56.16.6-7;

Isid. EtVM. 3.21.2; 6.19.12. There is a contemporary reference to

the musical qualities of the psalmS: Vers. Lib. Saec. Oct.

Adiect. 4. i. 5 (p. 92): organa Davitico gestal, modulantia plectro.

13. dulce melos: this same phrase is used elsewhere by Theodulf,

in a different position in the metre: cf. note on c. 1.145 where

the significance of the etymology of melos is noted.

14. harpa: this is an unusual word that occurs only in late

Latin, and is found only in three places: cf. Ven. Fort. praef.

7.8.63 and Mart, Cap. 2.197. The word i---D.Teutonic in origin and refers to the sickle shaped harp, the harapha in Old High

-2, t5- German old Norse. In and harRa in Venantius this harpa is contrasted with the Roman lyre: 7.8.63: Romanusque plaudat -Iyra, tibi barbarus harpa. Theodulf distinguishes these 0 -instruments from each other, but there is no intention to compare the two as in Venantius. Again Theodulf wishes to list a great variety of instruments.

16. divinus hinc: on a metrical point see p. 65 above.

18. ipse: DUmmler wrongly prints ipsi, whilst ipse can be found in Sirmond.

19. larga manus: elsewhere Theodulf associates the quality of generosity with other members of the Royal family, both male and female: cf. c. 1.18 (of Charles); and c. 1.87. This is describing

Queen Liutgard and has a similar tricolon structure, with each clause containing a personal quality, although with a different grammar from this line.

21. lanae studium: the daughters of Charles were taught to spin and weave wool: cf. Einhard Vita Karoli 19: (fecit)... filias

f This in vero lanif icio adsuescere coloque ac uso. . passage0

Einhard is an imitation of Suetonius: Aug. 64.2. c. III. 43 alludes to Gi-mla's practice of weaving.

ornare: this is the alternative form of the second person singular present indicative passive.

-246- 25. malum: Wattenbach replaces Sirmond's mala with the singular,

is the as required by contrast with bonum and by metre: cf. also

Th. 17.43 (p. 473): hi bona iactan. ter peragun t, mala multa

latenter,.

26. DUmmler's full-stop is preferable to Sirmond's comma, as Theodulf makes a transition here from general advice to advice

on marriage.

28. effectus- 'birth'. Literally the 'bearing f orth' of

children, no other use of this word for childbirth appears to

exist.

29. Suave-que... -rico: Sirmond, as his footnote shows, has

replaced Erico, and identifies Gisla's husband as Suavericus. He

goes on to associate, without certainty, this Suavericus with an

earlier bishop of Orl6ans, although the source for this

assertion is not given. This tmesis of a proper name that

Sirmond's change brings about is supported by several other

examples. The most prolonged example of tmesis is a poem by

Eugeni us of Tol edo: c. 70 (M. G. H. A. A. 14 (p. 262) ), in whi ch ni rie of the ten lines) contain tmesis. The first line contains a proper name: 0 Jo- versiculoss nexo---:,quia despicis -bannes. Such a striking use of the figure and Theodulf's familiarity with

Eugenius suggest that the idea has come from here. Proper names are modified in this way in earlier writers: Martial 1.117.9:

Argi - nempe soles subire -letum and the same name in 2.17.3.

-247- Ausonius also divides a proper name in Ep. 5.36 (M. G. H. A. A. 5

(p. 163)): villa Lucani- mox potieris -aco.

Contemporary examples of this form of t-mes-is also occur.

Langobardus is treated thus on two occasions: cf. Peter and Paul

4 1.10 (p. 74) and Tit. Saec. Non. Ineunt. 1.9 (p. 430). Neither are similar in context. Ianuarii is subjected to tmesis in

Bernowin 32.10 (p. 425),

33-34. An exceptional example of asyndeton, with a line made up of seven nouns.

48 I. -

Introduction to c. V (c. 31 (Sirmond 111,5)):

This poem is a request to Queen Liutgard to send balsam e--)---)ence, to be in the used making 0 of chrisma in the rite of baptism, and be dated between can to 799 and the death of Liutgard on June 4th

800. Charles sometime af ter the death of the unpopular Fastrada in

794 took Liutgard, a native of Alamannia, as a concubine, and the official marriage did not take place until early 799, before the visit of Pope Leo in that year (Stafford p. 61).

Liutgard's status as a legitimate wife of Charles is shown in this poem. She is addressed as regina (lines I and 17), the only occasions that she is thus addressed by the poets, of this time, and Theodulf praises and flatters her using phrases similar to his earlier reference to her (c. I. 83-92) but at greater length. The flattery that precedes the request develops but does not add to the qualities listed by Theodulf in this earlier poem, the qualities of piety, beauty and intelligence, and raises Liutgard

to a standing almost equal to that of Charles himself.

Liutgard' s standing is in marked contrast to that of Fastrada,

Charles' previous wife. Theodulf's bland epitaph for Fastrada

(Th. 24 (p. 483) ), the onl y poem addressed to her, reflects

Fastrada' s lack of favour in the court, caused by tensions amongst

Einhard her, her step-sons over potential rival heirs. accuses

by her the without substantiation, of provoking cruelty revolt of

Liutgard her step-son Pippin in 792 (Vita Karoli 20). By the time

-249- replaced Fastrada the tensions had subsided, and this poem shows

Liutgard to be popular.

Structure

1-6: Liutgard is addressed and praised in non-specific language.

7-10: Theodulf praises Liutgard's relationship with the king and

the help she gives him.

11-14: Theodulf singles out more specific qualities to be praised,

her beauty and intelligence.

15-16: pious wishes that God may favour her.

17-20: request for balsam.

21-22: more pious wishes and farewell.

-250- C. V (C. 31)

0 regina potems, o magni gloria regis,15

N 0 populi, o cleri luxque decusque vigens:

Te lonaum pater altithronus 0 conservet in aevu.m,

Et prosis populis eCclesiaeque dei.

5 Tu lux et splendor, tu regni insigne decusque,

Tuque decore cluis cum pietatis ope.

Et sociata pio et. meriti data munere regi,

Quem deus exaltat, cui bona cuncta pal-at,

Eius in auxilium tu nocte dieque laboras,

10 Illius' et semper nomen ad alta levas.

Corpore pulchra manes, mente es sed pulchrior ipsa,

In dubio est hinc sis prorsuss an inde prior.

Pulchra es verborum sensu, sed pulchrior actu,

Tu tamen es victrix sola in utroque tui.

15 Qui bona velle tibi concessit tanta creator,

Perficere hic donet, te et sine fine iuvet.

Balsameum, regina, mihi transmitte liquorem,

Quo bene per populos chrismatis unguen eat.

Iride seges crescet tibimet mercedis opimae,

2 () Christicolum nomen cum dabit unguen idem.

Det tibi cunctipotens vitam et pia dona salutis,

Utque memor nostri sis sine fine, vale.

-251- .1

0 powerful Queen, 0 glory of the great King,

0 light and great splendour of people and clergy.

TY'layGod the father, 1, enthroned on high, keep you safe for ever

And may you be a benefit to the people and church of God.

5 You are a light and splendour, the eminent honour of the kingdom,

You are esteemed for your splendour, with an abundance of piety.

You have been joined in marriage to the holy King through 0 merit,

The King whom God exalts, and for whom he preparess al-I good things,

And to help him you labour night and day,

10 Always raising his name to the heavens.

You remain fair in body while your mind is fairer still,

And so it is in doubt whether you are clearly superior in this or the other.

You are beautiful in the meaning of your words, but more beautiful in the deed,

May you be, however, the sole victor of yourself in both.

15 May the Creator who has granted you to wish for such good things,

Enable you to achieve it and may he help you for ever.

Send me, 0 Queen, some balsam liquid,

By which the unguent of the chrism may pass to all the peoples.

Then the harvest of a rich reward will grow for you,

20 When that same ointment will give a christian name.

May al 1-powerf ul God grant you 1ife and the holy gi f ts of salvat ion

And grant that you will forever be mindful of me, farewell.

-2591- Commentary

1.0 this phrase is taken direc-4, ly from Venan4. regina0-i potens:

8.8.1: regina potens, aurum cui et purpura vile est. This phrase also begins the he.,Icameter and the contex-t of the line is similar,.. I a personal poem to Queen Radegund, but the subject matter of the poem is not the same. The phrase is also used by

Paul the Deacon in the epitaph of Duke Arichis of 787: c. '--"3.5!

(p. 68): 0 regina potens, virZo Feriitrixque creantis. The phrase again begins the hexameter, the context is however very different

from Theodulf's. This is a prayer to the Virgin Mary on behalf of

Arichis at the end of his epitaph. Sirmond states that the queen

from whom Theodulf requests balsam is Liutgard (796-800). No

corroborating evidence is given to support this identification

but as the court poems show Theodulf was strongly associated with I the court during this period. The most important pieces of

evidence are the parallels of language between this poem and

This indicates references to Liutgard in c. I. 6; 7; 13. strongly

that Theodulf is here addressing Liutgard.

i decusque: this phrase is similar to a line of 2. Popul ...

Venantius: 4.3.9: summus amor regum, populi decus, arma parenýum.

for Bishop Tetricu--: The phrase is used by Venantius in an epitaph --

of Langres.

lux (c,,E. lux: this is the first of two references to Liutgard as

to line 5). Theodulf usems such images of brightness elsewhere

describe the Royal family: cf. above c. I. 13.

-253- 3. altithrorius: see commentary on c. III. 94.

6. cum Theodulf has based pietatis ope: this phrase on simila. - in Venantiusm 6.3.16: phrases tantu-m alias su,peras et pietatis in also a poem of praise to a queen, Queen Theudechi'l d, and 9.112.6: et, ref eras grates pro pi etati s gpe. Theodulf has altered

the form the of phrase, using the preposition cum, but pietatis

ope occurs here in the same position in the pentameter. Theodulf

refers to Liutgard with the same phrase in the same position:

c. I. 84, and the phrase et pietatis ope is used by Theodulf again:

Th. 28.68 (p. 495). Alcuin the uses phrase cum pietatis ýýe: Alc. 109. iii. 22 (p. 336). c. The context is however dif f erent - the

poem is an inscription from St. Peter's Strasbourg - but the

phrase is identical to Theodulf's in form and position.

7. 'And you have been joined in marriage to the pious king

through merit' : the reference to marriage helpS to date the poem

to between early 799 and June 4th 800: cf. introduction.

et sociata: a very similar phrase is used of Liutgard by

Theodulf: c. I. 83: est sociata quibus Leut gardis p ulchra virago.

The meaning is different, 'has been joined' rather than

Imarried', but both phra-e-3 are in the same position.

13. This line is similar to c. I. 85 also referring to Liutgard:

1c hi a---ýýiati. ýL CILI t U_a_ecL di Sn-o P-Ulch-riqr ELctu. The structures of 12jý --- both lines are similar. Each line is divided into two clauses,

-254- the fir---), t stating that LiutgarG is puLchra and the second that

is Both lines she pulchrior. end with the phrase pulchrior actu.

17-18. This request is for the balsam (line 17 balsameum... liquorem) required to make up the chrisma (line 18)

in the used ceremonies of baptism, confirmation and ordination.

The chrism, made up of olive oil and balsam, would have been

by consecrated a bishop on Maundy Thursday. The request is made to the queen here probably because of the expensiveness of the balsam. The procedure of baptism in the Roman rite is described by Alcuin in a letter to Oduin (c. 798): Alc. 4.134 (pp. 202-203).

The anointing occurs towards the end of the ceremony af ter the person to be baptised is dressed in a white robe:

Tunc sacro chrismate caput perungitur et mystico tegitur

velamine ut intellegat se diadema regni et sacerdotii

dignitatem portare

balsameum... liquorem: the adjective balsameus is found only once elsewhere, in the anonymous De Phoenice 119, but the phrase there, unguine balsameg, provides neither the context nor the language for Theodulf. and it is conceivable that Theodulf has invented this form of the adjective from the noun with some influence from Prudentius. Liquor with an adjective is used in the same way by Prudentius Contra Symm. l, praef. 42: vipereuss

Cath. 3.23: liquor liquor, and ... ambrosius.

-255- J

21. cunctipotens: this compound adjective used of God is less common than its synonym omnipotens. It is found only in Late

Latin onwards, and is used of Jesus and God: cf. Ambrose

Hymn 2.81.37 (of Jesus); 8.2.25 (of - God); Prudentius

Periste, gh. 7.56 (of Jesus); Eugen. Mo-no-st.8; carm. ýIRR.9.4 (of -- God). Elsewhere in Carolingian verse this adjective is used in the same position and also of God: cf. Alc. 45.83 (p. 259): hoc mihi cunctipotens donet clementia Christi, and Th. 41. i. 229

(p. 538): nam tibi cunctipotens actus non verba requiret.

-256- J

Introduction fn C. Vj (c. 32 (Sirmond 111,6))

Theodulf in this poem is praising Charles for the aid sent to

Pope Leo III after he was attacked in Rome on April 25th 799 and imprisoned. On Leo's escape Charles received Leo at Paderborn later the same year (R. F. A. for 799) and emissaries were sent to

Rome, arriving on November 29th, to prosecute Leo's assailants.

It is known from the Annals that during the days following

Liutgard's death on June 4th 800 Charles visited Orleans on his return to Aachen from Tours, so that Theodulf's request for

Charles to visit him at Orleans (line 46) and the absence of any reference to the queen's death show that the poem was written prior to these events. Theodulf does not address Leo directlv, and such negligence would not be acceptable if Leo were indeed present. The date of the poem is probably Christmas of 749 when

Leo had returned to Rome and Charles had returned to Aachen.

Theodulf glosses over the facts of the attack and rescue, either through lack of information or to avoid detracting from the main purpose of this poem, the praise of Charles. The attack is described in a few lines (11-12; 15-16), and Leo's rescue, in fact carried out by Albinus, the Pope's chamberlain, and Duke

Winigis of Spoleto (R. F. A. 799), is referred to in pas-Ming and the rescuers are not named (lines 25-26). Theodulf demonstrates by his vagueness about events and his reliance on the stock phrases of panegyric, that he has little detailed information to hand. The emphasis of the poem, as is expected from a court poet

-257- writing for his king, is given to Charles. The poem, however, addresses both Charles and Leo, yet Leo is not praised and receives only an affirmat-ion or' his supremacy over the church

(lines 32-34).

Structure

1-8: Charles is first greeted then praised; the section ends with an affirmation of Charles' role as defender of the church, and rule over it.

9-10: Pope Leo is introduced; Theodulf excuses his own brevity.

11-16: The attack on Leo and his subsequent rescue are briefly described,

17-24: Comparison of Peter and Judas changing to a comparison between Leo's attackers and Judas (line 19). Theodulf wonders at the miraculous rescue.

25-38: With St. Peter's help Leo is saved and is sent to Charles to be cared for. Theodulf establishes Leo's credentials as a spiritual and temporal ruler.

39-44: Wishes for Charles' salvation and the intervention of the

Saints on his behalf.

-258- 15-48: Hope expressed that Charles might come to Orl6ans, and final good wishes and praise of Charles.

-259- VI (c. t2)

Rex beriedicte vale, valeas per tempora longa,

Detque tibi summus prospera cuncta bonus.

Nam tua prosperitas decus est et gloria plebis

Christicolae, cui tu tutor es atque pater.

Tutor opum es, vindex scelerum, largitor honorum,

Quaeque facis fiunt haec moderante deo.

Arma es pontificum, spes et defensio cleri,

Per te pontifices iura sacrata tenent.

Mentior, expertus si non Leo praesul id ipse est,

Quod recinet modulo fistula no-stra brevi.

Quem male deiecit sua gens urbe atque cathedra,

Quem leto potius quam tibi, vita, parat.

Quem bene su-scepit tua, rex, miseratio clemens,

Solatur, mulcet, perfovet, ornat, alit.

Quem furibunda. manus spoliavit lumine, lingua,

Vestibus et sacris, ordinibusque piis.

Reddidit haec Petrus, quae Iudas abstulit ater,

Hic quia confessor, proditor ille dei est.

Seditiosa cohors Iudam est hac parte secuta,

Ille necem domini, praesulis ista volenss,

Reddita namque negat, negat haec ablata fuisse,

Haec auferre tamen se voluis---)e canit.

Reddita sunt, mirum est, mirum est auferre nequisse,

Est tamen in dubio, hinc mirer an inde magis.

letc> D; letho S. 18. quia D; qui-S.

- 60- lessed King, good health to you and long may you stay well,

And may God the good on high give you all prosperity.

Dr your prosperity is the honour and glory of the christian race,

For whom you are the guardian and father.

You are the keeper of riches, avenger of wrongs and giver of honours,

All that you do is achieved with the direction of God. ou are the strong defence of bishops, hope and defence of the clergy,

Through you the Bishops maintain the sacred laws.

lie if Pope Leo has not experienced that which

My pipe will resound in a brief tune. hom his own-people wickedly cast out of the city and throne,

Whom the mob prepares for death rather than for you, life. hom your kind mercy, Majesty, has supported well,

And solaces, soothes), cherishes, dresses and feeds.

I Whom the raging mob has deprived of his eyes, his tongue

His holy vestments and his pious-D rank.

@ter has restored these things which dark Judas took away,

For the former is the confessor of Christ and the latter his trayer.

horde in this way has followed Judas, ..-ie seditious

One wishing the death of Christ, the other that of the Pope. ie mob denies these have been returned or were taken away,

However it celebrates that it wished their removal.

-iese have been returned, a wonder, and a wonder they could not remove

2m.

Yet it is uncertain which is the greater miracle.

-261- I

Nam salvare Petrus cum posset in urbe Quirina,

Hostibus ex atris insidiisque feris,

Huric tibi salvandum, rex clementissime, misit,

Teque sua voluit fungier ille vice.

Per se reddit ei membrorum damna pavenda,

Et per te sedis officiique decuss.

Caeli habet hic claves, proprias te iussit habere,

Tu regis ecclesiae, nam regit ille poli.

Tu regis eiuS opes, clerum populumque gubernas,

Hic te caelicolas ducet ad uslque choros.

Ergo sede tuta, sanate, in sede sacerdoss,

Et regi a domino posce libenter opem,

Ut det ei Chrisstus vitam, tribuatque salutem,

Illius et regnum semper ad alta levet.

Te pater altithronus, rex, salvet tempore longo,

Et tibi det vitam sive salutis opem.

Pro vobis sancti dominum orentque, petantque,

Quorum animas caelum, corpora terra tenet.

Te plebs, te clerus sitiunt in partibus istis

Cernere, sim voti compos et ipse mei.

Atque utinam dominus te istas deducat ad arces,

Et videat dominum urbs Aureliana suum.

Sl t tibi vita, salus D, pietas, benedictio Christi,

Rex pie, rex sapiens, rex S.atis apte deo.

27. huric D; hoc S. 33. D; S. 34. gubernas gubernat caelicolas 171, caelicolos L.

-262- For although Peter could save him in Rome

From evil enemies and wicked tricks, e sent this man to be saved by you, most clement King,

And wished you to perform his function.

ýrough himself he returns to him the fearful loss of his limbs,

And through the honour 0 you of his see and office. has the keys @ of Heaven and has requested you to have your own keys, You guide the keys of the church but he guides the keys of heaven.

:)u command its wealth and govern the clergy and people,

Peter will lead you right to the heavenly choirs.

So, pontiff, now you are cured -take your place in your safe lace,

And gladly ask for help from the Lord for our king,

:) that Christ may give him life and bestow health,

And always raise his kingdom to the heights.

:)ng may God the Father enthroned on high give you salvation, 0 King,

And give you life or the succour of salvation. ay the saints pray and petition the Lord for you,

Those whose souls heaven holdss, and whose bodies the earth holds.

Phe people and the clergy thirst to see you in these places,

And may I myself also accomplish my wish.

Would the Lord might bring you to the-se citadels

And that the city of Orleans may see its Lord.

have life, the blessing Christ, q you salvation, piety and 0 of

0 holy King, wise King, a king mostD fit for God.

-263- CommentAzy

2. pLgýýpera__qun ta. - this phrase occurs elsewhere in Carolingian __-ta_ýj_ verse, there are however no parallels of context: cf. Alc. 24.11

(p. 244); Alc. 44.51 (p. 257); Alc. 50-2 (p. 262).

bonus.: summus ... such an address for God does not occur elsewhere.

5. Theodulf uses these titles elsewhere: c. I. 31. They have been taken directly from Prudentius Contr. Symm. 2.435: tutor opum, vindex scelerum, largitor honorum.

vindex scelerum: thiss phrase is used by Alcuin in a letter congratulating Charles for saving Leo: Ep. 174 (p. 288) tu vindex scelerum, tu rector errantium, tu consolator maerentium, tu I exaltatio bonorum. A phrase similar in meaning occurs in Corippus:

In Laud. Just.. praef. 28: iustitiae vindex, inopum pater, omnia curans,

7. arma es 12ontificum: this phrase is used elsewhere in a poem attributed to Theodulf: c. 76.7 (p. 577). This poem is also one of praise, in this case of Emperor Louis the Pious, and the phrase is placed in an identical position in the poem, indicating perhaps, the structural dependance of this later poem on c. VI.

Theodulf has, taken this phrase from Venantius spe 3... cleri:

4.7.13: spes cleri. tutor viduarum, panis egentum. The context of this line is however different. The poem is the epitaph of Bishop

-264- Chalactericus, and Theodulf does not place the phrase in the same

Position in the metre.

9. this mentior ... si non.: somewhat circulocutory affirmation seems to occur only in Late Latin, several times in Tertullian and once

in Augustine, in different contexts: cf. Tert. Lie Bapt. 2.2; Lie

Anim. 19.7; 58.5; De Ieiun. 6; 17; Praescrj_pt. 42. 1; Aug. In

Psalm. 126.13.

10. Theodulf . refers here to the brevity of his poem, but does not

apologise to the king for such brevity concerning such an

important subject. Theodulf may be comparing his own work with

more extensive poems on this episode which are unknown to us.

Although the dating of the poem K. L. P. (p. 366-381) is uncertain,

it is likely to be after this poem.

14. Theodulf employs asyndeton here for a whole line, with verbs

progressively more specific in their meaning. For such asyndetic

lines in Sidonius see ref erences in commentary for c. 1.80.

perfovet: this verb appears to be used elsewhere only by Sedulius

Carm. Pasch. 4.25: solatur nexos in carcere perfoyet aegros. The context of this line is also of caring for the needy.

17. Judas: the comparison between the betrayal of Judas and the attack by the mob in Rome is made clear in line 19 below.

-265- 18. confessor: the ass=ociations with martyrdom that this word has, that the martyr confesses his faith before dying, are not relevant here. Theodulf is emphasising the contrast between the follower of

Christ, Peter, and the betrayer of Christ, Judas. This epithet is used in reference to St. Peter by Paulinus of Aquileiia, in a hymn on St. Peter and St. Paul: cf. Paulin. 4. v. 2.1-2 (p. 136):

tu es Petrus qui fidei

confessor es: primus dei

Peter's dei activities as a confessor. .. are recorded in the Acts of the Apostles 2.14-36; 3,12-26; 4ý.8-12 etc.

19. cohors: this word is- used by Cas: )iodorus of the group of

Judas (Matt. 26.47) Cas In people who accompanied cf . --).

P-salm. 87.9: traditus est Christus a Juda co-hortibus insanorum.

There is no indication that Leo's attackers were soldiers.

20. This clause does not contain a main verb, the participle volens. acts as the verb.

21-24. Theodulf with considerable circumlocution is referring to the attempt by Leo's captors to deprive him of -;:;i-ght and speecn and his subsequent recovery.

2-11. 'The mob denies that these things have been returned, and

they taken The denies that were away' .. contemporary uncertainty concerning the true facts of the attack are shown here, and ref lect the report in the annals (R. F. A. for 799) where the

-266- qualifying statement as it appeared to some obseL-ver-S" is added to the description,

22. The supposed attackers, guilty or not of the attack, are condemned anyway because of declaring their wish to attack Leo.

23. Theodulf with these contradicting statements is clearly unsure of what actually happened beyond Leo's present good health, with eyes and tongue intact.

mirum est, mirum est: this striking stylistic feature doeS not appear to be u s'ed by Theodulf elsewhere. Alcuin notes the miraculous nature of the Pope's recovery: cf. Aic. 4.178 (p. 295)

Quod vero nobis vestrae bonitatis in Christo probata voluntas de apostolici pastoriS mirabili -Manitate demandare curavit: decet enim omnem populum christianum in hac clementia divinae protectionis gaudere et laudare nomen sanctum Dei nostri, qui riumquam deserit sperantes in se, qui implas conpescult manus a pravo voluntatis, offectu; volentes cae.catis mentibus lumen suum extinguere et se ipsos- impio consilio proprio privare capite.

24. hing mirer an inde magis: a similar use of mirer occurs in

Virgil: Aen. 11.126: iustitiaene prius mirer belline laborum?, with prius, not magis.

-267- 27. hunc: this is to Leo being to Charles a re-ference 0 sent for safety, which is the reason for DUmmler's emendation of Sirmond's hoc.

30. sedi- officiique: on the metrical point see p. 64 above.

33. gubernas: Sirmond has Subernat here. The tu... ille comparison does not continue into this line. Theodulf is showing here that

Leo rules over the clergy and people as well as the church's weal th.

34. caelicolas: DUmmler notes and disregardS Liersch's suggestion of caelicolos. The usual form of the adjective is caelicola.

35. Commas should be inserted either side of sanate and before sacerdos. With the alliteration of 's' Theodulf includes the word play of s6dC- and sý?d6, between the imperative and the ablative.

40. A dif f erent point is emphasised in the following *couplet, and so DUmmler's comma at the end of the line is insufflicient and

Sirmond's full-stop is to be preferred.

41. On metrical point see p. 65.

42. Theodulf has followed a line of Venantius 9.2.36: quamvis celsae animae, corpora terra t eSi t-. Theodulf uses the phrase corpora terra in a metrically identical position. The meaning and

-268- context of Venantius' line are similar. The line refers t0

St. Peter and St, Paul, indicating that their souls are ' on high' wh i1e their bodies remain on earth, and the poem itself is

addressed to King Chilperic and Queen Radegund.

44. sim voti compos: Theodulf uses this phrase elsewhere in his poetry, in various positions in the couplet: cf. c. 28.23111 (p. 499): voti compos ero, tibi si mea vot a placebunt; c. 28,706 (p. 511 ): voti nulliu---, compos eo; c. 36.36 (p. 528): et voti sancti, rex ----a--)t-- pie, compos eris.

46. urbs, Aureliana: R. F. A. for 800 record that Charles, after the death of Queen Fastrada on June 4th, passed through Paris and

Orl6ans on his way to Aachen from Tours. This phra-Me also occurs

in this position in Th. 30.34 (p. 521).

48. A similar tricolon cre-scendo with repetition occurs elsewhere

in reference to Pope Hadrian: c, I 1.6: vir pie, vi r sapiens, vi r venerande satis.

1ý - 269- BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Source--

Alcuini Epistolae, ed. E. DUmmler, monumenta Germaniae Hiýýtorica, Epistolae I!, (Munich, 1895).

Einhard, Vita Karoli Mac,,,,ni Imperatoris, ed. L. Halphen (Paris, 1938).

Poetae Latini Aevi Carolini, ed. E. DUmmler, M. G. H. Poetae Latini Medii Aevi I (Berlin, 1881), pp. 437-581.

Royal Frankish Annals, Monumenta Germaniae Historica.

Scriptores 1 ed. Pertz (Hanover, 1826), pp. 134-215.

Theodulfi Aurel i an en--:>-i-c- Episcopi__-- Opera, Jacobi Sirmondi Societatis Je-su Presbyteri edita noli. sque illustrata (Paris, 1646).

Venantius, Opera, ed, F. Leo M. G. H. Auctorgs Antiquissimi IV, (Berlin, 1881).

Secondary Sources

5. Abel, Jahrbücher des frankischen Reiches unter Karl dem

Grogen 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1883-1888).

H. Beumann Nomen Imperatoris' Studien Kaiseridee Karls ,'' ; zur des Großen', HistoriSche Zeitschrift- 185 (1958), pp, 515-549.

R. R. Bezzola, Les origineg et la f-ormation de la litt, ýýrature courtoise en occident i, Bibliotheque de 1'. 1-7cole des hautes (ýt udes Sc i enc es historiques et philologiques 186 (Paris, 1944).

-270- B. Bischoff, 'Die Hofbibliothek Karls des Großen', Karl der

Große ii, edd. H. Beumann, B. Bischoff, et al., (Düsseldorf, 1965), pp. 42-62.

B. Bischoff, 'Panorama der Handschriftenüberliefung aus dem Zeit Karls des Großen', K. d. G. ii (Düsseldorf, 1965), pp. 233- 254.

B. Bischoff, 'Theodulf und der Ire Cadac-Andreas',

Mittelalterliche Studien ii (Stuttgart, 1967), pp. 19-25.

F. Bittner, Studien zum Herrscherlob in der Mittellateinischen Dichtung, diss. Würzburg (1962).

L. K. Born, 'The Perfect Prince according to the Latin Panegyricists', American Journal of PhilolgFy 5`5 (1935), pp. 20-35.

L. K. Born, ' The Specula Principis of the Carýlingian Renaissance' R6vue Belgique de Philoloqie , et d'Histoire 12 (1933), pp. 583-612.

H-D. Burghardt, Philologische Untersuchungen zu den Gedichten Alkuins Disss. Phil. Heidelberg (1960).

R. J. H. Coll ins, ' Latin Poe t ry in Ninth-Century Spain', Proceedings of the Liverpool- Latin Seminar_ 4 (Liverpool, 1983), pp. 181-195.

R. J. H. Collins, Early MedicTval Spain, Unity in Diversity, 400- 1000, (London, 1983).

S. T. Coll ins, Sur Quelques Vers de Th6odulfe', Revue

Mn6dictine 61 (1951), pp. 214-218.

-271- C. Cuissard, Th6odulfe Evegue d'Orl6ans: Sa vie et ses oeuvres, (Orl6ans, 1892)

E. R. Curtius, European Literature apd the Latin Middle Ages, (London, 1953).

E. Dahl haus-Berg, Nova Antiquitas et Anti-qua novitas (Cologne, 1975).

E. DUmmler, 'Alchuin-. Sitzungsberichte -2tudien' , der Klassischen Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften pt. 2 (1891), pp. 495- 523.

E. Dümml er, 'Hraban--)tudien', Sitzungsberichte der königlich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin pt. 1 (1898), pp. 24-42.

A. Eber t, 'Die literarische Bewegung zur Zeit Kerls des Großen', Deutsche Rundschau 11 (1877), pp. 398-410.

A. Eber t, 'Kleine Beiträge zur Geschichte der karolingischen Literatur: Theodulfs Geburtsland', Berichte der königlich Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaft zu Leipzig: Philologisch-Historische Classe 30 (1878), pp. 95-100.

E. Faral, 'Les conditions g6n6rales de la production litt6raire IX6me X6me en Europe occidentale pendant les et si6cleslf Settimane di Studio 2 (1954), pp. 247-294).

H. Fichtenau, 'Byzanz und die Pfalz von Aachen', MIOG 59 (1951).

J. Fleckenstein, 'Karl der Große und sein Hof', KJ. G.

(Düsseldorf, 1965), pp. 24-50.

-272- J. Fleckenstein, Die Hofkapelle der deutschen KöniZe vol. 1 (Stuttgart, 1959).

A. Freeman, 'Theodulf of Orl6ans and the Libri Carolinil, Speculum 32 (1957)t pp-663-705.

A. Freeman, ' Further Studies in the Libri Carolini I& II', Speculum 40 (1965) pp. 203-289; 'Further Studies in the Libri Carolini IIP Speculum 46 (1971), , pp. 597-612.

A. Freeman, 'Theodulf of Orl6ans and the Psalm Citations of the Libri Carolini' Revue B6n6dictine 97 , (1987), pp. 195-224.

H. Friederichs, Die Gelehrten um Karl den Großen in ihren Schri f ten, Brief en und Gedichten, Diss. hist. Berlin ( 193 1 ).

M. Fuhrmann, 'Philologische Bemerkungen zu Theodulfs Paraenes-Mis ad Iudices', Das profil des, Juristen in der europaischen

Tradition. S5ýmposium aus anlassl des- 70 Geburtstage_-> von Franz

Wiesacker, edd. K. Luig & D. Liebs, (Ebelsbach, 1980), pp'. 257- 278.

F. L. Ganshof, Frankish institutions under Charlemagne (New York, 1970).

A. Georzi. ' Das lateinische und deutsche Preisgedicht des, Mittelalters in der Nachfolge des genus demonstrativum',

PhiloloSische Studien und Quellen 48 (Berlin, 1969), pp. 52- 56).

P-Godman, 'Alcuin's poetic style and the authenticity of 0 mea cella', Studi Medievali 20 (1979), pp. 555-583.

P. Godman, 'Loui ' the Pious' and his poetS' s, . , FrOhmittelalterliche Studien 19 (1985), pp. 239-289.

-273- P. Godman, Poetry of the Carolingian Renaissance (London, 1985).

P. Godman, Poets and Emperors, Frankish Pol it ics Carolingian Poetry (Oxford, 1987).

A. Guerreau-Jalabert, 'La 'Renaissance carolingienne' , modeles culturels, linguistiques' Bibliothý-que usages , de 1'Lole de Chartres 139 (1981), pp. 5-35.

B. Haureau, Singularit6s Historiques et Littiýraires (Paris, 1861).

M. Henshaw, The Latinity of Hrabanus Maurus, Ph. D. Disss. Chicago (1933).

W. S. Howell, The Rhetoric of Alcuin and CharlemaZae (New York, 1965).

P. Jaff6, Bibliotheca Rerum Germanicarum 4, Monumenta Carolina (1867)

E. H. Kantorowicz, Laudes Regi ae. A study in liturgical acclamations and medieval ruler worship (California, 1946).

P. Lehmann, 'Das Literarische Bild Karls des Grogen', Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaf ten 9

(1934), pp. 3-72.

H. LiebeschUtz, 'Theodulf of Orl6ans and the problem of the Carolingian Renaissance', Fritz Saxl, 1890-1948, A Volume of

Memorial Es-sýý,ys, (London, 1957).

K. Liersch, Die Gedichte Theodulfs, Bischofs von Orleans Diss. Phil. (Halle-Wittenberg, 1880).

-274- J. Mabillon, Vetera Analecta sive collectio yeterum aliqurýt operum opusculorum omnis 1-4 (Paris, -et generis, 1675-1685); (2nd Edition, 1 vol (Paris, 1723)).

P. Meyvaert, 'The Authorship of the Libri Carolirii' R6vue B6n6dictine 89 (1979), pp. 29-57.

M. Reydellet, 'La Royaut6 dans la litt6rature latine de Sidoine Apollinaire A Isidore de S6ville', Biblioth(ýque des Lole-= franýaises d'Ath6nes et de Rome 243 (Paris, 1981).

E. Rzehulka, Theodulf, Bischof Orl6ans) Diss. Phil. von ... (Breslau, 1875).

V. Smith Saunders, Glitterin g Praise: Latin poetry directed to rule. r. -s in the Carolingian aZ e Ph. D. Diss. (Indiana, 1975).

D. Schaller, 'Das Aachener Epos, f ür Karl den Kaiser',

Frühmittelalterliche Studien 10 (1976), pp. 134-168,

D. Schaller, 'Der 3 unge ' Rabe' am Hof Karls des GrosSen (Theodulf carm. 27)', Festzschrift f Ur B. Bischoff, edd. J. Autenrieth and F. Brunhölz (Stuttgart, 1971), pp. 123-141.

D. Schaller, 'Die Karolingischen Figurengedichte des Cod. Bern.

212', Medium Aevum Viyum, Fest-schrift fUr Walther B01st, ed".

H. R. 1auss and D. Schaller (Heidelberg, 1960), pp. 22-47.

D. Schaller, 1 Interpretationsprobleme im Aachener Karlsepo---, ' Rheinische Vierteljahrsblätter 41 (1977), pp. 160-179.

D. Schaller, 'Lateinische Tierdichtung in FrUhkaroligischer Zeit' Das Tier in der Dichtung, U. Schwab (Heidelberg, , ed. 1970), pp. 91-113.

-275- D. Schaller, Philologische Untersuchungen zu den Gedichten Theodulfs Orl6ans Diss. Phil. von (Heidelberg, 19`56 and D. A. E. M. 18 (1962), 13-9 1. pp -

D. Schaller, 'Poetic rivalries at the court Charlemagne' of , Classical Influences on European culture 500-15009 ___ R. R. Bol ed. gar (Cambridge, 1971), pp. 151-157.

D. Schaller, 'Vortrags- und Zirkulardichtuncr Hof Karls 0 am des Großen', Mittellateinische Jahrbuch 6 (1970), pp. 14-36.

N. Scivoletto, 'Angilberto di S. Riquier e I'Humanitas Carol i ngi a' Gi ornal eIt al i ano di fiI (1952), 289- , ol ogi a5 pp - 313.

P. Stafford, Queens, Concubines and Dowagers: King's wife in the Early Middle A&ýa, (London, 1983).

W. von den Steinen, 'Karl die Dichter' K. d. G. ii und , (Düsseldorf, 1965), pp. 63-94.

K. Strecker, ' Studien Karolingischen Dichtern' Neues zu , Archiv 43 (1922), pp. 480-511; ibid. 44, pp. 209-251.

J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, The Frankish Church (Oxford, 1984).

W. Wattenbach, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter

bis zur Mitte des dreizehnten Jahrhunderts 1 (Berlin, 1858) (revised ed. 1885).

D. A. Wilmart, 'Le Psautier de la Reine n. XI. Sa provenance et 28 Ma date', R6vue B6n6dictine (1911), pp. 341-376.

R. Wright, Late Latin and Early Romance in Sýa i and Carolingian France (Liverpool, 1982), pp-104-135.

-276-