PDF Hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

PDF Hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen PDF hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen The following full text is a publisher's version. For additional information about this publication click this link. http://hdl.handle.net/2066/113099 Please be advised that this information was generated on 2021-10-03 and may be subject to change. ) » J AL-MA'MÛN: MIHNA AND CALIPHATE JOHN ABDALLAH NAWAS NUMEGEN 1992 ί <, / Al-Ma'mûn: Mihna and Caliphate een wetenschappelijke proeve op het gebied van de Letteren Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen, volgens besluit van het College van Decanen in het openbaar te verdedigen op woensdag 27 januari 1993 des namiddags te 3.30 uur precies door John Abdallah Nawas geboren op 24 maart 1960 te Chicago, Illinois, V.SΛ. Promotores: Prof. Dr. C.H.M. Versteegh Prof. Dr. ΡJ.A.N. Rietbergen CONTENTS PREFACE Vll- Ш CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1-14 1.1. Aim of the study 1 1.2. An overview of the broader context 1 1.2.1. The caliphates 2 1.2.1.1. The Orthodox caliphate 2 1.2.1.2. The Umayyad caliphate 3 1.2.1.3. The'Abbâsid caliphate 5 1.2.2. The two major divisions in Islam: Sunnites and Shi'ites 6 1.2.2.1. A clarification of semantics 6 1.2.2.2. The Sunnites 7 1.2.2.3. The Shi'ites 8 1.2.3. The Mu'tazilites 10 1.2.4. The doctrine of the createdness of the Koran 11 1.2.5. TheMihna 12 CHAPTER TWO: 'ABDALLAH AL-MA'MÛN: A SKETCH OF HIS LIFE AND REIGN 15-24 2.1. The formative years 15 2.2. The Civil War 16 2.3. Al-Ma'mûn's reign 17 CHAPTER THREE: EXPLAINING WHY AL-MA'MÛN SPOKE OF THE DOCTRINE OF THE CREATEDNESS OF THE KORAN AND ORDERED THE MIHNA 25-39 3.1. A survey of current explanations of the declaration and the mihna 25 3.1.1. Three focuses 27 3.1.1.1. Proposition I: Mu'tazilism 27 3.1.1.2. Proposition II: Shi'ism 29 3.1.1.3. Proposition III: Al-Ma'mûn's vision of the caliphate 30 3.2. Description of the research 33 3.2.1. Points of departure 33 3.2.1.1. Al-Ma'mûn's public declaration of the doctrine of the createdness of the Koran and his ordering of the mihna as two separate issues 34 3.2.1.2. Placing the createdness of the Koran doctrine and the mihna order on center stage, not in the periphery 3.2.1.3. The range of the primary source material used 3.2.2. The primary sources: selection and analysis 3.2.2.1. Selection of the primary sources Table 1: The primary sources used in this study and their chronology 3.2.2.2. Analysis of the sources CHAPTER FOUR; VIABILITY OF THE EXPLANATIONS WITHIN THE FRAMEWORKS OF PROPOSITIONS I AND II 4.1. The viability ofMu 'tazilism as an explanation (Proposition Γ) 4.2. The viability ofShi'ism as an explanation (Proposition 4.2.1. Al-Ma'mûn and the 'Alids 4.2.1.1. An explanation of al-Ma'mûn'spartiality to the Alids CHAPTER FIVE: AN EXPLANATION OF THE MIHNA AS THE INSTRUMENT WHICH AL-MA'MÜN USED FOR ENFORCING HIS VISION OF THE CALIPHATE 5.1. Statement of the thesis 5.2. Al-Ma'mûn 's vision of the caliphal institution and the place of the caliph in it 5.2.1. Al-Ma'mûn and the domain of God and the Prophet Muhammad 5.2.2. The caliph as custodian 5.3. The mihna order and the issues dealt with in the letters 5.3.1. A comparison of the mihna letters 5.3.2. Timing of the mihna 5.3.3. The createdness of the Koran as a convenient device 5.3.4. The mihna letters as polarity of good against evil 5.3.4.1. Safalat al-'âmma and the evil-doers 5.3.4.2. The caliph as embodiment of virtue and illumination 5.3.5. Identity and characteristics of the men subjected to the mihna 5.3.5.1. The unnamed men: "judges and shuhûd" 5.3.5.2. In search of denominators common to the men whose names are known 5.3.5.3. The judiciary and traditionists as target 5.3.5.4. Are there other patterns? SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH 73-78 Summary 73 Conclusions 73 Suggestions for further research 77 NOTES 79-102 Notes to Chapter One ' 79 Notes to Chapter Two 83 Notes to Chapter Three 86 Notes to Chapter Four 87 Notes to Chapter Five 97 APPENDIX ONE: CHRONOLOGICAL INFORMATION, BY GENRE, ON THE COMPILERS OF THE SOURCES USED 103 APPENDIX TWO: INFORMATION ON THOSE INTERROGATED 119 WORKS CITED 127 SAMENVATTING 145 CURRICULUM VITAE 150 PREFACE In the year 212 A.H./827 A.D., the seventh 'Abbâsid caliph, al-Ma'mûn, made public his view on a religious doctrine, that the Koran was created, and six years later, he ordered an inquisition (tnihna) using the doctrine as the touchstone. These two events, at once unique in Islam and at odds with what we know about the caliph, are the concern of this study. The study consists of five chapters. Chapter 1 is introductory and starts off by presenting a succinct statement of the aim of the study, followed by an overview of a number of topics and concepts as aid for placing the two events of concern within a broad yet directly relevant historical context. Naturally, the declaration of the doctrine and the mihna did not occur in a vacuum. Their coming into existence was a product of interactions be­ tween al-Ma'mûn, a man and a caliph, and the constant now of events which he had to master or at least cope with. Chapter 2 will sketch the highlights of the caliph's life and government and places the issues of con­ cern to this study within the totality of the major events which took place during his long reign. Chapter 3 describes the three most prevalent explanations of the ca­ liph's declaration that the Koran was created and of the mihna edict. The rationale of the study lies precisely in the fact that the very proponents of these explanations are skeptical that their versions do complete justice to all known facts or have sufficient sway to put the matter to rest. Chapter 3 delineates also the manner in which these three competing explanations will be reexamined in this research and the ways in which it differs from those which preceded it. The findings are presented and discussed in chapters 4 and S. The dissertation closes with a summary, the main con­ clusions and some suggestions for further research. The dissertation is addressed not only to Islamicists and Arabists but to the general historian as well. Consequently, all Arabic terms used have been translated into English. The transliteration system used is that of the Encyclopaedia of Islam except that the "k" is substituted by the "q". The new edition of the Ency­ clopaedia is indicated by "EI2" and the earher version by "ΕΠ". Acknowledgments A four-year grant (1988-92) provided by the Catholic University of Nijmegen enabled me to conduct the research for this dissertation. For generously helping me to gain access to primary sources and other indispensable material, I am indebted to the Catholic University of Nijmegen's Central Library and to the libraries of both the Departments of Semitic Languages and of History as well as to the Dutch Institute in Cairo. It has been my good fortune to carry out the research within the com­ pass of the Department of Middle Eastern Studies, Cathohc University of Nijmegen, amidst colleagues who made me feel welcome and who, in their effort to dispel whatever diffidence I might have had due to the History and Philosophy baggage I carried with me, good-naturedly dubbed me an "applied Arabist" — a complimentary badge which will always serve as re­ minder of their camaraderie and that the Department is my home too. Those to whom I owe an expression of heart-felt thanks and deep grati­ tude are many. I explicitly acknowledge my debt to several scholars on whose time and expertise I had no claim whatsoever but who, nonetheless, graciously responded to my needs and queries in ways that no novice has a right to expect. CE. Bosworth, С Hillenbrand, E. Kohlberg, W. Made- lung, W. Montgomery Watt, H. Motzki, J.R.T.M. Peters, and D. Sourdel have all done so; I am most thankful to them and to Dr. G.H.A. Juynboll who will additionally be always remembered for our extended discussions which taught me much and which I cherish deeply. Needless to say, how­ ever, any shortcomings of this dissertation should not be attributed to the scholars named. It is impossible for me to express in words the debt I owe Monique Bernards for her constant encouragement and for that quality of nearness which is always present no matter how physically apart we are. This endeavor is lovingly dedicated to my mother and father; a child could not wish for better parents. Nijmegen, September 4th, 1992. CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1. Aim of the study 'Abdallah al-Ma'mûn shares with his father, Hârûn al-Ra§hîd (г. 170/786- 193/809), the honor of spearheading what has come to be known as the Golden Age of Islam.
Recommended publications
  • The Public Sphere During the Later Abbasid Caliphate (1000- 1258 CE): the Role of Sufism
    The Public Sphere during the Later Abbasid Caliphate (1000- 1258 CE): The Role of Sufism Atta Muhammad Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds School of Languages, Cultures, and Societies February 2020 2 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his/her own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. The right of Atta Muhammad to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. © 2019 The University of Leeds and Atta Muhammad 3 Acknowledgements I am thankful to Allah the Merciful for His Blessings, which helped me to complete this thesis. My heartfelt thanks go to my respected supervisor Dr. Fozia Bora for her persistent guidance and invaluable feedback. She has been a guiding star in every step of my research journey. Without her kind guidance and extra support and care, I would not have completed my research. My learning from her was not confined to her comments on my work but drew much inspiration from her many points of general wisdom. I am thankful to Dr. Hendrik Kraetzschmar, for his useful comments on my chapter which I presented for my transfer viva. I am also thankful to Dr. Mustapha Sheikh and Dr. Tajul Islam as they encouraged me at every step, and I had useful discussions with them.
    [Show full text]
  • The Central Islamic Lands
    77 THEME The Central Islamic 4 Lands AS we enter the twenty-first century, there are over 1 billion Muslims living in all parts of the world. They are citizens of different nations, speak different languages, and dress differently. The processes by which they became Muslims were varied, and so were the circumstances in which they went their separate ways. Yet, the Islamic community has its roots in a more unified past which unfolded roughly 1,400 years ago in the Arabian peninsula. In this chapter we are going to read about the rise of Islam and its expansion over a vast territory extending from Egypt to Afghanistan, the core area of Islamic civilisation from 600 to 1200. In these centuries, Islamic society exhibited multiple political and cultural patterns. The term Islamic is used here not only in its purely religious sense but also for the overall society and culture historically associated with Islam. In this society not everything that was happening originated directly from religion, but it took place in a society where Muslims and their faith were recognised as socially dominant. Non-Muslims always formed an integral, if subordinate, part of this society as did Jews in Christendom. Our understanding of the history of the central Islamic lands between 600 and 1200 is based on chronicles or tawarikh (which narrate events in order of time) and semi-historical works, such as biographies (sira), records of the sayings and doings of the Prophet (hadith) and commentaries on the Quran (tafsir). The material from which these works were produced was a large collection of eyewitness reports (akhbar) transmitted over a period of time either orally or on paper.
    [Show full text]
  • Durham E-Theses
    Durham E-Theses Theorising Militant Groups' Meso-Level Evolution A Comparative Study of the Egyptian Islamic and Jihad Groups Drevon, Jerome How to cite: Drevon, Jerome (2015) Theorising Militant Groups' Meso-Level Evolution A Comparative Study of the Egyptian Islamic and Jihad Groups, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/13611/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 Theorising Militant Groups' Meso-Level Evolution A Comparative Study of the Egyptian Islamic and Jihad Groups Jerome Drevon Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Sciences School of Government & International Affairs Durham University 2015 2 / 314 Abstract This research theorises militant groups' meso-level evolution from their emergence to their potential non-violent transformation. The central argument of this thesis is that the timing of militant groups' adoption of violence in semi-authoritarian regimes is crucial in accounting for their subsequent ideational and organisational evolution, according to a path-dependent model.
    [Show full text]
  • Two Abbasid Trials: Ahmad Ibn Hanbal and Hunayn B. Ishāq
    TWO ABBASE) TRIALS: AHMAD fflN HANBAL AND HUNAYN B. ISHÀQ1 Michael COOPERSON University of California, Los Angeles I. hi 220/835, the 'Abbasid caMph al-Mu'tasim presided over a disputation between the hadîth-scholar Ibn Hanbal and a group of court theologians. Ibn Hanbal had refused assent to the doctrine of the createdness of the Qur'an, a doctrine which the previous caliph, al-Ma'mün, had declared orthodox eight years before. Spared execution by the death of al-Ma'mûn, Ibn Hanbal languished in prison at Baghdad until a well-meaning relative persuaded the authorities to let him defend himself. The ensuing disputation took place before the caMph al-Mu'tasim, who did not share al-Ma'mùn's penchant for theology. In partisan accounts, each side claims to have won the debate, or at least to have exposed the incoherence of the other position. Yet the caliph does not appear to have decided the case on its intellectual merits. Rather, he merely agreed with his advisors that Ibn Hanbal's stubbornness was tantamount to defiance of the state. Even so, he did not agree to execute him, or return him to prison. Instead, he ordered him flogged and then released. Modem scholarship has only recently called the conventional account of Ibn Hanbal's release into question. ^ The early Hanbalî accounts claim that their imam's fortitude won the day. ^ Realizing that Ibn Hanbal would allow himself to be beaten to death rather than capitulate, al-Mu'tasim let him go, an account which later sources supplement with elaborate hagiographie fabrications.
    [Show full text]
  • Muslim Views on Education: Parameters, Purview, and Possibilites
    Journal of Catholic Legal Studies Volume 44 Number 1 Volume 44, 2005, Number 1 Article 9 April 2016 Muslim Views on Education: Parameters, Purview, and Possibilites Asma Afsaruddin Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.stjohns.edu/jcls Part of the Islamic Studies Commons Recommended Citation Asma Afsaruddin (2005) "Muslim Views on Education: Parameters, Purview, and Possibilites," Journal of Catholic Legal Studies: Vol. 44 : No. 1 , Article 9. Available at: https://scholarship.law.stjohns.edu/jcls/vol44/iss1/9 This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Catholic Legal Studies by an authorized editor of St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MUSLIM VIEWS ON EDUCATION: PARAMETERS, PURVIEW, AND POSSIBILITIES ASMA AFSARUDDIN' INTRODUCTION Islam is frequently characterized as a "religion of the Book," the Book in question being the Qur'an, the central revealed scripture of Islam. The first word said to have been uttered by the angel Gabriel in roughly 610 C.E., which initiated the series of divine revelations to the Prophet Muhammad, was Iqra. (lit. "Recite" or "Read"). The full verse commands, "Read in the name of thy Lord who [has] create[d all things]."' The act of reading or reciting, in relation to Islam's holy book and in general, thus took on an exceptionally sacrosanct quality within Islamic tradition and practice, as did the acquisition of particularly religious knowledge by extension. "Are those who know and those who [do not] know [to be reckoned] alike?" asks the Qur'an.2 The Qur'an depicts knowledge as a great bounty from God granted to His prophets and their followers through time.3 Believers also took to heart the Prophet's counsel to "[s]eek knowledge even unto China," which sanctified the journey, often perilous, undertaken to supplement and complete one's education, an endeavor known in Arabic as rihlat talab al-'lm (lit.
    [Show full text]
  • The Abbasid Dynasty: the Golden Age of Islamic Civilization The
    The Abbasid Dynasty: The Golden Age of Islamic Civilization The Abbasid Caliphate, which ruled the Islamic world, oversaw the golden age of Islamic culture. The dynasty ruled the Islamic Caliphate from 750 to 1258 AD, making it one of the longest and most influential Islamic dynasties. For most of its early history, it was the largest empire in the world, and this meant that it had contact with distant neighbors such as the Chinese and Indians in the East, and the Byzantines in the West, allowing it to adopt and synthesize ideas from these cultures. The Abbasid Revolution The Abbasid Dynasty overthrew the preceding Umayyad Dynasty, which was based in Damascus, Syria. The Umayyads had become increasingly unpopular, especially in the eastern territories of the caliphate. The Umayyads favored Syrian Arabs over other Muslims and treated mawali, newly converted Muslims, as second- class citizens. The most numerous group of mawali were the Persians, who lived side- by-side with Arabs in the east who were angry at the favor shown to Syrian Arabs. Together, they were ripe for rebellion. Other Muslims were angry with the Umayyads for turning the caliphate into a hereditary dynasty. Some believed that a single family should not hold power, while Shiites believed that true authority belonged to the family of the Prophet Muhammad through his son-in-law Ali, and the Umayyads were not part of Muhammad’s family. All these various groups who were angry with the Umayyads united under the Abbasids, who began a rebellion against the Umayyads in Persia. The Abbasids built a coalition of Persian mawali, Eastern Arabs, and Shiites.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Guardians of Religion: Islam and Authority in the Middle East
    THE NEW GUARDIANS OF RELIGION: ISLAM AND AUTHORITY IN THE MIDDLE EAST A.Kadir Yildirim, Ph.D. Fellow for the Middle East, Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy March 2019 © 2019 Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy. Wherever feasible, papers are reviewed by outside experts before they are released. However, the research and views expressed in this paper are those of the individual researcher(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the Baker Institute. A.Kadir Yildirim, Ph.D. “The New Guardians of Religion: Islam and Authority in the Middle East” This report is part of a two-year project on religious authority in the Middle East. The study is generously supported by a grant from the Henry Luce Foundation. The New Guardians of Religion: Islam and Authority in the Middle East Introduction On September 24, 2014, more than 120 Muslim scholars from around the world released an open letter to the Islamic State (IS) leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi.1 Among the original signatories were prominent Islamic scholars, including Sheikh Shawqi Allam, Abdul- Rahman Abbad, Mohammad Ahmad Al-Akwa’, Majdi Ashour, Osman Bakr, Abdallah bin Bayyah, Al-Habib Muhammad Luthfi bin Ali bin Yahya, Mustafa Ceric, Abdullah Fadaaq, Sheikh Ali Al-Halabi, Din Syamsuddin, and Muhammad Al-Yacoubi. While the letter itself is a strong statement condemning the Islamic State’s instrumentalization of religion for vile political purposes and a notable attempt to undermine its religious legitimacy, it is also remarkable for a different reason: the letter received little international media attention and resonated even less as a rallying point for the global Muslim population, raising questions about the nature of religious authority in Islam and religion’s political utility.
    [Show full text]
  • Umidissertation Information Service
    INFORMATION TO USERS This reproduction was made from a copy of a manuscript sent to us for publication and microfilming. While the most advanced technology has been used to pho­ tograph and reproduce this manuscript, the quality of the reproduction Is heavily dependent upon the quality of the material submitted. Pages in any manuscript may have indistinct print. In all cases the best available copy has been filmed. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help clarify notations which may appear on this reproduction. 1. Manuscripts may not always be complete. When It Is not possible to obtain missing pages, a note appears to Indicate this. 2. When copyrighted materials are removed from the manuscript, a note ap­ pears to Indicate this. 3. Oversize materials (maps, drawings, and charts) are photographed by sec­ tio n in g the orig in al, beginning a t the upper le ft hand com er and co n tin u ­ ing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each oversize page Is also filmed as one exposure and Is available, for an additional charge, as a standard 35mm slide or In black and white paper format. * 4. Most photographs reproduce acceptably on positive microfilm or micro­ fiche but lack clarity on xerographic copies made from the microfilm. For an additional charge, all photographs are available In black and white standard 35mm slide format.* *For more information about black and white slides or enlarged paper reproductions, please contact the Dissertations Customer Services Department. Dissertation UMI Information Service University Microfilms Iniernational A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 N.
    [Show full text]
  • The Baghdad Manifesto (402 AH / 1011 CE) a Re-Examination of Fatimid-Abbasid Rivalry Dr Shainool Jiwa
    The Baghdad Manifesto (402 AH / 1011 CE) A Re-Examination of Fatimid-Abbasid Rivalry Dr Shainool Jiwa This is an edited version of the article published in“The Fatimid Caliphate: Diversity of Traditions” ed. Farhad Daftary and Shainool Jiwa. I.B. Taurus in association with the Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2017, London; pp 22-79. Introduction Just over a century after the Fatimids had established their caliphate in North Africa in 297 AH / 909 CE, and four decades after the transfer of their capital to Cairo in 362 AH / 973 CE, the Abbasid caliph al-Qadir bi’llah (r. 381–422 AH / 991–1031 CE) issued what became known in Muslim historiography as the Baghdad Manifesto. Proclaimed publicly in the Abbasid capital in 402 AH / 1011 CE, and subsequently read out across the Abbasid lands, its principal purpose was to invalidate the Alid lineage of the Fatimids and thus their claim to be the descendants of the Prophet, through his daughter, Fatima, and Ali b. Abi Talib; and by these means to render illegitimate their claim to be vested with the sole legitimate, universalist authority and leadership of the Islamic world. Coverage of the Baghdad Manifesto acquired some prominence in early 20th-century Orientalist scholarship on the origins and early history of the Fatimid dynasty.1 Limited access to Ismaili sources and an over-reliance on Sunni chronicles written after the 6th AH / 12th CE century in which the Manifesto had become a valid source on the origins of the Fatimids were among the salient features of the scholarship in this period.2 However,
    [Show full text]
  • The Islamic Inquisition ( Al-Mihna ): a Case Study in Academic Warfare by Amir Al-Hajj Tahir Abdullah
    SANKORE' Institute of Islamic - African Studies International www.siiasi.org The Islamic Inquisition ( al-Mihna ): A Case study in Academic Warfare By Amir al-Hajj Tahir Abdullah In spite of the accelerated growth of the Islamic domains that occurred under Umayyad 1 rule, by the mid 8th century the Umayyad Amirs (Governors) had fallen out of favor with the masses due largely to governmental policies that gave primacy of the Arabs over their newly conquered non-Arab/Muslim populace. There emerged among the non-Arab segments of the Dar al-Islam “alienation” 2 and resentment over the rule of the Umayyad’s that had become synonymous with political nepotism, religious impropriety and oppression of the—ahl’l bayt, family of the Prophet Muhammad 3. Adding to this was the fact that many of the Umayyad rulers justified their shortcomings by exclaiming that everything they did was the will of God, even if their actions ran contrary to Islam’s religious prohibitions. 4 In response to the Umayyad’s theological fatalism there emerged a group of scholars lead by Hasan al-Basri who utterly refuted he idea of God sanctioning “the evil that men do.” Al-Basri argued that God, indeed, had pre-determined the fate of mankind, however, He also gave man the limited free will to choose between right and wrong. The theologians who clung to this idea of God allowing man the ability to choose became known as Qadariyya (believers in free will). This debate between the fatalist Umayyad Caliphs and scholars who upheld the concept of “free-will” was
    [Show full text]
  • The Interrogation of Ahmad Ibn Hanbal
    WHO IS THE ACCUSED? THE INTERROGATION OF AHMAD IBN HANBAL Nimrod HuRvrrz Ben Gurion University In the years 217-218 A.H., the 'Abbásid caliph al-Ma'mün (d. 218) spent most of his time in northern Syria waging war on the Byzantines. In the course of doing battle with old enemies, he felt secure enough to open a new, internal front against the very popular and highly esteemed muhaddithUn (transmitters of anecdotes about the Prophet). Though he was busy with the northern campaign, he found time to write a letter to his governor in Baghdad that set off interrogations that came to be known as the mihna (Inquisition). This initiative was probably the outcome of the advice that the mutakallimün (theologians) gave al-Ma'mün, and his earnest intention to help them in their decades-long struggle against the muhaddithUn for spiritual supremacy. Over the next fifteen years, numerous scholars were asked about their views regarding the createdness of the Qur'an. Those who did not state that it was created were subjected to a variety of punishments such as incarceration, torture and loss of stipends. It was only during the early part of al-Mutawakkil's reign (probably between the years 234-237) that this poHcy ended. Al-Ma'mün, his mutakallimün advisers, and their muhaddithUn adversaries reaHzed that the mihna raised more issues than the single article of faith that was being debated. The mihna was also about their ability to disseminate ideas within the Islamic community. Therefore, on the sidelines of the interrogations, a battle over public opinion took place.
    [Show full text]
  • Reaching a New Understanding of the Andalusi Ulama of the Taifa Kings
    REACHINREACHINGG AA NENEWW UNDERSTANDINUNDERSTANDINGG OOFF THTIlEE ANDALUSIANDALUSl 'ULAMA'ULAMA'OFTIlE' OF THE TAIFTAIFAA KINGKINGSS ERERAA (1013-1086(1013-1086)) bbyy WilliaWilliamm MM.. MalMalczyckczyckii A thesithesiss submittedsubmitted ttoo ththee facultfacultyy ooff thethe UniversityUniversity ooff UtahUtah iinn partiapartiall fulfillmentfulfillment ooff ththee requirementrequirementss foforr ththe degredegreee ofof MasterMaster ooff ArtsArts inm MiddleMiddle EastEast StudiesStudies -~ HistoryHistory DepartmentDepartment ofof LanguaLanguagegess andand LiteratureLiterature TheThe UUniversitniversityy ofof UtahUtah AugustAugust 20012001 CopyCopyrighrightt © WilliaWilliamm MM.. MalczyckMalczyckii 20012001 AllAll RightRightss ReservedReserved THE UNIVERSITY OF UTAH GRADUATE SCHOOL SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE APPROVAL of a thesis submitted by William. M. Malczycki This thesis has been read by each member of the following supervisory committee and by majority vote has been found to be satisfactory. ���v� . Chair: Peter von Sivers Peter Sluglett ,),I t(/� ( rj Bernard Weiss THE UNIVERSITYOF UTAH FINAL READING APPROVAL To the Graduate Council of the University of Utah: I have read the thesis of William M. MalCk)'ckiin its final form and have found that (1) its format, citations, and bibliographic style are consistent and acceptable; (2) its illustrative materials including figures, tables, and charts are in place; and (3) the final manuscript is satisfactory to the supervisory committee ad is ready for submission to The Graduate School. Ij"--:-9
    [Show full text]