In the Blue Nile Area of Sudane Field Notes and Interviewɓs [Günther Schlee and Al-Amin Abu-Manga]

Fulin the Blue Nile Area of Sudane Field notes and InterviewƁs [Günther Schlee and Al-Amin Abu-Manga]

Halle (Saale) 2017

Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology Department ‘Integration and Conflict’ Field Notes and research Projects XVI Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology Department ‘Integration and Conflict’ Field Notes and research Projects XVI Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan: Field Notes and Interviews Published by Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, Halle (Saale) P. O. Box 11 03 51 D - 06017 Halle /Saale (Germany) Phone +49 (0) 345 2927 0 http://www.eth.mpg.de ISSN 2193-987X Authors: Günther Schlee and Al-Amin Abu-Manga Series Editor: Günther Schlee Assisted by: Viktoria Zeng and Robert Dobslaw Cover Photo (29120312_1609.jpg): Young Fulɓe in the Dinder region (Sudan), 2010 © Günther Schlee Printed 2017 by Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, Halle (Saale) © 2017 Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology Table of Contents

Series Editor’s Preface ...... iv Introduction ...... v

The Chronological Account...... 1

Interview: Sheikh Baabo Umar...... 51 Interview: Mustafa al-Makki Ali...... 69 Interview with Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno...... 89 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi ...... 153 Interview: Abdu Umar (Darwe)...... 205 Interview with Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Arab...... 223 Interview with Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Malle...... 237

Bibliography...... 269 Index...... 273 Other Volumes in the Series...... 284 Book Publications...... 286 Series Editor’s Preface (Günther Schlee)

About the series This series of Field Notes and Research Projects does not aim to compete with high-impact, peer-reviewed books and journal articles, which are the main ambition of scholars seeking to publish their research. Rather, contribu- tions to this series complement such publications. They serve a number of different purposes. In recent decades, anthropological publications have often been purely dis- cursive – that is, they have consisted only of words. Often, pictures, tables, and maps have not found their way into them. In this series, we want to devote more space to visual aspects of our data. Data are often referred to in publications without being presented systematically. Here, we want to make the paths we take in proceeding from data to con- clusions more transparent by devoting sufficient space to the documentation of data. In addition to facilitating critical evaluation of our work by members of the scholarly community, stimulating comparative research within the institute and beyond, and providing citable references for books and articles in which only a limited amount of data can be presented, these volumes serve an important function in retaining connections to field sites and in maintaining the involvement of the people living there in the research process. Those who have helped us to collect data and provided us with information can be given these books and booklets as small tokens of our gratitude and as tangible evidence of their cooperation with us. When the results of our research are sown in the field, new discussions and fresh perspectives might sprout. Especially in their electronic form, these volumes can also be used in the production of power points for teaching; and, as they are open-access and free of charge, they can serve an important public outreach function by arousing interest in our research among members of a wider audience.

iv Series Editor’s Preface Introduction Günther Schlee

The interview transcriptions compiled in this volume have been made in the early years of my research project ‘Ethnicity in new contexts: emergent boundaries and pluri-ethnic networks in the East of the Republic of Sudan’, financed by the German Research Board (grant SCHL 186/9–1). A number of publications have resulted from this project (e.g., Feyissa and Schlee 2009; Schlee 2000, 2009), and a book manuscript is still living a shadow life in the shape of a growing number of documents on my computer, many of them undergoing constant growth and revision, since I have not managed to stop going back to Sudan year after year. Data and research materials, abundant as they are, can in the meantime be made available for whoever wants to work with them. All the interviews included in the present volume were carried out with Fulɓe (Fulani) interlocutors between 1996 and 1998. Most of these interviews were conducted in Sudanese Arabic. We (Al-Amin Abu-Manga and I) developed a rather elaborate format for their transcriptions with three columns, from right to left: Arabic in Arabic characters, Arabic in Latin characters, English translation. Both Arabic columns render the language actually spoken, not any written standard, although knowledge of Standard Arabic might have an influence since, doing a transcription, one often hears what one expects to hear. The middle column contains additional information because here vowels are rendered in their actual values; so here we have e and o, while in Arabic short vowels, unless in words of foreign origin, are not written and letters only exist for Á, Ð, and Ù, as e and o are absent in Standard Arabic. Without the information in this middle column a reader not familiar with the local dialect would only succeed to read the text aloud in the form of a somewhat remote approximation. The project did not have a special focus on Fulɓe. It was about ethnicities evolving through interaction with each other and could therefore not take any given ethnicity as its starting point.1 Using another approach, we (e.g., Diallo and Schlee 2000) have not examined interaction in a given regional context, but have compared different ways to be Fulɓe across Africa in different ethnic contexts as our starting point.2 In the present context, the Fulɓe identity of the interlocutors has just been taken as the criterion for the selection of the interviews to be published in this volume. Interviews with non-Fulɓe have been omitted here. There would have been many other possibilities, but

1 A project report in German can be found under http://www.eth.mpg.de/3660065/ sudan01.html (‘Abschlußbericht zum Projekt ‘Ethnizitäten in neuen Kontexten: Abgrenzungsprozesse und pluriethnische Vernetzungen im Osten der Republik Sudan’’). 2 See also Schlee (2011), Schlee and Guichard (2007, 2013).

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan v choices needed to be made. In a later volume in this series (‘Old Fulani in the Sennar Area (Sudan)’), Al-Amin Abu-Manga will present another set of interviews in the same fashion.

The next section of this volume entails excerpts from the field notes I wrote during trips to Eastern Sudan and to Western Ethiopia,3 where Fulɓe pastoralists of the Blue Nile area have been moving seasonally with their livestock in the 1990s. The section with field notes will help to situate the interviews in their context. It is followed by the transcriptions of the interviews which are themselves organised in chronological order. An index at the end allows searches in the volume.

Acknowledgements On the trip undertaken in summer 1996, my first field research in the Sudan, I was accompanied by my 11-year-old son Hassan because I thought that to have a child in one’s company would be a door opener and ease access. I was right in thinking so. Some of the photographs in this volume were taken by Hassan. On one trip to Damazin, we were accompanied by Al-Amin Abu-Manga’s much younger brother Anwar who was of great help. Much appreciation is due to Martine Guichard for her editorial work on the material compiled in this volume and her valuable suggestions for improving its readability. The texts in Arabic have profited greatly from the critical reading by Kim- Eileen Endrikat.

3 See also Schlee (2013).

vi Introduction Map 1: The Blue Nile area and the neighbouring regions

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan vii

The Chronological Account Günther Schlee

TRIP 1 – eastern Sudan (July – August 1996) Monday, July 22, 1996 Damazin

In the Suq of Damazin my Fulfulde-speaking companion, Anwar Abu-Manga, and I, accompanied by my 11-year-old son Hassan, are able to identify some Mbororo on the basis of their appearance. They direct us to their local spokes- man, Sheikh Baabo Umar, who agrees to accompany us to a nomadic Mbororo hamlet. A taxi takes us northwards on the tarmac road for about 25 km; then we hire a tractor which takes us eight km to the west, across the open range. Herds are driven away as we approach. An old man under a tree begins ablu- tions for his ʿaṣr prayers (afternoon prayers) just as we arrive, apparently in order to gain time; he trusts that we will not take any belligerent action against him while he is praying. After the prescribed prostrations, he takes his rosary and mumbles “God help me” in Fulfulde over and over. Reassured by the presence of Sheikh Baabo Umar, more and more people gather around us. The semi-spherical huts are covered by plastic sheets. The lower arms of the women are laden with brass bracelets, and the young men have their hair plaited backwards in thick tresses – conspicuous deviations from the standard northern Sudanese Muslim dress code. Hassan Schlee takes photographs. The old man answers a couple of questions, but soon Sheikh Baabo takes over as the respondent.

Photo 1 (H255_014): Sheikh Baabo Umar (with the white turban) and Anwar Abu- Manga (blue trousers). The photograph was taken on our first visit to a camp of nomadic Fulɓe in the Blue Nile area of Sudan. (Hassan Schlee, 1996)

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 1 Jul 22, 1996

Photo 2 (H255_004): The area for women and their belongings in a camp of nomadic Fulɓe in the Blue Nile area (Hassan Schlee, 1996)

Tuesday, July 23, 1996

Anwar and I conduct a taped interview in Arabic with Sheikh Baabo Umar in a hotel in Damazin. He states that his father left the Sokoto area of northern Nigeria when the British arrived. His group moved via Maiduguri and Yarwa into Cameroon and then into Chad, north of N’Djamena, close to the Lake. They stayed for nine years near the rivers Saadi (Chari?) and Kuuri (?) and then crossed with the Sultan Mai-Wurno, a descendant of ʿUthmaan dan Fodio, into Sudan, by way of Nyala. They moved at the pace of livestock, pausing frequently, so that the whole relocation from Sokoto to the Nilotic Sudan took decades. The name of their breed of cattle is kuuri ḥamra (‘red kuuri’ or big red zebus with relatively long horns). They sell them only for slaughter. Arabs or Dinka do not want to acquire them for breeding because they are not well adapted to their husbandry practices. They are large, demanding animals, which need much pasture and have to follow the rains. They are not suitable for being kept around villages. “Their bull is close in height to a camel.” Next they will go north to Wad an-Nail which is their turning point (some actually move up to Abu Na’ama), and then they will move south again to Malakal (Upper Nile). Sheikh Baabo mentions Jaasir (= Jaasira?), Beeke (Begi on maps), Rumbela, and Baamaasa as place names, the last as a crossing point into Ethiopia. Ethnic groups the Mbororo encounter on their southern migration include Oromo and “Tirikaaka” (?). The latter live close to Kenya and are on bad terms with the Oromo. There are always problems with Dinka, “because they are Southerners”. Sheikh Baabo mentions a major cattle raid by Dinka against Mbororo in the

2 The Chronological Account Jul 23, 1996 region of Nasir. In such cases the Mbororo call the (northern Sudanese) army for help. Relationships with the Oromo are peaceful. They are mixed farmers and do not compete directly with the nomadic Mbororo. The Mbororo buy calves from them. Sheikh Baabo claims that, otherwise, the cattle of the Mbororo (whose specialty is cattle herding!) would be depleted. Arabic serves as the language of communication with Oromo and others in the Beni Shangul area, although it is only spoken by part of the population. On the Sudanese side of the Sudanese-Ethiopian border, there are frequent fights withGumuz. Only where Oromo are in charge, there are no problems. The category ‘Gumuz’ comprises many groups such as the Funj, the Gawaala, the Jabalawiin (= “Mountain people”), Berta, Ragaarig (= “Blacks”), Falaatik, and Junjumaana (= Jumjum). So much for the interview with Sheikh Baabo. (For the full text of the interview, see pp. 51–68)

The Oromo mentioned here may be settlers on the western fringe of the agricultural expansion of the Oromo or refugees living in camps under the control of the OLF (Oromo Liberation Front). The latter had a marked presence in the Sudan at this period. The OLF suspected the Sudanese government of trying to appropriate aid from Europe and America that was intended for the Oromo, and there was a struggle for control.

Tuesday, August 13, 1996 Maiurno

Interview with Sa’id Adam, Jaafun, about the composition of the Fulɓe community in the Sudan. Sa’id is a Pullo (sing. of Fulɓe) from the Central African Republic. He came to Sudan two years ago via Nyala. He heard of Maiurno on the radio in the Sudan and he wants to study the Qur’an here and then return to the Central African Republic. In the Central African Republic Sa’id lived in Buar. He tended livestock, either his own or his father’s. He wants to study the Qur’an out of interest, and he wants to preach Islam in the Central African Republic to those who know little about it and to non-Muslims. Sa’id is 30 years old and unmarried. His father has long since urged him to get married, but Sa’id wanted to study the Qur’an first. According to him, the Jaafun often intermarry with other Fulɓe. However, his father and mother are both Jaafun. The wuro (hamlet) in which Sa’id lived with his father often changed in size, ranging from 5–20 houses. It was not only inhabited by Jaafun. Even though Sa’id states that there have been many marriages between Jaafun and other Fulɓe from that hamlet, the marriage practices of his siblings suggest otherwise.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 3 Aug 13,1996 4 The Chronological Account The

Fig. 1: Marriages of Sa’id’s siblings Aug 13, 1996 In Maiurno, he has relatives and he found good study opportunities. All those who are Muslim and speak Fulfulde are here referred to as relatives by Sa’id. He cannot identify any closer ties to anyone in the Sudan. In Damazin, to where he travelled in order to visit a friend and fellow Qur’an student, he met some Jaafun. There are none of them in Maiurno. None of Sa’id’s family had ever been in the Sudan. Not even in connection with nomadic movements. Sa’id had never left the Central African Republic before. His father had been born in Nigeria. He belonged to the Fulɓe ladde (‘bush Fulɓe’) who follow the pasture conditions. That is how his father came to the Central African Republic as a grown-up herd owner.

Eastward-Drift: Nomads from Sudan bring livestock to the Central Af- rican Republic for sale. There are, however, no nomadic migration from the south. Newcomers always come from the west: from Nigeria and Cameroon. When Sa’id’s family came to the Central African Republic, there were already other Fulɓe ladde there, Ijje. There are also Umm Bororo (Mbororo) with braids, who recently came from Chad to the Central African Republic. The Fulɓe, who have already been set- tling there for a longer period, are not Umm Bororo but other Fulɓe ladde: Jaafun, Ijje, Daneeji, Ba’en, Gambiranko’en, Gootanko’en (“the united ones”). Among the Fulɓe in the Central African Republic there are Qur’anic teach- ers who move around with their groups of origin. This evening a bright fire serves as a reading light. The lauḥa (wooden tablets for writing and studying the Qur’an) here are shorter than among the Somali. Sa’id states that the Fulɓe ladde have no camels, but use oxen as pack animals for their belongings. He heard from Fulɓe Jaafun, whom he had met in Dama- zin, that the area they cover during their seasonal movements comprise Yabus (Ethiopia), Juba and Dindiro (between Damazin and Kurmuk). These Fulɓe say that the civil war affects them and that they are attacked by the “Blacks”.

Tuesday, August 20, 1996 Wad an-Nail

Awad, a helpful younger colleague from the University of Sennar, Abu Na’ama, and I try to contact Mbororo in Wad an-Nail. Women who are selling milk from house to house are easily recognisable as Mbororo by their naked shoul- ders, their bead ornaments, their brass bracelets, their tresses, and the milk containers on their heads; but they know little Arabic and are very shy. We meet these Mbororo women in a Southern Sudanese neighbourhood where their evasive reactions to the researchers or to a ‘helpful’ mediator they encounter in the street evoke condescending laughter among the local women. Mbororo men are also conspicuous from afar by their shape and colour. While Arabs and those who have adopted Arab ways of life wear wide, white

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 5 Aug 20, 1996 garments, the Mbororo have a preference for close-fitting vests and for the colour blue. (There is a beautiful example of the silhouette as a cultural marker in Klumpp and Kratz [1993: 204], which shows the Maasai female silhouette.) Through a medical practitioner, we finally make contact with two Mbororo men, one of whom has come to town for treatment. The other one has heard about me from Sheikh Baabo Umar, who is his mother’s brother. An appointment is made for the next day, the 21st of August.

Wednesday, August 21, 1996

Map 2: Seasonal movements of Mbororo (Adaamu’s group)

6 The Chronological Account Aug 21, 1996 We are joined by a young Mbororo man called Adaamu who speaks fluent Oromo and tells me, in this language, about the migratory route of his residential cluster. He asks me where I learned my Oromo. The answer is “in Kenya”. Adaamu then replies that he has travelled almost as far as Kenya as well. He has crossed the rivers Baro, Gilo, and Akobo in Ethiopian territory (see map 2). In their seasonal migration, the members of his group travel about 700 km, as the crow flies, from the northern turning point, which is located here, to the southern turning point.

Tuesday, August 22, 1996

Today Awad and I come again from Abu Na’ama to Wad an-Nail. The patient, a certain Maahi Bello, who had had sleeping sickness, is cured and has been sent home. He wants to show us his home, but feels too weak to walk. We rent a Landrover, but later the driver turns back without us because he is afraid of getting stuck in the mud. After a walk of one and a half hours, we hear human voices and the lowing of cattle. We meet a migrating group of Mbororo with bent sticks, which are used as frames in building houses, loaded in bundles on the back of oxen. The Somali transport their houses on camel-back in a similar way. Small children are sitting on top of these loads or riding on donkeys. A little later we meet the group to which Maahi Bello, the cured patient, belongs. Women are just beginning to drive stakes, to which housing frames and storage scaffolding will be tied, into the ground. Men are twisting leather strips into rope; smaller strings for tethering calves will be attached to such ropes. After the greetings, we are offered angarebs (stretchers), which are of the same type as those of sedentary villagers, though quite a bit smaller. People unloading their animals of burden in the neighbourhood greet each other rather formally. They appear not to have settled together at the previous location. Women bring us tea without sugar. Sugar is the largest single item of expenditure in many Sudanese households, and its absence seems to be an indicator of relatively weak market integration. They also bring half calabashes filled with milk. After their playful attempts to communicate with me in Fulfulde and Oro- mo, which are largely unsuccessful (in the case of Fulfulde because of my limitations, and in the case of Oromo because of the limitations of my hosts), we continue the conversation in Arabic. The inhabitants of the hamlets that are clustered together here do not have fixed seasonal routes; rather, they decide, depending on the conditions of the pasture, whether to move into Upper Nile province or to cross into Ethiopian territory. In the south, there are frequent conflicts withD inka, who capture cattle and women, then with- draw quickly and to a great distance, so that they cannot be held accountable for their actions. In one case, Dinka captured Mbororo women. The Mbororo then fled from the Dinka, going to Ethiopia. Later, some of the captured women managed to escape from the Dinka and rejoin their families in

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 7 Aug 22, 1996 Ethiopia, but others stayed with their captors. The man who tells this story says that he came to Sudan as a small boy in the 1950s from West Africa. The night sky above us inspires me to ask some questions about the names of stars and their significance. The man, who came to Sudan in the 1950s, knows no such names or stories. But he says that his father once told him that the French had written down that kind of information in Niger. There seems to be some awareness of Marguerite Dupire’s work on the Woɗaaɓe (1962). Awad repeatedly stresses how respectfully the Mbororo treat each other and contrasts their conduct with that of Arabs. When an elderly man ap- proaches, everyone gets up from his angareb, crouches down, and mumbles some benedictions. Tea is poured in the order of the seniority of the recipi- ents. The Mbororo explain this behaviour with reference to the fear that younger men have of the curse of their seniors. Arabs regard the conduct of the Mbororo with some admiration, apparently because it conforms to ideals that they hold, but do not themselves achieve. A young man with long tresses stands upright against the starlit sky, look- ing over the tethered herd. He plays the lyre (rabaaba) all night long and sings – apparently for the cows, which are thought to have the ability to warn and to protect human beings from dangers coming from the bush. Neverthe- less, he might also have human females on his mind while singing. On the occasion of marriage the tresses are shorn off. Longitudinal folds remain visible in the scalp for a long time in the places where the skin has been pulled together by tight plaiting.

Friday, August 23, 1996

In the morning we leave Maahi Bello’s settlement. The walk back to Wad an-Nail takes four hours and 15 minutes at a good pace. The distance may have been about 25 km. Some women come with us, balancing large calabashes full of milk on their heads. We had been warned of Arabs on the way who occasionally rob and beat passers-by.

8 The Chronological Account Photos 3–4 (G230_2002Sudan_136; G230_2002Sudan_166): Nomadic Fulɓe of the Blue Nile area (Günther Schlee, 1996)

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 9 Photos 5–6 (G230_2002Sudan_152); G230_2002Sudan_107): Nomadic Fulɓe of the Blue Nile area (Günther Schlee, 1996)

10 The Chronological Account Photos 7–8 (G230_2002Sudan_158; G230_2002Sudan_101): Nomadic Fulɓe of the Blue Nile area (Günther. Schlee, 1996)

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 11 Photo 9 (G230_2002Sudan_106): In a camp of nomadic Fulɓe in the Blue Nile area (Günther Schlee, 1996)

12 The Chronological Account TRIP 2 – EasteRN SUdan (decemBer 1996) Thursday, December 5, 1996 ShAikh Talha

(Sketch) Map 3: Maiurno and surroundings

Interview with Mustafa al-Makki Ali about the history of Shaikh Talha, the village opposite to Maiurno on the right bank of the Blue Nile (see map 3). The focus is on the arrival of the people who were going to found Maiurno and the relationship between the two settlements. (For the full text of the interview, see pp. 69–88)

Monday, December 9, 1996 MAIURNO

Al-Amin Abu-Manga has gone to Wad Medani and to interview Fulɓe men about the history of Maiurno. These men are Abdurahman Ali Baabikir Jaafun, Abdalmoneim Isma’il Abu-Bakr al-Qadi and Abu-Bakr Ahmad Orabi. Their account offers a Maiurno perspective on the relationship between Maiurno and Shaikh Talha. It also offers rich insight into the settlement history and the development of urban professions. (For the full text of the interview, see pp. 89–152)

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 13 TRIP 3 – EasteRN SUdan (MARCH 1998) Thursday, March 5, 1998 Abu Na’ama

In the preceding year, northern Sudanese oppositional forces, in alliance with the SPLA (Sudan People’s Liberation Army), invaded the Kurmuk region, up-river from the research area. I was advised not to come because I might not receive a travel permit. Awad reports that in 1997, just as in 1996, the Mbororo stayed in the area from about the end August to early December before moving south again. The women, if they got a lift in a car, sold milk as far north as Abu Hujaar and Singa. Some women, including some with children, stayed around Singa and offer services such as fetching water. From the bus, I have seen herds of cattle in which the red and brown colours pre- dominate. Awad comments on this by pointing out that Mbororo have sold young bulls to traders. In both 1996 and 1997, the southern migration did not lead far beyond Damazin. Beyond that, land mines have been planted.

Saturday, March 14, 1998

Professor Al-Amin Abu-Manga and I undertake a trip to the villages along the Blue Nile between Wad an-Nail and Damazin. In Sireu, we interview Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi, a settled Pullo (sing. of Fulɓe) whose family was originally from Adamawa, Cameroon. He is a learned man, 80 years of age. The Mbororo are featured only incidentally in this interview, which concerns, mainly, the history of the village of Sireu and other villages of settled Fulɓe that were founded by its inhabitants. In the Sudan, these two Fulɓe groups are lumped together with other groups originating from West Africa, such as Hausa and Kanuri, under the category ‘Fellata’ (also ‘Fallaata’ or ‘Fallata’). In all the interviews included in this documentation as well as in the present text, however, the terms ‘Fellata’, ‘Fallaata’ and ‘Fallata’ are only used to refer to Fulɓe. (For the full text of the interview, see pp. 153–203)

Monday, March 16, 1998

Al-Amin Abu-Manga and I meet Mbororo in Sireu. An interview is conducted with a group of men, including Abdu Umar, who does most of the talking. Since he turns out to be the older brother of Sheikh Baabo Umar, I ask him to convey my greetings to him. The interview is later transcribed in Fulfulde and translated into English. Armed conflicts with a warlike character have prevented the members of this group from taking their usual route of southward migration. Localities they have frequented in earlier years include the following: Khor Dunya,

14 The Chronological Account Mar 16, 1998 Agagir, Gargade, Abu Garib, Bagis, Burgub, Bangas, Salbul, Fadumiyya, Deral, Jabal Marafa, Dunduru (Dindiro on maps), Kukuli, Shali, Lelel. Abank’uru (= Abanƙuru on p. 206), Yabus Ghaba, Kubri Yabus (“the bridge over the Yabus”), Gosha, Pampam, and Dugubele. From Kubri Yabus, a route is said to lead into Ethiopia, specifically to Kabanga, Bambashi (Bambesi on map 1, map 2, map 5, and in the following), and Jaasira, the farthest point they reach in that direction. Another route leads from Dugubele to Garsuma, Dote, Bailo, Dajo, Kikile, Disa, Mayyut (Mayot), Nyiligel, Jikaw, Telus, Yika, and finallyGambela. They used to arrive in Gambela around May, having left the Damazin area in September. Other people whom we interviewed, and who were also members of Abdu Umar’s group, sometimes stayed on the Sudanese side, in Upper Nile Province, when the conditions were favorable there. The Mbororo occasionally had to make payments for water to “Burun, Ingessana, Dawwala, Uduk, Koma, and the Southerners.” Later, Burun and Uduk used to shoot at Mbororo on sight. This led the Mbororo to avoid these groups by going into Ethiopia. With the proliferation of low level administrative authorities, life has become more difficult for Mbororo, even in the relatively peaceful areas of the Sudan. All types of taxes are extorted from them wherever they go. (For the full text of the interview with Abdu Umar and several Fulɓe men belonging to his group [Mbeewe’en], see pp. 205–221)

Monday, March 23, 1998 WAD HASHIM ARAB, WAD HASHIM

Wad Hashim evolved from four smaller villages that have grown together over the years. However, only two of these smaller villages are now completely contiguous: Wad Hashim Arab and the original village of Wad Hashim Malle (see map 4).

Interview with Ahmad Idris Wad Um Dam and Fadl as-Siid Muhammad Fadl as-Siid about the early history of the Fulɓe settlements along the Blue Nile. (For the full text of the interview, see pp. 223–235)

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 15 Mar 23,1998

(Sketch) Map 4: Wad Hashim

Tuesday, March 24, 1998 YOUNGER WAD HASHIM MALLE VILLAGE, WAD HASHIM

As shown on map 4, two of the four villages from which Wad Hashim has grown are locally called “Wad Hashim Malle”. The Wad Hashim Malle located south of Wad Hashim Arab fissioned into an additional part some decades ago. The latter part is that referred to here as younger Wad Hashim Malle village (and which also corresponds to Wad Hashim West on the map).

Interview with Al-Amin Ahmad Yousif and Ahmad Yahya Abdullahi about the migrations of these “Fallaata Malle” from Mali and their economic history in the Sudan. Al-Amin Ahmad Yousif’s life of a trader has taken him across a large part of East and Central Africa. (For the full text of the interview, see pp. 237–266)

16 The Chronological Account TRIP 4 – EasteRN SUdan (SEPTEmBer 1998) Tuesday, September 24, 1998 Abu Na’ama, University of Sennar

The dean of the Faculty of Agriculture, Dr. Salah el-Din Abd el-Gayoum, has spoken with an old Mbororo lady who was beaten by the militia of an organisation called BLO (?) in the area south of Damazin. All of the other inhabitants of her camp were massacred. The Mbororo no longer dare to move south.

TRIP 5 – EasteRN SUdan (MAY 2000) Thursday, MAy 18, 2000 Abu Na’ama

During last year’s rainy season (khariif), Awad met Maahi Bello, the conva- lescent of 1996, again. Maahi’s settlement is quite close to the main road in order to protect agricultural fields, which have expanded in the area, from damage. That is why a donkey belonging to a woman who lives in his hamlet was hit by a lorry. Awad regrets that there is no proper range management. Pockets of agriculture are everywhere. There are no corridors for nomads.

TRIP 6 – WESteRN Ethiopia (FEBRUARY 2001) Monday, February 19, 2001 Gambela

While visiting Dereje, a doctoral student of mine in Gambela, I have the opportunity to meet with both a photographer, Amanuel, who had photo- graphed Mbororo in Gambela, and Amtallaqa, a government worker from the Ministry of Agriculture, who had been in close contact with them (for a fuller account, see Schlee 2008, Ethiopian Diary 2001–2002 / Tagebuch Äthiopien 2001–2002, entry from February 2001, 19). Amtallaqa had been very keen to meet me because Dereje had told him that I speak Spanish. Amtallaqa never misses an opportunity to speak that language. Amtallaqa was taken to Cuba at the age of 14. The Cuban experience and his belief in internationalism also seem to have shaped Amtallaqa’s relationship to the Mbororo. Some words about his background may, therefore, be appropriate here. Amtallaqa went to Cuba after his father, who had volunteered to fight in the Ogadeen war (1977–78), was killed in action. Cuba had offered to train war orphans. Amtallaqa’s sister also went to Cuba, where she was trained as a pharmacist. Amtallaqa spent his formative years in Cuba, and his love for Cuba extends beyond the language to the leaders of the country and the martyr of the socialist revolution, Che Guevara. He is pleased to hear that I, like many Germans of my generation, at one stage had Che’s picture on my wall.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 17 Feb 19, 2001 Amtallaqa’s interest in the Fellata who came here might be seen in connection with his socialist internationalism and his general interest in foreigners. After the change of government in 1991 he stored the equipment of a Japa- nese anthropologist for a whole year in his house, until this anthropologist found it safe to come back to Ethiopia. He is full of stories about other foreigners he has met. Some of the Fellata speak Oromo, as I discovered to my delight when I met a group of them – possibly the same ones that Amtallaqa had already met – near Abu Na’ama in the Sudan. Unfortunately, Amtallaqa does not speak any Oromo, and the Fellata spoke neither Amharic nor Spanish. He hosted them in his house and became good friends with them, especially with a certain Usmaan, who gave him a bow and a quiver full of arrows, which he had brought along to show us (see photograph in Schlee 2008, Ethiopian Diary 2001–2002 / Tagebuch Äthiopien 2001–2002, entry from February 2001, 19). Others had tried in vain to purchase such items from the Mbororo. But communication between Amtallaqa and Fellata appears to have been very basic. He has no information about the migration routes of the Mbororo or the names of their sections. The last time Fellata were here was in 1997–98. This was the only time that Amtallaqa met them. They had a single headman, “un solo jefe”. The provincial administration tried to send them back to Sudan; but the local population was afraid to help implement this policy, because the Mbororo were believed to have magic ways to defend themselves. As far as visual features are concerned, Amtallaqa noted the Mbororo preference for the colour blue, which is also illustrated by the photographs he had brought along. The economic activities he recalled included the sale of milk and butter by Mbororo women. Through the sale of cattle for slaughter, which is a male activity, the Mbororo alone met the entire local demand for beef. Amtallaqa had a number of stories about Mbororo magic. His name means ‘lieutenant’. This led a Fellata he met in a bar to believe, mistakenly, that he was a powerful person. The owner of the bar had been a prisoner of war in Somalia for 11 years and had learned some Arabic. The two managed to play a joke at the expense of the Fellata. Amtallaqa demanded a bribe for allowing the Fellata to stay. The Fellata asked him what it was that he wanted, and Amtallaqa asked for a love charm. The Fellata removed various kinds of medicine from their plastic wrapping and instructed Amtallaqa to rub his body with this mixture after bathing on three subsequent Fridays. Later, he tried the medicine to see if it was effective. Even married women agreed to go with him for the mere asking. (A proper testing procedure would, of course, also require making the same proposition to women without the love charm.) He then became afraid (of being accused of disturbing the social order?) and threw away the remainder of the medicine.

18 The Chronological Account Feb 19, 2001 In another incident, somebody had insulted a Fellata in Oromo by calling him an “animal” (Oromo: bines). The offended Fellata took two nails, the length of Amtallaqa’s finger, out of his pockets and inhaled them through his nostrils. He then threatened to retrieve them through the penis of his offend- er. The latter did not delay in eating his words and in clarifying that the Fel- lata was by no means an animal. He was thus saved from having to endure the procedure. On another day, a Mbororo woman came to Amtallaqa’s office. He gave her three Birr for tea. She asked him whether she could help him in any way. He replied that his wife had continuous pain in her left breast. The woman left, and Amtallaqa’s wife never had any pain of that sort again.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 19 TRIP 7 – WESteRN Ethiopia (November 2001) Saturday, November 17, 2001

Map 5: Part of a trip from western Wollega to Beni Shangul, undertaken in winter 2001 (waypoints 031–032, 062, 070, 077, 085, 091, 093, 097, 101, 112, 116)

Travelling through western Wollega and Beni Shangul from Gambela to Bambesi, I make some inquiries with the assistance of Getinet. In a number of localities, we try to find out what people remembered about the last visits of the Fellata to the region. We also meet a Pullo who had become the hired herdsman of a local Oromo sheikh. The picture that emerges of the migratory routes of the Mbororo is more differentiated here than the one conveyed to us by our Gambela informants. The attitudes of the local people towards the

20 The Chronological Account Nov 17, 2001 Fellata correspond closely to what has been reported for Gambela.

Overnight stay in Shabal (a stopping-place on the way to Bambesi via Dambi Dolo [Dembi Dolo on map 1, map 2 and map 5; see entries for the following days).

Shabal Waypoint 031: Lat. 8° 29′ 16.79″ N / Long. 34° 35′ 3.52″ E

“Mbororo passed through here about five years ago. I saw two groups of about 50 persons, including women and children. They were travelling off- road through the forest. Their household items were loaded on donkeys and oxen. They stayed for some time below Shabal and then turned north-west through the lowlands, in an area called Anger. People mistrusted them because of their magic and, therefore, did not buy milk from them.”

Sunday, November 18, 2001 Muggi Waypoint 032: Lat. 8° 34' 18.26" N / Long. 34° 36' 10.43" E

There is an inconsistency between the mapping provided here and some other maps. At the coordinates where I have located the town of Muggi, some maps give the place name “Gobi”.

“I saw some Fellata passing through Muggi seven or eight years ago. There were about 200 men in groups of eight to ten with lots of cattle. They came from Machaara (Mechara on some maps), beyond Dembi Dolo, and went down to the Gambela region. They stayed below Shabal before the check- point at the bridge to the west of the road. Other Mbororo came from the opposite direction. They had pants, which reached below the knee. They were tall and “brown” like Somali. Their cattle were huge. They had loaded some of their belongings on oxen and carried others on their heads. People were afraid of their magic and did not buy their milk.”

Monday, November 19, 2001 Dembi Dolo Waypoint 062: Lat. 8° 31′ 56.07″ N / Long. 34° 47′ 56.31″ E

“Five or six years ago, Mbororo stayed in the Dembi Dolo area for about a year (!). They had come from the north-east along the main road and were said to have moved on to Gambela via Muggi. They used to sell milk and oxen for slaughter.”

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 21 Nov 19, 2001 “In spite of the rural character of Dembi Dolo and even though many people keep some cows even in town, it is difficult to buy milk here. This may explain why the milk offered for sale by the Mbororo was in demand.”

Wednesday, November 21, 2001 Chanqa town Waypoint 070: Lat. 8° 51′ 43.7″ N / Long. 35° 4′ 19.33″ E

“Eight or nine years ago, Mbororo passed through seven km north-west of here at Qaaqe (Kake on some maps). They had cattle, camels, sheep, and goats. They sold cattle to the local people, but these did not succeed in breeding with them. There are none left. They moved on, so it was said, to Begi.”

Saturday, November 24, 2001 Abraamo (Berta village) Waypoint 085: Lat. 9° 59′ 22.46″ N / Long. 34° 30′ 36.06″ E

Most inhabitants have gone to the market in Asosa. Our interlocutor is 16 years old. He speaks Arabic (with me) and Amharic (with the others). He tells us that two years ago, in winter (fii shitaaʿ), there were Mbororo (Fel- lata, Umm Bororo) in the area. There were only men and boys. The other members of the families had been left on the Sudanese side, in the Yabus area. They had 3,000 to 4,000 cattle with them. They came to the village to sell milk, cattle for slaughter, and even heifers for breeding. These died later in an epidemic, but some of their mixed offspring from Berta bulls have survived among the Berta. The Mbororo cattle are not disease resistant. The Mbororo stayed near Fufur, 30 km west of Asosa. Their cattle did not come closer than Abush, 20 km south-west of Asosa. Mbororo men came to the market in this village. They did not go to Asosa town because they were afraid of the administration and the police. They did not come to the mosque. Local people were worried about overgrazing with so many cattle around. In the end the SPLA raided the Mbororo, killing some, and took all of the cattle at Kudush, west of Asosa.

Monday, November 26, 2001 Fulɓe camp near the bridge across the Qashmando Waypoint 091: Lat. 9° 35′ 48.3″ N / Long. 34° 40′ 11.27″ E

Muhammad Zakariya, an impoverished Pullo, works here as a herdsman. Muhammad Zakariya says that he is Woyla. The Woyla are one of the Fulɓe groups, and as such comparable to Mbororo, Jaafun, Gamba (= Gambiranko’en?), Booɗi, and Ngara. They originally come from Mali and are thus “Fallaata Malle”. Muhammad knows Sheikh Baabo Umar in

22 The Chronological Account Nov 26, 2001 Damazin. But his own sheikh there is Suleymaan Bello, the Woyla sheikh. According to Muhammad, Sheikh Baabo is in charge of the group referred to as “Mbororo” in the narrow sense of the term. As implied in the preceding passage the term ‘Mbororo’ is sometimes used in a broader sense and applied to various groups of nomadic Fulɓe, as opposed to settled Fulɓe. In some other situations, it has a more specific meaning and is just employed to refer to one section of nomadic Fulɓe in particular (apparently Mbeewe’en; see also entries for September 23, and September 25, 2002). Concerning the SPLA raid against nomadic Fulɓe (or Mbororo in the wide sense of the term; see entry from November 24, 2001) Muhammad explains that it took place four years ago in the month of Dahiyya (= ʿArafa). That was during the rainy season. Many of his own cattle were also taken. The cattle belonged to different Fulɓe sections: Mbororo, Jaafun, Gamba, Woyla, and Fallaata Malle. All pack-oxen were killed or taken. The women had to carry the household items themselves. In one attack, there were 40 dead among the nomadic Fulɓe; in another attack, 12 men, women, and children were killed. The police did not even come to look. The police themselves had tried before to expel the nomadic Fulɓe, and they now seemed to welcome the SPLA action. The nomadic Fulɓe then concluded an agreement with the SPLA. The SPLA received 100 sheep as payment for letting these Fulɓe move away without further molestation. The SPLA took the sheep but attacked the nomadic Fulɓe again nevertheless. Muhammad does not know how many lives were lost in this last raid.

Photo 10 (664_024): Muhammad Zakariya (Günther Schlee, 2001)

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 23 Nov 26, 2001 In earlier years, Muhammad’s residential group seems to have been moving regularly between the low-lying Yabus area and Beni Shangul. Muham- mad decided seven years ago to stay here. For the others this form of tran- shumance found a violent end four years ago. (I found other members of the same group in a fully functional nomadic hamlet in October 2002 north of Damazin, Blue Nile State, Sudan; see below, entry for October 2, 2002) Muhammad’s six-year-old daughter was born after he had been here for a year. She knows both Oromo and Fulfulde and is to go to school. Four of his children live with Muhammad; other children live with his other wife near Yabus. Muhammad has not heard from them in seven years. But he seems confident that they are still alive.

Begi Waypoint 097: Lat. 9° 20′ 53.25″ N / Long. 34° 31′ 46.9″ E

“Fellata were around here in the forest from 1993 to 1997. They sold butter and cattle for slaughter. Both were cheaper than the products of the local Oromo. The taste of the meat was different. The butter was a bit watery and only fetched 8 Birr/kg as compared to 10 to 12 Birr/kg. Then the Fellata moved back towards Kurmuk. They came and went in small groups. On the average there were 50 to 60 families in the area who owned 50 to 60 cattle each.”

(Sketch) Map 6: Seasonal migration routes of Mbororo around Qelem

24 The Chronological Account Nov 26, 2001 Qelem Manamo Waypoint 101: Lat. 9° 10′ 45.94″ N / Long. 34° 31′ 42.11″ E

“The Fellata moved in three quarters of a circle around Qelem. They came from Sambo in the west, moved on to Gidami south of here and on to Gaara Arba in the north. They were here for four years, until 1992. There were around 500 men (500 household heads). They had many cattle, mostly around 100 each. The very rich ones had up to 4,000 head. They sold cattle, butter, and sheep. In that period the OLF controlled the region. The local population urged them to expel the Fellata. The reason was overgrazing and erosion. The red earth was lying bare. The Fellata then lingered for a while in the mountains before gathering at Gaara Arba and migrating towards Bambesi in the Berta area. On their migration they passed Cha’i, Qanqalca, Sambo.”

Tuesday, November 27, 2001 Qaaqe (Kake on map 5 and some other maps) Waypoint 116: Lat. 8° 55′ 42.2″ N / Long. 35° 2′ 33.82″ E

“The Mbororo were last here in 1993. They mostly stayed in the Qeeto area below Dembi Dolo. The local population complained about overgrazing. Mbororo cattle are very destructive. They ate and even uprooted the high, hard savannah grass, which is not touched at all by the local cows. The Mbororo had much butter, which they sold.”

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 25 TRIP 8 – easteRN sudan (September – October 2002) Monday, September 23, 2002 Wad an-Nail

On the market place of Wad an-Nail, Awad and I meet Abdullahi, the ḍaamin for the Mbororo, or “guarantee man”, as Awad translates this term (see con- tributions to Schlee, 2004, for similar functions in livestock markets elsewhere). The security officer who had quizzed us at the bus stop had already pointed him out to us, identifying him as sheekum, or “their sheikh”. Abdullahi explains to me that he is a Rufa’a Arab, but that he has had deal- ings with the Mbororo since 1963. They come here every rainy season, and he is responsible for them as a ḍaamin, i.e., he has to guarantee that the animals they come to sell have not been stolen. He claims to speak Fulfulde perfectly. He explains that the Mbororo will move south again in October/November in spite of the war. According to Abdullahi, the following sections (khashm al beyt) are now present in the area: ▫▫Mbororo (in the narrow sense of the term); ▫▫Weyla (= Woyla); ▫▫Daneeji (bagar abyaḍ – [Fulɓe group with] “white cattle”); ▫▫Uuda; ▫▫Fallaata Malle; ▫▫Dagara; ▫▫Booɗi.

Abdullahi says that the nomadic Fulɓe (Mbororo in the wide sense of the term) who spend the rainy season in the Wad an-Nail area come from the south, from Yabus, Jikaw, and Gambela. (In fact, they come from quite a few different areas, and we met none who have been inside Gambela State, Ethiopia, this year.) Abdullahi himself was with Mbororo in Jikaw during the last dry season (ṣeef), as he has been for the last three years. He accompanies them as a trader, selling salt and medicines. He describes his route, which leads along the road to Geesan (Geissan), then to Musay, Gooja, Baabar, Undu, Ahmar Dallu, Raaba, Kashan Karo, Khartuum be l Leel (literally: “Khartoum by night”), Khor ad-Dahab (= Khor ad-Dhahab; “Gold Valley”), Jabal Faabo, and Musai. All these locations are within Blue Nile State, Sudan. In Musai one crosses into Ethiopia. He claims that there are no problems on the Ethiopian side with the population or the authorities. (In this Abdullahi agrees with Mbororo informants, who never report difficulties encountered in Ethiopia or say explicitly that there were none. Odd- ly, this contradicts information collected from Ethiopians, who emphasise the ecological damage caused by Mbororo and report attempts to expel them. A possible explanation for this apparent contradiction is that the difficulties

26 The Chronological Account Sep 23, 2002 experienced by the Mbororo in Ethiopia pale in comparison with what they have to face in the southern parts of the Sudan [Southern Blue Nile and Upper Nile] each year and, therefore, soon fade from memory.) The Mbororo only go to Jikaw in the dry season. I tell Abdullahi that Nuer cattle there wade in the flood in the rainy season and graze under water. He confirms that he has heard this, but he has never seen it himself.

We rent an old Toyota Landcruiser, with a certain Ya’aquub as owner/driver, and, taking a Mbororo named Derdi along, set out to find the hamlet ofMaahi Bello, our old acquaintance. His brother, Harun Bello, addresses me in Oromo. He says that he (and that applies, basically, to the other members of this hamlet) was in Oromia for three years. He first went there nine years ago and stayed for three years, but he has not gone there for the past six years. Later he says seven years. He names the following locations:

Coordinates, if found on Place names map(s) or located by GPS Comments (+ waypoint No.)

Dambi Dolo Lat. 8° 31' N (Dembi Dolo Long. 34° 47' E on some maps)

See notes from November 26, 2001. Probably Gaara Arba, north of Qelem Manamo (waypoint 101: Lat. 9° 10' Gabba Arabi 45.94" N / Long. 34° 31' 42.11" E). But: the information gathered in Qelem Manamo in November 2001 refers to the time before 1992.

Sambata Gudda Waldurra Walbaata Jimmaata

Lat. 8° 57' 19.99" N Jimma (near Long. 34° 44' 38.12" E Dembi Dolo) Waypoint 112

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 27 Sep 23, 2002 Sonka

Lat. 9° 20' 53.25" N Beeki (Begi) Long. 34° 31' 46.9" E Waypoint 097

Lat. 9° 28' 41.8" N Kobor Dafinno Long. 34° 33' 35.4" E Waypoint 093

▫ In another enumeration:

Coordinates, if found on Place names map(s) or located by GPS Comments (+ waypoint No.)

Baye Ndogo Waddo Goodere Guddu Julu Baddeesa Gunfi

Mandi (Mendi Lat. 9° 48' N on some maps) Long. 35° 6' E

Gaara Korma Gaar Arba

Jichaw (Jikaw Lat. 8° 22' N on some maps) Long. 33° 46' E

Warr Ababo

Gaara Arba (questionable Gabba Arabi identification)

Jimmaata Walbaata Sambal Durra Sambata Gudda Aboote Sonqa

28 The Chronological Account Sep 23, 2002 Gabba Arbi

Dambi Dolo Lat. 8° 31' N (Dembi Dolo) Long. 34° 47' E

Lat. 8° 14' N Gambela Long. 35° 15' E

The identity with Bonga on the Lat. 8° 10' N map is almost certain. The Bongo Long. 34° 50' E Uduk refugee camp there is known to the informant.

Lat. 8° 12' N Itang Long. 15° 42' E Wadisa Teebo

Daajo (Dago Lat. 9° 12' 6" N or Dago Post Long. 33° 57' 29" E on some maps)

Pachume Yeng’o Ganzo

Lat. 9° 20' 53.25" N Beeki (Begi) Long. 34° 31' 46.9" E Waypoint 097

Dargo

Kubri Yaabus Lat. 9° 57' N (Kubri Yabus Long. 34° 10' E on some maps)

These places have all been mentioned as stopover points in the migration of the camps with their herds. Individuals, of course, have a wider range of mobility. In addition to the above-mentioned localities, Harun Bello has visited the markets in the following towns:

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 29 Sep 23, 2002 Coordinates, if found on Place names map(s) or located by GPS Comments (+ waypoint No.)

Lat. 9° 30' 34.11" N Najo Long. 35° 29' 47.93" E Waypoint 077

Naqamte Lat. 9° 5' N (Nek’emte Trip by car Long. 36° 32' E on some maps)

Lat. 8° 14' N Gambela Long. 35° 15' E

Lat. 7° 53' N Informant claims to have seen Abobo Long. 34° 32' E the lake.

In 1997, when the northern National Alliance, jointly with the SPLA, took possession of Kurmuk, this group was on the Ethiopian side of the Sudanese- Ethiopian border. They fled back into Sudan. There seems to be some reluctance to talk about losses in people and animals in connections with these events, but there appear to have been such losses. Since then (presumably he means in these eastern reaches), Harun’s and Maahi Bello’s people have not been further south than Khor Bakoori, south of Damazin. In the dry season (ṣeef) of this year, they have been in Adaariyel (Ad- Dariel on map 8), an oil area in Upper Nile. The oil people have drilled wells there and have allowed the herds to drink. At one point Harun says that they have never paid any fees to anyone for water and grazing. Only zakat and the herd tax were paid to agencies of the Government of the Sudan (GoS). But later he mentions that, some four or five years ago, they had to make payments to Shayoor, a Nuer militia leader who delivered the payments to Nasir, to Riek Machar. That was before Zubair Mohamed Salih, the second man in the GoS, was shot down with his aeroplane. In this area there is a water problem. (Access to the Nile is blocked by settlements and gardens. Nomads rely on natural and artificial ponds, which collect rain water.) When the water here is gone, they want to go south, but not to the areas of Geissan and Kurmuk because mines have been planted there. They will probably take a more westerly route and then cross the border with Ethiopia near the Takaamul Scheme.

30 The Chronological Account Wednesday, September 25, 2002 Abu Na’ama

Elhadi, a young lecturer at the University of Sennar (see in the meantime Osman 2009, 2013; Osman and Schlee 2014), Abu Na’ama, tells me about Saaleh Bank, a Mbororo leader who was killed three months ago near Malkan, in the Funj region, by the SPLA. That was before Geissan was recaptured from the SPLA by the GoS. Saaleh Bank had three wives, one in Mazmum, one in Boot, and one with the cattle. He had fought more than a hundred battles. He was rich in cattle. He loved war. The GoS supported him. The opposition accused him of killing civilians. The government knew about his death before the news had spread locally. This shows how much the GoS depended on him. Harun Bello told Elhadi that the Mbororo hold the GoS responsible for the death of Saaleh Bank. They did not give him sufficient logistical support, failing to supply him with the necessary ammunition and water, for example. Recently, after the occupation of Torit by the SPLA, the GoS wanted to recruit mujaahidiin among the Fellata to recapture that Equatorian town. This request was at first denied. In the end, 50 fighters were named reluctantly. At this point, I depart from the chronological order and continue with more information on Saaleh Bank. He appears to be a legendary figure. On the evening of October 2, 2002, in a camp west of Khor Dunya occupied by Woyla, another nomadic Fulɓe group, a man who has just come back from the fighting reported how Saaleh Bank and his group ran out of water and were encircled. He insisted that there was no bullet hole in Saaleh Bank’s body, but that he was struck down by the explosion of a bomb. This appears to be important because of the belief that he was “bullet proof” as a result of some magic – which, of course, is of little help if one is killed by the impact of something other than a bullet.

Back to my notes on September 25.

Religious practices: Others have described the Mbororo as less literate and less well versed in Islamic practice than other Fulɓe cattle nomads (see the interview with Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi, March 14, 1998, who contrasts Mbororo with Jaafun, Booɗi and Duga). Therefore, I ask Maahi Bello about religious instruction for the children. He says that there is a khalwa (Qur’anic school) with a Qur’anic teacher named Faki Muhammad, a Mbororo. (It seems to be some distance away, since we do not hear or see anything of it later in the night.) The grown-ups in this group cannot read or write. He knows some suras by heart. The children do not know much about reading and writing either, but they have made a start. The other tribes in the area (I ask about Jaafun, Booɗi and Duga) are roughly on the same level.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 31 Sep 25, 2002 Some individuals are literate, others not. A middle-aged man – the youthfulness of his face is somewhat contra- dicted by the white stubble of the beard surrounding it – carries a whole bundle of ḥijbaat (amulets) around with him. Some of these leather pouches with Qur’anic writings sewn into them – the Somali would call them hersi – are pretty big, almost the size of an A6 pocket calendar. I ask him why he carries so many. He has inherited two of them from his father. He seems to be proud of his knowledge about medicine and magic. He draws our attention to the man next to him who is uttering magical formulas over a rope, which is meant to protect a cow from miscarrying. The middle-aged man does not seem to like Sheikh Baabo Umar. He tells me that Sheikh Baabo was rejected and “got lost to Khartoum” (waddar lee al Khartuum). He might look for some other occupation there.

Diseases and parasites: According to Awad, miscarriages in cows can be caused by brucellosis. He believes this disease to be widespread here. Not only the frequent miscarriages among cows, but also the symptoms about which many people complain (fever, headache) support this assumption. Near the path, I see a heap of human faeces that is full of large worms. Repeatedly, ticks have to be removed from my body. Awad is surprised that the Mbororo care little about diseases. Several of the Mbororo visitors at the market in Wad an-Nail told him that they felt sick, but they had not sought medical care or even gone to a pharmacy. Several of Maahi Bello’s children are suffering, presumably from malaria. In the genealogies that I have collected (see below), no mention is made of children who have died, and birth spacing looks suspiciously regular. But there must be considerable child mortality.

Composition of the settlement: I collect some genealogical data, then ask where the people mentioned are living. Then I proceed the other way round, listing the houses which are visible from where I am sitting and asking who is living there and how they are related to the others, in order to get some rough ideas about residential and marital patterns and group composition.

32 The Chronological Account Fulɓe in theBlueNile Area ofSudan

Fig. 2: The father of Maahi and Harun, the late Bello Usmaan, and his wives and children Sep 25,2002 33 Sep 25, 2002 The first summary statements, according to which all of Bello Usmaan’s children were in the same area and staying with the cattle, was not quite true for this set of full siblings, the only one for which data about residence and occupation was gathered systematically.

Fig. 3: Harun Bello’s own family

Harun has only one wife. He was 15 when he got married. As the diagram shows, his wife is the daughter of his MB (khaal; Fulfulde: kaawiraawo). All his children are in the area and occupied with the cattle. The first four of them are married. Adam has a child of three years; the others do not have any children yet.

Fig. 4: Maahi Bello’s own family

Usmaan and Mumin, the FFs of the couple, are believed to be brothers, which would make Maahi and Aisha wad ʿamm/bitt ʿamm (i.e., patrilateral parallel second cousins) to each other.

34 The Chronological Account Sep 25, 2002 The name of the putative shared father of Usmaan and Mumin is not remembered. Chronological clues for estimating the children’s years of birth were the construction of the highway to Damazin, 1990, and the attack on Kubri Yabus, 1995.

(Sketch) Map 7: The neighbourhood of Maahi and Harun Bello

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 35 Sep 25, 2002 Relationships between the households:

▫ No. 1, Harun Bello, is a half-brother of No. 2, Maahi Bello. ▫ No. 2, Maahi Bello, is married to Aisha, daughter of No. 3, Ali Abdullahi Mumin. ▫ No. 3, Ali Abdullahi, and No. 4, Abu-Bakr Abdullahi, are FBs of No. 5, Ali Adam. ▫ No. 5, Ali Adam, is married to Hawa, sister of Maahi Bello, No. 2. ▫ No. 8, Naasir Buuba, is FZSS of Maahi Bello, No. 2.

Fig. 5: Kinship relationship between households No. 8 and No. 2

▫ No. 8 is FBS of No. 7, Isa Abdullahi. ▫ No. 9, Buuba Abdullahi, is the father of No. 8. His other sons (No. 10, No. 11, No. 13 and No. 14) are located behind him (from Maahi’s house, near which the ethnographer was sitting, to the south).

Fig. 6: Kinship relationship between households No. 8 and No. 7

36 The Chronological Account Sep 25, 2002 ▫ No. 9, Buuba Abdullahi, is FZS of No. 1 and No. 2.

Fig. 7: Kinship relationship between household No. 9 and households No. 1 and No. 2

Residence and occupation of siblings: I then ask Harun about the residence and occupation of his full siblings. He cannot give me the same information about his half-siblings and other sets of siblings with any cer- tainty, but, as systematic questioning is a bit tedious, I decide that it has been enough for one evening and let free conversation take its course. The letters a-c and e-h refer to fig. 2 above (Bello Usmaan, his wives, and their children) a) Naair Bello lives a bit further north, beyond the trees. His first wife, Tooma, is said to be a remote patrilateral parallel cousin. In the case of his second wife, Kaltuma, as well, the relationship cannot be traced to named ancestors. Naair’s MF and Kaltuma’s FF are believed to be related somehow, which makes her a type of bitt khaal (MBD).

Fig. 8: Kinship relationship between Naair and his second wife Kaltuma

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 37 Sep 25, 2002 b) Faatna is likewise living beyond the trees (further north). She is married to Isa Abdullahi, her FZS.

Fig. 9: Kinship relationship between Faatna and her husband Isa Abdullahi

c) Haliima lives in Agade, south-west of Damazin. She is related to her husband, Isma’il, through the brother of a co-wife of her mother. This makes her husband a sort of wad khaal (MBS) to her. They are nomadic cattle pastoralists.

Fig. 10: Kinship relationship between Haliima and her husband Isma’il

e) Haadi Bello is now staying with his cattle at Kumai, near Agade. His wife, Aisha Abu-Bakr, is Mbororo, but not a traceable relative.

38 The Chronological Account Sep 25, 2002 f) Usmaan Bello lives in the Ingessana Hills. He is a sedentary farmer in a village. His wife, Baakiita, might be a matrilateral second cousin.

Fig. 11: Kinship relationship between Usmaan and his wife Baakiita

The mother of Usmaan (and of his entire set of full siblings) is very old and can no longer move with this nomadic hamlet. For four years now, Usmaan has lived with her in the Ingessana village. Most of his cattle are here, but he keeps some milk cows for his household. The milk cows are exchanged for fresh ones from the nomadic herd each time the latter passes through the vicinity. g) Adam lives next to his brother Naair (a). His wife Narba is his FFBSSD.

Fig. 12: Kinship relationship between Adam and his wife Narba

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 39 Sep 25, 2002 h) Duudu lives close to here. She is married to Ali, a type of wad khaal through the co-wife of her mother, another mother so to say. The same figuration as c (see fig. 9 above).

Fig. 13: Kinship relationship between Duudu and her husband Ali

From the perspective of alliance theory (i.e., of the men involved), one can see this as a delayed exchange: Muhammad gives his sister, Tooma, to Bello, and the latter reciprocates by giving his daughter, Duudu, to Muhammad’s son, Ali. From a female perspective one might theorise that such an arrangement limits rivalry between co-wives. Any parental investment of the shared husband in his children by a co-wife becomes more tolerable to a woman if, ul- timately, a relative of her own benefits from these investments by marrying one of these children.

Thursday. September 26, 2002

Some 300 m to the south of the settlement of Maahi and Harun Bello, there is a group of Daneeji (Fulɓe with “white cattle”). This group comprises four households. I film the white cattle and photograph some members of that group of Daneeji; the topics include: collecting blood-sucking flies and heating butter to produce ghee. These Daneeji are originally from Mali and are therefore included into the wider category ‘Fallaata Malle’. The last place they stayed before coming to Sudan was Nigeria. The man who tells me this is in his mid-forties. The migration took place when he was an infant.

Saturday, September 28, 2002 Mbororo camp south of Maahi and Harun BELLO’s place

This Mbororo camp is quite close to the tarmac road, just to the east of it. A young man tells me that they spent the ṣeef (dry season) between Jikaw and Nasir. They had many problems with Nuer and SPLA, who simply took cattle. Presumably on an earlier occasion, he has gone as far as Abobo.

40 The Chronological Account Sep 28, 2002 We move on to another camp (farig) west of the road and the defunct rail- way line, which now is used for nomadic migrations, since it is straight and clear of vegetation and allows herds and pack animals to move more quickly. Harun Ibrahim Barka, who has accompanied us from Wad an-Nail, originally planned to visit someone further west, but we would not have gotten there before sunset. The members of this camp were also in Adaariyel during the dry season. The old man who appears to head this hamlet, Sheikh Muhammad Saaleh Muhammad Abu-Bakr, tells us about problems they had with Nuer in the south. They do not accept any law. The Mbororo would go to the qaaḍi (Is- lamic judge, and by extension Islamic court), but whatever verdict is passed it has no effect on the Nuer. They continue to take cattle by violent means. Sheikh Muhammad Saaleh Muhammad Abu-Bakr also tells Awad that some Nuer are good. They bring veterinary drugs from Kenya and sell them to the Mbororo for a lower price than they have here. Later Ali Umar Saaleh from the same group tells us that there is an organisation which brings human and veterinary medicinal drugs and food from Kenya into the Southern Sudan (Lifeline Sudan?). The Nuer do not want to share these services with the Fellata. He himself has been prevented by Nuer from getting in touch with this organisation. If the Nuer sell drugs to the Fellata, the prices are about half of what they are here. The Nuer themselves get the drugs for free. A young man shows us his membership card in a militia. It is called Katiibat al Haqq al Mubiin – “Clear Truth Militia”. The card is sealed in plastic. This militia consists entirely of Mbororo. Its leader, named Baabikir Barka, lives in Agade. The Woyla have their own militia, whose leader was Saaleh Bank.

Sunday, September 29, 2002

In the night it rained, so we decide to go back to the asphalt road. There we meet Adam Jibriil, a MBS of Harun Ibrahim Barka. Notes from the conversation by the roadside:

Adam Jibriil: His group has been to Girinti, Nasir, and Lungushu in the ṣeef. For the last several years, they have gone to this area during that season. There are Nuer there. Nasir itself is under GoS control, but a location called Keek, just to the north of it, is under the control of Riek Machar. They pay fees to GoS authorities or to the Nuer, depending on where they are. Payments are made to the maḥaliyya councils (maḥaliyya = district, locality), irrespective of who control them. In each location, separate payments must be made. Normally, each camp must pay 500 Dinar or a big sheep or goat.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 41 Sep 29, 2002 The Nuer rustle cattle and kill Mbororo each year. Recently, a camp close to here lost one woman and six men. The authorities to whom they pay taxes and fees do not take any action in such cases.

Harun Ibrahim Barka: In Subat on the Yabus, the Burun have attacked Fellata. (In a later conversation, his brother, Ali, says that the attacks occurred at Daanaja on the Yabus.) He himself narrowly escaped. His son was shot through the thigh (and taken by a military plane to Khartoum for treatment. Now he is back in the camp). Forty-five of his cows were killed. His paternal cousin, who was in the Difaʿ ash Shaʿbi (“Popular Defense Force”), was killed and his gun was taken. This happened in spite of the presence of government forces in the area.

Ali Umar Saaleh: Some Mbororo are now returning to the south. On the way to Adaariyel, there is a two-day stretch without water (Harun: three days). One has to pass it while the grass is green.

Adam Bello: From a nearby mobile residential group, the members of which are now on the move to the south again, six people were killed near Nasir earlier this year. Some of the Nuer raiders wore uniforms. They looted the camp at ten o’clock in the morning. The youths were not near the settlement at this time. When they heard of the attack, they followed the raiders and retrieved some of the stock. The net loss in the end was about 50 cows and 100 head of small stock. The day before, the same Nuer had come and asked for small stock for slaughter. The Mbororo gave them nine.

Back to the cluster of hamlets west of Wad an-Nail: Just to the north-east of Harun Ibrahim Barka’s own place, we find his brother Ali. There are five brothers and four sisters in the neighbourhood. Ali is a member of the Muʿtammar al Watani, the government party, and he is its deputy chairman in the Omodiyya of Sireu (‘Omodiyya’ refers here primarily to an administrative unit organised on a tribal basis). In the ṣeef, this group was at Bunj. There are vast lakes throughout the region. Jumjum, Burun, Uduk, Dawwala, Ragaarig, and Surkum are those who kill many “Sudanese”. With Harun, I draw a map of these southern movements. He draws the dots and I add the names (see map 8). The serial ordering reminds one of Rendille and Gabbra perceptions of space (see my paper entitled ‘Policies and Bound- aries’, Schlee 1990). The “17” north of Adaariyel stands for a location with that name: Sabaatʿashr.

42 The Chronological Account Sep 29, 2002

(Sketch) Map 8: Seasonal movements of Mbororo (Harun Ibrahim Barka’s group)

Wednesday, October 2, 2002 Woyla hamlet west of Khor Dunya

After the greetings and some small talk under the shade tree, I mention that I have been to Qashmando (see entry from November 26, 2001). This immediately gets the attention of everybody there. When I mention the name of Muhammad Zakariya, the Woyla man I have met there, I am corrected: the man in question is Muhammad Jibriil. Our main interlocutor, Abu-Bakr Ahmad Jibriil says that Muhammad is his FB. The story fits: the man in question was separated from his group before the SPLA attack five years ago (they specify that it was after the first attack against Kubri Yabus in 1994 or 1995); he herds the animals of a rich Oromo; his Fulɓe family is in the Yabus area, etc. Certainly, there are not two Muhammads in the same group and with the same biography living in Qashmando (those who pointed him out to us described him as the only Pullo far and wide). For now, it is a mystery to me why I have Zakariya as his father’s name in my notes. Did he find it con- venient in Ethiopia to affiliate himself with someone named Zakariya? Did I mishear the name? The men where we are all have two scars from apparently deep incisions from the corner of the mouth to the ears. I ask them whether all Woyla men have such scars. Muhammad in Qashmando did not appear to have any. The answer is in the affirmative. Muhammad has small scars such as these too.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 43 Oct 2, 2002

Portrait of a Woyla man

My interlocutors report that there are SPLA attacks against them every year. In one year, there are ten dead and in another five, counting only the Woyla casualties. In the south, one can no longer be sure of ones life. At any time, one can be shot or deprived of ones cattle. Fellata are known for their ability to suffer without lamenting, but what can one say now? Here, all along the Nile, Hausa have made gardens so that the cattle have no access to the water. Further south, in the Southern Blue Nile area of the Sudan (Ṣaaʿid), it is the same. In other places, the Woyla have to pay Arabs for water. But they cannot even rely on these sources. If they come a second time, the Arabs might refuse to sell them water. In Ethiopia they received medicine for their cattle free cost. Here, they have to pay for it. Sometimes a bull, sometimes small stock needs to be sold to cover these expenses. Abu-Bakr has much linguistic agility. When I ask him in Oromo whether he speaks Oromo, he answers in Amharic, saying that his Amharic is quite alright but that he only speaks a little Oromo. He also has an English vocabulary of a few dozen words and phrases, although he did not go to school. It would not be enough for a conversation, but he demonstrates his knowledge of vocabulary by enumerating the words he knows. He also claims to speak Ingessana and Burun. Of course, I understand nothing of his demonstrations. That everyone here speaks fluent Sudan Arabic, in addition to their native Fulfulde, goes without saying. The Woyla sheikh in Damazin is said to be Hassan Abu-Bakr Riiri. Muhammad in Qashmando had given another name: Suleymaan Bello.

44 The Chronological Account Oct 2, 2002 Muhammad might, of course, be referring to an earlier period. A man named Idris Abu-Bakr Usmaan says that his younger brother, Muhammad Abu-Bakr, was with Muhammad Jibriil in Gambela. The group of Abu-Bakr Ahmad, our main interlocutor, went to Gambela-Begi-Qashmando for three years, but has not done so for the last seven years. Not everyone here is a full-time herder. An elderly man, Usmaan Ahmad Saaleh, says that he has a farm in Sinja Nabaag, near Damazin. There he has a wife, children and a part of his cattle. Here, he has a junior wife, children, and more cattle. He came to Sudan 30 years ago. Ahmad Abu-Bakr explains three routes to ṣeef pastures, one to the south, one to the south-west, and one to the west.

▫ The route to the south:

Coordinates, if found on Place names map(s) or located by GPS Comments (+ waypoint No.)

Gamberda

Lat. 11° 4' N Dunduru (Dindiro) Long. 34° 7' 11" E

Saali

Keeli (Kayli Lat. 10° 50' 42" N on some maps) Long. 34° 19' 26" E

Lat. 10° 33' N Kurmuk Long. 34° 17' E

Khor Boodi Deem

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 45 Oct 2, 2002 ▫ The route to the west:

Coordinates, if found on Place names map(s) or located by GPS Comments (+ waypoint No.)

Rooro Jammaam

Lat. 11° 4' N Jirewa Long. 34° 7' 11" E

Gulli Amgar Buut Dungulawi Latam Joogdiik Gosalbiit Karaw Goos Damib Turuk

Daw (Baw Lat. 11° 19' 39.88" N on some maps) Long. 34° 5' 28" E

Baar Sheer Falloj Adaariyel Bandallu Water pools in Adaariyel Galgug Tonpoloori Kosuga Dandal The name means: “project Mashruʿ bitaʿ gism belonging to a unit (of the army)”.

46 The Chronological Account Oct 2, 2002 All sorts of wild animals live Girinti Jua there, including lions.

Lat. 8° 36' N Nasir Long. 33° 4' E

▫ The route to the south-west:

Coordinates, if found on Place names map(s) or located by GPS Comments (+ waypoint No.)

Buuk Al-Ahmar (Sidak) Wad Dabook Sillak Malkan Uulu Fooj Seeda Zarzura Donki Deleeb

Jammaam al-Gahnam

Kidwa Dabanyaawa Jine’oob Maaber Longushu

Daajo (Dago Lat. 9° 12' 6" N or Dago Post Long. 33° 57' 29" E on some maps)

Teebo

Lat. 8° 36' N Mayyut (Mayot) Long. 33° 55' E

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 47 Oct 2, 2002 Uriel Ng’elegel Malwal

Lat. 8° 22' N Jikaw Long. 33° 46' E

Lat. 8° 36' N Nasir Long. 33° 4' E

Faashimi Sonka Akulla

Lat. 8° 12' N Itang Long. 34° 15' E

Abol

Lat. 8° 14' N Gambela Long. 35° 15' E

Lat. 8° 10' N Bonga Long. 34° 50' E

Mangist Dirsha Aloro Giilo

Also Pinyudo, Funyido, etc. – Lat. 7° 40' N Funyudo the location of a large refugee Long. 34° 14' E camp

Fashala

48 The Chronological Account

Interview: Sheikh Baabo Umar Fulɓe (Fulani) Mbororo, ca. 40 years

Date and Place of the Interview: July 23, 1996; Damazin INTERVIEWER: Günther Schlee FIELD ASSISTANT: Anwar Abu-Manga Transcription, transliteration (Arabic): Günther Schlee Translation: Günther Schlee & Anwar Abu-Manga

شيخ بابو Sheikh Baabo انا مولود في السودان هنا I was born in the Sudan, here Anaa mawluud fii as في الدمازين. وابي مولود في in Damazin. And my father Suudaan hina fii ad نجيريا. وكان عمره ِّصغير. was born in Nigeria. And he Damazin. Wa abii mawluud السبب اإلنجليز خش )= دخل( was very young (when he fii Naajiiriya. Wa kaan في نجيريا. came here). The reason (for umruh ṣaghayyir as sabab the migration) was that the Ingliis khashsha (= dakhal) British came to Nigeria. fii Naajiiriya. والسلطان ميورنو طوالي خش And the Sultan Mai- Wa as Sulṭaan Mai-Wurno في مايرنو واألهل بتاعينو Wurno1 came straight to ṭawaalii khashsha fii الباديا. Maiurno with his relatives Maiurno wa l ahal and villagers. bitaaʿinuu al baadiya. وقت قمنا من هناك كان العدم When we came from there, Wagit gumna min hinaak كان موية مافي. there was lack (of water), kaan al ʿadam kaan mooya there was no water. maafi. ونحن عيشين في الخالء. كان And we lived in the bush. Wa niḥna ʿaishiin fii l زمن كل والية عندها حكومة The government at that time khalaaʾ. Kaan zaman kull براها من العاصمة. consisted of districts, each wilaaya ʿindahaa ḥukuuma of which had its own self- baraahaa min al ʿaaṣima. administration. عندها ناظر مسئول عن البالد. They had a naaẓir2 (Nazir) ʿIndahaa naaẓir masʾuul ʿan who was responsible for the al bilaad. villages. وكان الفالتة كلهم تابعين (And all Fallaata (Fulɓe/Fu- Wa kaan al Fallaata(h لعثمان إبن فوديو. وكان في lani) belonged to ʿUthmaan kullahum taabiʿin li بحر في شمال كانو اسمه ibn Fodio (ʿUthmaan dan ʿUthmaan ibn Fodio. Wa قوبِر. لقينا السلطان ميورنو Fodio). And he lived by a kaan fii baḥar fii shamaal ِقعد في شيخ طلحة. .river called Gobir in the Kano ismuhu Gobir

1 The Sultan in question was a son of Attahiru (At-Tahir), the last ruler to assume the position of Caliph in Sokoto before British rule. 2 Naaẓir: head of the highest administrative unit in the British colonial Native Administration system, a unit usually constituted by a tribe with traditional tribal land.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 51 north of Kano. We found Ligiinaa s Sulṭan Mai- Sultan Mai-Wurno staying Wurno gaʿid fii Sheekh in Shaikh Talha (town). Ṭalḥa.

س1: قبل أن جاء الى شيخ (Q1: Before he (Mai-Wurno طلحة جاء بأي طريق؟ reached there which route did he take?

وكان جاء بطريق الكمرون. And) he was coming by Wa kaan jaaʾa bi ṭariig al) قام من مي دقري من بلد إسمه way of Cameroon. He start- Kamaruun. Qaam min يروه. خش من يروه للكمرون ed from Maiduguri, from a Maiduguri min balad ismuh وقعد اربعة سنوات. village by the name of Yar- Yarwa(h). Khashsha min wa. He entered from Yarwa Yarwah le l Kamaruun wa into Cameroon and stayed gaʿad arbaʿa sanawaat. there for four years. بي بقرهم وغنمهم مروا في With their cattle and their Bee bagarahum wa كمرون خشوا في بلد في شمال goats they went to Came- ghanamahum marro fii حدود تشاد. roon having entered into Kamaruun khashshoo fii the country in the north balad fii shamal fii ḥuduud near the Chad border. Tashaad.

س2: في أدماوة؟ ?Q2: In Adamawa

أيوا، بس. .Yes, that’s it. Aiwa bas في بحر في شمال كمرون There is a lake in the north Fii baḥar fii shamaal إسمه بحر تشاد. of Cameroon called Lake Kamaruun ismuh baḥar Chad. Tashaad. وفي بحر إسمه بحر صادي ,And there is a river by the Wa fii baḥar ismuhu Saadii بحر كبير. كسرى غرب البحر. name of Saadi (Chari?), a baḥar kabiir. Kisira gharb طبعاً كبري مافي. big river. Kisira is to the al baḥar. Tabaʿan kubri west of the river. Of course, maafi. there was no bridge. عندما جاوا في تشاد قعدوا في When they came into Chad, ʿIndamaa jaaʾuu fii Tashaad جنوب انجمينا. they stayed to the south of gaʿadoo fii januub N’Djamena. Injameena. وبعد ذلك قعدوا تسع سنوات And after that they stayed Wa baʿad dhaalik gaʿadoo قرب بحر صادي وكوري. nine years near the rivers tisʿa sanawaat gurb baḥar ومن هناك في السلطان إسمه Saadi and Kuuri (?). And Saadii wa Kuurii. Wa min السلطان ميورنو وبتاع البادية from there, there was a hinaak fii s Sulṭan ismuh as حقه ومن هناك في الوكيل Sultan by the name of Sulṭan Mai-Wurno wa bitaaʿa Sultan Mai-Wurno, and the l baadiya hagu wa min عبارة عن ُمشرف البادية إسمه مؤمن بتابعوا. villages belonged to him. hinaak fii l wakiil ʿibaara And further on there was a ʿan mushrif al baadiya

52 Interview: Sheikh Baabo Umar deputy in charge of the ismuhu Muʾmin bitaabiʿuu. villages by the name of Mu’min. خمسة من كبار األم برورو Five elders of the Umm Khamsa min kibaar al استعدوا لدخول مايرنو. قاموا Bororo (Mbororo) were Umm Bororo istaʿaddo le دخلوا في منطقة في حدود prepared to go to Maiurno. dukhuul Maiurno. Gamoo الزالنجي. They started to come here dakhaloo fii manṭiga fii (i.e., in this region, Sudan) ḥuduud az Zaalinjee [= from a place within the Zaalingee]. borders of Zalingei. وجوا عن طريق نياال غرب And they came by way of Wa joo ʿan ṭariig Nyaala انداكوا )= أم دافوق( وجزء Nyala, west of Andako (Um gharb Andaakoo (= Um منهم خش في قابة. Dafoog) and some of them Daafoog) wa juzʾu minhum entered by Gaabah. khashsha fii Gaabah.

س3: وابوك وعائلتكم جاء من Q3: And your father and family came by which route? ّأي طريق؟

جوا ]= جاوا[ في نياال عملوا They went to Nyala and Joo fi Nyaala ʿamaluu fiihi فيه تالت )= ثالث( سنوات. (spent three years there. talaata (= thalaatha sanawaat. من هناك ابوي عد )= ذهب( =) From there my father went Min hinaak abuy ʿadda طوالي جاء في األبيض عملوا straight to El Obeid and dhahab) tawaali jaaʾa fii al حلة أم حجر غرب والية النيل founded the village Um Ubayyiḍ ʿamalu ḥilla Um األبيض. منوا عبروا بالبحر Hajar, west of the White Ḥajar gharb wilaayat an اربعة عشر سنة. منو عدوا الى Nile Province. From there Niil al Abyaḍ. Minnu كوستي ومنو الى مايرنو. they moved in the area ʿabaru bi l baḥar arbaʿata around the river for 14 ʿashara sanna. Minnu ʿaddu years. From there they went ila Kosti wa minnu ila to Kosti, and from there to Maiurno. Maiurno.

س4: جئيتم كلكم مع السلطان Q4: Did you all travel ميورنو؟ -together with Sultan Mai Wurno?

من هنا خالص من هنا إسم From this point, from here Min hina khalaaṣ, min فالتة لي ملكان رئاسة كلو to Malakal the leadership of hinaa ism Fallaata lee بتاعو ميورنو. all of the Fallaata (Fulani) Malakaan riʾaasa kullu belonged to Mai-Wurno. bitaaʿu Mai-Wurno.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 53 س5: منذ أن قاموا من نايجيريا Q5: From your departure حتى مايرنو كم سنة؟ from Nigeria until you reached Maiurno, how many years did it take?

قاموا من سكتو حتى كمرون They started from Sokoto. Gaamu min Sokoto ḥatta واحد وعشرين سنة. ماشين To Cameroon (it took them) Kamaruun waaḥid wa براحة لقايت البهايم ترتاح. years. They went slowly ʿishriin sanna. Maashiin 21 من كمرون حتى تشاد أربع at the pace of the livestock beraaḥa laggait al bahaaim وعشرين سنة. which needed) rest. From tartaaḥ. Min Kamaruun) Cameroon to Chad (it took) ḥatta Tshaad [= Tashaad] 24 years. arbaʿa wa ʿishriin sanna. In the area between Chad Min Tshaad ilaa as من تشاد الى السودان ّتموا تمانية سنة. and Sudan they stayed eight Suudaan tammo tamaaniya years. sanna. بعد داك خشوا نياال. تبعاً بعد Then they entered Nyala. Baʿad daak khashshuu داك خشوا السودان خالص. Then, of course, they Nyaala. Tabaʿan baʿad daak entered Sudan finally. khashshuu as Suudaan khalaaṣ. لي هسع في ناس قعدين في Up to today, some of our Lee hasseʿ fii naas gaʿidiin نياال هناك. وجزء دخلوا كوستي people live there, in Nyala. fii Nyaala hinaak. Wa juzʾu And some of them entered dakhaloo Kosti lamma al ّلما اإلنجليز خلوا السودان بعد ما أخدوا سنتين اإلنجليز Kosti when the British left Ingliizi khalluu as Suudaan غادروا السودان. or before they left Sudan baʿad maa akhaduu two years later. sanateen al Ingliiz ghaadaruu as Suudaan.

س6: هل جاؤا قبل المهدية او Q6: Did they come before في وقت المهدية؟ the Mahdiyya or during the time of the Mahdiyya?3

جوا قبل المهدية بي ستة سنة. They came six years before Joo gabla al Mahdiyya bee the Mahdiyya. sitta sanna.

س7: ماذا فعلوا عن المهدية؟ Q7: What did they do during وهل القبائل انضمت مع the Mahdiyya? And did the المهدية؟ ?tribes join the Mahdiyya

وقت جئنا اربع قبائل إنضمت When we came, four tribes Wakit jiʾinaa arbaʿa مع المهدية. لكن الباقي لم joined the Mahdiyya. But gabaaʾil inḍammat maʿa al ينضموا مع المهدية. the remainder did not join Mahdiyya. Laakin al baagi

3 The term ‘Mahdiyya’ refers here to the Mahdist era (1882–1898).

54 Interview: Sheikh Baabo Umar the Mahdiyya. lam yanḍammuu maʿa l Mahdiyya.

س8: إسم القبائل اآلربع التي Q8: What were the names انضمت مع المهدية؟ of the four tribes that joined the Mahdiyya?

واحد دوقا، جافون، ملي، بقولوا ,One is Duga, (then there is) Waaḥid Duga, Jaafuun ليه قمبا، األخر نقرا. ,Jaafun, (Fallaata) Malle Malle, biguuluu lee Gamba called Gamba, (and) the al aakhir Ngara.4 last one is Ngara.

س9: كلهم فوالني سلطانهم ?Q9: Were all of them Fulani الطاهر؟ Was their Sultan Attahiru?5

كلهم فوالني وسلطانهم كان All of them were Fulani. Kulluhum Fulani, wa الطاهر لكن من ما دخلوا And their Sultan was (first) Sulṭaanuhum kaan aṭ السودان بقى مافي سلطان Attahiru. But after they ar- Ṭaahiru. Laakin min maa وبقى سلطانهم السلطان rived in Sudan, they had no dakhluu s Suudaan bagaa ميورنو. Sultan (for some time) and maafii Sulṭan wa bagaa (then) Mai-Wurno became Sulṭaanuhum as Sulṭaan their Sultan. Mai-Wurno. اول القبائل الدخلت السودان ام The first (Fulani) tribes to Awwala al gabaaʾil al برورو. enter Sudan were the dakhalat as Suudaan Umm Mbororo. Bororo.

س10: هل الدقا والفالتة ملي Q10: Are the Duga and the ايضاً ام برورو؟ Fallaata Malle also Mbororo?

أم برورو. لكن أي ناس براهم Mbororo. But any people Umm Bororo. Laakin ayyu وبقرهم واحد وطبيعة واحد who are of the same group- naas baraahum wa والتقاليد واحد. ing and have the same cattle bagarhum waaḥid wa and the same customs and ṭabiiʿa waaḥid wa at tagaliid the same traditions (would waaḥid. be called Umm Bororo – i.e., Mbororo).

4 ‘Ng’ in Fulfulde becomes in Arab transcription. 5 Attahiru (At-Tahir) advocated emigration from Sokoto after the British forces defeated the armies of the Sokoto Caliphate in the battle of Sokoto in March 1903. He then headed east with a number of followers before being killed by the British at Burmi in July 1903. After his death Mai-Wurno became the new leader of the migratory movement that started with the fall of the Caliphate.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 55 س11: عندما خرجوا من ,Q11: When they left there هناك كان كل واحد معه بقر did every one of them have كافة لمعشتة خاصة وهل كان -enough cattle to make a liv العلماء والسكان المدن بينهم ing? And particularly did بقر كافي لمعيشتهم؟ the scholars and the town dwellers among them have enough cattle to get along?

مافي المدن والتجارة كانت There were no towns and Maafi al mudun wa t tijaara في البقر وكانت في الضان no trade, but there were cat- kaanat fii al bagar wa والمعيشة هي الحمار. tle and sheep, and there kaanat fii al ḍaan wa l were donkeys for transport- maʿiisha hiya al ḥimaar. ing things they needed for their livelihood.

س12: كيف تحصلتم على Q12: How did you obtain الجمال؟ ?camels

الجمال وجدت عند العرب The camels were found with Al jimaal wujidat ʿand al وكنا نشتري الجمال، عشان the Arabs, and we used to ʿArab wa kunna nashtarii al نشد فيها أشياءنا وكمان عشان buy camels because we car- jimaal, ʿashaan nashid الموية والمدينة بعيدة وكان ried our things, and because fiihaa ashyaaʾnaa, wa الجمال نربيها بس عشان ننقل of the water (we needed) kamaan ʿashaan al mooya بيها الموية. and because the town was wa l madiina baʾida wa far away, and the camels kaan al jimaal nurabiihaa bas were bred just to carry our ʿashaan nangul beehaa al water. mooya.

س13: رايت الفالتة في شمال Q13: I have seen Fallaata بينين وهم يخافون الجمال. Fulani) in northern Benin) and they were afraid of camels.

الجمال متواجدة في حدود Camels are found in the Al jimaal mutawaajida fii السودان بين ليبيا وتشاد borderlands of the Sudan ḥuduud as Suudaan beena والفالتة وقت دخلوا السودان between Libya and Chad. [= been] Liibiya wa في قبائل إسمها الحمر في And when the Fallaata Tashaad. Wa l Fallaata كردفان ولكن بقي القبائل في Fulani) came into Sudan, wagit dakhaluu as Suudaan) شمال كردفان ما عندها جمال there were tribes called fii gabaaʾil ismahaa l Ḥamar ونحن ايضاً عرفنا الجمال في Hamar in Kordofan. But fii Kurduufaan wa laakin السودان من قبائل الحمر تسكن the other tribes did not have bagii al gabaaʾil fii shamaal قريب مننا في البادية. camels. And we also came Kurduufaan maa ʿindahaa to know camels in the jimaal wa niḥna aiḍan

56 Interview: Sheikh Baabo Umar Sudan from the Hamar ʿarifnaa l jimaal fii s tribes living near us in the Suudaan min gabaaʾil l nomadic lands. Ḥamar taskun gariib minanaa fii l baadiya. زي البيت المشينا في امس في Much like the house to Zey al beet al masheena fii بيت بتاع عربي جمبنا. عشان which we went yesterday amis fii beet bitaaʿ ʿarabii كدا نحن والفنا الجمال. the Mbororo settlement we jambanaa. ʿAshaan kiidaa) visited), there was a house niḥna waalafna l jimaal. belonging to Arabs near us. For that reason we came to know camels. وفي ناس ما أخدوا الجمال ألن And there were people who Wa fii naas maa akhadu l اوالدهم يخافون منها. did not purchase camels be- jimaal laʾanuu awlaaduhum cause their children were yukhaafuuna minhaa. afraid of them. Wa kaan yashtaruuna وكان يشترون واحد إو�ثنين And they used to buy one عشان يشيل الموية بتاعم. or two in order to fetch waaḥid wa ʾitneen ʿashaan water for themselves. yashiil al mooya bitaaʿum. وفي اول مرة خافوا من ركوب At first they were afraid to Wa fii awwal marra الجمل. ride camels. khaafuu min rukuub aj jamal.

س14: وكيف تعلمتم ركوب Q14: And how did you learn الجمل؟ ?to ride camels

من ابهاتنا وابهاتنا اتعلموا من From our fathers. And our Min abahaatinaa. Wa اجدادنا. كان بشتروا بسيط fathers learned it from our abahaatinaa itʿallamuu min وكان بحنسونا عشان نسرح grandfathers. They used to ajdaadinaa. Kaan bishtaruu الجمل وكان لما نجي بقولوا buy some (camels) and train basiiṭ wa kaan biḥanisuunaa لينا نركب الجمل. them by taking the camels ʿashaan nasraḥ aj jamal wa to pasture, telling us upon kaan lamma najii biguuluu their return to mount the leenaa narkab aj jamal. camels.

س15: والغنم والبقر اصله من Q15: And the goats and the نجيريا؟ cattle? Is their origin Nigerian?

من نجيريا. .They are from Nigeria. Min Naajiiriya

س16: والمال عنده قبائل -Q16: Livestock have differ معينة مثل الناس؛ في بقر ent tribes like people; are فوالني؟ ?there Fulani cattle

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 57 في بقر بتاع الفالتة بي اربعة There are four kinds of cat- Fii bagar bitaaʿa Fallaata نوع. .tle that belong to the bee arbaʿa nuuʿ Fallaata (Fulani). ابيض األضان أسود القرن Those with white ears and Abyaḍ al aḍaan, aswad al بقولوا ليه كوري بيضة. black horns are called kuuri garin biguuluu lee kuuri قبيلة بقولوا ليه دنيجي. beeḍa (‘white kuuri’6). The beeḍa. Gabiila biguuluu lee tribe (to which they belong) Daneeji. is called Daneeji.

س17: كوري بيضة من أي Q17: To which tribe do the قبيلة فالتة كلهم بكوري بيضة؟ kuuri beeḍa belong? Do all the Fallaata (Fulani) have the kuuri beeḍa?

ال دنيجي. بقر بتاع فالتة ام No, Daneeji. The cattle that Laa, Daneeji. Bagar bitaaʿ برورو بقولوا ليه كوري حمرة. belong to the Fallaata Fallaata Umm Bororo نوع تاني بقولوا ليه بودي. .Mbororo are called kuuri biguuluu lee kuuri ḥamra حجمو صغير وقرن كبير. ḥamra (‘red kuuri’). Anoth- Nuʿ taanii biguuluu lee القبيلة بتاعو بودي. قبائل er kind is called baudi. They baudi. Ḥajimu ṣaghayyir قدالي. كودة لون بقرهم أبيض. are small in size and have wa garin kabiir. Al gabiila اسم بتاعوا بوتيجي. الرقبته big horns. The tribe (i.e., bitaaʿu baudi. Gabaaʾil حقوا طويل. strain of cattle) to which gudaali. Kuuda loon they belong is gudaali. The bagarhum abiyaḍ. Ism colour of the cattle of the bitaaʿu booteeji. Al ragabtu Kuuda (Fulani [= Uuda?]) hagu tawiil. is white. It is called booteeji. Their dew laps are long. الضان واحد و أربعين نوع. The small stock is of 41 Aḍḍaan waaḥid wa arbaʿiin kinds. nuʿ.

س18: رأيت البقر كوري حمرة Q18: Have you seen kuuri مع العرب او مع البرنو؟ ḥamra cattle with Arabs or Bornu?

الفالتة بس. .Only with Fallaata (Fulani). Al Fallaata bas

س19: والقبائل مثل العرب Q19: Do tribes such as the والبرنو والدينكا يحاولون ان Arabs or the Bornu or the يشتروه؟ ?Dinka try to buy them

اال الجزارة بس. ما قاعدة Only for slaughter. They do Illa aj jizaara bas. Maa تشتري وما ببيعوا ليهم الأنهم ما not buy them (i.e., kuuri gaaʿida tishtarii waa maa

6 Kuuri is itself a term that means ‘cattle with big horns’ in Fulfulde (see also Noye 1989: 210).

58 Interview: Sheikh Baabo Umar اتوجهو للبقر دا وما داير حلة. ḥamra) (otherwise) and we bibiiʿuu leehum liʾannahum (i.e., the Mbororo) do not ma itwajahuu li l bagar da buy from them because they wa maa daair ḥilla. do not like these cattle that do not like the village. ألن داير خلة. البرقو والهوسا Because they (kuuri Laannu daair khalla. Al كل مدائن. برنو وبرقو اسم ḥamra) like far away pas- Borgu wa l Hausa kullu قريب لي بعض لكن قبائل tures. The Borgu and the madaʾin. Bornu wa Borgu مافي. ام برورو ما واحد. Hausa all live in towns. The ism gariib lee baʿaḍ laakin مختلفات لي بعض. names ‘Bornu’ and ‘Borgu’ gabaaʾil maafi. Umm are similar, but they refer to Bororo maa waaḥid. differents tribes. The Mukhtalifaat lee baʿaḍ. Mbororo do not belong to these tribes. They are (all) different from one another.

س20: واالن بقر كوري حمرة Q20: And now the kuuri مثل عالمتكم؟ ḥamra cattle is like an identity marker for you?

[Sheikh Baabo has not understood the question, but he takes up the word ʿalaama (‘sign’).]

عالمة وسم بتاع بقر أصلي. The sign and the name ʿAllaamaat wasm bitaʿ bagar belong to the original cattle. aṣlii.

س21: البقر عالمة لك. عندما Q21: The cattle are a sign رايت من بعيد قبيلة معينة رايت for you. When you see from بقر معينة. مثالً زي كوري afar a certain tribe, you see حمرة لو رايتها معناها في قبيلة .also a certain type of cattle معينة؟ For example, the kuuri ḥamra, if you see them, does it mean that there is a certain tribe?

بتاع قبيلة فوالني. ويلة زي .They belong to one Fulani Bitaaʿ gabiila Fulani كوري حمرة لكن عنده قرن tribe. Woyla have kuuri Woyla zeey kuuri ḥamra طويل. تاني ويلة زي كوري .ḥamra, but these have got laakin ʿinduh garin ṭawiil حمرة لكن عنده اختالف في long horns. There are also Taani Woyla zeey kuuri القرن. Woyla who have kuuri ḥamra laakin ʿinduh ḥamra but with different ikhtilaaf fii l garin. horns. ويلة زي تالت متر ماشي فوق Woyla have got them (i.e., Woyla zey talaata mitir لكن بتاع كوري حمرة اصلي kuuri ḥamra cattle) going maashii foog. Laakin bitaaʿ

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 59 بقوم صغير لكن حجم بكون up three metres (from the kuuri ḥamra aṣlii biguum كبير. ground to the tips of their ṣaghayyir laakin ḥajim horns?). But the horns be- bikuun kabiir. longing to the original kuuri ḥamra are small, although their body size is big. التور بتاع كوري حمرة اصلي The bull belonging to the At tuur bitaaʿ kuuri ḥamra ما مجنس بساوي قريب لطول original kuuri ḥamra – i.e., aṣlii, maa mujannas, bisawii الجمل. .the bull which is not mixed gariib le ṭuul aj jamal – is of a size close to the height of the camel. الكرعين حقو رقيقون وحجمه The legs are thin, the size Al kurʿeen hagguu كبير وقرن صغير واالدان )= is big, the horns are small, rigeyguun wa ḥajmuh kabiir االضان( صغير كدا. and the ears are so small. wa garin ṣaghayyir wa l adaan (= aḍaan) ṣaghayyir kida.

س22: البقر القرنها طويل Q22: The cattle with long ورجلينها ضعيف بتنتمي لي horns and weak legs belong ياتي قبيلة؟ ?to which tribe

فالتة ويلة. فالتة عندهم شلوخ Fallaata Woyla. The Fallaa- Fallaata Woyla. Fallaata كدا. .ta who have got these facial ʿindahum shiluukh kida scars. الفالتة ويلة عندهم تالت شلوخ Fallaata Woyla have got Fallaata Woyla ʿindahum كدا. .three facial scars [informant talaata shiluukh kida makes horizontal movement across the cheek]. دى كل ساي لكن على الطبيعة But, all the same, original- Da kullu saaii laakin ʿalaa ṭ اساس عندهم قدة كدا. ly they have such holes ṭabiiʿa asaas ʿindahum (perforated earlobes). gadda kida. اما قبائل تاني بعملوا شلوخ لكن As to the other tribes, they Amma gabaaʾil taanii ما على الطبيعة. do have scars, but not biʿamluu shiluukh laakin originally. maa ʿalaa ṭ ṭabiiʿa.

س23: الكوري حمرة اصلي Q23: If the original kuuri عندما تكون قريباً من المدينة، ḥamra stay close to town, is في حشيش كافي يعيشوا هنا؟ ?there enough grass for them

طبيع كوري حمرة دا داير قش By their nature the kuuri Tabiiʿi kuuri ḥamra da daair كتير في الخريف وفي الصيف ḥamra like much pasture in gash katiir fii l khariif wa fii داير قش ناشف. .the rainy season, and in the ṣ ṣeef daair gash naashif summer they like dry grass.

60 Interview: Sheikh Baabo Umar س24: االن انتم في الدمازين، -Q24: Now you are in Dama اين تذهبون في باقي الشهور؟ zin; where do you go in the other months?

موجدين في داخل اراضي People now are in the Mawjudiin fii daakhil الدمازين الليلة لكن هم بعد Damazin area, but in a lit- araaḍii ad Damaaziin al شوية بقوموا بمشوا بلد تاني. tle while they will go to an- leyla laakin baaʿd shuwayya بعملوا في الدمازين تالت other area. Their activities biguumuu bimshuu balad شهور. in Damazin last for three taani. Biʿaamaluu fii d months. Daamazin talaata shuhuur. وفي زرف تالت شهور دا هم And after these three Wa fii zarf talaata shuhuur راجعين كدا. يمكثون تالت .months they turn this way da hum rajʿiin kida شهور. north). They stay there for Yamkuthuuna talaata) three months. shuhuur.

س25: وشمال الى وين؟ ?Q25: And where in the north

ود النيل. .Wad an-Nail. Wad an Nayyal

س26: ود النيل كم كيلومتر Q26: How many kilometres من هنا؟ ?is Wad an-Nail from here

من هنا لي ود النيل تقريباً كدا From here to Wad an-Nail Min hina lee Wad an بيعمل كم وخمسين كيلومتر. there are about like Nayyal tagriiban kida 50-something kilometres. biyaʿmal kam wu khamsiin kilumitir.

س27: وبعدين؟ ?Q27: And after that

بعدين في الجنوب بخشوا لي After that they advance to Baʿadeen fii j januub ملكان. بمشوا لي اسيوبية )= .Malakal in the south. They bikhushshuu lee Malakaan إثيوبية(. والناصر. =) go to Ethiopia. And (after Bimshuu lee Asyuubiya Malakal) to Nasir. Ithyuubiya). Wa an Naaṣir. بعدين بخشوا في منطقة بقولوا After that they enter the Baʿadeen bikhushshuu fii ليها باجو. حدود، في السودان area called Baajo, at the manṭiga biguuluu leehaa لكن حدود. بعدين في منطقة border. It is in the Sudan Baajoo. Ḥuduud, fii s حبش بخشوا في باماسة. .but at the border. After that Suudaan laakin ḥuduud they enter Baamaasa in Baʿadeen fii manṭigaḤ abash Abyssinian land. bikhushshuu fii Baamaasa.

س28: وفي اي قبيلة في Q28: And which tribe is اثيوبية؟ ?there in Ethiopia

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 61 في فالتة بتاعين خال ذاتو في There are nomadic Fallaata Fii Fallaata bitaaʿiin khala حتة بقولوا ليها جاسر. Fulani) in an area called zaatuu fii ḥitta biguuluu) Jaasir (= Jaasira?). leeha Jaasir. منو طوالي بمشوا بيكي From there onwards they Minuu ṭawaalii bimshuu ورمبيلة. بمشوا هنا ستة شهور go to Begi and Gambela. Beeke wa Rumbeela. Bimshu وبعد الستة شهور دي هم They move about there for hina sitta shuhuur wa baʿad راجعين طوالي. six months, and after six as sitta shuhuur di hum months they return. rajʿiin ṭawaalli.

س29: في قبيلة واحدة سمى Q29: Is there a tribe called أرومو؟ ?Oromo

في قبيلة هناك اسمها أرومو، There is a tribe called Oro- Fii gabiila hinnaak ismahaa جزء من قمبا، في قبيلة بقولوا mo, partly from Gamba, Oromo, juzʾ min Gamba, fii ليها قلة وتريكاكة في حدود بين and there is a tribe called gabiila biguuluu leeha Galla اثيوبية وكينيا. Galla and Tirikaaka (?) at wa Tirikaaka fii ḥuduud the border between Ethiopia beena Ithyuubiya wa Kenya. and Kenya. لكن في األرومو ماشين مع But there are Oromo going Laakin fii Oromo maashiin البقر َّزينا كدا في الخال. with cattle like us on the maʿa l bagar zeyyanaa kida pastures. fii l khala.

س30: في مشاكل بتحصل -Q30: Do problems occur be بين قبائل في الخال بسبب tween the tribes on the المرعى؟ ?pastures because of grazing

في مشاكل تحصل بين قبائل There are problems between Fii mashaakil taḥṣal beena تركاكة واالرومو في الحدود the Tirikaaka and Oromo on gabaaʾil Tirikaaka wa l بين اثيوبية وكينيا. في قبائل the border between Ethiopia Oromo fii l ḥuduud beena بتاعة أرومو بعملوا محل كدا and Kenya. There are tribes Ithyuubiya wa Kenya. Fii ما داير تاني أي بقر بخشوا belonging to the Oromo us- gabaaʾil bitaaʿat Oromo فيه. ing these places who do not biʿamluu maḥal kida ma like any other cattle to enter daaiir taanii ayyu bagar there. bikhushshuu fiihu. ودينكا عند حاجات كدا بعملوا The Dinka have things Wa Deenka ʿindu ḥaajaat زي جزيرة كدي من الخريف كدا such as the Jazira (Gezira; kida biʿamaluu zee Jaziira بحجز غابات كدا. i.e., such as an island). Dur- kadii min al khariif kida ing the rainy season they biḥjiz ghaabaat kida. block it like a forest reserve. أي بقر ما يخش فيه اال بقرهم No cattle enter there, Ayyu bagar maa yakhushsh ذاتو. .except their own. fiihu illa bagarhum zaatuu بخلي بقر ماشي براهو كدا. The cattle go to the pasture Bikhalli bagar mashii by themselves. baraahu kida.

62 Interview: Sheikh Baabo Umar ديل دينكا جنوبين عشان كدا These Dinka are Southerners Deel Deenka janubiyyiin دائماً بسبب المشاكل. and because of that they ʿashaan kida daaʾiman always cause problems. bisabbib al mashaakil.

س31: الدينكا ديل في اثيوبية؟ Q31: Are those Dinka in Ethiopia?

في دينكا مواطنيين في اثيوبية There are Dinka who are Fii Deenka muwaaṭiiniin fii باقي اخوانهم في السودان. nationals of Ethiopia, apart Ithyuubiya baagii from their ‘brothers’ in the ikhwaanum fii s Suudaan. Sudan.

س32: في مشاكل بين الرحال؟ Q32: Are there problems be tween the nomads?

دينكا رحل، أرومو رحل، أم ;The Dinka are nomads; the Deenka ruḥal; Oromo ruḥal برورو رحل. .Oromo are nomads; the Umm Bororo ruḥal Mbororo are nomads. تالت قبائل ديل. دينكا .These are three tribes. The Talaata gabaaʾil deel واألرومو قريبات حدود. هنا Dinka and the Oromo are Deenka wa l Oromo هم في السودان ماشين قريبات close to the border. Here, in gariibaat ḥuduud. Hina hum بعض بسببو مشاكل طوالي. the Sudan, they move in the fii s Suudaan maashiin vicinity of each other, and gariibaat baʿaḍ bisabibuu that is why there are always mashaakil ṭawaalii. problems.

س33: المشاكل دي بتحصل Q33: When do these متين؟ ?problems occur

بعدما القبائل الرعوية يمشوا لي After the nomadic tribes go Baʿad maa al gabaaʾil ar استيوبية )= اثيوبية(. to Ethiopia. raʿawiyya yimshuu lee Istyuubiya (= Isthyuubiya).

س34: القبائل الدينكا واألرومو Q34: Can you give us an واألم برورو ممكن تعطينا مثال example of problems about للمشاكل الحصلت. عن الماء water or grazing between والحشيش بينهم؟ the Dinka, Oromo and Mbororo tribes?

حصل مشاكل لحدي ما في There are problems to the Ḥaṣal mashaakil laḥaddii ناس ماتو كل سنة. extent that people die every maa fii naas maatoo kullu year. sanna. هسع في قضية في ملكان بين Now there is a court case Hasseʿ fii gaḍiyya fii

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 63 الدينكا والفالتة بسبب القش in Malakal between Dinka Malakaan beena ad Deenka والموية. and Fallaata, because of wa l Fallaata bisabab al gash pasture and water. wa l mooya. الفالتة ديل أم برورو. These Fallaata are Mbororo. Al Fallaata deel, Umm Bororo.

س35: المشاكل دي حصلت Q35: Where do these وين؟ ?problems occur

في حتة بيقولو ليها ام جلهات. In a place called Um Fii ḥitta biguuluu leeha سببو القش والموية. Jalahaat. Because of pasture Umm Jalahaat. Sababo al and waters. gash wa l mooya.

س36: أم جلحات دي في Q36: Where is this Um وين؟ ?Jalahaat

في جنوب السودان في منطقة In Southern Sudan. In a Fii januub as Suudaan. Fii بقولوا ليها جكو في مشكلة place called Jikaw there is manṭiga biguuluu leehaa هسع غايم بسبب الموية والقش. now a problem because of Jikau fii mushkila hasseʿ لحدي ما في بهايم ماتت زي water. Three million head ghaaiim bisababi al mooya تالت مليون من البقر والضان of cattle died and five mil- wa l gash. Laḥaddii maa fii زي خمسة مليون كلو شالو. lion head of small stock bahaaiim maatat zeey have been taken. talaata malyoon min al bagar wa aḍ ḍaan zey khamsa malyoon kullu shaaloo. البهايم موجودة في ناصر The livestock were in Nasir; Al bahaaiim mawjuuda fii ساقو جنوبيين. والضان بجي .the Southerners took them n Naaṣir, saagoo Januubiin زي خمسة مليون كل ساقو there). And the small stock Wa ḍ ḍaan bijii zeey khamsa) لي ناصر ونحن هسع قايمين may be about five million. malyoon kullu saagoo lee للقضية دي. All have been taken to Nasir. Naaṣir. Wa niḥna hasseʿ And now we have started gaaiimiyiin li l gaḍiyya di. with negotiations.

س37: المشكلة دي بحلها Q37: Who is solving this البوليس وال الجيش؟ problem, the police or the army?

إال الجيش. .Only the army. Illa aj jeysh وقت المشكلة دي حصلت When that problem oc- Wagit al mushkila di عندنا أربع رجال قاموا من هنا curred, there were four men ḥaṣalat ʿindanaa arbaʿa مشوا هناك أدوا )= أعطوا( مية with us. They started from rijaal. Gaamoo min hina وستين راس بقر وقت عدوا من here and went there (i.e., mashoo hinaak adoo

64 Interview: Sheikh Baabo Umar هنا ساقوا من هنا بكم وخمسين Southern Sudan) and gave (= aʿṭoo) mia wa sittiin raas عساكر. head of cattle (to the sol- bagar. Wagit ʿadoo min 160 diers). When they left here, hina saagoo min hina bee they (i.e., the four men) kam wa khamsiin ʿasaakir. went with some 50 soldiers. ساقوا ودوا لي بلد بقولوا لي They (i.e., the soldiers) Saagoo waddoo lee balad بانشوري حتاً الحكومة رجعت. took them to a place called biguuluu lee Baanshuuree Baanshuure and afterwards ḥattan al ḥukuuma rajaʿat. the government (i.e., the soldiers) left. لكن بهايم كتير ماتوا في But many animals died on Laakin bahaaiim katiir الدرب. .the way. matoo fii ad darib بلد طويل. ماشين تالت يوم The place is far away. Balad ṭawiil. Mashiin بالكرعين وباقي البقر دا خلوا .They walked three days. talaata yoom bi l kurʿeen في الدمازين لحدي ما يكون في And the rest of the cattle Wa baagii bagar da khalloo موية يودوا هناك. were left in Damazin be- fii ad Damaaziin laḥaddi cause no water could be maa yikuun fii mooya found in that place. yuwaddoo hinaak.

س38: في مشاكل مثل نوع مع Q38: Are there problems of األرومو؟ a similar kind with the Oromo?

جرانين مية المية، مشاكل We are neighbours 100 %, Jaraniin mia l mia, mashaakil مافي. .and there are no problems. maafi

س39: األرومو ديل فالحين؟ Q39: Are those Oromo farm ers?

زراعين وعندهم ناس بتاعين They are agriculturalists, Ziraaʿiin wa ʿindahum naas بقر براهم. .and there are people who bitaaʿiin bagar baraahum own cattle among them.

س40: أنتم تشترون شنو من Q40: What did you buy from األرومو؟ ?the Oromo

العجول الصغار. .Little calves. Al ʿijjuul aṣ ṣughaar

س41: لكن عندكم بقر كثير! Q41: But you have many cattle!

كل سنة في بقر يموت. إذا ما .Every year there are cattle Kulli sanna fii bagar yamuut نشتري يموتوا كلهم. that die. If we did not buy Idha maa nashtarii yamuutuu

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 65 them, they would all die. kullahum.

س42: بقركم الكوري الحمرة -Q42: Your kuuri ḥamra cat بختلف إذا إشتريتوا منهم! tle will change if you buy from them.

بقرنا دا لو ولد مع كوري حمرة If these cattle (we bought) Bagarna da lau wilid maʿa لون بختلف. .interbreed with kuuri ḥamra, kuuri ḥamra loon bikhtalif their colour will change (to that of the kuuri ḥamra).

[Günther Schlee asks Sheikh Baabo in Oromo language whether he knows any Oromo. The result is negative. The question was repeated in Arabic and the fact that the informant does not know any Oromo is confirmed by him.]

س43: كيف تتكلم معهم؟ Q43: How do you speak with them?

نتكلم معهم باللغة العربية، We speak with them in the Natakallam maʿahum bi l مدارس كل بالعربي. ,Arabic language; all the luga [= lugha] l ʿarabiyya schools are in Arabic. madaaris kullu bi l ʿarabii.

س44: األرومو في اثيوبية Q44: The Oromo in Ethiopia يتحدثون اللغة العربية؟ ?speak Arabic

في بني شنقول مدارس كل In Beni Shangul all the Fii Banii Shanguul madaaris بالعربي. .schools are in Arabic. kullu bi l ʿarabii

س45: وكلهم مسلمين؟ Q45: And are they all Muslims?

مسلمين. .Muslims. Muslimiin

س46: يتحدثون العربي كويس Q46: Do they speak Arabic او قليال قليال؟ ?well or just a bit

ما كلهم جزء منهم بعرف Not all of them; some of Maa kullahum, juzʾu العربي. .them know Arabic. minhum biʿarif al ʿarabii

س47: وفي مشاكل مع Q47: And are there any الحكومة اإلثيوبية – وأي نوع؟ problems with the Ethiopian government – and, if so, of which kind?

66 Interview: Sheikh Baabo Umar مافي مشاكل لكن في بني There are no problems, but Maafii mashaakil laakin fii شنقول كان قعدين يضربونا there are Bani Shangul and Bani Shanguul kaan وقمس لكن طبعا من حدود Gumuz who keep on attack- gaʿadeen yaḍarbuunaa wa السودان هنا. ing us, naturally on this side Gumus, laakin tabʿan min of the Sudanese border. ḥuduud as Suudaan hinna. وأي حتة فيها سلطة أرومو And any place where there Wa ayyi ḥitta fiiha sulṭa مافي مشاكل خالص. is an Oromo leadership there Oromo maafii mashaakil are no problems. That’s it. khalaaṣ. في جانبين بني شنقول، قمس، Between the two sides, Fii janibeen, Bani Shanguul بيناتم في مشاكل. Bani Shangul and Gumuz – wa Gumus, beenaatum fii between them there are mashaakil. problems. بين الفالتة وقمس في مشاكل. Between the Fallaata, and Beena l Fallaata wa Gumus the Gumuz there are fii mashaakil. problems. بين فالتة أرومو والحكومة Between the Fallaata, the Beena al Fallaata, Oromo استيوبية مافي. Oromo, and the Ethiopian wa l ḥukuma Istyuubiya government there are none. maafi.

س48: بني شنقول قبيلة؟ Q48: Are the Bani Shangul a tribe?

اسم قبيلة زي لكن جوة في فرك It is a name of a tribe, but Ism gabiila zeey, laakin )= فرق(. .(within this tribe there are juuwa fii farik (= fariq differences. في فونج، دوالة، الجبالوين، في There are Funj, Dawwala, Fii Foonj, Dawwaala, aj برتة، رقاريق فالتيك جنجومانة ,Jabalawiin (“Mountain Jabalawiin, fii Barta وفي جملة كل بني شنقول. ,people”), there are Berta, Ragaariig, Falaatiik Ragaarig (‘Black people’), Junjumaana, wa fii jumla Falaatik, Junjumaana (= kullu Bani Shanguul. Jumjum), and all of them are Bani Shangul. وقمس بردو بني شنقول. And also the Gumuz are Wa Gumus bardu Bani Bani Shangul. Shanguul.

س49: وبني شنقول دا معناه Q49: And what does ‘Bani شنو؟ ?Shangul’ mean

إسم بلد زي دمازين دا. It is the name of an area Ism balad zey Damaaziin (i.e., Beni Shangul) like da. Damazin here.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 67 س50: يسموهم كدا ليه؟ Q50: Why are they called this?

من زمن االستعمار قعدوا في From the colonial times on, Min zaman al istiʿmar منطقة في نس بين استيوبية they stayed in an area half gaʿadoo fii manṭiga fii nus والسودان ومنطقة بتلم قبائل way between Ethiopia and beena Istyuubiya wa s بتاعة رطانة. Sudan, and in this area there Suudaan wa manṭiga bitlim is a collection of tribes with gabaaʾil bitaaʿat ruṭaana. different vernaculars.

س51: ومنطقة بتاعة بني Q51: And there are many شنقول دي بتاعة رطانة؟ vernaculars in the area of Beni Shangul?

في كتير من اللغات وجزء في There are many languages. Fii katiir min al lughaat, wa استيوبية. .Some of them are also juzʾu fii Istyuubiya spoken in Ethiopia.

النهاية End An-nihaaya

68 Interview: Sheikh Baabo Umar Interview: Mustafa al-Makki Ali Fulani, 71 years

Date and Place of the Interview: December 5, 1996; Shaikh Talha In the presence of: Abdalrahman Abbakar, ca. 70 years, Fulani Interviewers: Günther Schlee & Al-Amin Abu-Manga Transcription, transliteration and translation (Arabic): Al-Amin Abu-Manga

س1: حلة الشيخ طلحة دي Q1: When and how did قامت كيف ومتين؟ Shaikh Talha village come to be established?

مصطفى Mustafa الحاجة اللي أنا عارفها، الشيخ ,What I know is the follow- Al-ḥaaja l-li ana ʿaarifaa طلحة قبل ما يتوفى كان جا ing: before his death, ash-Sheekh Ṭalḥa gabli مايرنو اتزوج حليمة بت حاج Sheikh Talha1 came to maa yitawaffa kaan ja الطاهر. طبعا أول زول سكن Maiurno2 and married Hali- Maayirno itzawwaj Ḥaliima بالضفة الغربية الحاج الطاهر ma, a daughter of Hajj at- bitt Ḥaaj aṭ-Ṭaahir. Ṭabaʿan في حلة اسمها الفتيح. طبعا Tahir.3 Of course, the first awwal zool sakan be الحاج الطاهر أسالفه، على person (Fulani) to settle on ḍ-ḍaffa l-gharbiyya l-Ḥaaj حسب ما سمعنا، كانوا في the western bank (of the aṭ-Ṭaahir fii ḥilla isimaa منطقة سنار القديمة. فمنها Blue Nile – in this area) l-Fiteeḥ. Ṭabaʿan al-Ḥaaj الحاج الطاهر رحل هنا واستقر was Hajj at-Tahir; he stayed aṭ-Ṭaahir aslaafu, ʿala ḥasab هنا هو وأسرته جنب الخور in a village called Al- maa simiʿna, kaano fii الكبير، والمقبرة دي مقبرتهم .Fiteh.4 His forefathers, ac- manṭigat Sinnaar al-gadiima ذاتها، وهو هسع حاليا مدفون cording to what we heard, Fa minnaha l-Ḥaaj aṭ-Ṭaahir فيها. دا كان في زمن الفونج. were in the Old Sennar area. raḥal hina wa istaqarra hina الحاج الطاهر ذاته متزوج أم -He then moved from there huwa wa ʾusratu janb al with his family and stayed khoor al-kabiir, wa َكَنن بت سليمان، اتزوجها 1 For clarity purpose, the village founded by Sheikh Talha will be referred to as ‘Shaikh Talha’ in this interview. 2 The informant referred here to events having taken place before Maiurno even existed as a village. The location he thus unproperly called ‘Maiurno’ is, in fact, a settlement that is assumed to have been once established on the north-eastern edges of present-day Maiurno, close to the river (Blue Nile). 3 Hajj at-Tahir is notably an important historical figure for Fulani in the Sudan because of the significant role he played in spreading religious (Islamic) education in theSennar area during the last decades of the Funj Sultanate (see also Abu-Manga in press). 4 Later on, Al-Fiteh was moved a little up the river and its name changed into Wad Hashim (Arab).

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 69 هناك من الواصلية وجا سكن in the present Maiurno site, l-maqbara di maqbaratum بيها في الفتيح هنا. near the big khoor (stream). zaataa, wa hu [= huwa] hassaʿ This very graveyard was ḥaaliyan madfuun fiiha. Da theirs; he is now buried in it. kaan fii zaman al-Fuunj. That was during the Funj Al-Ḥaaj aṭ-Ṭaahir zaatu era (i.e., before 1821). He mutzawwij Um Kanan bitt was married to Um Kanan, Sileemaan; itzawwajaa the daughter of Suleiman. hinaak min al-Waaṣliyya He married her in Al-Wasli- wa ja sakan beeha fi l-Fiteeḥ yya and then settled with hina. her here in Al-Fiteh. هو على حسب ما سمعنا According to what we Hu ʿala ḥasab maa simiʿna زمان أصله الناس ديل جوا heard, those people entered zamaan aṣlu n-naas deel jo عن طريق شمال أفريقيا وخشوا Sudan via North Africa. ʿan ṭariig Shimaal Afriiqiya السودان. َّهم قالوا بنتموا – .They claimed to be de- wa khashshu s-Suudaan على حسب الكالم… لي – scendants of Uqba.5 When I Humma gaalo bintamu عقبة. حتى أنا سألتهم لما كنت was a child, I asked them ʿala ḥasab al-kalaam… lee صغير لقيت مافي لهجة، قال about their tribe). I found ʿUqba. Ḥatta ana saʾaltahum) لي: "نحن أهلنا هناك عرب that they didn’t speak the lamma kunta ṣaghayyir في المنطقة ديك وخشوا هنا". :vernacular language (Ful- ligiit maafi lahja; gaal ley قال لي َّهم أساساً لما جوا جوا fulde). They claimed to be “Niḥna ahalna hinaak ʿArab عشان تبشير إسالمي، دعوة Arabs. They said that they fi l-manṭiga diik wa إسالمية. فاستقروا في سنار، migrated to Sudan for khashsho hina.” Gaal ley َّمنهم الحاج الطاهر دا جا هنا ,daʿwa (Islamic mission). humma asaasan lamma jo سكن في الفتيح دي ذاتها. فبعد ,They settled in Sennar, and jo ʿashaan tabshiir islaami فترة الشيخ طلحة جا اتزوج Hajj at-Tahir settled in the daʿwa islaamiyya. Fa حليمة بت حاج الطاهر في ;village of Al-Fiteh. After istaqarro fii Sinnaar أواخر أيام الفونج. -some time Sheikh Talha minnahum al-Ḥaaj aṭ came and married Halima, Ṭaahir da ja hina sakan fi a daughter of Hajj at-Tahir. l-Fiteeḥ di zaataa. Fa baʿad That was in about the last fatra ash-Sheekh Ṭalḥa ja decades of the Funj era. itzawwaj Ḥaliima bitt Ḥaaj aṭ-Ṭaahir fii awaakhir ayyaam al-Fuunj.

س2: الشيخ طلحة نفسه جا Q2: From where did Sheikh من وين؟ ?Talha himself come

برضو جوا عن طريق شمال He, too, came via North Af- Barḍu jo ʿan ṭariig Shimaal أفريقيا، دا على حسب كالمهم. rica, according to what they Afriiqiya; da ʿala ḥasab استقر هنا قام اتزوج حليمة say. He settled here and kalaamum. Istaqarra hina بت حاج الطاهر، أنا جدي married the daughter of gaam itzawwaj Ḥaliima bitt

5 See also question No. 3.

70 Interview: Mustafa al-Makki Ali مصطفى اتزوج فاطنة بت حاج Hajj at-Tahir. My grandfa- Ḥaaj aṭ-Ṭaahir; ana jiddi الطاهر، جدي مصطفى ذاته ther Mustafa married Fat- Muṣṭafa itzawwaj Faaṭna جا من الواصلية. الواصلية دي na, a(nother) daughter of bitt Ḥaaj aṭ-Ṭaahir; jiddi هسع بتقع جنب الحاج عبداهلل. -Hajj at-Tahir. He, too, came Muṣṭafa zaatu ja min al في قبب هسع هناك لما تجي from Al-Wasliyya. Al-Wa- Waaṣliyya. Al-Waaṣliyya ماشي محلها غرب كدا، هسع -sliyya is located near Hajj di hassaʿ bitagaʿ janb al حسين مدفون هناك. حتى Abdalla town. When you Ḥaaj ʿAbdalla. Fi gubab أتذكر زمان خالنا الشيخ طلحة pass it (on your way north- hassaʿ hinaak lamma taji مشى اشترى ليه طوب َّوخت wards), there are tombs on maashi maḥallaa gharib وما َّشيد فيه حاجة. دا جد the western side of the road. kida; hassaʿ Ḥiseen madfuun الشيخ طلحة، أما أبوه فمدفون Hussein is buried there. I hinaak. Ḥatta itzakkar في حتة اسمها العطيش على even remember that some zamaan khaalna sh-Sheekh القروات هناك. time ago our maternal un- Ṭalḥa masha ishtara leehu cle Sheikh Talha went ṭuub wu khatta wu maa (there) and bought bricks; shayyad fiihu ḥaaja. Da jidd he just left them without ash-Sheekh Ṭalḥa; amma making any building. This abuuhu fa madfuun fii ḥitta (Hussein) was Sheikh Tal- isimaa l-ʿIṭeesh ʿala l- ha’s grandfather. His (i.e., Garawaat hinaak. Sheikh Talha’s) father, on the other hand, is buried in a place called Al-Itesh, near Al-Garawat. فالشيخ طلحة اتزوج حليمة بت So, Sheikh Talha married Fa sh-Sheekh Ṭalḥa حاج الطاهر وجدي مصطفى Halima, Hajj at-Tahir’s itzawwaj Ḥaliima bitt Ḥaaj اتزوج فاطنة بت حاج الطاهر daughter, and my grandfather aṭ-Ṭaahir wa jiddi Muṣṭafa واستقروا هنا. حتى ناس Mustafa married Fatna, an- itzawwaj Faaṭna bitt Ḥaaj الصابونابي ديل كانوا بجوهم .other daughter of Hajj at- aṭ-Ṭaahir wa istaqarro hina في األفراح وفي األتراح، ولغاية Tahir, and they settled here Ḥatta naas aṣ-Ṣaabunaabi ما جوا الدينكا وكتلوا ناس in Shaikh Talha). Even the deel kaanu bijuuhum fi) الصابونابي. وبعد فترة الحاج Sabonabi people (i.e., Funj l-ʾafraaḥ wa fi l-ʾatraaḥ, wa الطاهر اتوفى. بعد وفاة الحاج from Sabonabi) used to visit laghaayit maa jo d-Deenka الطاهر جوا ناس ود النعيم… -them on joyful and sorrow- wa katalo naas aṣ طبعا الغرب دا ما كان مأهول، ful occasions. This was so Ṣaabunaabi. Wa baʿad fatra كان شدر وهناي. بعدين هنا .until the Dinka came and al-Ḥaaj aṭ-Ṭaahir itwaffa ناس ود النعيم ديل عندهم -killed the Sabonabi people.6 Baʿad wafaat al-Ḥaaj aṭ عالقة رحمية )مع ناس الشيخ -After some time Hajj at-Ta- Ṭaahir jo naas Wadd an طلحة( لكن أنا ما عارفها شنو. hir died. After that came Naʿiim… Ṭabaʿan al-gharib ألنه الشيخ طلحة دا أمه عزلة the people of Wad anda maa kaan maʾhuul; kaan بت نور الدين كاهلية، وحبوبته Na’im… Of course, this shadar wu hinaay. Baʿdeen ذاتها من الكواهلة، يعني western side (of the Blue hina naas Wadd an-Naʿiim

6 These people were most probably Shilluk; the latter had many wars with the Funj. ‘Dinka’ is sometimes used as a generic term in reference to people of Southern Sudan in general.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 71 ملخبطين مع الكوهلة. Nile) was not inhabited; deel ʿindahum ʿalaaqa rather, it was a jungle. The raḥmiyya (maʿa naas ash- Wad an-Na’im people had Sheekh Ṭalḥa) laakin ana some kinship relations maa ʿaarifaa shinu. Laʾannu (with the members of sh-Sheekh Ṭalḥa da ummu Sheikh’s Talha family), the ʿAzla bitt Nuur ad-Diin degree of which I don’t Kaahliyya, wa ḥabboobtu know exactly. Because zaataa min al-Kawaahla; Sheikh Talha’s mother, Azla, yaʿni mulakhbaṭiin maʿa daughter of Nour ad-Din, l-Kawaahla. was from the Kawahla tribe. His grandmother, too, was from the Kawahla. So, they were mixed with the Kawahla.

س3: َّوهم بقولوا أحفاد عقبة Q3: And they claim to be بن نافع! descendants of Uqba ibn Nafi!7

أوالد حاج الطاهر زمان بقولوا In fact, the children of Hajj Awlaad Ḥaaj aṭ-Ṭaahir هم أحفاد عقبة، أما ديل ما at-Tahir used to say that they zamaan biguulu hum aḥfaad عارفهم بقولوا شنو. ديالك were descendants of Uqba ʿUqba; amma deel maa بقولوا أحفاد عقبة وما بوروك .without specifying which ʿaarifum buguulu shinu عقبة منو، أما ناس الشيخ Uqba. As for these here (i.e., Deelaak biguulu aḥfaad طلحة ديل أنا ما عارف عنهم the members of Sheikh Tal- ʿUqba wu maa biwarruuk أي حاجة. لكن أسرة واحدة -ha’s family), I don’t know ʿUqba minu; amma naas ash وناس واحد ومتزوجين واحد anything about them (re- Sheekh Ṭalḥa deel ana maa ِّوأي حاجة واحد في الفترة ديك. .garding their descent ʿaarif ʿannahum ayyi ḥaaja ففي الفترة ديك جوا ناس ود claim).8 However, the two Laakin ʾusra waaḥda wa النعيم للشيخ طلحة وقالوا ليه: of them (Hajj at-Tahir and naas waaḥid wa "ياخي تجوا ترحلوا هنا". قام Sheikh Talha) were, at that mutzawwijiin waaḥid wa حجير دا حدد ليه من حجيرات time, one family, and linked ayyi ḥaaja waaḥid fi l-fatra هنا لغاية العرديبة ودي كدا by marriage ties. After the diik. Fa fi l-fatra diik jo لغاية ِالـعلَب قال ليه: "دي -death of Hajj at-Tahir, the naas Wadd an-Naʿiim le sh تكون ليكم تسكنوا فيها". :Wad an-Na’im people came Sheekh Ṭalḥa wu gaalo le and asked Sheikh Talha to “Yaakhi taju tarḥalu hina.” move to the eastern side of Gaam Ḥijeer da ḥaddad

7 Uqba ibn Nafi (ca. 622– 683) was an Arab general under the Umayyad dynasty who began the Islamic conquest of the Maghreb, including present-day western Algeria and Morocco, before moving south across the Sahara. 8 For one reason or another, the informant seemed to have decided right from the beginning to avoid speaking about the ethnic affiliation ofSheikh Talha’s family. Since he was part of that family, it was very unlikely that he didn not know anything about it.

72 Interview: Mustafa al-Makki Ali the river. (A man called) leehu min Ḥijeerat hina Hijer delimited an area for laghaayit al-ʿArdeeba wa di them: from Hijerat to Arde- kida laghaayit al-ʿIlab gaal ba (Irediba) and from this le: “Di takuun leekum side up to Al-Ilab. He said to taskinu fiiha.” Sheihk Talha: “This land is for you to settle on.” فمن الفترة دي أصبحوا سكنوا After that, they lived there Fa min al-fatra di aṣbaḥo في المحلة دي واستقروا until Sheikh Talha died in sakano fi l-maḥalla di wa لغاية الشيخ طلحة توفى سنة -Hijri, i.e., five or six istaqarro laghaayit ash 1293 ألف وميتين وتالتة وتسعين years before the Mahdiyya Sheekh Ṭalḥa tawaffa sanat )1293هـ(، يعني قبل المهدية or Mahdist rule [1882– alf wu miiteen wu talaata) بي خمسة ستة سنة كدا، ألنه ;(Because the Mahdi wu tisʿiin (1293 Hijri .([1898 المهدي في أثناء طوافه جا هنا came here during his wan- yaʿni gabl al-Mahdiyya bee derings and found Sheikh khamsa sitta sana kida, لقى الشيخ طلحة موجود ّووراهم الشيخ طلحة على أنه الرجل دا Talha. Sheikh Talha told his laʾannu l-Mahdi fii asnaaʾ كدا كدا – على حسب ما بحكوا -people that this man was ṭawaafu ja hina liga ash لينا – يكون ليه شأن كدا كدا. so-and-so; he would be a Sheekh Ṭalḥa mawjuud, wa فبعد فترة الشيخ طلحة توفي great man. After some time warraahum ash-Sheekh وخلفه ولده الشيخ محمد توم، Sheikh Talha died and was Ṭalḥa ʿala annu r-rajul da ودا توفى سنة الف وتسعمية succeeded by his son Mu- kida kida – ʿala ḥasab maa واتناشر في المدينة. فأصبحت hammad Tom, who died in biḥku leena – yikuun leehu طلحة دي مستقرة. in Medina. So Shaikh shaʾn kida kida. Fa baʿad 1912 Talha (village) remained fatra ash-Sheekh Ṭalḥa stable. tawaffa wa khalafu waladu sh-Sheekh Maḥammad Toom; wa da itwaffa sanat alf wu tusʿumiyya wa iṭnaashar fi l-Madiina. Fa aṣbaḥat Ṭalḥa di mustaqirra. لكن في زمن الشيخ طلحة -But during Sheikh Talha’s Laakin fii zaman ash الحلة كانت بسيطة، ما كان time the village was simple; Sheekh Ṭalḥa al-ḥilla kaanat عددها كبير، حتى قالوا مع it didn’t include very many basiiṭa; maa kaan ʿadadaa ناس عريديبة ديل كأنهم أسرة people. It was even said that kabiir; ḥatta gaalo maʿa واحدي. بعدين في زمن التركية its people and the Irediba naas ʿIreediiba deel أول شيخ في الحلة دي كان .people were closely linked kaʾannahum ʾusra waaḥdi إسماعين ود حاج طاهر، -with one another, as if they Baʿdeen fii zaman at حتى أنا سألت حبوبتي قالت were one family. The first Turkiyya awwal sheekh fi 9 لي: "نحن كان جماعتنا ِّبوردوا sheikh in the Turkish era l-ḥilla di kaan Ismaaʿiin الطُلبة في سنار القديمة". was Isma’il, a son of Hajj Wadd Ḥaaj Ṭaahir; ḥatta استقروا لغاية ما انتهت التركية at-Tahir.10 My grandmother ana saʾalta ḥabboobti gaalat

9 The ‘Turkish era’ corresponds to the period between 1821 and 1882. 10 This Isma’il was, in fact, a grandson of Hajj at-Tahir.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 73 وجات الحكومة اإلنجليزية، told me: “At that time our ley: “Niḥna kaan jamaaʿatna أول كمان شيخ في الحكومة people used to pay their biwarridu ṭ-ṭulba fii Sinnaar اإلنجليزية كان عمنا عمر taxes in Old Sennar.” They al-gadiima.” Istaqarro محمد علي. أخد فيها فترة مسك -continued like this until the laghaayit maa intahat at عبدالوهاب، بعده جا سرور، -end of the Turkish rule and Turkiyya wa jaat al من الصواردة ديل. لما اتوفى .the advent of the British rule. ḥakuuma l-Ingliiziyya الشيخ محمد توم في المدينة The first sheikh in the Brit- Awwal kamaan sheekh fi في سنة الف وتسعمية واتناشر ish time was our paternal l-ḥakuuma l-Ingliiziyya kaan مسك بعده الشيخ أحمد البدوي uncle Umar Muhammad ʿammana ʿUmar Maḥammad وأخد في الخالفة حوالي سبعة Ali. He assumed this func- ʿAli. Akhad fiiha fatra سنة. بعده مسك الشيخ سليمان ,tion for some time and was masak ʿAbdulwahaab وبرضو أخد فترة من سنة ألف -then followed by Abdul- baʿadu ja Saroor, min aṣ وتسعمية وتسعتاشر لغاية توفى Wahab, and then Saroor, Ṣawaarda deel. Lamma سنة ألف وتسعمية خمسة from the Sawarda group. itwaffa sh-Sheekh وتالتين في شهر عشرة. بعده -When Sheikh Muhammad Maḥammad Toom fi l مسك الشيخ محمد توم، لغاية Tom died in Medina in Madiina fi sanat alf wu ما اتوفى سنة كم وتمانين. بعده he was succeeded by tusʿumiyya wu iṭnaashar ,1912 طبعا مسك الشيخ السماني his son) Ahmad al-Badawi, masak baʿadu sh-Sheekh) واتوفى طبعا قبل سنة. هسع who continued for seven Aḥmad al-Badawi wa akhad حاليا ماسك الخالفة الشيخ years. He was then succeed- fi l-khalaafa ḥawaali sabaʿa حسين. -ed by Sheikh Suleiman, sana. Baʿadu masak ash who remained in office Sheekh Sileemaan wa from 1919 until his death in barḍu akhad fatra min sanat October 1935. He was suc- alf wu tusʿumiyya wa ceeded by Sheikh Muham- tisaʿṭaashar laghaayit mad Tom (the Second),11 tawaffa sanat alf wu who remained in office un- tusʿumiyya wu khamsa wa til his death in the 1980s. talaatiin fii shahr ʿashara. Muhammad Tom was suc- Baʿadu masak ash-Sheekh ceeded by Sheikh as-Sam- Maḥammad Toom laghaayit mani, who died last year maa itwaffa sanat kam wu (1995). Now the khalaafa tamaaniin. Baʿadu ṭabaʿan (i.e., function of Caliph) is masak ash-Sheekh as- in the hands of Sheikh Sammaani wa itwaffa Hussein. ṭabaʿan gabli sana. Hassaʿ ḥaaliyyan maasik al-khalaafa sh-Sheekh Ḥiseen. لكن سألت جدي – أنا ما بسأل But (once) I asked my grand- Laakin saʾalta jiddi – ana زول )خالفه( – قلت ليه: – (father – I usually didn’t ask maa basʾal zool (khilaafu "ياجدي إنتو ليه ما بترطنو؟" anybody else: “Why don’t gulta le: “Yaa jiddi intu قال لي "نحن أهلنا هناك ما you speak the vernacular leeh maa btarṭunu?” Gaal

11 This Muhammad Tom was a son of Ahmad al-Badawi and a grandson of Muhammad Tom the First.

74 Interview: Mustafa al-Makki Ali برطنو". قال لي كان موقعهم language (i.e., Fulfulde)?” ley: “Niḥna ahalna hinaak موقع عرب. هسع أنا جدي He said to me: “Our people maa birṭunu.” Gaal ley kaan من جانب أبوي مدفون في حتة .back there didn’t have Ful- mowqiʿum mowqiʿ ʿArab اسمها الروكب. طبعا أنا اسمي fulde as a vernacular.” He Hassaʿ ana jiddi min jaanib مصطفى ود مكي ود علي ود said to me that, there, they abuuy madfuun fii ḥitta المصطفى ود مختار ود الفكي were taken to be Arabs. My isimaa r-Rookab. Ṭabaʿan محمد. الفكي محمد دا مدفون own grandfather is buried ana ismi Muṣṭafa Wadd في حتة اسمها الروكب جنب -in a place called Ar-Rokab, Makki Wadd ʿAli Wadd al بارا. جوا من زمن الفونج طبعا. near Bara. My name is Muṣṭafa Wadd Mukhtaar فتح خالوي هناك واستقر .Mustafa, son of Makki, son Wadd al-Faki Maḥammad هناك. of Ali, son of Al-Mustafa, Al-Faki Maḥammad da son of Mukhtar, son of Al- madfuun fii ḥitta isimaa r- Faki Muhammad. This Al- Rookab janb Baara. Jo min Faki Muhammad was bur- zaman al-Fuunj ṭabaʿan. ied in Ar-Rokab. They (i.e., Fataḥ khalaawi hinaak wa Al-Faki Muhammad and istaqarra hinaak. his family) came (to Sudan)

during the Funj era. He, i. ee., Al-Faki Muhammad, established Qur’anic schools and settled there (in Ar-Rokab).

س4: سمعت ليه الشيخ محمد Q4: Do you know why Sheikh توم سافر المدينة وقعد هناك ما (Muhammad Tom (the First رجع المن مات؟ traveled to Medina and stayed there until he died?

بتذكر قصة حكاها لي واحد أنا I remember a story told to Bitzakkar giṣṣa ḥakaaha ley كنت في ملولحة. قال لي الشيخ me by someone while I was waaḥid ana kunta fii محمد توم دا لما جا ماشي في -in Malolaha. He told me Maloolaḥa. Gaal ley ash الوقت داك اإلنجليز ما دايرنه that when Sheikh Muham- Sheekh Maḥammad Toom يمشي ألنه الزمن داك البلد mad Tom (the First) decid- da lamma ja maashi fi بعد المهدية… فجاه الشريف ed to leave (for Hijaz – l-wakit daak al-Ingliiz maa يوسف من سنجة ينصحه. Holy Land in Saudi Arabia), daayrinnu yimshi laʾannu أخيراً الشريف يوسف قال ليهم: the British didn’t want him z-zaman daak al-balad "الزول دا مافي زول بقدر to leave. Because at that baʿad al-Mahdiyya… Fa يمنعه". لكن ما عارف السبب time the Mahdiyya… So, (a jaahu sh-Shariif Yuusif min الخاله يمشي هناك شنو. -notable known as) Sherif Sinja yinṣaḥu. Akhiiran ash Yousif12 came to him from Shariif Yuusif gaal leehum: Singa to convince him (to “Az-zool da maafi zool bigdar stay), but he couldn’t. At yimnaʿu.” Laakin maa ʿaarif

12 Sherif Yousif was probably a very pious person.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 75 last he (Sherif Yousif) said: as-sabab al-khallaahu yimshi “Nobody can prevent him hinaak shinu. (from leaving).” Otherwise, I don’t know exactly the reason for his leaving.

س5: تقدر تذكر لينا القبايل Q5: Can you say something العايشة في الشيخ طلحة؟ about the tribes living in Shaikh Talha?

مما قمنا عارف من بينهم The tribes living in Shaikh Mimmaa gumna ʿaarif min في الصواردة زي ناس المقدم Talha since our childhood beenum fi ṣ-Ṣawaarda zey إبراهيم، ديل أول ناس جوا مع were Sawarda, such as the naas al-Mugaddam الشيخ طلحة. المقدم بخيت دا people of Mugaddam Ibra- Ibraahiim; deel awwal naas طبعا كان مقدم الشيخ طلحة. .him; these were the first jo maʿa sh-Sheekh Ṭalḥa يلوهم تاني بعد فترة جوا أهلنا people who came with Al-Mugaddam Bakhiit da الجعليين ديل، ديل هسع ناس Sheikh Talha. Mugaddam ṭabaʿan kaan mugaddam السني حاج مدني ديل. كان Bakhit was the mugaddam ash-Sheekh Ṭalḥa. Yaluuhum فريقهم هنا لغاية نحن كنا personal secretary) of taani baʿad fatra jo ahalna) بنلعب معاهم. برضو بعض Sheikh Talha. They were j-Jaʿliyyiin deel; deel hassaʿ من العركيين، هسع رحلوا followed after some time naas as-Sunni Ḥaaj Madani من هنا. وبعدين بعض قبايل by the Ja’liyyin; these were deel. Kaan fariigum hina برضو من الزروقاب، هسع the people of As-Sunni laghaayit niḥna kunna ساكنين في السوكي. وبعدين Hajj Medani. Their quarter binalʿab maʿaahum. Barḍu قبايل كتيرة. طلحة دي كانت ;was here, and we used to baʿaḍ min al-ʿArakiiyyiin في المهدية جادعة قبايل كتيرة، play with them. Now they hassaʿ raḥalo min hina. Wu يعني قبايل كتيرة اجتمعت بعد have moved from here (to baʿdeen baʿaḍ gabaayil المهدية. حتى أبوي قال لي، ;As-Suki13). Then came barḍu min z-Zarruugaab "بعد ما العدد بقى كبير ُّحبوا .some Arakiyyin; now they hassaʿ saakniin fi s-Suuki يوزعوهم، فاتوزعوا". بعض .have moved away from here. Wu baʿdeen gabaayil katiira َّمنهم مشوا العزازة، وبعضهم Then came (Fulani) groups Ṭalḥa di kaanat fi عسالنقة، منهازا، ود داؤود، from the Zarruugaab clan; l-Mahdiyya jaadʿa gabaayil ومسرة العجوز، كلهم بعد they are now living in As- katiira; yaʿni gabaayil المهدية كانوا أساسا مركزين -Suki. Very many tribes gath- katiira ijtamaʿat baʿad al هنا. ered in Shaikh Talha after Mahdiyya. Ḥatta abuuy gaal the Mahdiyya. My father ley: “Baʿad maa l-ʿadad told me that, after the num- biga kabiir ḥabbo ber of people became very yiwazziʿuuhum, fa large in Shaikh Talha, it was itwazzaʿo.” Baʿaḍ proposed to disperse them minnahum masho l-ʿAzaaza, spatially. So, some of them wa baʿaḍahum ʿAsalaanga, went to Azaza, some to Minhaaza, Wadd Daaʾuud,

13 Es-Suki or as-Suuki on some maps.

76 Interview: Mustafa al-Makki Ali Asalanga, Manhaza, Wad Massara l-ʿAjuuz; kullahum Da’ud, and Masarra al-Ajuz. baʿad al-Mahdiyya kaano They had all concentrated asaasan murakkaziin hina. here (immediately) after the Mahdiyya.

س6: طيب ليه جوا هنا؟ ?Q6: Why did they come here

واهلل ما عارف. طبعا الشيخ .By God, I don’t know. Of Wallaahi maa ʿaarif طلحة دا كان ليه شخصية قوية course, Sheikh Talha was a Ṭabaʿan ash-Sheekh Ṭalḥa كدا، ولذلك جوا سكنوا معاه distinguished personality, so da kaan leehu shakhṣiyya هنا. بعد المهدية فروا. people gathered around him. gawiyya kida, lizaalik jo After the Mahdiyya they sakano maʿaahu hina. Baʿad dispersed. al-Mahdiyya farro.

س7: أنا يبدو لي قبل المهدية Q7: It seems to me that there برضو في قبايل مختلطة! were mixed tribes (in Shaikh Talha) even before the Mahdiyya!

قبل المهدية ما أظن. طبعا .Before the Mahdiyya, I Gabl al-Mahdiyya maa aẓin الشيخ طلحة لما رحل هنا don’t think so. When Ṭabaʿan ash-Sheekh Ṭalḥa أصله رحل أساسا هو أوالد Sheikh Talha moved to this lamma raḥal hina aṣlu raḥal عمته ديل، ما معاهم ناس place, he was accompanied asaasan hu awlaad ʿammatu كتيرة يعني. طلحة دي كانت only by his cross-cousins; deel; maa maʿaahum naas بسيطة يعني. بعدين شويتين there were not many other katiira yaʿni. Ṭalḥa di kaanat طبعا على حسب الطرق – people. Gradually, others basiiṭa yaʿni. Baʿdeen الشيخ طلحة طبعا شيخه كان started to join in, attracted shuwayyateen ṭabaʿan ʿala الشيخ التوم ود بانقا، الطريقة -by Sufism; Sheikh Talha ḥasab aṭ-ṭurug – ash السمانية، والكالم دا في was a follower of the Sam- Sheekh Ṭalḥa ṭabaʿan السلطنة الزرقا وكدا. برضو maniyya ṭariiga (ṭariiqa; sheekhu kaan ash-Sheekh الشيخ ودهاشم شالها من الشيخ ,brotherhood), which was at-Toom Wad Baannaga التوم ود بانقا. بعدين الشيخ ;passed to him by Sheikh at- aṭ-ṭariiga s-Sammaaniyya ودهاشم دا ما كان مستقر، كان Tom Wad Bannaga – that wa l-kalaam da fi s-Salṭana َّبتجول، بمشي سايح وبجي. was during the Funj time. z-Zarga wu kida. Barḍu بعدين آخر حاجة استقر في ود Sheikh Wad-Hashim14 got ash-Sheekh Wad-Haashim هاشم دي سنة ألف وتسعمية -the ṭariiqa from Sheikh at- shaalaa min ash-Sheekh at وواحد. برضو جمع عدد كبير .Tom Wad Bannaga as well. Toom Wad Baannaga من القبايل. -The former did not lead a Baʿdeen ash-Sheekh Wad sedentary life; he used to Haashim da maa kaan wander; it was only in 1901 mustaqir; kaan bitjawwal,

14 In this interview, as well as in the followings interviews, the form ‘Wad-Hashim’ is used to refer to the presumed founder of the village called Wad Hashim.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 77 that he settled down in Wad bimshi saayiḥ wu biji. Hashim village. Many tribes Baʿdeen aahkir ḥaaja gathered around him as well. istagarra fii Wad Haashim di sanat alf wu tusʿumiyya wu waaḥid. Barḍu jamaʿ ʿadad kabiir min al-gabaayil. ِ When (Sheikh) Wad- Fa lamma Wad-Haashim فلما ودهاشم بقى ع َي وخالص يعني… قال ليهم: "يا جماعة …Hashim became ill and was biga ʿiya wu khalaaṣ yaʿni about (to die), he said to his gaal leehum: “Yaa jamaaʿa أنا هسع لو ُم َّت هنا بعمل people: “If I die here (in ana hassaʿ law mutta hina مشكلة، هسع لو جيت ُم َّت هنا الجماعة يقولوا… أهلي Wad Hashim), it will create baʿmal mushkila; hassaʿ هناك يجوا أبونا ما بنخليه". problems; my relatives will law jiit mutta hina j-jamaaʿa طبعاً أسرته كلها هنا. طبعا come from there (Shaikh yiguulu… ahali hinaak yiju حاج الطاهر لي ودهاشم دا ”.Talha) and say that they abuuna maa binkhalli ببقى ليه عمه أخ أبوه طوالي. will not allow their father15 Ṭabaʿan ʾusratu kullaha (to be buried here).” Of hina. Ṭabaʿan Ḥaaj aṭ- فقال: "هسع أنا لو ُم َّت أوالد حاج طاهر ديل يجوا يقولوا course, all his family was Ṭaahir le Wad-Haashim da دا أبونا. دحين ودوني هناك". here (including Sheikh Tal- bibga le ʿammu akhu abu ha). Of course, Hajj at-Ta- ṭawwaali. Fa gaal: “Hassaʿ فودهاشم قاموا ّطوالي جابوه بيتنا نحن. أصلو ودهاشم hir was his paternal uncle, ana law mutta awalaad Ḥaaj توفى في بيتنا نحن. جدي his father’s full brother. So, Ṭaahir deel yiju yiguulu da طبعا ببقى ليه خاله. جدي أمه he (Wad-Hashim) said: abuuna. Daḥiin wadduuni بت حاج طاهر. فاستقر فترة Now if I die here, the chil- hinaak.” Fa Wad-Haashim“ واتوفى في بيتنا. dren of Hajj at-Tahir will gaamo ṭawwaali jaabo come and say this is our fa- beetna niḥna. Aṣlu Wad- ther.16 Please, take me there Haashim tawaffa fii beetna (to Shaikh Talha).” So, he niḥna. Jiddi ṭabaʿan bibga was brought ahead to our le khaalu. Jiddi ummu bitt own house; he died in our Ḥaaj Ṭaahir. Fa istaqarra house. Of course, to my fatra wa twaffa fii beetna. grandfather he was a maternal uncle; my grandfather’s mother was Hajj at-Tahir’s daughter. So, he (Sheikh Wad-Hashim) stayed here for some time and died in our house.

س8: وعالقتكم شنو بي حلة Q8: What is your relation إسماعيل؟ ?with Hillat Isma’il village

15 The term ‘father’ is here used loosely to refer to a distant uncle. 16 Same remark regarding the use of the term ‘father’ as in footnote 15.

78 Interview: Mustafa al-Makki Ali رحلوا من هنا، إسماعيل ود They (i.e., the inhabitants of Raḥalo min hina; Ismaaʿiil عيسى ود حاج طاهر. حسب .the village of Hillat Isma’il) Wad ʿIisa Wad Ḥaaj Ṭaahir ما بحكوا لينا زمان في زمن initially moved there from Ḥasab maa biḥku leena الفونج كان الحاج الطاهر ساكن here; the founder was zamaan fii zaman al-Fuunj هنا. بعدين جوا الفونج قالوا Isma’il Issa Hajj at-Tahir. kaan al-Ḥaaj aṭ-Ṭaahir ليهم تقوموا من هنا، األرض According to what we were saakin hina. Baʿdeen jo دي ما حقتك وهناي. بعدين told, Hajj at-Tahir was l-Fuunj gaalo leehum قال ليهم يا جماعة األرض living here during the Funj taguumu min hina; al-ʾariḍ أرض اهلل. بعدين حصل حاجة .time. Then the Funj came di maa ḥaggatak wu hinaay كدا، أنا ما عارفها شنو. فقاموا and asked them to leave Baʿdeen gaal leehum yaa here because the land didn’t jamaaʿa al-ʾarḍ arḍ Allah. ّطوالي أدوا حاج طاهر المنطقة دي: أوال من هناك، وكدا لغاية belong to him. He told them Baʿdeen ḥaṣal ḥaaja kida عرديبة أب قرن هناك قريب that the land is God’s land. ana maa ʿaarifaa shinu. Fa سنار، شرق هناك حتة اسمها Anyway, something hap- gaamu ṭawwaali addo Ḥaaj الحفيرة أم تمساح. فقاموا زمان :pened, but I don’t know Ṭaahir al-manṭiga di في حاجة إسمها كروكي، قاموا what.17 Accordingly, Hajj awwalan min hinaak; wu ُّأدوه الكروكي. فحاج طاهر at-Tahir was offered land kida laghaayit ʿArdeeba استقر. بعدين أوالده طبعا extending from there Ab-Garin hinaak gariib كانوا هنا، هناك ما في زول former site) up to Ardeba Sinnaar; sharig hinaak ḥitta) خالص. لما جات سنة خمسة Ab-Garin (Irediba/Ardeba) isimaa l-Ḥafiira Um وعشرين طلبوا على أنه أي near Sennar,18 and east- Timsaah. Fa gaamo zamaan زول عنده كروكي قديم يسجلوا ;wards to a place called Al- fi ḥaaja isimaa kurukki ليه األرض. فلقوا الكروكي دا Hafira Um Timsah. They gaamo addo l-kurukki. Fa ومشوا سجلوا نمرة عشرة الحاج .gave him something called Ḥaaj Ṭaahir istaqarra الطاهر. kurukki (sketch map). He Baʿdeen awlaadu ṭabaʿan settled there. Of course, his kaano hina; hinaak maa fi children were all here. In zool khaaliṣ. Lamma jaat 1925 they asked whoever sanat khamsa wu ʿishriin had maps to show them in ṭalabo ʿala annu ayyi zool order to have their land reg- ʿindu kurukki gadiim yisajjilu istered. That map was leehu l-ʾarḍ. Fa ligo l- found, and the area No. 10 kurukki da wa masho sajjalo was registered under ‘Hajj nimra ʿashara l-Ḥaaj aṭ- at-Tahir’. Ṭaahir. طبعا سنة خمسة وعشرين كل Of course, in 1925 all this Ṭabaʿan sanat khamsa wu المنطقة دي ساكنينها فالتة. area was inhabited by Fal- ʿishriin kull al-manṭiga di فنمرة عشرة فالتة باسم الحاج laata (Fulani). So, on the saakninnaha Fallaata. Fa الطاهر محمد هاشم. جدنا map, No. 10 was marked nimra ʿashara Fallaata be ‘Fallaata’ under the name of ism al-Ḥaaj aṭ-Ṭaahir اسماعين دا قام ّطوالي مشى Hajj at-Tahir Muhammad Maḥammad Haashim. َعَمر الحلة دي. َعَمرها قبل ما يجي التسجيل. فقعد في الحلة Hashim (also simply known Jiddana Ismaaʿiin da gaam

17 Or the informant may not have wished to say what actually happened. 18 Ardeba Ab-Garin (Irediba/Ardeba) is, in fact, located 3–4km south of the centre of Maiurno.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 79 دي استقر فيها. هو طبعا -as Hajj at-Tahir). Our ṭawwaali masha ʿamar al ما أنجب. فقعد فيها لغاية ما grandfather19 Isma’il ḥilla di. ʿAmaraa gabli maa اتوفى. فبعد فترة جوا أهلنا Isma’il Issa Hajj at-Tahir, a yiji t-tasjiil. Fa gaʿad fi) الحالين ديل وسكنوا فيها. يعني grandson of Hajj at-Tahir) l-ḥilla di istaqarra fiiha. Hu هسع من أوالد حاج طاهر had moved here (i.e, in this ṭabaʿan maa anjab. Fa gaʿad هناك بيتين تالتة والباقين أهلهم .area on the western side of fiiha laghaayit maa itwaffa يعني. the Blue Nile and developed Fa baʿad fatra jo ahalna this village (Hillat Isma’il). l-ḥaaliin deel wa sakano In fact, he developed it fiiha. Yaʿni hassaʿ min before the registration. He awlaad Ḥaaj aṭ-Ṭaahir settled in this village. He hinaak beeteen talaata, wa didn’t have children. He l-baagiin ahalum yaʿni. stayed there until he died. After some time the current inhabitants came and stayed here. So, now there are only two or three families from the descendants of Hajj at- Tahir, and the rest are their relatives. بعدين ودهاشم مقبرته هنا. And then (Sheikh) Wad- Baʿdeen Wad-Haashim برضو اتذكر في حاجة حصلت Hashim’s tomb is here. I maqbartu hina. Barḍu سنة تالتة وخمسين، كان جا also remember another itzakkar fi ḥaaja ḥaṣalat بحر. فقاموا جوا جماعة قالوا ;event that took place in sanat talaata wu khamsiin ودهاشم إال ينشروه. الحقيقة أنا when the river was kaan ja baḥar. Fa gaamo jo 1953 الحكاية دي حاضرها. فقاموا -flooding. Some people jamaaʿa gaalo Wad طبعا نشروه من هنا ونقلوه .came and said that Wad- Haashim illa yinshuruuhu قدام. Hashim should be exhumed Al-ḥagiiga ana l-ḥikaaya di from his tomb.20 I witnessed ḥaaḍiraa. Fa gaamo ṭabaʿan this event. So, he was ex- nasharoohu min hina wa humed and removed to a nagaloohu giddaam. more distant location.

س9: في روايات بتحكي عن Q9: There were many stories نشره دا ذاته، ما متذكر؟ about his exhumation. Is there anything that you remember?

19 The term ‘grandfather’ is here used loosely to refer to a relative of a more distant ascending generation. 20 According to traditions, these people came and said that they had seen Sheikh Wad-Hashim in a dream saying to them: “You have seen the flood approaching me and no measures have been taken towards my removal!”

80 Interview: Mustafa al-Makki Ali واهلل بأمانة أنا ما ِّخشيت جوة. By God, I didn’t enter (into Wallaahi be amaana ana maa أوال كان الشيخ محمد توم، the tomb). There was Sheikh khashsheet juwwa. Awwalan الصادق، وبعدين في الطاهر يا Muhammad Tom (the kaan ash-Sheekh ربي! تاني معاهم نفرين تالتة -Second), As-Sadig, maybe Maḥammad Toom, Aṣ كدا. نشروه بالضبط حوالي At-Tahir, and some two or Ṣaadig, wu baʿdeen fi three other people. (Sheikh) ṭ-Ṭaahir yaa rabbi! Taani الساعة ستة ًمساء كدا. ّأدونا الهناي )الجسمان( دا ملفوف: Wad-Hashim was exhumed maʿaahum nafareen talaata جسم تقيل، معناها جسمان بتاع exactly at 6.00 p.m. We kida. Nasharoohu be ḍ-ḍabṭi زول تقيل. ختيناه في السرير. were given the body, ḥawaali s-saaʿa sitta على ما أذكر طبعا رجله wrapped; it was very heavy misaaʾan kida. Addoona دي فيها لفَّة. أنا شوفت اللفَّة as if he had just died). We l-hinaay (aj-jusmaan) da) في نفس الرجل راكبة. فعال ,put it on the bed. As far as I malfuuf: jisim tagiil شيلناه يوم األربع، أصبح يوم remember, of course, he maʿnaaha jusmaan bitaaʿ الخميس. بتذكر في نفس اليوم had a bandage on his leg. I zool tagiil. Khatteenaahu fi كان أخونا حامد بابكر عمل saw that bandage still fixed s-sariir. ʿAlaa maa azkur برقية على أن الشيخ ودهاشم .on the leg. We exhumed ṭabaʿan rijlu di fiiha laffa نشر بعد سبعة وأربعين سنة him on Wednesday. On the Ana shuufta l-laffa fii nafs وجد جسمانه كامل ما في ِّأي same day our brother ar-rijil raakba. Fiʿlan حاجة، حيتوارى جسمانه يوم ,Hamid Baabikir sent a tele- shiilnaahu yoom al-Arbiʿ الجمعة الساعة عشرة. أصبحنا .gramme saying that Sheikh aṣbaḥ yoom al-khamiis الصباح… الناس عبارة عن Wad-Hashim had been tak- Bitzakkar fii nafs al-yoom جراد. بعدين ُّودوا الجسمان en out of his tomb, 47 years kaan akhuuna Ḥaamid خلوة الشيخ محمد توم. أخد after his death, and that his Baabikir ʿamal barqiyya يوم الخميس على أساس كونه -body had been found intact, ʿalaa anna sh-Sheekh Wad يتوارى يوم الجمعة. and that he would be rebur- Haashim nushir baʿad ied on Friday at 10.00 a.m. sabaʿa wa arbaʿiin sana People started crowding wujid jusmaanu kaamil around like hordes of lo- maa fi ayyi ḥaaja, custs from everywhere. The ḥayitwaara jusmaanu yoom body was taken to the aj-jumaʿa s-saaʿa ʿashara. khalwa (reception room) of Aṣbaḥna ṣ-ṣabaaḥ… an-naas Sheikh Muhammad Tom. It ʿibaara ʿan jaraad. Baʿdeen (i.e., the body) spent Thurs- waddo j-jusmaan khalwat day awaiting reburial on ash-Sheekh Maḥammad Friday. Toom. Akhad yoom al- khamiis ʿalaa asaas kawnu yitwaara yoom aj-jumaʿa. والدنا طبعا قاعد مع الناس، My father was there; he Waalidna ṭabaʿan gaaʿid قاموا مشوا حفروا قبره ِّوأي participated in digging the maʿa n-naas, gaamo masho حاجة على أساس بكرة الساعة new) tomb where the body ḥafaro gabru wa ayyi ḥaaja) عشرة يواروه. الساعة سبعة was to be reburied at 10.00 ʿalaa asaas bukra s-saaʿa ونص تمانية والدنا شعر ليه a.m. (on Friday). At around ʿashara yiwaaruuhu. As-saaʿa 7.30–8.00 a.m., my father sabaʿa wu nuṣ tamaaniya بي ُحَّمة. طبعا نحن جايطين

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 81 مع الناس، الحكاية صعبة. قام had a fever. Of course, we waalidna shaʿar le bee َّرسل لي. جيت قال لي: "ما were busy attending to the ḥumma. Ṭabaʿan niḥna تمشي". الساعة إتناشر والدنا -guests under very difficult jaayṭiin maʿa n-naas, al اتوفى. في نفس الوقت كان conditions (because of the ḥikaaya ṣaʿaba. Gaam rassal الشيخ عبدالرحمن موجود في crowd). My father sent for ley. Jiit gaal ley: “Maa بيتنا. قالوا: "يا جماعة نحن me and asked me not to tamshi.” As-saaʿa iṭnaashar الناس الموجودة دي لو تركناهم leave him. At 12.00 (mid- waalidna itwaffa. Fii nafs للصباح الجسمان دا ما بنقدر night) he died. At that time al-wakit kaan ash-Sheekh ِّنوديه المقابر". قاموا حوالي Sheikh Abdurahman was ʿAbduraḥmaan mawjuud fii الساعة تالتة صباحا كدا present in our house. He beetna. Gaalo: “Yaa ومشوا دفنوا ودهاشم. الساعة -said: “If we leave this body jamaaʿa niḥna n-naas al عشرة يوم الجمعه اندفن أبوي. of Wad-Hashim) until to- mawjuuda di law) بعدين العدد الصلى عليه اهلل -morrow, it will be too dif- taraknaahum le ṣ-ṣabaaḥ aj يعلم يربو عن كذا ألف. ficult to take it to the jusmaan da maa bnagdar graveyard.” So, they went nawaddi l-maqaabir.” and buried Wad-Hashim at Gaamo ḥawaali s-saaʿa around 3.00 a.m. (Friday, talaata ṣabaaḥan kida wa instead of 10.00 a.m.). At masho dafano Wad- 10.00 a.m. my father was Haashim. As-saaʿa ʿashara buried. Thousands of yoom aj-jumʿa indafan people prayed at his funeral. abuuy. Baʿdeen al-ʿadad aṣ- ṣalla ʿaleehu Allaahu yaʿlam yarbuu ʿan kazaa alf.

س10: هجرة أهلنا لما جات -Q10: When our people ar لقت ياتو من الشيوخ؟ rived with the hijra, whom among of the (above- mentioned) sheikhs did they find?

لقوا الشيخ محمد توم. الحاجة They found Sheikh Mu- Ligo sh-Sheekh Maḥammad األنا سمعتها قالوا جوا في hammad Tom (the First). Toom. Al-ḥaaja l-ʾana الرشاش سنة ألف وتسعمية -From what I heard, they ar- siʿmitaa gaalo jo fi r وأربعة. فحتى اتذكر كان في rived at the beginning of the rushaash sanat alf wu بيتنا في ناس والي، وميورنو rainy season in 1904.21 I re- tusʿumiyya wu arabaʿa. Fa قعد في بيت الشيخ محمد توم، member that Wali and his ḥatta itzakkar kaan fii beetna وبعدين جماعتهم كلهم اتوزعوا -family were hosted in our fi naas Waali; wa Mai على األهل، كل ناس ُّأدوهم -house; Mai-Wurno was Wurno gaʿad fii beet ash على حسب استطاعتهم. فلما ;hosted in the Sheikh’s Sheekh Maḥammad Toom جات الدرت مشى الشيخ محمد house; and all the others wu baʿdeen jamaaʿatum

21 This date cannot be correct because the hijra (migration) restarted from Burmi after July 1903 (the date of the final battle), and we know that the mainstream of the migration stayed in ‘Borgo’ land (Wadai) for almost one year.

82 Interview: Mustafa al-Makki Ali were distributed among the kullahum itwazzaʿo ʿala l- توم ّطوالي َّأد السلطان سكن: ُّعدوا معاهم واشتغلوا معاهم. Sheikh’s relatives. Every ʾahal; kullu naas addoohum فحسب دا بيت الشيخ عثمان family was assigned people ʿala ḥasab istiṭaaʿatum. Fa كل المساعدات قدمها ليهم according to its ability (to lamma jaat ad-darat masha الشيخ محمد توم. وكان بيناتهم accommodate them). In the sh-Sheekh Maḥammad محبة شديدة. dry season, Sheikh Muham- Toom ṭawwaali adda mad Tom crossed the river s-Sulṭaan sakan: ʿaddo together with the Sultan maʿaahum wa ishtaghalo (Mai-Wurno) and gave him maʿaahum. Fa ḥasab da the site on which he was to beet ash-Sheekh ʿUsmaan establish his village. Our kull al-musaaʿadaat people even helped the mi- gaddamaa leehum ash- grants to prepare the place. Sheekh Maḥammad Toom. Because he (i.e., Mai-Wur- Wu kaan beenaatum no) was the (great) grand- maḥabba shadiida. son of Sheikh Usman (dan Fodio), Sheikh Muham- mad Tom offered them all kinds of assistance. Moreo- ver, there was affection between the two sheikhs.

س11: طيب لما قطعوا البحر Q11: When they crossed the كان بي جاي في عمار؟ -river, was there any settle ment on the other side (i.e., western side of the Blue Nile)?

خالص مافي، بس إال المقابر There was nothing at all ex- Khaaliṣ maafi; bas illa حقات حاج الطاهر وأثر بيوتهم cept the graveyard of Hajj l-maqaabir ḥaggaat Ḥaaj الهناك. at-Tahir and the relics of Ṭaahir wa asar buyuutum their houses. al-hinaak.

ِّ Q12: But we heard that Wad س12: لكن سمعنا ود َز َرولي كان عنده قطية بي غادي! Zarwalli (a man of Turkish origin) had a hut on that side (i.e., western side of the Blue Nile)!

ال، دا بعد ما رحلوا. ناس زرولي .No, this was after they had La, da baʿad maa raḥalo ذاته أول كانوا ساكنين بي هنا. moved. The people of Wad Naas Zarwalli zaatu awwal أول ما السلطان رحل َّهم أول .Zarwalli were living here at kaano saakniin bee hina ناس سكنوا معاه، عندهم جزء first. When the Sultan Awwal ma s-Sulṭaan raḥal

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 83 ساكن بي هنا وجزء ساكن بي Mai-Wurno) moved, they humma awwal naas sakano) هناك. لكن قبل السلطان ما were the first people to maʿaahu; ʿindahum juzu كان في زول خالص. move with him. So, some saakin bee hina wa juzu of them were living on this saakin bee hinaak. Laakin side (of the Blue Nile) and gabl as-Sulṭaan maa kaan fi some on that side. But be- zool khaaliṣ. fore the Sultan there was nobody at all.

س13: عادة لما يجوا ناس Q13: Usually when people ينزلوا في مكان ويرحلوا منه are living in a place and then غالبا يتخلَّفوا َّمنهم ناس. لما جا -move away, some of them re ميورنو يرحل ما في ناس من main behind. Did any of the الهجرة اتخلفوا هنا؟ hijra people remain behind (in Shaikh Talha)?

في. قالوا والد ناس بيلو أبكر Yes, there were some. It was Fi. Gaalo waalid naas Bello عتيق. ديل ذاتهم على ما اعتقد said that the father of the Abbakar ʿAtiig. Deel zaatum جوا قبل السلطان بي شوية. َّهم -people of Bello Abbakar ʿalaa maa iʿtaqid jo gabl as ديل أنصار. .Atiq remained behind. But Sulṭaan bee shuwayya even these, I think, arrived Humma deel anṣaar. shortly before the Sultan. These were Ansar (i.e., adepts of the Mahdiyya brotherhood).

س14: في فالتة فوتا قاموا من Q14: Were there Fallaata دارفور وجوا سكنوا في الشيخ Futa who came from Darfur طلحة؟ ?and settled in Shaikh Talha

إال عايلة ناس أبوحوة ديل. There was nobody) except Illa ʿaaylat naas Abu-Hawwa) حتى قالوا في المهدية عثمان -the family of Abu-Hawwa. deel. Ḥatta gaalo fi l الفنجري وأخوه هم األربعة -It was said that, during the Mahdiyya ʿUsmaan al حتى أمهم قالوا حافظة القرآن. Mahdiyya, Usman al-Fan- Fanjari wa akhuuhu hum بيحكي لي أبوي قال لي: jari and his four brothers al-ʾarbaʿa ḥatta ummahum "حتى نحن لما نجي هنا نمشي .and even their mother knew gaalo ḥaafẓa al-Qurʾaan نقفر…" – بعدين َّهم كانوا :the Qur’an by heart. My fa- Biyaḥki ley abuuy, gaal ley بتكلموا لغة الفور – )عربي ther said to me: “When we “Ḥatta niḥna lamma naji دارفور(: "يا إيال ما تكسر – ”…went to recite (it)…” – they hina namshi nagfir القرآن". فديل كانوا من هناك. spoke the Fur language (i.e., baʿdeen humma kaano the Darfur variety of Ara- bitkallamu lughat al-Foor bic) – (they often told us:) (ʿArabi Daarfoor): “Yaa “Children! Don’t distort the iyaal maa takassir al-

84 Interview: Mustafa al-Makki Ali Qur’an!” So, they were Qurʾaan.” Fa deel kaano from there. min hinaak.

س15: تقدر تعرف ليه ما Q15: Can you tell us why حصل تزاوج بين أسرة الشيخ there was no intermarriage طلحة وأسرة سلطان ميورنو between the family of Sheikh عشان يمتِّنوا العالقة؟ -Talha and that of Mai Wurno in order to strengthen relations?

واهلل ما عارف. .By God, I don’t know. Wallaahi maa ʿaarif

س16: طيب رغم إنه ما َّتم Q16: Regardless of the fact الزاج دا، الصلة كانت كيف؟ that intermarriage didn’t take place, how were the relations between them?

واهلل الصلة حميمة، لكن ما ,By God, relations were very Wallaahi ṣ-ṣila ḥamiima َّتم الزواج دا السبب ما عارف cordial, but I don’t know laakin maa tamma z-zawaaj شنو. why intermarriage didn’t da as-sabab maa ʿaarif take place. shinu.

س17: وليه ما في ناس من Q17: And why are there no هنا اتزوجوا في مايرنو؟ men from here who married women from Maiurno?

واهلل ما عارف. زي ما قال By God, I don’t know. May- Wallaahi maa ʿaarif. Zey قبيل اللغة، لكن مسألة اللغة ,be because of the language maa gaal gibeel al-lugha دي برضو ما حاجز. لكن ما barrier, as (someone) men- laakin masʾalat al-lugha di تعرف األسباب شنو. أبنعوف tioned before; but language barḍu maa ḥaajiz. Laakin شايقي جا اتزوج أخت ميورنو، .is (in itself) not a sufficient maa taʿrif al-ʾasbaab shinu ود الشامي جا من مدني اتزوج barrier (to intermarriage). Ab-Naʿoof Shaaygi ja في مايرنو. فاللغة دي ما مانع، ;Ab-Na’oof was a Shaygi (pl. itzawwaj ukhut Mai-Wurno لكن ما تقدر تقول. Shaygiyya).22 He came and Wadd ash-Shaami ja min married Mai-Wurno’s sis- Madani itzawwaj fii ter. Wad ash-Shami came Maayirno. Fa l-lugha di from Wad Medani and got maa maaniʿ, laakin maa married to a woman from tagdar taguul. Maiurno. So, language is not a real problem, but I

22 Although he carried the Shaygiyya tribal marks (three horizontal scars on each check), Ab- Na’oof was a Dongolese. This fact was confirmed by members of his family as well as by his relative, Professor Mahdi Amin at-Tom (University of Khartoum).

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 85 can’t really explain.

س18: لما يجوا الناس من Q18: When people come مايرنو عشان ِّيعرسوا هنا -from Maiurno seeking mar جماعتكم بعرفوا حكاية دا riage here, do your people فالتي ودا هوساوي؟ distinguish between the Fulani and the Hausa?

واهلل هنا غالبا ما بعرفوا إال By God, the majority doesn’t Wallaahi ghaaliban maa نادر، إال القليل َّمنهم. know the difference. Only biʿarfu illa naadir, illa few of them do. l-galiil minnahum.

س19: اللي ِّبميز دا بتكون في Q19: Do those who know تحفظات؟ the difference have any reservations?

آي، البعرف دا بكون في Yes, those who know (the Aayi, al-biʿrif da bikuun fi تحفظات. .difference) may have some taḥaffuẓaat reservations.

س20: طيب داخل شيخ طلحة Q20: In Shaikh Talha, are ذاتها في أسر ما ِّبتعرس لي -there families that don’t of أسر؟ fer their girls to certain other families?

واهلل هنا ما حصل، آي نوعية ;By God, this has never hap- Wallaahi hina maa ḥaṣal بتزوجوا من شتى القبائل، بحكم pened here. All the tribes ayyi nooʿiyya bitzawwaju intermarry with one another min shatta l-qabaaʾil be فترتهم، انصهار ّطوالي. because of the long period ḥukmi fatratum; inṣihaar of integration. ṭawwaali.

س21: من الناس الجوا من Q21: Do the original people مايرنو واتزوجوا هنا وولدوا of Shaikh Talha marry the بنات، هل في ناس من أهل daughters of the Maiurno الشيخ طلحة اتزوجوا من people who have themselves البنات ديل؟ ?married women from here

آي، حاج بابكر واو، ولد العمدة ,Yes; for example, the son of Aayi, Ḥaaj Baabikir Waaw العوض اتزوج بِتُّه. Omda al-Awad married the walad al-ʿUmda l-ʿAwaḍ daughter of Hajj Baabikir itzawwaj bittu. Wau.

86 Interview: Mustafa al-Makki Ali س22: العمدة العوض ما من Q22: But Omda al-Awad is الشيخ طلحة! not originally from Shaikh Talha!

عبدالرحمن Abdalrahman أنا بعرف تالتة بنات بس I know of only three girls Ana baʿrif talaata banaat bas من بنات ناس مايرنو الهنا who were married by typical min banaat naas Maayirno اتزوجوهن مواطنين من الشيخ Shaikh Talha citizens. But I l-hina itzawwajoohin طلحة. لكن أنا بشوف النسبة -find this number negligible. muwaaṭiniin min ash ذاتها ما كافية ألنه الناس الجوا More than 70 or 80 people Sheekh Ṭalḥa. Laakin ana اتزوجوا هنا ما أقل من سبعين from Maiurno married to bashuuf an-nisba zaataa تمانين، وعندهم بنات عملن women from Shaikh Talha. maa kaafiya laʾannu n-naas باآلالف. أنا عارف الشيخ They have had not less than aj-jo itzawwaju hina maa محمد توم اتزوج زينب بت ,a thousand daughters. I agalla min sabaʿiin tamaniin خليل، عارف آدم عبداهلل اتزوج know that Sheikh Muham- wa ʿindahum banaat ʿamalan بت خليل، عارف في العهد -mad Tom (the Second) mar- be l-ʾaalaaf. Ana ʿaarif ash القريب دا هشام ود يعقوب ried Zeinab, the daughter of Sheekh Maḥammad Toom اتزوج بت مصطفى موسى. ;Khalil; Adam Abdullahi itzawwaj Zeinab bitt Khaliil لكن تاني في؟ تالتة من ألف married the daughter of ʿaarif Adam ʿAbdullaahi يعني شنو! نسبة بسيطة. ما Khalil; and recently Hush- itzawwaj bitt Khaliil; ʿaarif في انصهار بين مايرنو وطلحة am Ya’qub married the fi l-ʿahd al-gariib da بالصورة المطلوبة. daughter of Mustafa Musa. Hushaam Wad Yaʿguub Apart from that, there aren’t itzawwaj bitt Muṣṭafa any other cases. Three out of Muusa. Laakin taani fi? a thousand is a very low rate. Talaata min alf yaʿni shinu! That means that there is lit- Nisba basiiṭa. Maa fi tle integration between inṣihaar been Maayirno wa Maiurno and Shaikh Talha. Ṭalḥa be ṣ-ṣuura l-maṭluuba.

س23 )عبدالرحمن لمصطفى(: Q23 (Abdalrahman to Ṭayyib fi l-kutub wa طيب، في الكتب والمدايح كلها Mustafa): We always hear in l-madaayiḥ kullaha بنسمع "شيخ طلحة الفالتي…!" -writings and praise singing binasmaʿ “Sheekh Ṭalḥa al about “Sheikh Talha the Fallaati…!” Fallaati …!”23

مصطفى Mustafa واهلل أنا ما عارف عنهم ِّأي By God, I don’t know Wallaahi ana maa ʿaarif حاجة. .anything about them. ʿannahum ayyi ḥaaja

23 ‘Fallaati’ is the singular form of ‘Fallaata’.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 87 س24 )عبدالرحمن لمصطفى(: Q24 (Abdalrahman to Fi n-nihaaya mush في النهاية مش جدكم؟ ?Mustafa): But isn’t he, in jiddakum the end, your grandfather?

مصطفى Mustafa Sheikh Talha is my direct Abu ḥabboobti ṭawwaali sh- أب حبوبتي ّطوالي الشيخ طلحة، لكن ما عارف ألنه grandmother’s father, but I Sheekh Ṭalḥa, laakin maa وضعهم كدا… الحقيقة الزول don’t really know,24 be- ʿaarif laʾannu waḍʿahum إنت ما بتعرفه ما بتقدر تقول cause their claim is some- kida… Al-ḥagiiga z-zool فيه حاجة. المفروض ِّتوجه ليه thing that… In fact, you inta maa bitaʿrifu maa السؤال هو ذاته. بعدين التاريخ .can’t say anything about bitagdar taguul fiihu ḥaaja ذاته بعرف، وبعدين أي زول somebody whom you don’t Al-mafruuḍ tawajjih leehu عارف… know. You are supposed to s-suʾaal hu zaatu. Baʿdeen ask him. Moreover, this is at-taariikh zaatu biʿrif; wa well known in history; baʿdeen ayyi zool ʿaarif… everybody knows that…25

النهاية End An-nihaaya

24 It was quite clear that the informant did not want to yield any information on this issue. 25 Al-Amin Abu-Manga learned that the new generations do not like the elders to associate them with the Fallaata (Fulani). Instead, they decided to claim an Arab origin and a new pedigree, namely, Husseiniyya (see also Abu-Manga in press).

88 Interview: Mustafa al-Makki Ali Interview with Fulani men originating from MAIURNO

Date and Place of the Interview: December 9, 1996; Wad Medani INTERVIEWEES: ▫ Abdurahman Ali Baabikir Jaafun, born in 1933 in Maiurno ▫ Abdalmoneim Isma’il Abu-Bakr al-Qadi, born in 1963 in Maiurno ▫ Abu-Bakr Ahmad Orabi, 55 years, born in Maiurno Interviewer: Al-Amin Abu-Manga Transcription, transliteration and translation (Arabic and Fulfulde): Al-Amin Abu-Manga

س1: حسب ما بتسمع، Q1: According to what you الهجرة بتاعة ميورنو دي لما -heard, when the hijra (migra جات نزلت في الشيخ طلحة، -tion) led by Mai-Wurno ar هل كانوا نازلين في حتة rived in Shaikh Talha,1 did معينة كلهم ولال وزعوهم على all its members stay in one األسر؟ -place or were they distribut ed among the families already living in that village?

عبدالرحمن Abdurahman الشئ األنا سمعته، عندما ,What I heard is the follow- Ash-shi l-ʾana simiʿtu جا السلطان مع ناسه َّنزلوهم ing: when Mai-Wurno came ʿindama ja s-Sulṭaan maʿa في حتة َّمعينة براهم، ما with his people, they were naasu nazzaloohum fii ḥitta َّوزعوهم على األسر. الشي hosted in one place; they muʿayyana baraahum, maa السمعناه من أبهاتنا هم أكبر .were not distributed among wazzaʿoohum ʿale l-ʾusar مما يوزعوهم على األسر. هم the families already living Ash-shi s-simiʿnaahu min جوا، إنسان مع ناسه، زعيم in Shaikh Talha. What we abbahaatna hum akbar قبيلة، ناس الشيخ طلحة نزلوهم heard from our elders is that mimmaa yiwazziʿuuhum وأكرموهم ُّووروهم المحل؛ إذا they were too numerous to ʿale l-ʾusar. Hum jo, insaan كان في أي حاجة جاتهم جاتهم ,be distributed among these maʿa naasu, zaʿiim gabiila كمجموعة بواسطة السلطان، families. They came under a naas ash-Sheekh Ṭalḥa بعدين يوزعها لي ناسه، والناس tribal leader. The people of nazzaloohum wa التكافل َّتم، ناس المنطقة في Shaikh Talha welcomed akramoohum wa warroohum تكافل، وفي من األهل من them, showed them hospi- al-maḥal; iza kaan fi ayyi قبايل الفالتة المجاورين برضو. tality, and showed them the ḥaaja jaatum jaatum ka place (where they were to majmuuʿa bi waasṭat as- stay). So, whatever they Sulṭaan, baʿdeen yiwazziʿaa

1 The village named after Sheikh Talha, its presumed founder (see below).

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 89 obtained, they obtained it lee naasu, wa n-naas at- as a group through the Sul- takaaful tamma, naas al- tan (Mai-Wurno), who, in manṭiga fi takaaful, wa fi turn, gave it to his people. min al-ʾahal min gabaayil There was mutual assis- al-Fallaata l-mujaawiriin tance between the people barḍu. (Fulani) living in this area (i.e., Maiurno), and assistance was also largely received from Fallaata (Fulani) relatives2 living in the surrounding areas.

س2: طيب بعد ما عبروا Q2: After they had crossed to البحر كيف كان توزيعهم هنا؟ this side (i.e., western side هل توزيع عشوائي ولال ِّأي of the Blue Nile), how were زعيم بطن قبيلة ُّأدوه محل لي ?they distributed spatially ناسه؟ -Was the distribution at ran dom or was every clan leader assigned a place for his people?

أصالً عندما وصلوا المنطقة In fact, when they arrived, Aṣlan ʿindamaa waṣalu دي في رجل اسمه أحمد أم there was someone called l-manṭiga di fi rajul ismu بوشي – الشي السمعناه من Ahmad Um Baushi. Aḥmad Um Baushi; ash-shi أجدادنا إنه دا ما َّعد بالشرق، According to what we s-simiʿnaahu min ajdaadna قعد في مايرنو، ياهو هسع -learned from our elders, innu da maa ʿadda be sh جنب ناس ُّمشطو دا، بتُّه هي ,this man did not cross to the sharig, gaʿad fii Maayirno كانت زوجة والي، بيتهم جنب eastern side (i.e., to Shaikh yaahu hassaʿ janb naas الموردة بتاعة يوسف شروم. Talha); he stayed in (the Macciɗo da; bittu hiya kaanat الرجل دا أصلو ما َّعد بالشرق، present) Maiurno site near zawjat Waali, beetum janb وهم كانوا الناس ديل بجوا the place where Maccuɗo’s al-moorada bitaaʿat Yuusif وبمشوا بشتغلوا وبجوا. الناس house stands. His daughter Sharoom. Ar-rajul da aṣlu الماسكين المراكب: اهلل-يافي ,was Wali’s wife and their maa ʿadda be ash-sharig وفي ناس عبيد وفضل المولى house was near the wood- wa hum kaanu n-naas deel وأخوهم محمد وأبناؤه؛ هم ديل selling centre of Yousif biju wa bimshu bishtaghlu Sharom. This man (Ahmad wu biju. An-naas al-maaskiin كانوا كبار َبعُّدوا بالمراكب. برضو اشتغل معاهم أبو ناس ,Um Baushi) never crossed al-maraakib: Alla-Yaa-Fi دبلو وناس عثمان حندادي. to the eastern side of the wa fi naas ʿIbeed, wa Faḍl الشي البسمعه اهلل-يافي دا ذاته Blue Nile. So, they (the al-Muula wa akhuuhu معاه نفرين تالتة من جماعتنا ;hijra members) used to Maḥammad wa abnaaʾu لكن نسيتهم. come and clear the land and hum deel kaanu kubaar

2 The term ‘relatives’ is used loosely here to stress shared ethnic background.

90 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno return. The boat people (i.e., biʿaddu be l-maraakib. the people operating the Barḍu ishtaghal maʿaahum boat used to cross the river) abu naas Dabalo, wa naas included: Allah-Yaa-Fi, ʿUsmaan Ḥandaadi. Ash-shi Ibeid, Fadl al-Moula, and l-basmaʿu Alla-Yaa-Fi da his brother Muhammad and zaatu maʿaahu nafareen his sons. These were the el- talaata min jamaaʿatna derly people who operated laakin nisiitum. boats to cross the river. Da- balo’s father and Usman Handaadi also worked with them. I also learned that, besides Allah-Yaa-Fi, there were also two or three other persons from our group, but I have forgotten them (i.e., their names). بعدين مايرنو دي، من هناك When the hijra started and Baʿdeen Maayirno di, min لما قامت الهجرة، الناس سمعوا -people heard about the de- hinaak lamma gaamat al بقيام أمير المؤمنين، كل منطقة parture of Amir al- hijra, an-naas simʿu be لما يجي فيها بقوموا بحالهم ,Mu’minin (the ‘Command- giyaam Amiir al-Muʾminiin بأسرهم ويجوا متبعين الهجرة. er of the Faithful’3) from kulli manṭiga lamma yiji لما يجوا يبايعوا بسألهم، "انتو Sokoto, people with their fiiha biguumu bee ḥaalum entire families would join be ʾusarum wa yiju ِمُنم؟" "نحن كدا". "خشم بيتكم شنو؟ زعيمكم منو؟" َّطوالي his hijra, when he passed muttabiʿiin al-hijra. Lamma يسجل. بالطريقة دي المن ,through their area. Usually yiju yibaayʿu bisʾalum وصل برمي وحصل ما حصل. ”.when they presented them- “Intu minum?” “Niḥna kida بايعوا محمد بلو وواصلوا لغاية ?selves to pay homage, he “Khashum beetkum shinu ما وصلوا. ”?would ask them: “Who are Zaʿiimkum minu you?” “We are so-and-so.” Ṭawwaali yisajjil. Be “What is your clan? Who is ṭ-ṭariiga di laamin waṣal your leader?” He would Burmi wa ḥaṣal maa ḥaṣal. then record (this informa- Baayaʿo Maḥammad Bello tion). It was like that until wa waaṣalo laghaayit maa they reached Burmi and the waṣalo. well-known events took place.4 They paid homage

3 This title refers to Attahiru (At-Tahir); see also footnote 4. 4 The events in question relate to the famous Burmi battle (in northern Nigeria) between the hijra people and the British army, which took place on 27 July 1903. Attahiru (At-Tahir), the leader of the hijra from Sokoto, was martyred in this battle and leadership was passed to his son, Mai- Wurno. For more information on this battle, see Duffield (1981: 27).

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 91 to Muhammad Bello5 and continued (under his leadership) up to here. When they crossed (to the Fa lamman ʿaddo ayyi فلمن َعُّدوا ِّأي إنسان نادوه قالوا ليه: "إنت وجماعتك western side of the river6), insaan naadoohu gaalo شوفوا ليكم حتة أكبروا فيها". clan leaders were told: “Go leehu: “Inta wa jamaaʿtak َّفقسم األحياء دي بالصورة and find an area and clear it shuufu leekum ḥitta akburu دي؛ حسب الزعماء، كل زول for yourself and your peo- fiiha.” Fa gassam al-ʾaḥyaaʾ بي ناسه، يقول ليه: "ناسك -ple.” So, he (Mai-Wurno) di be ṣ-ṣuura di; ḥasab az ديل ِّأي وكت بدورهم بجيبهم let the migrants living in zuʿamaaʾ, kullu zool bee عن طريقك انت". عشان كدا these quarters disperse in naasu yiguul leehu, “Naasak هسع بيوت البرننكوئن بيوت this way, according to clan deel ayyi wakit baduurum bajiibum ʿan ṭariigak inta.” كتيرة جداً جداً، فكل ناس ّأداهم :leaders, telling the leader محل براهم رغم إنهم من خشم Whenever I need your peo- ʿAshaan kida hassaʿ buyuut“ بيت واحد. خد مثال زي جورو ple, I will summon them al-Barnanko’en buyuut through you.” This is why katiira jiddan jiddan. Fa َهَّم، زي ُد َّك جينقا، زي جرمة ِكتِر، زي جورو مانو، ديل the Borno Fulani families kullu naas addaahum maḥal كلهم من البرننكوئن. بعدين are very numerous. He baraahum raghmi innahum هنا فاروق كاتسيننكوئن، ومالم .gave each of them a sepa- min khashum beet waaḥid مانو دكنكوئن. وبعدين فريق rate place, although they all Khud misaal zey Jawro نافطا، وبعدين دغرنكوئن ,belonged to the same (Fu- Hamma, zey Dukka Ƴeenga ودمغرنكوئن. َّفتم تأسيس مايرنو lani) subsection. For exam- zey Jarma Kitir, zey Jawro بالصورة دي. بعدين في أيوب ple, Jawro Hamma, Dukka Maanu, deel kullahum min هناك في الفريق السافالني دا، Ƴeenga, and Jawro Maanu al-Bornanko’en. Badʿeen were all Borno Fulani. hina Faruuku في مالم كويني ومالم َجُّبو وفي مادواكي، وناس برغوبي )ناس Faruq was a Katsina Fulani Katsinanko’en, wa Maalam بقولوا ليهم سدبيبي(. وبعدين and Malam Maanu was a Maanu Dukkanko’en. Wa المروة انقسموا إثنين، في Dukku Fulani. And then baʿdeen fariig Naafaɗa, wu مروة ود هاشم ومروة أردبية، you have the Nafada quar- baʿdeen Dagaranko’en wu في َّمنهم جوا بعد الهجرة وفي ter and the Dagara (Daura) Damagaranko’en. Fa tamma َّمنهم جوا مع الهجرة. بعدين and Damagara (Damagar- taʾsiis Maayirno be ṣ-ṣuura في دغرا؛ دغرا ديل كمان هم am) quarters. So, Maiurno di. Baʿdeen fi Ayuuba hinaak ناس عمر دامنة وناس غيا. was established in this way. fi l-fariig as-Saaflaani da; fi أحمد توطو كمان من اآلدماوا؛ And then there was Ayyub Maalam Koyne wu Maalam وبعدين مرافا جوال، طبعاً دا من there in that northern quar- Jaɓɓo wu fi Madawaaki, wu األسرة، فريق مرافا دا فريقهم ter; there was Malam naas Barguuɓe (naas biguulu لكن طبعاً بعد داك رحلوا مشوا Koyne, Malam Jaɓɓo, Mad- leehum Sidibeeɓe). Wu الصعيد. awaki, and the Barguuɓe baʿdeen al-Marwa ingasamu (known as Sidibeeɓe – or ʾitneen: fi Marwa Wad

5 Muhammad Bello (Mai-Wurno) was the son of Attahiru (At-Tahir) and named after another Muhammad Bello, i.e., after a Sultan of Sokoto, who, in turn, was the son of Sheikh Usman dan Fodio. 6 At that time Maiurno was still to be established on the western side of the Blue Nile.

92 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno Sidibe). And then the Hashim wu Marwa Marwa people7 were ʿArdeeba; fi minnahum jo divided into two groups: baʿad al-hijra wu fi the Marwa of Wad Hashim minnahum jo maʿa al-hijra. and those of Ardeba Baʿdeen fi Dagara; Dagara (Irediba; 3–4 km south of deel kamaan hum naas the centre of Maiurno). ʿUmar Daamana wu naas Some of them arrived after Gaya. Aḥmad Towɗo the hijra, and some of them kamaan min al-Adamawa; came along with the hijra. wu baʿdeen Maraafa Ƴoola And then there were the ṭabaʿan da min al-ʾusra; Dagara (Fulani), the Umar Fariig Maraafa da fariigum Damana and the Gaya laakin ṭabaʿan baʿad daak people. Ahmad Towɗo was raḥalu masho ṣ-Ṣaʿiid. an Adamawa Fulani. And, of course, Marafa Yola belonged to the ruling family; the Marafa quarter (in Maiurno) used to be theirs, but they moved to Southern Blue Nile. يعني تقسيم مواطنين مايرنو هو In short, the distribution of Yaʿni tagsiim muwaṭiniin ما جا على أساس قرعة ولال Maiurno people was not by Maayirno huwa maa ja ʿala حاجة، جا عن طريق خلفية lot or something like that, asaas gurʿa walla ḥaaja, ja سابقة حسب الناس حسب ما but according to previous ʿan ṭariig khalfiyya saabga جوا. فكان العمدة األول ذاته .occurences, i.e., according ḥasab an-naas ḥasab maa jo في البلد هو العمدة مقاجي to their organisational order Fa kaan al-ʿumda l-ʾawwal أو المباشر ألعمال السلطان، prior to their arrival. In fact, zaatu fi l-balad huwa بعد منه لما فات من البلد -the first Omda of the vil- l-ʿUmda Magaaji aw al جابوا تراكي؛ وتراكي طبعاً من -lage, i.e., the direct manag- mubaashir le aʿmaal as البرننكوئن. er of the Sultan’s business, sulṭan; baʿdi minnu lamma was Omda Magaji.8 After faat min al-balad jaabo his departure, he was suc- Turaaki; wa Turaaki ceeded by Turaki, who was ṭabaʿan min al-Bornanko’en. from the Borno Fulani.9

7 Marwa people = Fulani having migrated from the region of Maroua (in present-day northern Cameroon). 8 ‘Omda’ is a title within the Native Administration system introduced by the British. It is held by the head of an Omodiyya which, in turn, corresponds to the second highest administrative unit within this system. 9 Some people say that Turaki was of Kanuri origin; he spoke Kanuri (besides Fulfulde and Hausa). I ‘witnessed’ him but I cannot remember the details of his face. However, his son, Tahir Turaki (now dead), carried a Kanuri tribal mark (a vertical thin scar along the nose). Our ►

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 93 س3: هسع شوفنا بطون Q3: Now we have discussed الفوالنيين اللي جات مع the Fulani groups that الهجرة. ما بتالحظ إنه حجم .came along with the hijra Didn’t you notice that the ُالسكتنكوئن ما بتناسب مع أحجام المجموعات التانية؟ size of the Sokoto Fulani الهجرة نفسها طلعت من سكتو، group was small compared ولكن لما تقارن السكتنكوئن مع with the other groups? The البرننكوئن والكتسيننكوئن تلقى hijra itself started from ديالك عدد أصابع اليد! Sokoto, yet the size of the Sokoto Fulani group is far smaller than that of the Katsina and Borno Fulani groups!

طيب، أوالً سكتنكوئن في Well, first, theSokoto Fulani Ṭayyib, awwalan مايرنو هم كتار ما شوية لكن in Maiurno are very numer- Sokkotanko’en fii Maayirno الناس ما بيعرفوهم. ,ous, but people don’t know hum kutaar maa shuwayya them. laakin an-naas maa biʿarfuuhum.

س4: أنا أصلِّح ليك سؤالي. Q4: Let me correct my ques أنا أقصد السكتنكوئن اللي ما -tion. I mean the Sokoto Fu برطنوا إال هوسا؛ ما بقصد ,lani who just speak Hausa I don’t mean people like ناس ساجو وناس بوبي َجُّبو؛ ديل براهم! .Saajo and Buubey Jaɓɓo These people constitute a different group!

ديل لما كانوا ماسكين السلطة When these were in power Deel lamma kaanu maaskiin هناك انقسموا – الشي السمعناه – there (Sokoto), they divid- as-sulṭa hinaak ingasamu من أجدادنا – في أنه يهاجروا ed over the issue of the hi- ash-shi s-simiʿnaahu min ولال ما يهاجروا انقسموا. في jra – according to what we ajdaadna – fi innu yihaajru من قالوا: "نحن ما ممكن نخلي .heard from our elders. walla maa yihaajru ingasamu بلدنا لي زول أجنبي بتوري Some of them supported Fi man gaalu: “Niḥna maa the hijra while others said: mumkin nakhalli baladna min ɗaccanta leddi amin “We will not abandon our lee zool ajnabi Batuure, min kaaɗo non saakit; min njooɗoto min laamoo؛ ما land for a white man ɗaccantaa leddi amin kaaɗo ممكن نفوت كلنا". British), a foreigner; we non saakit; min njooɗoto)

◄ informant may not be wrong in associating Turaki to the Fallaata (Fulani) from the Borno subsection (Bornanko’en). Many urbanised Borno Fulani (e.g., the descendants of Sultan Ahmad Misau, i.e., the ruling family in Galgani and Abdel Khallag), have already been almost totally assimilated to Kanuri culture (including their language). This is similar to the way in which the urbanised Fulani in Hausa land (including Mai-Wurno himself) underwent total assimilation into Hausa culture (including a total shift of language to Hausa).

94 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno will stay and rule; we min laamoo [Fulfulde]; maa should not all go away.” mumkin nafuut kullana.”

س5: طيب انتو بتسمعوا إنه Q5: Did you hear that after بعد المعركة بتاعة برمي في (the Burmi battle (of 1903 ناس رجعوا؟ some people returned (to Sokoto)?

في ناس رجعوا. .Yes, there were people who Fi naas rajaʿo returned.

س6: زواج سلطان أحمد من Q6: Did Sultan Ahmad’s10 أخت ميورنو َّتم هناك ولال هنا؟ marriage with Mai-Wurno’s sister take place here or there (in West Africa)?

اتزوجها هنا، َّزوجها ليه He married her here. It was Itzawwajaa hina, zawwajaa السلطان ذاته. ومن ضمن the Sultan (Mai-Wurno) leehu s-Sulṭaan zaatu. Wa الزيجات دي بعد وفاة وزيري who married her to him. min ḍimn az-ziijaat di حسن َّزوج حبوبتنا التانية دي And, after the death of Wa- baʿad wafaat Waziiri Ḥasan لي جدنا أبنعوف. الزواج دا ziri Hassan, he arranged zawwaj ḥabboobatna حصل هنا. -other marriages too, includ- t-taaniya di lee jaddana Ab ing the marriage of our other Naʿoof. Az-zawaaj da ḥaṣal grandmother to our grandfa- hina. ther Ab-Na’oof.11 This marriage took place here.

س7: معناها سلطان أحمد قعد Q7: This means that Sultan هنا قبل ما يمشي الحج! Ahmad stayed here before going on pilgrimage!12

10 This is Sultan Ahmad Misau, a well-known leader of the Borno Fulani. At the time of the hijra he was regarded as the second most important leader (after Mai-Wurno) of the eastward- migrating Fulani. Once back from Hijaz (Holy Land in Saudi Arabia) in 1915, he led his followers out of Maiurno and established the independent settlements of Galgani and Abdel Khallag, ca. 80 and 85 km away respectively, south of Maiurno on the Blue Nile near Wad an- Nail (Wad an-Nayyal). 11 Ab-Na’oof was a Dongolese from Northern Sudan. He was the first outsider to marry a Fulani woman in Maiurno. He got married in the Sultan’s ruling family, and later his son from his first (non-Fulani) wife also married into a big Maiurno family of Ansar (followers of the Mahdi). Ab-Na’oof’s descendants still live in Maiurno. They are regarded more as Fallaata (Fulani) than as Dongolese. 12 My assumption here turned out to be wrong. In fact, Sultan Ahmad (Misau) separated from the mainstream of the hijra and proceeded to Mecca leaving his people to continue with Mai-Wurno. In 1915, he came back from Mecca, got married to Mai-Wurno’s sister in Maiurno, and then collected his people and went to establish the villages of Galgani and Abdel Khallag.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 95 هو ذاته جا بعد الهجرة؛ الشي In fact, he came after the Hu [= huwa] zaatu ja baʿad السمعناه من ناس جدنا تراكي -hijra, according to what we al-hijra; ash-shi s ومتأكدين منه، هم ديل اال بعد heard from our grandfather simiʿnaahu min naas ما جوا واستقر بيهم المقام حتى Turaki.13 And we are quite jaddana Turaaki wu المطو برنو جا. لما جا َّكرموه sure that Sultan Ahmad mutʾakkidiin minu, hum َّوقعدوه، والزمن داك االستعمار came after these people here deel illa baʿad maa jo wa َّأد السلطان – حسب شاف -had completely settled. istaqarra beehum al عنده ناس وناسه ناس فالحة When he came, they wel- maqaam ḥatta laamiiɗo وكدا أداه… قال ليه: "النيل comed him and honoured [Fulfulde] Borno ja. Lamma األزرق تمتد فيه، تفوت منطقة him. At that time the coloni- ja karramoohu wa سنجة"، ألنه برضو كان في al administration offered gaʿadoohu, wa z-zaman كيس بينه وبين المك حسن، land to the Sultan – given daak al-istiʿmaar adda ألنه استقطعوها من أراضي that he had many people s-Sulṭaan – ḥasab shaaf المك حسن. بعد داك شالوه who were skilled farmers… ʿindu naas wu naasu naas ُّودوه عمل جلقني دي سموها …They said to him: “You can filaaḥa wu kida – addaahu دمتورو بعد ما اتزوج. -expand along the Blue Nile, gaal leehu: “An-Niil al beyond Singa.” Because he Azrag timtadda fiihu, tafuut (Sultan Ahmad) also had a manṭigat Sinja” – laʾannu problem with Mek Hassan;14 barḍu kaan fi kees beenu the area in question was cut wu been Al-Makk Ḥasan, from his (i.e., Mek’s) land. laʾannu istagṭaʿooha min Afterwards he (Sultan Ah- araaḍi l-Makk Ḥasan. mad) was taken to found Baʿad daak shaaloohu Galgani (village), which waddoohu ʿamal Jalgani di they named Damaturu. It sammooha Damatuuru was after the marriage. baʿad maa itzawwaj.

س8: الناس القاموا من مايرنو Q8: What circumstances ومشوا فتحوا حالل الصعيد، إيه made some people move الظروف الخلتهم يرحلوا؟ from Maiurno and create villages in Southern Blue Nile?

كان حصل بعض المجاعات -There were instances of Kan ḥaṣal baʿaḍ al في مايرنو، البعض َّمنهم -famine in Maiurno, so majaaʿaat fi Maayirno; al هاجروا ومشوا فتحوا حالل في some people moved and baʿaḍ minnahum haajaro opened villages in South- wu masho fataḥo ḥallaal fi الصعيد، زي ِجُبو كلتنغا مثالً. معاهم زاداوا، أحفاده هنا ناس ern Blue Nile. Examples of aṣ-Ṣaʿiid, zey Jibo Kaltanga ِال.بول الحالل زي ناس بيضا these were Jibo Kaltanga masalan. Maʿaahum

13 In this interview, kinship terms such as ‘grandfather’ and ‘uncle’ are primarily used as terms of respect when preceded by the possessive pronoun ‘our’; these kinship terms are used in a narrower sense when preceded by the possessive pronoun ‘my’. 14 Mek Hassan Adlan was then the Nazir (naaẓir: paramount chief) of the Funj.

96 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno رحلوا ليها ناس مرافا من مايرنو and Zadawa; his (i.e., Jibo Zaadaawa; aḥfaadu hina وانتشروا هناك. فعالً حصلت Kaltanga’s) descendants naas Boolilla. Al-ḥallaal zey مجاعات بسببها ناس قاموا. here (in Maiurno) are the naas Beeḍa raḥalo leeha واحدين كمان بعتهم السلطان people of Bolilla.15 Villages naas Maraafa min Maayirno ألنه قالوا ليه تفتح المحالت such as Beida (and so on) wa intasharu hinaak. Fiʿlan دي زي ما َّود ناس مجدادي were opened by Marafa, ḥaṣalat majaaʿaat be sababaa في منطقة سيفاوا. who moved with his people naas gaamo. Waaḥdiin from Maiurno. Actually, kamaan baʿatum as-Sulṭaan there were instances of laʾannu gaalo leehu taftaḥ famine that obliged people al-maḥallaat di zey maa to move. Some other peo- wadda naas Majidaaɗi fii ple were sent by the Sultan manṭigat Siifaawa. (Mai-Wurno) (to other places) because they (i.e., the colonial administration) asked him to open these places; he sent those people in the same way as he sent Majidaaɗi to the Sifawa area (in the eastern part of present-day Gedaref State).

س9: لكن فتح حالل الصعيد Q9: But the opening of يختلف من فتح منطقة سيفاوا. new) villages in Southern) األيام ديك الزعيم بيقََّيم بعدد -Blue Nile took place differ ناسه. ما بتفتكر طلوع الناس ently than in the Sifawa من مايرنو باألعداد الكبيرة دي -area.16 At that time a lead بيقلِّل من قوة السلطان وبالتالي er derived his power from بيحز من نفسه؟ the number of people under his authority. Don’t you think that the departure of such a large number of people from Maiurno could

15 The fact that the informant said ‘here’ to refer to Maiurno is better understandable if one keeps in mind that he is a citizen of Maiurno who just happened to work in Wad Medani at the time of the interview, which was indeed largely about Maiurno. 16 The processes leading to the creation of new (Fulani) villages in Southern Blue Nile were indeed different from those leading to the creation of new villages in the Sifawa area. As indicated above, the latter area was given to the Sultan (Mai-Wurno) by the colonial administration to open new villages. In the Sifawa area, the creation of such villages was thus mostly organised by the Sultan. In Southern Blue Nile, by contrast, the creation of new villages was more largely the result of attempts to escape the secular school system (in opposition to the Qur’anic school system) regarded at that time as an ‘unbelievers’ thing’, as well as the result of conflicts among leading personalities within theMaiurno community and attempts to escape from famine.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 97 have decreased the Sultan’s power and might have been against his will?

ما هو أصلو َّلمن الناس دي In fact, when these people Maa hu aṣlu lamman an-naas جات هم دايرين يتوسعوا في came, they wanted to ‘ex- di jaat hum daayriin األرض، وعارفين العددية pand on land’. They knew yitwassaʿu fi l-ʾarḍ, wa العندهم ما شوية، وما تنسى إنه that their number was very ʿaarfiin al-ʿadadiyya توافدت بخالف المهاجرين أسر ,large. And don’t forget that l-ʿindahum maa shuwayya كثيرة من أنحاء السودان من many Fulani families al- wu maa tansa innu الفوالنيين الكانوا منتشرين في -ready living in other parts tawaafadat be khilaaf al مناطق، ِّلحدي هسع في ناس of the Sudan migrated to muhaajiriin ʾusar katiira بتسموا بالمناطق الجو منها: join them. These families min anḥaaʾ as-Suudaan min زي ناس علي قضارف مثالً still bear the names of the al-Fulaaniyyiin al-kaanu areas from which they muntashiriin fii manaaṭig, زي ناس َهَّم سواكن مثالً، زي ناس محمد رهد زي ناس عمر came: for example, Ali Ge- laḥaddi hassaʿ fi naas كسال، أبهاتهم ديل محمد كسال daref, Hamma Sawakin, bitsammu be l-manaaṭig aj-jo Muhammad Rahad, Umar minnaha: zey naas ʿAli وأبكر كسال، زي َبَّبا سنكات مثالً… ديل كلهم كانوا شتات Kassala and their fathers, Gaḍaarif masalan; zey naas في أنحاء السودان. فالناس ;Muhammad Kassala and Hamma Sawaakin masalan ذاتها الحتة دي بقت ضيقة ;Abbakar Kassala, Bappa zey naas Maḥammad Rahad بالنسبة ليهم، فالسلطان كان ,Sinkat, and so on. Such zey naas ʿUmar Kassala )غرضه( التوسع في األراضي. people were previously abbahaatum deel scattered in different parts Maḥammad Kassala wa of the Sudan. Then, this vil- Abbakar Kassala, zey lage (Maiurno) became too Bappa Sinkaat masalan. small for all these people, Deel kullahum kaanu and the intention of the shataat fi anḥaaʾ as- Sultan was to ‘expand on Suudaan. Fa n-naas zaataa land’. l-ḥitta di bigat ḍayga be n-nisba leehum. Fa s-Sulṭaan kaan (gharaḍu) t-tawassuʿ fi l-ʾaraaḍi. وبعدين ما تنسى برضو في Also, don’t forget that there Wu baʿadeen maa tansa ناس قاموا من هنا مشوا عملوا were people who moved barḍu fi naas gaamo min حلة بكا بتاعة الرهد. وفي رجل from here and founded hina masho ʿamalo Ḥillat واعي برضو بيتهم جنب بيت Hillat Baka near Ar-Rahad. Baka bitaaʿat ar-Rahad. Wu ناس الطيب محمود نزحوا إلى There was also a wise man fi rajul waaʿi barḍu beetum المنطقة ديك. الشي األنا بعرفه whose house was near At- janb beet naas aṭ-Ṭayyib إنه في إتفاق في مسألة الهجرة Tayyib Mahmoud’s house; Maḥmuud nazaḥo ila دي، ما كان في غضاضة. they, too, moved to that l-manṭiga diik. Ash-shi وبعدين دا زعيم وعنده ناسه وما area. What I know is that l-ʾana baʿrifu innu fi ittifaag ممكن زعامتين في حتة واحدة، there was an agreement on fii masʾalat al-hijra di; maa

98 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno kaan fi ghaḍaaḍa. Wu البد يتوسعوا. إو�ن كان داك -this (intra-Sudanese) migra زعيم لكن تابع ليه هو تحته، tion and that there was noth- baʿdeen da zaʿiim ʿindu فلذلك هو ما كان بيرى في ing against it. Moreover, naasu wu maa mumkin غضاضة إنه يرحلوا. دا الشي ,this was a leader and the zaʿaamateen fii ḥitta waaḥda األنا فهمته من كبارنا غايتو. other, too, was a leader; two laabudda yitwassaʿu. Wa in leaders can never stay in kaan daak zaʿiim laakin one place. They have to ex- taabiʿ leehu, huwa tiḥtu. Fa pand. Though that one (Sul- lizaalik huwa maa kaan tan Ahmad) was a leader, he biyara fi ghaḍaaḍa innu was under this one (Mai- yirḥalu. Da sh-shi l-ʾana Wurno). So, there was noth- fihimtu min kubarna ghaaytu. ing against their departure. This is what I understood from our elders anyway.

س10: في العادة بتحصل Q10: Arranged marriages زيجات َّموجهة من زمن have been common since الرسول صلى اهلل عليه وسلم، – the time of the Prophet واإلمام المهدي اتزوج من قبائل Peace be upon him. The متعددة، وشيخ حياتو، رابح -Mahdi married into differ َّعرس ليه بتُّه عشان يربطه. ent tribes; Rabeh17 had his طيب نحن جماعتنا جوا نزلوا daughter marry Sheikh في الشيخ طلحة، والشيخ Hayatu in order to commit طلحة تقابة مشهورة على him (to his side). Now, our نطاق السودان، وبعض أهلها people were first hosted in فالتة برضو. كنت أول حاجة Shaikh Talha, and Shaikh َّبتخيلها، السلطان دا، ميورنو -Talha was a famous tug بالذات، يا اتزوج َّمنهم أو هم -gaaba (fireplace for learn اتزوجوا منه عشان يربطوا -ing the Qur’an) in the en نفسهم ببعض يعني. لكن ما tire Sudan, and some of its حصل. السلطان ميورنو أصلو .inhabitants are Fulani too ما حصل أتزوج من شيخ طلحة -So, I had expected that ei رغم إنه في يوم من األيام عنده ther the Sultan, especially أزمة زوجات. عرس بت قدح Mai-Wurno, would have الدم في أمدرمان، وطلقها، married a woman from يمكن برضو عشان بعد Sheikh Talha’s family, or المسافة. وبعد داك عرس أربعة that they (i.e., members of من بنات الزعماء في مايرنو (Sheikh Talha’s family في وقت واحد. أنا سؤالى، ما would have marry women كان ممكن ِّس يعر تالتة من from the Sultan’s family, in

17 Rabeh (ca. 1842–1900) was a Sudanese warlord who established a powerful empire west of Lake Chad. He was an ally of Sheikh Hayatu, a grandson of Sheikh Usman dan Fodio, who became one of his lieutenants after his departure from Sokoto.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 99 مايرنو وواحدة مثالً من الشيخ order to strengthen links طلحة عشان يربط األهل؟ في with one another. But this تقديرك ليه ما تمت؟ -didn’t happen. Sultan Mai Wurno never got married to a woman from Shaikh Talha, though he had a few wives. He married Gadah ad- Dam’s daughter (in Omdur- man) and divorced her, maybe because of the distance. He then married four daughters of clan leaders in Maiurno at one time. My question is: was it not possible for him to take three wives in Maiurno and one in Shaikh Talha so as to strengthen links between relatives?18 In your opinion, why didn’t it happen?

ما تمت ألنهم بيروا ديل It didn’t happen because Maa tammat laʾannahum ما ممكن يتجانسوا معاهم they thought that the others biyaru deel maa mumkin الختالف عاداتهم وتقاليدهم would never harmonise with yitjaanasu maʿaahum li في ذلك الزمن. ناسنا بيروا them due to differences in ikhtilaaf ʿaadaatum wa ما برضو بعادات ديالك -customs and traditions at tagaaliidum fi zaalik az وتقاليدهم. ألنه ناسنا كانوا that time. Our people found zaman. Naasna biyaru maa متمسكين بالدين شديد وبشوفوا that they would not accept birḍu be ʿadaat deelaak wa ديالك نسوانهم بيطلعوا، هم the customs and traditions tagaaliidum. Laʾannu naasna العادة ما بتنسجم معاهم. فلذلك of the others (i.e., people of kaanu mutmassikiin be هم ِّبفضلوا ياخدوا من عندهم Shaikh Talha). Our people d-diin shadiid wu bishuufu اللي هي أساساً أهلها ذاتهم ;were very committed to reli- deelaak niswaanum biyiṭlaʿu الوضع دا بيرضيهم. gion, whereas the women hum al-ʿaada maa bitinsajim from the other group could maʿaahum. Fa lizaalik go out freely (i.e., were not humma bifaḍḍilu yaakhdu secluded). Their custom min ʿindahum alli hiya didn’t suit them. So, they asaasan ahalaa zaatum al- preferred to get married waḍeʿ da biyarḍiihum. within their own community, where even the woman’s relatives favoured this custom (seclusion).

18 Here too, the term ‘relatives’ is used loosely to stress shared ethnic background.

100 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno وأظن عدم نجاح الزيجة I think that the failure of Wa aẓinnu ʿadam najaaḥ األولى ذاتها )بت قدح الدم( the first marriage (of Mai- az-ziija l-ʾuula zaataa (bitt بتاعة أمدرمان قد يرجع لنفس Wurno with the daughter of Gadaḥ ad-Dam) bitaaʿat الخلفيات دي بتاعة التمسك… Gadah ad-Dam) in Omdur- Umdurmaan qad yirjaʿ le هم )في أمدرمان( عندهم man might have been due nafs al-khalfiyyaat di العادات السودانية اللي هي to this factor. There (in Om- bitaaʿat at-tamassuk… Hum ناسنا بيروها تبرج، بيروها عدم durman), people had Suda- (fii Umdurmaan) ʿindahum انضباط وعدم تمسك بالشرع. nese (Arab) customs, which al-ʿaadaat as-Suudaaniyya فعشان كدا يعني هم ما حاولوا our people used to regard as alli hiya naasna biyaruuha يتزوجوا. السلطان القبائل دي tabarruj (display of charms tabarruj, biyarruha ʿadam باختالفها أخد منها. قام أخد by women), lack of control inḍibaaṭ wa ʿadam tamassuk مثالً بت فاروق من الكاتسينا؛ and lack of observance of be sh-sharʿ. Fa ʿashaan the Shari’a (Islamic Law). kida yaʿni hum maa قام أخد بت ُد َّكا جينغا من البرنو؛ وتاني أخد بت بوبي -This is why they didn’t try ḥaawalu yitzawwaju. As to marry (there). The Sultan Sulṭaan al-qabaaʾil di be ّجُّبو؛ وتاني أخد بت جورو َهَّم married into different (Fu- ikhtilaafaa akhad minnaha. من البرنو. ُودكا جينغا وجورو lani) subsections: the Gaam akhad masalan bitt َهَّم أوالد عم. وبوبي َجُّبو من السكتاوا لكن السكتاوا التانين ;daughter of Faruq, a Katsi- Faaruug min al-Katsina ناس الخال. na Fulani; the daughter of gaam akhad bitt Dukka Dukka Ƴeenga, a Borno Ƴeenga min al-Borno; wa Fulani; the daughter of taani akhad bitt Buubey Buubey Jaɓɓo, and the Jaɓɓo; wu taani akhad bitt daughter of Jawro Hamma. Jawro Hamma min al-Borno Dukka Ƴeenga and Jawro – Dukka Ƴeenga wa Jawro Hamma were paternal Hamma awlaad ʿamm. Wa cousins. Buubey Jaɓɓo was Buubey Jaɓɓo min as- a Sokoto Fulani, but from Sokkotaawa laakin as- the other group, the ‘bush’ Sokkotaawa t-taaniin naas Fulani.19 al-khala.

عبدالمنعم AbdalMoneim االحتمال اللي أنا ممكن Another possibility for me Al-ʾiḥtimaal alli ana mumkin استنتجه إنه الرعيل األول من -is that perhaps the first istantiju innu r-raʿiil al المهاجرين اللي جوا قعدوا في immigrant generations who ʾawwal min al-muhaajiriin طلحة احتمال يكونوا عرضوا stayed in Shaikh Talha alli jo gaʿadu fii Ṭalḥa عليهم الزواج لكن يمكن ألنهم were offered marriage iḥtimaal yikuunu ʿaraḍu ما كان عندهم فكرة االستقرار opportunities, but they ʿallehum az-zawwaj, laakin وكانوا عاوزين يواصلوا لي might have refused because yimkin laʾannahum maa kaan ʿindahum fikrat al- ّقدام. احتمال دا برضو يكون they had no intention to عامل ما ساعد على الزواج. settle permanently (in the ʾistiqraar wu kaanu ʿaawziin Sudan). Their intention was yiwaaṣlu lee giddaam. to continue further. This Iḥtimaal da barḍu yikuun

19 The ‘bush’ Fulani are usually opposed to the so-called ‘town’ Fulani.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 101 might also have been a ʿaamil maa saaʿad ʿala factor which did not favor z-zawaaj. intermarriage.

عبدالرحمن Abdurahman إنت عارف مايرنو في سابق As you know, during its early Inta ʿaarif Maayirno fi عهدها بني آدم ما ممكن يشقها time Maiurno was very strict saabig ʿahdaha bani adam وهو راكب الجمل. فرغم إنه with regard to the matter of maa mumkin yishuggaha) ِبتلَّمهم )مع ناس طلحة( صلة .seclusion) to the extent that wa huwa raakib aj-jamal رحم لكن هم بيروا تصرفاتهم nobody could cross it riding Fa raghmi innu العايشنها ما بتتناسب مع a camel. So, although the bitlimmahum (maʿa naas حياتهم. عشان كدا حتى مايرنو Maiurno people were (ethni- Ṭalḥa) ṣilat riḥim laakin ذاته لحدي العهد األخير حتى cally) related to those of hum biyaru taṣarrufaatum بقوا ناس مايرنو يندمجوا مع Shaikh Talha, they found al-ʿaayshinnaha maa ناس طلحة؛ يتواصلوا في .that the latter’s way of life bititnaasab maʿa ḥayaatum أشياء نادرة يعني. إال عالقات didn’t suit theirs. Therefore, ʿAshaan kida ḥatta Maayirno تجارية عالقات بيع وشرا، لكن -until recently there was no zaatu laḥaddi al-ʿahd al عالقات تواصل في أشياء… active interaction between akhiir ḥatta bigo naas إال من أفراد. the two groups of people. It Maayirno yindamju maʿa is only recently that they naas Ṭalḥa; yitwaaṣalu fii have started to associate ashyaaʾ naadra yaʿni. Illa with one another on rare oc- ʿalaaqaat tijaariyya ʿalaaqaat casions. So, apart from the beeʿ wu shira, laakin general commercial interac- ʿalaaqaat tawaaṣul fii tions, connections are ashyaaʾ… illa min afraad. restricted to individuals.

س11: أول زول اتزوج Q11: The first person to من طلحة كان خليل، وتاله marry a woman from Shaikh أبرشي وتاله أبكر واو. خليل Talha was Khalil, followed كان جزار وأبرشي كان تاجر by Abarshi and then followed وأبكر واو كان شالق )مالوي(. by Abbakar Wau. Khalil was تالحظ شنو في زيجات الناس a butcher, Abarshi was a التالتة ديل؟ merchant, and Abbakar Wau was a(n) (traditional) eye doctor. What do you notice about the marriages of these three persons?

خليل طبعاً مما جا قعد هنا طبعاً Of course, right after his ar- Khaliil ṭabaʿan mimma ja أصبح يتعامل مع الجماعة rival Khalil started to inter- gaʿad hina ṭabaʿan aṣbaḥ ديل كجزار، أظن خشوا فيه act with these people (from yitʿaamal maʿa j-jamaaʿa وقدروا… يعني أُعجب بيهم Shaikh Talha) as a butcher. deel kajazzaar; aẓinnu

102 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno وأخد َّمنهم. وأبرشي كان تاجر …It seems that they became khashsho fiihu wa gidro ورجل كان بتزوج كتير؛ زيجاته pleased with him. He was yaʿni uʿjib beehum wa كلها ما اتزوج من قبيلته. attracted by them and mar- akhad minnahum. Wa تزوج أول حاجة أم ناس ried into their group. Abar- Abarshi kaan taajir wa rajul النور )أبرشي( فالتية، وتزوج .shi (a Hausa) was a mer- kaan bitzawwaj katiir مرأة تانية اسمها َّأد فالتية، chant who married many Ziijaatu kullaha maa itzawwaj min gabiiltu. ثم تزوج بت علي قُِّني أخت wives, but he never married ناس الطاهر علي، اللي هي in his own tribe. He first Tazawwaj awwal Ḥaaja أم ناس بشير أبرشي، ثم تزوج married Hajja, the mother umm naas an-Nuur الزوارة حفيدة عثمان بارا أم of An-Nour (i.e., the mother (Abarshi), Fallaatiyya; wa ناس مصطفى وبابو أبرشي. of An-Nour Abarshi), a Fu- tazawwaj marʾa taaniya طبعاً ديل يِلِّقا Yilliga من ;lani. He then married an- isimaha Adda Fallaatiyya فالتة برنو. other woman called Adda summa tazawwaj bitt ʿAli Fallaatiyya. He then mar- Konni ukhut naas aṭ-Ṭaahir ried the daughter of Ali ʿAli alli hiya umm naas Konni, sister of Tahir Ali; Bashiir Abarshi; summa she was the mother of Ba- tazawwaj az-Zuwaara shir Abarshi. He then mar- ḥafiidat ʿUsmaan Baara, ried Az-Zuwara, the grand- umm naas Muṣṭafa wu daughter of Usman Bara, Baabo Abarshi. Ṭabaʿan the mother of Mustafa and deel Yilliga min Fallaata Baabo Abarshi. These were, Borno. of course, from the Yillaga Fulani clan.

س12: الشي الداير أقوله، Q12: What I meant to say is لو الحظت ديل كلهم ما that the three men were not ناس عاديين، ما ناس عامة. ,ordinary people. By the way بالمناسبة نحن عندنا الفالتة the profession of a butcher مهنة الجزار ما محبوبة؛ الفالتة is despicable among the ناس بقر وما بحبو الزول -Fulani. The Fulani are cat البضبحه! tle people; therefore they don’t like the one who slaughters cattle!

الناس األوائل ديل كلهم بارزين، All these first people (to An-naas al-ʾawaaʾil deel والدي ذاته أخد َّمنهم، أخت مرة marry women from Shaikh kullahum baarziin; waaldi أبرشي دي ذاتها. اتزوج سنة ,Talha) were distinguished. zaatu akhad minnahum تالتة وخمسين. Even my father married the ukhut marat Abarshi di sister of Abarshi’s wife. zaataa. Itzawwaj sanat That was in 1953. talaata wu khamsiin.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 103 س13: حوالي تمانين في المية Q13: About 80 % of the first من الناس األوائل اللي اتزوجوا people who married women من هناك ناس مميزين. عشان -from Shaikh Talha were dis شنو؟ هل هم ما بُِّدوا العامة tinguished. Why? Didn’t ولال العامة ذاتهم ما بمشوا؟ they (i.e., Shaikh Talha people) tend to offer their girls to ordinary people, or did ordinary people themselves not seek women in that village?

الناس بتاعيننا عندهم اإلنطوائية Our people tend to be re- An-naas bitaaʿinnana كتير. ما كانوا مداخلين الناس served. They didn’t use to ʿindahum al-inṭiwaʾiyya ديل. أما الناس األخدوا َّمنهم associate with these (Shai- katiir. Maa kaanu ديل من الناس الكانوا منفتحين .kh Talha) people. Those mudaakhliin an-naas deel على المجتمع. هم ما كانوا Maiurno people who mar- Amma n-naas al-akhadu بمانعوا ديل يتزوجوا َّمنهم، بل ried women from Shaikh minnahum deel min an-naas كانوا البعض َّمنهم بيعرض، Talha were socially open. al-kaanu munfatḥiin ʿala ألنهم كانوا معجبين بناس The people of Shaikh Talha l-mujtamaʿ. Humma maa kaano bimaanʿu deel مايرنو إو�عالتهم للنساء، يعني didn’t mind giving them كفالة النساء القايمين بيها في their daughters in marriage. yitzawwaju minnahum, bal مايرنو هم بتمنوا الواحد يِِّدي بتُّه In fact, some of them offer kaano l-baʿḍ minnahum لي ناس مايرنو، ألنه بحترمها to do so because they are biyaʿriḍ, laʾannahum kaano وما بخلِّيها تتعب، ما بخليها pleased with the way Mai- muʿjabiin be naas Maayirno تجيب حطب، ما بتنزل البحر urno people care for their wa iʿaalatum le n-nissaʾ تجيب موية. يعني ناس مايرنو -wives, to the extent that a yaʿni kafaalat an-nissaʾ al مميزين عند ناس طلحة. father may wish to give his gaaymiin beeha fii Maayirno daughter in marriage to a hum bitmannu l-waaḥid Maiurno man. Because he yiddi bittu lee naas Maayirno respects her, he doesn’t laʾannu biḥtarimaa wu maa make her suffer; he neither bikhalliiha tatʿab, maa makes her fetch fire wood bikhalliiha tajiib ḥaṭab, maa nor go to the river to fetch bitanzil al-baḥar tajiib water. In short, the Maiurno mooya. Yaʿni naas Maayirno husbands are highly es- mumayyaziin ʿind naas teemed by the people of Ṭalḥa. Shaikh Talha.

س14: طيب يا أبوبكر ليه Q14: Well, Abu-Bakr, why ما في ِأي زول من أسرتكم didn’t anybody from your )أسرة السلطان( متزوج َّمنهم؟ (family (the Sultan’s family يعني حتى خالك النور اهلل take a wife from the Shaikh يرحمه في ودهاشم مؤكد ما Talha people? Even your

104 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno كان زواج َّموجة، يعني ما maternal uncle An-Nour كان اتزوجها عشان يربط ود Hassan) – may God have) هاشم بمايرنو، إنما شاف إمرأة mercy on him – did not وأعجب بيها واتزوجها! marry a woman from Wad Hashim with the intention of strengthening links between Maiurno and that village. He just saw a woman, he admired her, and he married her!

أبوبكر Abu-Bakr وهل زواج التانين ديل في And did the others who mar- Wa hal zawaaj at-taaniin طلحة عشان الروابط؟ نزوات -ried women from Shaikh deel fii Ṭalḥa ʿashaan ar شخصية بس. Talha do that to strengthen rawaabiṭ? Nazawaat links? It was just a matter of shakhṣiyya bas. personal desire.

س15: لكن البيت الحاكم دا Q15: But ruling families عادة بفكر يعمل زيجات زي usually think of contracting دي! !such marriages

ما تم. .It didn’t happen. Maa tamma

س16: طيب، يا عبدالمنعم، ,Q16: Well, Abdalmoneim ليه تفتكر ناس طلحة أصلو why, in your opinion, do the ما ِّبعرسوا مننا، ال سابقا ًال -people of Shaikh Talha nev حالياً؟ ما َّعرس َّمنهم في -er marry women in our vil مايرنو غير زول واحد بس. lage? Only one person did وهو ذاته ما كان والد. هو قالوا it, someone who didn’t get children before. They said بحب الفالتة، ولكن أنا ُي َّخيل لي مشى ليه لي شيخ وقال ليه that it was because he liked "تعرس فالتية" )عشان الوالدة(! the Fallaata, but I imagine َّعرس بت عثمان قاجي وما that he had seen one sheikh ولد معاها وفكاها. بس تاني ما who advised him to ‘try’ a في. في تقديرك ليه؟ Fallaatiyya20 (in order to have children). He married the daughter of Usman Gaaji and still didn’t get children. At last he divorced her. There isn’t any other

20 Literally: Fallaata woman.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 105 case. In your opinion, what is the reason for this?

عبدالمنعم AbdalMoneim في تقديري ناس طلحة بعد ما In my opinion, the Shaikh Fii taqdiiri naas Ṭalḥa استقروا في المنطقة اتزاوجوا Talha people, after having baʿad maa istaqarru fi مع القبائل العربية الموجودة settled in this area, inter- l-manṭiga itzaawaju maʿa في المنطقة وجابوا هجين اللي married with the Arab tribes l-qabaaʾil al-ʿarabiyya هم بسموهم الفالتة المواليد. of the area and produced a l-mawjuuda fi l-manṭiga wu بالتالي بتطلعوا يتزاوجوا مع crossbreed known as al- jaabo hajiin alli hum القبائل السودانية الموجودة Fallaata al-Mawaaliid. So, bisammuuhum al-Fallaata جنبهم البتتكلم باللغة العربية they seek intermarriages l-Mawaaliid. Be t-taali الفصحى، يتجنبوا تاني يرجعوا with the surrounding Suda- bitṭallaʿu yitzaawaju maʿa لي ورا. بقوا هم يمكن ما nese tribes that speak Stand- l-qabaaʾil as-Suudaaniyya بعرفوا يرطنوا. بشوفوا نفسهم -ard (i.e., unbroken) Arabic l-mawjuuda janbahum al بقوا أعلى، ما برطنوا واكتسبوا and avoid going backward bititkallam be l-lugha l-ʿarabiyya l-fusḥa, دم عربي – إو�ن كان الفالتة once again. They might ذاتهم عرب ولكن في تزاوج مع have already lost their tribal yitjannabu taani yirjaʿu lee قبايل إفريقية في غرب إفريقيا. language. They consider wara. Bigo hum yimkin maa بالتالي هم بيروا هم أكثر ُّتمدناً. themselves to be superior; biʿarfu yirṭunu. Bishuufu اتزاوجوا مع الجعليين في they don’t speak the ver- nafsahum bigo aʿla, maa كساب وكدا. nacular (i.e., Fulfulde), and birṭunu, wa iktasabu dam they acquired Arab blood – ʿArabi – wa in kaan although the Fallaata them- Fallaata zaatum ʿArab wa selves are (originally) laakin fi tazaawuj maʿa Arabs who intermarried gabaayil Ifriiqiyya fii Gharb with African tribes in West Ifriiqiya. Be t-taali hum Africa. So, they consider biyaru humma aktar themselves more sophisti- tamaddunan. Itzaawaju maʿa cated. They already inter- j-Jaʿliyyiin fii Kassaab wu married with the Ja’liyyin kida. in Kassab and so forth.

عبدالرحمن Abdurahman الكالم القاله دا كالم وجيه. What he has said is accept- Al-kalaam al-gaalu da kalaam وحقيقة في بعض َّمنهم بتنكروا able. In fact, some of them wajiih. Wa ḥagiigatan fi يقولوا فالتة. من زمان البعض deny that they are Fallaata. baʿḍi minnahum bitnakkaru َّمنهم بتنكر ألنه هم خليط Some of them have denied yiguulu Fallaata. Min zamaan برضو. ألنه لما برز الشيخ it for a long time because al-baʿḍi minnahum bitnakkar طلحة الفالتي والشيخ ودهاشم .they are mixed. When laʾannu hum khaliiṭ barḍu الفالتي وفدت عليهم قبايل -Sheikh Talha al-Fallaati Laʾannu lamma baraz ash كثيرة جداً. and Sheikh Wad-Hashim Sheekh Ṭalḥa al-Fallaati wa al-Fallaati became famous sh-Sheekh Wad-Haashim

106 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno (as saints), very many tribes al-Fallaati wafadat ʿaleehum moved to join them. gabaayil katiira jiddan.

س17: هل دا اللقب الشايع -Q17: Is this the popular nick ولال في محالت مكتوب كدا؟ name,21 or is it written as such somewhere?

في محالت مكتوب الشيخ -In some places it is written Fi maḥallaat maktuub ash طلحة الفالتي. كان عندنا .Ash-Sheikh Talha al- Sheekh Ṭalḥa l-Fallaati‘ شيخ بشير. الشيخ بشير دا Fallaati’. There was one Kaan ʿindana Sheekh كان حضرناه رجل كبير، كان Sheikh Bashir whom we Bashiir. Ash-Sheekh Bashiir إمام مسجد ود هاشم، يعني witnessed’. He was an el- da kaan ḥaḍarnaahu rajul‘ هو صديق أبوي وهو كان من derly man, the imam of kabiir, kaan imaam masjid حيران الشيخ ودهاشم، وهو Wad Hashim mosque. He Wad Haashim, yaʿni huwa حضر الشيخ ودهاشم، وبسمع was my father’s friend and ṣadiig abuuy wa hu kaan كالم الشيخ ودهاشم، وكان was a disciple of Sheikh min ḥiiraan ash-Sheekh حضر الشيخ طلحة وبسمع Wad-Hashim. He ‘wit- Wad-Haashim wa hu ḥaḍar كالمه، وأنا حضرته، بي خشمه nessed’ Sheikh Wad- ash-Sheekh Wad-Haashim بقول لينا الكالم دا وبسميهم كدا -Hashim and used to listen wa bismaʿ kalaam ash )الشيخ طلحة الفالتي والشيخ to his talk; he also ‘wit- Sheekh Wad-Haashim, wu ودهاشم الفالتي(. لكن ما لقيته nessed’ Sheikh Talha and kaan ḥaḍar ash-Sheekh مكتوب. لكن َّورانا إنه في قبايل used to listen to his talk. He Ṭalḥa wa bismaʿ kalaamu, wa مثالً من المحس، في قبايل من personally told us this, and ana ḥaḍartu; bee khashmu الجعليين قبايل الشمالية دي he used to refer to them as biguul leena l-kalaam da كلها، والبديرية والمسبعات… -such (i.e., as ‘Ash-Sheikh wu bisammiihum kida (ash قبايل كثيرة جداً جداً بجوا في Talha al-Fallaati’ and ‘Ash- Sheekh Ṭalḥa l-Fallaati wa شكل حيران. وأخيراً لما توالدوا Sheikh Wad-Hashim al-Fal- sh-Sheekh Wad-Haashim وكدا فضل الشيخ ِّيزوج دا لي laati’). But I didn’t find it al-Fallaati). Laakin maa دا. فعشان كدا حلة الشيخ written. But he told us that ligiitu maktuub. Laakin طلحة دي أصبحت خليط. very many tribes used to warraana innu fi gabaayil فيهم األتراك زي ناس فضل come as disciples, includ- masalan min al-Maḥas, fi المولى وفيهم المغاربة زي ناس ,ing the Mahas, the Ja’liyyin, gabaayil min aj-Jaʿliyyiin اليسع وفي مناقير زي ناس ود all the northern Sudan gabaayil ash-Shimaaliyya di المنقوري مثالً، )هم ديل( أوالد tribes, the Bideriyya, the kullaha, wa l-Bideeriyya wa الريف، يعني الريف المصري. Musabba’at, and so on. At l-Musabbaʿaat… gabaayil last, when it was time to katiira jiddan jiddan biju fii have children, the Sheikh shakli ḥiiraan. Wa akhiiran started to marry this one to lamma tawaaladu wu kida that one. This is why faḍal ash-Sheekh yizawwij Shaikh Talha village da lee da. Fa ʿashaan kida became a mixed community. ḥillat ash-Sheekh Ṭalḥa di

21 The nickname in question is ‘al-Fallaati’ (sing. of Fallaata – i.e., Fulani) following the names ‘Sheikh Talha’ and ‘Wad-Hashim’.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 107 It included Turks, such as aṣbaḥat khaliiṭ. Fiihum al- Fadl al-Moula; people of Atraak zey naas Faḍl al- Maghreban origin (Ma- Muula, wa fiihum al- gharba), such as Al-Yasa; Maghaarba zey naas al- and Managir, such as Yasaʿ, wu fi Manaagiir zey Wad al-Mangouri. These naas Wad al-Manguuri (Managir) were from Lower masalan, (hum deel) awlaad Egypt. ar-Riif yaʿni, ar-riif al- Maṣri.

س18: لكن هم ليه ما جوا Q18: But why didn’t they اتزوجوا مننا؟ come and marry among us?22

ما جوا اتزوجوا ألنه هم لي They don’t because they Maa jo itzawwajo laʾanu هسع بقولوا الفالتة العجم. نحن still describe us as al- hum lee hassaʿ biguulu في البنطون واجهتنا، سنة ناس Fallaata ʿujam (non- l-Fallaata l-ʿijam. Niḥna fi عبود جابوا البنطون؛ ُّسموه من Arabic-speaking Fallaata). l-banṭoon waajahatna; sanat هناك بنطون مايرنو/طلحة. We witnessed such an inci- naas ʿAbbuud jaabo قالوا ميورنو دا ذاته جا طلحة dent in connection with the l-banṭoon. Sammoohu min َّرحب بيه ويجي الليلة المشرع /ferryboat in the year when it hinaak Banṭoon Maayirno يتحول بدل طلحة/مايرنو يكون was brought by Abboud’s Ṭalḥa. Gaalo Mai-Wurno مايرنو/طلحة؟ في الحتة دي government (1958–1964). da zaatu ja Ṭalḥa raḥḥab أخدت جذب ورد المن عملوا They called the boat ‘Mai- beehu wu yiji l-leela خطب أخونا شيخ الطيب urno/Talha Ferryboat’. The l-mushraʿ yitḥawwal badal ألقى كلمة تحت عنوان "فلسفة people of Shaikh Talha Ṭalḥa/Maayirno yikuun البنطون"، وجاب كالم من complained that, given that Maayirno/Ṭalḥa? Fi l-ḥitta ناس الشيخ بشير أحمد وقال: Mai-Wurno had come and di akhadat jazb wu radd "ما هي مايرنو؟ مايرنو/طلحة ,was welcomed (hosted) by laamin ʿamalo khuṭab وطلحة/مايرنو عندنا واحد. إن Sheikh Talha, the crossing akhuuna Sheekh aṭ-Ṭayyib algha kalma taḥt ʿunwaan شئتم اعملوها طلحة/مايرنو إو�ن station should not have شئتم اعملوها مايرنو/طلحة، Mai-Wurno’s name! So, “Falsafat al-Banṭoon” – wa نحن بنعتبر ميورنو الفالتي -there were hot debates on jaab kalaam min naas ash وطلحة الفالتي كلهم أجدادنا، this matter, including Sheekh Bashiir Aḥmad wu البتختوه فوق ما عندنا مانع". ?speeches. Our brother gaal: “Maa hiya Maayirno حتن حسموا الموضوع دا. هم /Sheikh at-Tayyib delivered Maayirno/Ṭalḥa wa Ṭalḥa بيروا أي حاجة في الحتة دي .a speech entitled ‘The phi- Maayirno ʿindana waaḥid لو جات باسم مايرنو ما بقبلوا، losophy of the ferryboat’, In shiʾtum ʿamaluuha ألنهم بيروا هم أفضل مننا وهم citing Sheikh Bashir Ahmad Ṭalḥa/Maayirno wa in ديل ليهم الحق في كل شئ and saying: “What is shiʾtum ʿamaluuha أكثر مننا، إذا كان جات ِّأي Maiurno? Maiurno/Talha Maayirno/Ṭalḥa; niḥna

22 The use of the object pronoun ‘us’ reflects the fact that the interviewer is also originating from Maiurno.

108 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno حاجة هم ياخدوا نصيبهم في -and Talha/Maiurno mean biniʿtabir Mai-Wurno l األول حتى نحن نكون في the same to us. Call it Talha/ Fallaati wa Ṭalḥa l-Fallaati المرتبة الثانية. فلذلك هم بيروا -Maiurno or Maiurno/Talha, kullahum ajdaadna; al نفسهم األول ونحن في الدرجة as you like. We consider bitkhuttu foog maa ʿindana الثانية. لذلك ما بياخدوا مننا. both Mai-Wurno al-Fallaati maaniʿ.” Ḥattan ḥasamu and Talha al-Fallaati as our almawḍuuʿ da. Humma grandfathers; we have no biyaru ayyi ḥaaja fi l-ḥitta objection whoever you di law jaat be isim Maayirno place on top of the other.” humma maa bigbalu, In this way they were then laʾannahum biyaru hum able to settle the matter. afḍal minnana wa hum deel They (i.e., the people of leehum al-ḥagg fii kulli shi Shaikh Talha) don’t accept aktar minnana, iza kann jaat what is done in Maiurno’s ayyi ḥaaja hum yaakhdu name because they think naṣiibum fi l-ʾawwal ḥatta that they are better than we niḥna nakuun fi l-martaba are and that they have more t-taaniya. Fa lizaalik hum rights to things than we do; biyaru nafsahum al-awwal therefore they have to take wu niḥna fi d-daraja t-taaniya. their share first, and we Lizaalik maa biyaakhdu come afterwards. So, they minnana. place themselves in the first class and place us in the second class. This is why they don’t marry among us.

س19: الناس المتزوجين من Q19: The Maiurno people طلحة مجموعتين: مجموعة married to women from بتحابي ناس طلحة، ومجموعة Shaikh Talha are divided غير كدا. المجموعة األولى دي -into two groups: one is bi ِّبتفسر عدم زواج ناس طلحة ased in favour of the Shaikh في مايرنو بالحاجز اللغوي. Talha people and the other بينما إنه في ناس من قبايل is biased against them. The عربية تانية اتزوجوا من مايرنو first group explains the lack – الكواهلة مثال. كدي أحكي of marriage ties between لينا قصة زواج عمدة الكواهلة Shaikh Talha and Maiurno في مايرنو! in terms of the language barrier. They say this, even though there were people from other Arab tribes – for example, Kawahla – who got married in Maiurno. Please, tell us about the

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 109 marriage of the Kawahla Omda in Maiurno!

كان صديق أبوي، وبعدين في He was my father’s friend. Kaan ṣadiig abuuy, wu At that time there was a Fu- baʿdeen fi mara jaaratna َمرة جارتنا هنا كان جنب بيتنا، فالتية. بعدين أحمد ود الضو دا ,lani woman living near our hina kaan janb beetna صديق أبوي. هي عزبة وبعدين house, a divorcee. This Ah- Fulaaniyya. Baʿdeen بجي لي أبوي. فقال: "واهلل يا mad Wad ad-Daw used to Aḥmad Wadd aḍ-Ḍaw da حاج على أنا داير مرة منكم". come to my father. One day ṣadiig abuuy. Hi ʿazaba wu قال لي: "خالص، بنزوجك". he said (to my father): “By baʿdeen biji lee abuuy. Fa فعالً َّعرسها ليه وعاش معاها God, Hajj Ali, I want a wife gaal: “Wallaahi ya Ḥaaj ِّلحدي ما مات هي في حباله. from your people.” My fa- ʿAli ana daayir mara ما ولدت. أحمد ود الضو من :ther said: “No problem, we minnakum.” Gaal le المرفَّع ومشهور، ود عم العمدة ”.will marry you to one.” So, “Khalaaṣ, binzawwijak he (Ahmad Wad ad-Daw) Fiʿlan ʿarrasaa leehu wa ّطوالي. married her and lived with ʿaash maʿaaha laḥaddi maa her until he died. She didn’t maat hiya fii ḥibaalu. Maa have any children. Ahmad wildat. Aḥmad Wadd aḍ- Wad ad-Daw was from Al- Ḍaw min al-Maraffaʿ wa Muraffa; he was well mashhuur, wadd ʿamm al- known; he was the direct ʿUmda ṭawwaali. paternal cousin of the Omda.

عبدالمنعم AbdalMoneim أبو نفيسة برضو كان جا Abu-Nafissa also came to Abu-Nafiisa barḍu kaan ja مايرنو َّوعرس عمتنا خديجة Maiurno and married our Maayirno wu ʿarras لكن ما ولدت معاه. دا قريب aunt Khadija, but she didn’t ʿammatna Khadiija laakin بابكر عوض اهلل َّطوالي. هي have children with him. He ma wildat maʿaahu. Da ما ولدت أصلو. was a close relative of gariib Baabikir ʿAwaḍalla Baabikir Awadalla. She ṭawwaali. Hi maa wildat never had any children. aṣlu.

س20: عبدالرحمن، طبعاً ,Q20: Abdurahman, of course شوفت القائمة بتاعة ناس you have seen the list of the مايرنو المتزوجين في طلحة؛ -Maiurno people who mar ديل طبعاً ولدوا وعملوا أسر. لو ried in Shaikh Talha. These كان الواحد فيهم في المتوسط -people, of course, had chil ولد تالتة بنات فهم الستين -dren and formed (large) fam ديل يكون عندهم مية وتمانين -ilies. If everyone, on the av بت. في المية وتمانين بت ديل ,erage, had three daughters تفتكر كم واحدة اتزوجت من -then, by now, these 60 peo أهالي شيخ طلحة ذاتهم؟ تتوقع ple would have 180 كم؟ عدد بسيط جداً. في أي daughters. How many of

110 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno تفسير إضافي غير القلناه دا؟ do you think got married to men who were originally from Shaikh Talha? A very small number. Is there any additional explanation, apart from what we have already mentioned?

عبدالرحمن Abdurahman ما ميالين ياخدوهم ألنهم They (Shaikh Talha people) Maa mayyaaliin بيروا الرجل األول هم ومايرنو don’t tend to marry them yaakhduuhum laʾannahum الثانية. i.e., their daughters) – with biyaru r-rajul al-ʾawwal) men from Maiurno – be- hum wa Maayirno t-taaniya. cause they consider themselves to be number one and Maiurno number two.

س21: لما اتوضع سوق -Q21: When the first Maiur مايرنو األول التحت البحر no market on the riverbank إدعى الشيخ أحمد البدوي -was established, Sheikh Ah بإنه الحتة دي حقته. سمعت -mad al-Badawi (a grand بالقصة دي؟ (son of Sheikh Talha claimed ownership of the place. Have you heard about this?

واهلل سمعنا بيها. إدعى إنها .By God, we heard about it. Wallaahi simiʿna beeha حقته ومحجرة. وأخيراً حسموها He claimed that it was his Iddaʿa innaha ḥaggatu wu َّوتبعوها لي أراضي مايرنو. أو place and that it was regis- muḥajjara. Wa akhiran ما قدر يجيب ما يثبت ذلك. tered as such. At last the ḥasamooha wa tabbaʿooha matter was settled, and it lee araaḍi Maayirno, aw was recognised as part of maa gidir yijiib ma yuthbit Maiurno land. In other zaalik. words, he couldn’t support his claim by evidence.

س22: ما هي السبل Q22: What means and واالستراتيجيات اللي اتخذتها -strategies did Maiurno peo مايرنو عشان تحافظ على ple use to keep their links روابطها مع الحالل المجاورة؟ -with the neighbouring vil بما فيها الحالل اللي طلعت -lages, including the villag منها؟ في أي قنوات واضحة؟ es created by people having moved out of Maiurno

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 111 (i.e., villages which are offshoots of Maiurno)? Were there any clear channels?

واهلل ِّلحدي قريب كان الحالل By God, these villages used Wallaahi laḥaddi gariib kaan ديل بتزاوجوا. بجوا ِّلحدي .to intermarry with Maiurno al-ḥallaal deel bitzaawaju هنا، واحد يمشي ويجيب until recently. Their people Biju laḥaddi hina, waaḥid بت عمته ولال بت خالته من used to come, or someone yimshi wa yijiib bitt الصعيد يتزوجها في مايرنو. from here might go and ʿammatu walla bitt khaaltu وهم برضهم بجوا ياخدوا من bring his (female) maternal min aṣ-Ṣaʿiid yitzawwajaa مايرنو يودوا هناك، طبعاً cousin from Southern Blue fii Maayirno. Wa hum العالقات األسرية يعني ما Nile and get married to her barḍahum biju yaakhdu min انقطعت. في من مشى أخد .in Maiurno. They, too, Maayirno yiwaddu hinaak هناك وأخد فترة، زي رحل، -come, marry women from Ṭabaʿan al-ʿalaaqaat al تاني شال زوجته ورجع. يعني here, and take them back. ʾusariyya yaʿni maa في تواصل أسري بين الناس Of course, the family rela- ingaṭaʿat. Fi man masha ديل مع مايرنو إلى يومنا هذا. tions have not been severed. akhad hinaak wa akhad There was someone who fatra, zey raḥal, taani shaal went, married a woman zawjatu wa rajaʿ. Yaʿni fi there (in one of the villages tawaaṣul ʾusari been an- in Southern Blue Nile that naas deel maʿa Maayirno is an offshoot of Maiurno), ilaa yawmina haaza. and stayed for a period of time – as if he were staying permanently – and then came back with his wife. So, there are family ties between these people and Maiurno to this day.

س23: طيب من الناحية ,.Q23: And officially (i.e الرسمية؟ ?(administratively

من الناحية الرسمية أيوة؛ Officially (administratively), Min an-naaḥiya r-rasmiyya كانت المناطق دي كلها تابعة yes (there are links). All aywa; kaanat al-manaaṭig للسلطان، إدارياً كانوا تابعين these areas were under the di kullaha taabʿa le لمايرنو. ِّلحدي زمن االستعمار authority of the Sultan, and s-Sulṭaan; idaariyyan kaano وما بعد االستعمار. اللهم إال .administratively under taabʿiin le Maayirno بعد مايو بعد تصفية اإلدارة Maiurno. This was during Laḥaddi zaman al-istiʿmaar األهلية بمعناها األول حتى .colonial times and after wa maa baʿad al-istiʿmaar بدت االتصاالت تنقطع. أما that. It was only after the Allaahumma illa baʿad قبلها كانت اإلدارة بالنسبة -May Revolution,23 after the Maayu, baʿad taṣfiyat al

23 The ‘May Revolution’ is actually the coup d’état that brought General Numeiri to power. Numeri’s regime lasted for 16 years (1969–1985).

112 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno لقبيلة الفالتة مايرنو، الناس liquidation of the Native Idaara l-ʾAhliyya be النزحوا من مايرنو. حتى ناس Administration system in maʿnaaha l-ʾawwal ḥatta سيفاوا هناك بعض القضايا .its first sense, that these badat al-ʾittiṣaalaat tingaṭiʿ األسرية بياخدوها من هناك -links started to get severed. Amma gablaha kaanat al تجي تحسم في مايرنو. كل But before that, the admin- idaara be n-nisba le gabiilat الفالنيين محل ما يبقوا في -istrative centre of the Fal- al-Fallaata Maayirno, an ارتباط إداري وقضائي بينهم laata tribe was Maiurno, at naas an-nazaḥo min وبين مايرنو. وفي مناطق كان least for those who moved Maayirno. Ḥatta naas السلطان ِّبودي ناسه عشان -from Maiurno. Even from Siifaawa hinaak baʿaḍ al يجيبوا ليه الضرايب والقطعان as far as Sifawa some fam- gaḍaaya l-ʾusariyya والعشور. ily cases were taken to Mai- biyaakhduuha min hinaak urno for settlement. Wher- taji tuḥsam fii Maayirno. ever the Fulani were found, Kull al-Fulaaniyyiin maḥal they were administratively maa yibgu fi irtibaaṭ idaari and judicially linked with wa qaḍaaʾi beenum wu been Maiurno. The Sultan also Maayirno. Wu fi manaaṭig used to send his people to kaan as-Sulṭaan biwaddi certain areas to collect naasu ʿashaan yijiibu leehu taxes on houses, animals, ḍ-ḍaraayib wa l-guṭʿaan wa and crops. l-ʿushuur. س24: لكن ما في سياسات Q24: But weren’t there any محددة كدا اتبعها ميورنو ولال -specific policies which Mai الهجي عشان يربط بيها الحالل Wurno or Alhaji24 adopted التابعة ليه، مثالً زواج… through which they could بالمناسبة، أبوبكر ممكن زواج -maintain ties with the vil تاتوا من أحمد على يكون ليه -lages under them? For in صلة ربط أسرة عمدة حلة البير stance, (arranged) marriag مع مايرنو ولال مصادفة ؟ ,es? By the way, Abu-Bakr can Tatuuwa’s marriage to Ahmad Ali be taken as example of such a marriage, or was it just by accident?

أبوبكر Abu-Bakr ما ممكن يكون مصادفة، ألنه It could not be by accident Maa mumkin yikuun زول ليه وزنه، أبوه عمدة. because he was a person of muṣaadafa, laʾannu zool الحقيقة لما أنا عاينت للسؤال .position; his father was leehu waznu; abuuhu ʿumda دا، وجدت إنه سؤال إداري Omda. In fact, when I con- Al-ḥagiiga lamma ana أكثر من مسألة ربط أو كدا. ,sidered this question, I ʿaayanta le s-suʾaal da في المرحلة األولى، في الفترة found that it has more to do wajadta innu suʾaal idaari بتاعة االستعمار يعني معظم with administration than aktar min masʾalat rabṭ aw

24 ‘Alhaji’ is/was the nickname of Muhammad Tahir; he was the sole son of Mai-Wurno and his successor; his reign lasted for 25 years (1944–1969).

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 113 الفالتة كانوا مربوطين بمايرنو with just simple links. In kida. Fi l-marḥala l-ʾuula, fi روحياً، وواحدين َّمنهم أساساً the first phase, during the l-fatra bitaaʿat al-istiʿmaar قاموا من مايرنو ومشوا. colonial period most of the yaʿni muʿẓam al-Fallaata وبعدين اإلنجليز كانوا بتعاملوا Fallaata (Fulani) were kaanu marbuuṭiin bee مباشرة مع مايرنو في كل شئ spiritually’ linked with Maayirno ruuḥiyyan, wa‘ يخص الفالتة. يبقى هنا في Maiurno, and some of them waaḥdiin minnahum asaasan رابط فعالً يخليِّ الناس والؤهم initially came from Maiur- gaamu min Maayirno wa يكون للسلطان. بمرور الزمن -no. And also the British ad- masho. Wu baʿdeen al والتقسيمات اإلدارية الحصلت ministration used to refer Ingiliiz kaanu bitʿaamalu فأصبحت يعني الناس في directly to Maiurno in mubaasharatan maʿa موقعهم… بتكون مشاكلهم whatever concerned the Maayirno fii kulli shi بتنحل ومصلحتهم أصبحت Fallaata (Fulani). In this yikhuṣṣ al-Fallaata. Yibga بي هناك. فأصبح بس االرتباط case, there was a genuine hina fi raabiṭ fiʿlan yakhalli الروحي، أما الجوانب اإلدارية link that made the people n-naas walaaʾum yikuun le s-Sulṭaan. Be muruur az- فأصبحت شبه َقلَّت يعني. ,loyal to the Sultan. But then with time and the new ad- zaman wa t-tagsiimaat al- ministrative divisions, peo- ʾidaariyya l-ḥaṣalat fa ple’s problems were solved aṣbaḥat yaʿni n-naas fii where they lived, and their mawqiʿum bitkuun interests became linked mashaakilum bitinḥalla wa with their place of resi- maṣlaḥatum aṣbahat bee dence. So, what remained hinaak. Fa aṣbaḥ bas al- was just the ‘spiritual’ link; ʾirtibaaṭ ar-ruuḥi, amma but the administrative j-jawaanib al-ʾidaariyya fa aspects were diminished. aṣbaḥat shibhi gallat yaʿni. مثالً هسع زي الصعيد، لما -Take Southern Blue Nile Masalan hassaʿ zey aṣ كانت النيل األزرق واحدة كانت -as example. When the en- Ṣaʿiid, lamma kaanat an الروابط أقوى. ولما بقت النيل tire area was under one Niil al-Azarag waaḥda األزرق والية براها وسنار والية .state, i.e., the Blue Nile kaanat ar-rawaabiṭ agwa براها بتجي تلقى المرجعية -State, the links were Wa lamma bigat an-Niil Al بتخليها هناك. حتى المجالس، stronger. But since Sennar Azrag wilaaya baraaha wa ألنه مصالح الناس مربوطة State has become separate Sinnaar wilaaya baraaha بالمجالس وكدا، فدي قللت من from the Blue Nile State, bitaji talga l-marjaʿiyya اإلرتباط اإلداري، لكن اإلرتباط you find that the Fallaata bitkhalliiha hinaak. Ḥatta الروحي يكون موجود. villages in Southern Blue l-majaalis, laʾanu maṣaaliḥ Nile turn to their state with an-naas marbuuṭa be their problems (whereas l-majaalis wu kida. Fa di Maiurno belongs to Sennar gallalat min al-ʾirtibaaṭ al- State). Even their local ʾidaari, laakin al-ʾirtibaaṭ ar- councils are there, and peo- ruuḥi yikuun mawjuud. ple’s interests are directly connected with the local councils. So, this decreased

114 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno the administrative connections, but the ‘spiritual’ link may still be there.

س25: االرتباط اإلداري لما -Q25: When the administra يقل برضو بيلغي االرتباط tive link decreases, will this الروحي؟ ?cancel the ‘spiritual’ link

بيلغي أكيد. بتصل مرحلة No doubt, it will cancel it. Biyilghi akiid. Bitaṣal يعني… في أجيال بتجي ما We may reach a stage… marḥala yaʿni… Fi ajyaal عندها ارتباط بالمسائل دي There will appear genera- bitaji maa ʿindaha irtibaaṭ يعني. .tions which will have no be l-masaaʾil di yaʿni concern for such problems.

عبدالرحمن Abdurahman بعد الخلفية بتاعة الزواج With regard to the point we Baʿad al-khalfiyya bitaaʿat لربط األسر قبيل حكينا يعني previously discussed about az-zawaaj le rabṭ al-ʾusar السلطان الكبير تزوج بت -planned marriages’, we gibeel ḥakeena yaʿni s‘ said that the senior Sultan Sulṭaan al-kabiir tazawwaj جورو َهَّم. أحمد علي جورو (Mai-Wurno) married the bitt Jawro Hamma. Aḥmad َهَّم اللي هو اتزوج تاتوا بت آرابو. في نفس الوقت يعني daughter of Jawro Hamma. Ali Jawro Hamma alli huwa برضو عثمان ود العمدة جا Ahmad Ali Jawro Hamma itzawwaj Taatuwa bitt بواسطة تراكي اتزوج أختي أنا married Taatuwa, Arabo’s Aaraabo. Fii nafs al-wagt اللي هي فاطنة، رجعوا تاني daughter (i.e., Ahmad Ora- yaʿni barḍu ʿUsmaan Wadd أخدوا أختي التانية والتالتة. bi’s daughter). At the same al-ʿUmda ja be waasṭat ففعال ًفي حاجة زي دي، ألنهم time also Usman al-Omda Turaaki itzawwaj ukhti ana هم بحاولوا البيوتات الكبيرة دي approached us through the alli hiya Faatna; rajaʿo taani كلها يربطوها ببعضها. mediation of Turaki and akhadu ukhti t-taaniya wa married my sister Fatna. t-taalta. Fa fiʿlan fi ḥaaja They came again and mar- zey di, laʾannahum hum ried my second and third biḥaawlu l-buyuutaat al- sisters. So, it is true that kabiira di kullaha there was a plan to connect yarbuṭuuha be baʿḍaha. all the big families (through marriage).

س26: الدندر )كولي( كيف؟ Q26: How about Dindir (Kawli)?

الدندر كولي طبعاً شالوا Of course, Omda Faruq Ad-Dindir Kawli ṭabaʿan العمدة فاروق من مايرنو was sent to Dindir Kawli shaalo l-ʿumda Faaruuq min ُّودوه دندر كولي معاه بوبي together with Buubey Maayirno waddoohu Dindir Jaɓɓo. They (i.e., the two Kawli maʿaahu Buubey َجُّبو. طبعاً أخدوا فيها تناوب

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 115 في العموديات؛ حتى في فترة families) administered the Jaɓɓo. Ṭabaʿan akhado fiiha من الفترات كان العمدة فيها ;Omdaship’ by alternation. tanaawub fi l-ʿumuudiyyaat‘ اسمه نفوشي. نفوشي دا نحن Its Omda at a certain time ḥatta fii fatra min al-fatraat طبعاً كنا كبار لما شنق نفسه، was called Nafoushi. We kaan al-ʿumda fiiha ismu انتحر. ما عارف ليه لكن بس were already grown up Nafuushi. Nafuushi da انتحر في النهاية. فدا أظن من when this Nafoushi hanged ṭabaʿan niḥna kunna kubaar himself, thus committing lamma shanag nafsu, intaḥar. عائلة ناس بوبي َجُّبو. دندر كولي لحدي هسع مربوطة بي suicide. I don’t know why, Maa ʿaarif leeh laakin bas مايرنو، ألنه ناس دورا دورا ديل but in the end he committed intaḥar fi n-nihaaya. Fa da ُّ suicide. I think that he be- aẓinnu min ʿaaʾilat naas – بقولوا ليهم ُسلباوا أو سيسلبي – هم ديل مرتبطين مع ناس longed to the family of Buubey Jaɓɓo. Dindir Kawli دندر. وهسع هم ديل بياخدوا Buubey Jaɓɓo. Dindir laḥaddi hassaʿ marbuuṭa مننا والناس بتاخد َّمنهم. بعدين Kawli is to this day con- bee Maayirno. Laʾannu naas هم أكتر ناس عندهم والء nected with Maiurno. Be- Daura-Daura deel – biguulu لمايرنو بالذات. لحدي هسع cause the Daura families – leehum Sulluɓawa aw Sisilɓe هم إدارياً تابعين لمايرنو؛ حتى called Sulluɓawa or Sisilɓe – hum deel murtabṭiin maʿa كمان بعد االستقالل الممثل have links with people of naas Dindir. Wa hassaʿ hum – اإلداري بتاعهم في مجلس Dindir (Kawli). There are deel biyaakhdu minnana wa سنار كان من مايرنو: تارة .intermarriages between n-naas bitaakhud minnahum الفكي بشير، وتارة األمين them and us; they are the Baʿdeen hum aktar naas كاغو. في المرحلة األولى أيام people who are particularly ʿindahum wallaaʾ lee التعيين كان فكي بشير يمثل .loyal to Maiurno. To this Maayirno be z-zaat الدندر، واألمين كاغو يمثل day, they are administra- Laḥaddi hassaʿ hum مايرنو والنور حسن يمثل حلة tively under Maiurno. Even idaariyyan taabʿiin lee البير. في المرحلة األخيرة بعد after Independence their Maayirno. Ḥatta kamaan االنتخابات بقى األمين كاغو -administrative representa- baʿad al-ʾistighlaal al يمثل الدندر والنور حسن يمثل tive in Sennar Council was mumassil al-ʾidaari bitaaʿum مايرنو. from Maiurno: sometime fii majlis Sinnaar kaan min Faki Bashir and sometime Maayirno: taaratan l-Faki Al-Amin Kaagu. At the first Bashiir wa taaratan al- stage, when it was by ap- Lamiin Kaagu. Fi l-marḥala pointment, Faki Bashir was l-ʾuula ayyaam at-taʿyiin appointed to represent kaan Faki Bashiir yimassil Dindir (Kawli), Al-Amin ad-Dindir wa al-Lamiin Kaagu to represent Maiur- Kaagu yimassil Maayirno no, and An-Nour Hassan to wa n-Nuur Ḥasan yimassil represent Hillat al-Beer. Ḥillat al-Biir. Fi l-marḥala Later on, when it was by l-ʾakhiira baʿad al- elections, Al-Amin Kaagu intikhaabaat biga al-Lamiin was elected for Dindir Kaagu yimassil ad-Dindir (Kawli) and An-Nour wa n-Nuur Ḥasan yimassil Hassan for Maiurno. Maayirno.

116 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno س27: لما قمتو )يا عبدالرحمن( -Q27: When you (Abdurah الناس الكانوا قايميين بأمر إدارة man) grew up, who were the مايرنو منم؟ الناس العندهم ?decision makers in Maiurno وظائف ملموسة ومرموقة! I mean those who occupied well-defined and important posts!

أول حاجة نحن لما قمنا في First, when we grew up, Awwal ḥaaja niḥna lamma مايرنو طبعاً كان فيها السلطان Maiurno was, of course, gumna fii Maayirno ṭabaʿan الكبير، في صغرنا. وكان ,under the senior Sultan kaan fiiha s-Sulṭaan al-kabiir حواليه ناس جدنا والي )الوزير Mai-Wurno). Around him fii ṣigharna. Wu kaan) بعد وزيري حسن(، وجدنا عمر were people like our grand- ḥawaleehu naas jiddana شايب، وباسمبو عمر، وباسمبو father Wali (the successor Waali (al-Waziir baʿad شيهو؛ ديل كلهم قدام السلطان. of Waziri Hassan); and Waziiri Ḥasan), wa jiddana َّ there was our grandfather ʿUmar Shaayib, wa إلى جانب ناس ملم ُعلي آغا، وفي القاضي أبوبكر. ملَّم Umar Shaayib, Baasambo Baasambo ʿUmar wu Umar, and Baasambo Baasambo Sheehu; deel ُعلي آغا دا طبعاً كان إمام قبل ملَّم آدمو، وبرضو قبل -Sheehu. All these were sur- kullahum giddaam as منه كان في إمام غباري. أبو rounding the Sultan (as Sulṭaan. Ilaa jaanib naas ناس بيلو عبدالرازق كان إمام councilors). This is in addi- Mallam Aliyu Aaga. Wu fi مناوب. واإلمام األول كان أبو tion to people such as al-Qaaḍi Abu-Bakr. Mallam عثمان ليمان اللي جنب بيتكم Malam Aliyu Aaga. There Aliyu Aaga da ṭabaʿan kaan )أبوبكر(. ;was also Qadi Abu-Bakr imaam gabli Mallam Adamu (an Islamic judge). This wu barḍu gabli minnu kaan Malam Aliyu Aaga was the imaam Gabaari. Abu naas imam before Malam Bello ʿAbdurraazig kaan Adamu.25 Before him there imaam munaawib. Wa was Imam Gabaari.26 Bello l-ʾimaan al-awwal kaan abu Abdu-Razig’s father was ʿUsmaan Liimaan alli janb the deputy imam. The actu- beetkum (Abu-Bakr). al imam was the father of Usman Liiman who was living near your house (i.e., the house of Abu-Bakr, one of our informants).

25 Malam Adamu was succeeded by his son Al-Amin. The latter was himself succeeded by his son Faruq who was the imam in office at the time of the interview (December 1996). 26 Imam Gabaari was the paternal grandfather of Professor Al-Amin Abu-Manga.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 117 س28: تذكر تسلسل أئمة Q28: Can you remember مسجد مايرنو الكبير؟ the chronological order of the imams of Maiurno?27

أول إمام على ما أذكر إمام I think that the first (imam) Awwal imaam ʿalaa maa غباري؛ وبعد منه عثمان ليمان؛ was Imam Gabaari, azkur Imaam Gabaari; wu حتى بعد داك نحن وجدنا ملَّم followed by Usman Liiman, baʿdi minnu ʿUsmaan and then followed by Liimaan; ḥatta baʿad daak ُعلي آغا؛ وبعد دا جا فكي آدم كويرانغا. كل األئمة ديل كان Malam Aliyu Aaga and Faki niḥna wajadna Mallam Aliyu ينوب عنهم عبدالرازق؛ هو Adam Koiranga (Malam Aaga; wa baʿad da ja Faki زي مالزم المسجد وبيته جنب -Adamu).28 Abdu-Razig act- Adam Koiraanga. Kull al المسجد، متفقه. ed as deputy of all these ʾaʾimma deel kaan yinuub imams. He was like the su- ʿannahum ʿAbdurraazig; hu pervisor of the mosque, and zey mulaazim al-masjid wa his house was close to it. He beetu janb al-masjid; was a learned person.29 mutfaqqih.

س29: نواصل الحديث عن -Q29: Let us continue speak القائمين بأمر مايرنو! ing about the decision makers in Maiurno!

وبعدين الناس ديل كانوا These were the decision Wa baʿdeen an-naas deel قايمين بأمر مايرنو، ِّلحدي makers in Maiurno until kaano gaaymiin be amri إثنين وأربعين واحد وأربعين when the Sultan Maayirno, laḥaddi ʾitneen ,42–1941 السلطان مرض فأوكل مهامه i.e., Mai-Wurno) became wa arbaʿiin waaḥid wu) لي ولده اللي هو األمير محمد ill and his duties were taken arbʿiin as-Sulṭaan miriḍ. Fa طاهر، الزمن داك بقولوا over by his son Muhammad awkal mahaamu lee waladu ليه األمير وداك السلطان. Tahir, referred to at that alli huwa l-Amiir آها قام بالمهام، وأكتر ناس -time as ‘Al-Amir’. Closest Maḥammad Ṭaahir; az ُّمالزمنه وكانوا بتعاملوا معاه to Muhammad Tahir were zaman daak biguulu leehu آهو ناس آرابو وناس فكي -people like Arabo and Faki l-Amiir, wu daak as بشير، دا كان ساعد أيمن ليه Bashir. The latter was his Sulṭaan. Aha gaam be في كل الحاالت، حتى أوالدهم right hand in everything. l-mahaam, wa aktar naas

27 Following the West African tradition, the imam (leader in prayer) was among the decision makers within the administrative machinery at the town/village level. His duties, besides leading the prayer in the main mosque, include making fatwa (legal opinion), officially declaring of the beginning and end of fasting, etc. The function of imam may remain in one family for a long period of time until there is nobody in that family capable of performing these duties. 28 I have the impression that the office of the imam inMaiurno was allocated to members of a particular Fulani subsection in a locally negotiated system of distribution of power among the different groups of Fulani living in the village; all the above-mentioned imams were indeed Fulani from the Borno subsection. 29 Abdu-Razig was a descendant of a famous scholar in Sokoto, Abd al-Qadir ibn al-Mustafa. Now his son Bello Abdu-Razig assumes the same duty. We found a document of the hijra in his possession (see also Abu-Manga 1989).

118 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno طهروهم سوا َّوعرسوا ليهم في Their sons (i.e., Faki mulaazminnu wu kaano يوم واحد سوا، وكان ِّأي حاجة Bashir’s and Muhammad bitʿaamalu maʿaahu aahu بتاعتهم – عثمان واألمين – Tahir’s sons) were even cir- naas Aaraabo wu naas Faki يطلعوا وينزلوا سوا. وبعدين من cumcised together and Bashiir. Da kaan saaʿid ِّالمحتكين معاه في الفادا والدي married together (i.e., their ayman leehu fii kulli أنا ذاته كان في الفادا دي لكن wedding ceremonies took l-ḥaalaat, ḥatta awlaadum كتيرين ما كانوا عارفين. ألنه place) on the same day. ṭahharoohum sawa wa هو لما كان في الكرمك هنا They did everything togeth- ʿarraso leehum fii yoom waaḥid sawa, wa kaan ayyi وجا شاله السلطان ّوداه مايرنو – er – Usman and Al-Amin َّقعدو في فريق مالم مانو، جنب they used to go around to- ḥaaja bitaaʿtum – ʿUsmaan بيت األمين حسن إبراهيم. gether. Among Muhammad wa l-Lamiin – yiṭlaʿu wa البيت الصعيد من بيته دا كان Tahir’s councilors was also yinzilu sawa. Wu baʿdeen بيتنا، بناه لينا السلطان الكبير my father. He was a mem- min al-muḥtakkiin maʿaahu ميورنو. بناه وجاب أبوي بقى ber of the council, but many fi l-faada waaldi ana zaatu fi هو والهجي بطلعوا وبنزلوا سوا people didn’t know that. l-faada di laakin katiiriin وبمشوا الدندر والشرق. حتى Because when he was in maa kaanu ʿaarfiin. Laʾannu لما حرقوا بيته بناه تاني قبل ما Kurmuk, the senior Sultan hu lamma kaan fi l-Kurmuk يجي أبوي. حتن والي قال لى Mai-Wurno) went and hina wa ja shaalu s-Sulṭaan) ميورنو: "إنت جيبت علي أديته brought him to Maiurno waddaahu Maayirno gaʿʿadu بيت في الفريق داك وحرقوه، ,and had him settle in fii Fariig Maalam Maanu janb beet al-Lamiin Ḥasan أديني علي أنا ّأديه بيت". ُّأدوه Malam Maanu’s quarter بيتنا الهسع دا. َّرحلونا من هنا near the present house of Ibraahiim. Al-beet aṣ-ṣaʿiid ُّودونا هناك. فحتى أبهاتنا نحن ,Al-Amin Hassan Ibrahim. min beetu da kaan beetna كانوا من الناس المالزمين في -The house neighbouring his banaahu leena s-Sulṭaan al بيت السلطان وكانوا ِّأي شورة Al-Amin’s) house from the kabiir Mai-Wurno. Banaahu) هم فيها. بقى ناس بيلو بخاري. southern side used to be wu jaab abuuy biga hu wa ours, constructed for us by Alhaji biṭlaʿu wu binzilu Mai-Wurno, the senior Sul- sawa wa bimshu d-Dindir tan. He constructed it and wa sh-Sharig. Ḥatta lamma brought my father there. He ḥarago beetu banaahu taani and Alhaji (i.e., Muham- gabli maa yiji abuuy. Ḥattan mad Tahir) used to do Waali gaal lee Mai-Wurno: things together and go to “Inta jiibta ʿAli addeetu beet Dindir (Kawli) together. fi l-fariig daak wu Even when it was burnt, the ḥaragoohu, addiini ʿAli ana Sultan had it reconstructed addi beet.” Addoohu beetna before my father’s return. l-hassaʿ da. Raḥḥaloona min Then Wali said to Mai-Wur- hina waddoona hinaak. Fa no: “You brought Ali here ḥatta abbahaatna niḥna and gave him a house in kaano min n-naas that quarter and they burned almulaazmiin fii beet as- it. Give me Ali and I will Sulṭaan wa kaano ayyi give him a house.” So, they shoora humma fiiha. Baga

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 119 gave him our present house. naas Bello Bukhaari. They made us move from there to here. So, even our fathers were among those who were frequently present in the Sultan’s house, and were involved in any decision-making. Also included was Bello Bukhari. فبعد ما انتقلت اإلمارة كلية -When the function of Sul- Fa baʿad maa intaqalat al لي الهجي سنة تالتة وأربعين tan was completely passed imaara kulliyyatan lee فكانوا حواليه ناس باسمبو عمر to him (Alhaji, i.e., Alhaji sanat talaata wa وجاب ناس شنتلي برضو في Muhammad Tahir) in 1943, arbaʿiin fa kaano ḥawaaleehu محلتم ما فاتوا وناس عمنا عمر he brought to his council naas Baasambo ʿUmar, wu وناس عمنا عثمان دان يايا. Baasambo Umar and he re- jaab naas Shantali barḍu fii زمن ميورنو طبعاً الـمجدادي tained people like Shantali; maḥallatum maa faatu, wu بتاعه كان عمنا أحمد عرابي، he brought people like) our naas ʿammana ʿUmar, wu) وفعالً نفس المهام أوكلت ليه paternal uncle Umar and naas ʿammana ʿUsmaan )زمن محمد طاهر(، بمثابة -our paternal uncle Usman Ɗan Yaaya. Zaman Mai أمين المال أو أمين الخزينة. Ɗan Yaaya. Of course, at Wurno ṭabaʿan al-majidaaɗi وناس شامكي، وطبعاً أمامه that time Arabo (Ahmad bitaaʿu kaan ʿammana ناس دارو وناس أوسطى وناس Orabi) was the ‘trustee’ of Aḥmad ʿUraabi; wu fiʿlan عثمان جيكادا. Mai-Wurno and he contin- nafs al-mahaam uukilat ued to be so with Muham- leehu (zaman Maḥammad mad Tahir. He occupied the Ṭaahir), be masaabat amiin post of treasurer of the rul- al-maal aw amiin al- ing family. There was also khaziina; wu Shaamaki, wu Shaamaki, and there was ṭabaʿan amaamu naas Daaro Daaro, Usta and Usman wu naas Usṭa wu naas Jekada (as his guards). ʿUsmaan Jeekaada.

س30: عندك فكرة ِّأي واحد Q30: Do you have an idea في ديل كانت مهمته شنو؟ about the functions of each of these (men)?

فكي بشير كاتب محكمة Faki Bashir was the court Faki Bashiir kaatib maḥkama ومستشار كدا في الحاالت scribe and a kind of consult- wa mustashaar kida fi القضائية، بعد داك حتى جا ant in some judicial cases. l-ḥalaat al-qaḍaaʾiyya, baʿad أخوه فكي محمود. التانين He was later succeeded by daak ḥatta ja akhuuhu Faki ِّبشكلوا زي مجلس استشاري. his brother, Faki Mahmoud. Maḥmuud. At-taaniin وفي نفس الوقت أحياناً The others constituted a bishakkilu zey majlis بتشفَّعوا… إذا شافوا الزول -kind of consultative- istishaari. Wu fii nafs al advisory council and at the wakit aḥyaanan bitshaffaʿu الحصار ُضرب عليه بحاولوا

120 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno يتدخلوا. وفي حالة اإلنسان same time they used to in- izaa shaafo z-zool al-ḥiṣaar كمان بقى شاذ وكدا هم بقوموا tercede on the side of the ḍurab ʿaleehu beḥaawlu عليه وبنذروه ِّويهذبوه، ألنهم هم accused, when they saw that yitdakhkhalu. Wu fii ḥaalat كانوا ميالين للعرف أكتر من he had been under too much al-ʾinsaan kamaan biga الحكم القانوني. فبحاولوا يميلوا pressure. And in case the shaaz wu kida humma نحو التسامح. هم طبعاً بنطلقوا accused misbehaved, they biguumu ʿaleehu wu من النصوص الشرعية. رغم ,would react harshly against binziruuhu wa yihazzibuuhu إنه كان القانون سائد لكن هم him and try to correct and laʾannahum hum kaano على حسب تراثهم وعلى حسب discipline him. Because mayyaaliin le l-ʿurf aktar تشبعهم باإلسالم كانوا ميالين .they tended to follow the min al-ḥukm al-qaanuuni لحسم القضايا )بالتسامح(. customary law rather than Fa biḥaawlu yimiilu naḥw بس ما يتساهلوا في القضايا the formal law. Law and or- at-tasaamuḥ. Hum ṭabaʿan اللي تعتبر قضايا ِّحدية، دي der were observed, yet, as binṭalgu min an-nuṣṣuuṣ كانوا صعبين فيها جداً جداً وما they were versed in Islamic ash-sharʿiyya. Raghmi innu بتساهلوا إطالقاً. أما ما سواها injunctions, they tended to kaan al-qaanuun saaʾid فكتير من األشياء مثالً بحاولوا solve problems through laakin hum turaasum wa يتدخلوا كدا يبسطوا الموضوع reconciliation’ and ‘forgive- ʿala ḥasab tashabbuʿum be‘ حتى لو السلطان زعل بحاولوا ness’. Yet, they were never l-lslaam kaano mayyaaliin يراجعوه. يعني مجلس شورى. indulgent in religiously seri- le ḥasm al-gaḍaaya (be ous cases. Otherwise, they t-tasaamuḥ). Bas maa usually intervened to sim- bitsaahalu fi l-gaḍaaya alli plify problems. And if the tuʿtabar gaḍaaya ḥaddiyya; Sultan became furious di kaano ṣaʿabiin fiiha (against the accused), they jiddan jiddan, wu ma would pacify him. Briefly bitsaahalu iṭlaaqan. Ammaa speaking, (they were a kind maa siwaaha fa katiir min of) consultative-advisory al-ʾashyaaʾ masalan council. biḥaawlu yitdakhkhalu kida yibassiṭu l-mawḍuuʿ ḥatta law as-Sulṭaan ziʿil biḥaawlu yiraajʿuuhu. Yaʿni majlis shuura.

س31: قلت السلطان وفكي Q31: You said that the بشير كانوا حالة واحدة، طبعاً (Sultan (Muhammad Tahir 30 أخيراً حصل انشقاق وعداء and Faki Bashir were very بينهم. إنت تفتكر األسباب good friends. But in the end

30 Faki Bashir was the son of the ruler of the region of Maroua at the time of the hijra. His father was said to have been executed by the German colonial authorities for his resistance to colonialism. Faki Bashir was Sultan Muhammad Tahir’s court scribe, but he entered in a series of conflicts with the Sultan, culminating in the 1968 (?) elections for membership in Sennar Rural Council, in which his son stood against the Sultan’s cross-cousin, i.e., his father’s sister’s son (henceforth ‘the elections sedition’). Our data include abundant and detailed information on this sedition and its aftermath.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 121 شنو؟ they became very hostile to one another. What do you think the reasons might be?

األسباب فعل فاعل. أنا متأكد The causes were intention- Al-ʾasbaab fiʿli faaʿil. Ana السلطان نفسه ما بحمل حقد ally instigated by someone. mutʾakkid as-Sulṭaan nafsu لزيد من الناس. في ناس يحبوا I am sure that the Sultan maa biḥmil ḥiqd le zeyd min يتقربوا إلى الغير عن طريق himself bore no hatred to an-naas. Fi naas yiḥibbu إبعاد آخرين. أنا بعتبر الشيء anybody. There are always yitqarrabu ila l-gheer ʿan َّالتم دا كله في مايرنو كان ما people who like to get close ṭariig ibʿaad aakhariin. Ana هي إال نتاج لحاجات سياسية to someone by ‘distantiating’ biʿtabir ash-shi t-tamma da ومكايدات. فاستفحلت. ألنه displacing) others. For me, kullu fii Maayirno kaan maa) حكاية الفوالني وهوسا دي ذاتها all what had happened in hiya illa nataaj le ḥaajaat ما كانت واردة، في ناس خلقوها. .Maiurno was a result of po- siyaasiyya wa mukaayadaat ألنه نحن لقينا بعد داك حصلت litical intrigues and wicked- Fa istafḥalat. Laʾannu ness. So, things got aggra- ḥikaayat al-Fulaani wa ما حصلت وجرجر َوسَّو بينما أنا جيت من القضارف جيت vated. This issue of ‘Fulani’ Hawsa di zaataa maa kaanat لقيت النور ذاته في بيت ناس .and ‘Hausa’ itself was non- waarda; fi naas khalagooha األمين بشير. existent, but people created Laʾannu niḥna ligiina baʿad it (anew). Because even af- daak ḥaṣalat maa haṣalat wa ter worst had come to worst, jarjar wu sawwa beynamaa when I came back from Ge- ana jiit min al-Gaḍaarif jiit daref I found An-Nour ligiit an-Nuur zaatu fii beet (Hassan) himself in Al- naas al-Lamiin Bashiir. Amin Bashir’s house.31

س32: تفتكر المشاكل دي Q32: Do you think that all كلها بدت بس مع مشاكل النور these problems started just واألمين؟ with the problem between An-Nour Hassan and Al- Amin Bashir (a son of Faki Bashir)?

االستفحال بِقى في موضوع Their aggravation was due Al-istifḥaal biga fii mawḍuuʿ االنتخابات. ألنه أنا عارف to the elections issue. Be- al-intikhaabaat, laʾannu ana في يوم من األيام فكي بشير -cause I know that one day ʿaarif fii yoom min al دا ذاته جزء ال يتجزأ من بيت Faki Bashir himself was ʾayyaam Faki Bashiir da السلطان، ألنه هو ذاته كان part and parcel of the Sul- zaatu juzuʾ laa yatajazzaʾ متزوج قوقو أردبية. كانوا tan’s house (family). He min beet as-Sulṭaan, laʾannu was married to Goggo hu zaatu kaan mutzawwij عاملين ليهُ ألف حساب. فكي 31 An-Nour Hassan and Al-Amin Bashir competed with each other in the elections in question.

122 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno بشير وصل درجة كان البفكه Ardeba.32 So, they (i.e., the Goggo ʿArdeeba. Kaanu اتفك والبربطه اتربط، بأمر من .Sultan’s family) had great ʿaamliin leehu alfi ḥisaab السلطان. ِّفلحدي الستينات كان respect for him. He was Faki Bashiir waṣal darajat مافي حاجة بيناتهم خالص، even empowered by the kaan al-bifikku itfakka wa لكن حتى إذا كان في حتى Sultan to detain or release l-birbuṭu itrabaṭ, be amri البقولوها الناس دي برضو an accused (literally: ‘if he min as-Sulṭan. Fa laḥaddi مكايدات بعض الناس ُّسووها. ties you, you are tied, and if s-sittiinaat kaan maafi ḥaaja ألنه الحظت إنه في حاجات he releases you, you are re- beenaatum khaaliṣ. Laakin بين )أبكر( نجيريا والسلطان، leased’). So, until the 1960s ḥatta iza kaan fi ḥatta برضو بحاولوا الناس يتدخلوا. there was nothing wrong l-biguuluuha n-naas di مرة نجيريا دا الناس كوركوا between them, and even if barḍu mukaayadaat baʿaḍ فيه في السوق، وأنا قاعد في there were hostilities – as an-naas sawwooha. Laʾannu السوق، الكالم دا سنة سبعة people have said – these laaḥaẓta innu fi ḥaajaat been وخمسين تمانية وخمسين. -were still due to intrigues (Abbakar) Nijeeriya wa s made by some other people. Sulṭaan barḍu biḥaawlu Because I also noticed that n-naas yitadakhkhalu. some people tried to insti- Marra Nijeeriya da n-naas gate problems between the koorako fiihu fi s-suug, wa Sultan and (Abbakar) ana gaaʿid fi s-suug; al- Nigeria.33 One day at the kalaam da sanat sabaʿa wu market (Abbakar) Nigeria khamsiin tamaaniya wu was shouted at (like a thief khamsiin. – to humiliate him);34 I was at the market (at that time). That was in 1957–58. في العيد السلطان قال: "عندي :At the Eid festival the Sul- Fi l-ʿiid as-Sulṭaan gaal شورة الدور دا معاكم. كل tan said (to the people): “ʿIndi shoora d-door da وقت ِّبعين، وشايف زي في This time I want to consult maʿaakum. Kullu wakit“ أصوات بتتكلم بأنه هم دايرين you. I am used to appoint baʿayyin, wu shaayif zey fi يترشحوا، لكن الدور دا أديتكم representatives), but now I aṣwaat bititkallam be annu) الشورة. بعد فترة امشوا اتشاوروا ,see that some people want hum daayriin yitrashshaḥu وجيبوا لي…" to stand for elections. So, laakin ad-door da addeetkum this time I am giving you ash-shoora. Baʿad fatra

32 This was Hawwa (nicknamed ‘Goggo Ardeba’), the daughter of Sheikh Hayatu ibn Sa’id ibn Muhammad Bello ibn Usman ibn Fodio. Her father was the ʿamil (representative) of the Mahdi for West Africa, and the head of the Mahdist movement in northern Nigeria and northern Cameroon. She lived as a member of the Maiurno ruling family and died in Maiurno. 33 Abbakar Nigeria was a Hausa politician based in Khartoum who had influential connections with the leading political figures in the country. He used to assume the role of the Sultan’s political advisor at the national level, acting as a bridge between the Sultan and the ruling circles in Khartoum. 34 This is an old tradition in Maiurno (and perhaps among the other Fulani communities in the Sudan), whereby children are instigated by elders to ‘shout at someone’, especially thieves, saying “yaahu, yaahu,” in order to humiliate them. This tradition is now dying out.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 123 the choice. Go and discuss amshu itshaawaru wa jiibu the matter among your- ley…” selves and bring me (the result)!”

أبوبكر Abu-Bakr بعد ما النغمة دي ما ظهرت This happened) after it had Baʿad maa n-naghama di) إنه هم ما دايرين الهوسا، نحن been heard that they didn’t ẓaharat innu hum maa نكون واضحين. want (to be represented by) daayriin al-Hawsa. Niḥna a Hausa. Let us be frank. nakuun waḍḥiin.

عبدالرحمن Abdurahman داير ِّأوصلك بس الحتة األنا I just want to bring you to Daayir awaṣṣilak bas al-ḥitta بعرفها. الزمن داك أنا ما متواجد the point that I know. At l-ʾana baʿrifaa. Az-zaman في مايرنو. لما سمعت الكالم that time I was not in daak ana maa mutwaajid fii دا أنا سافرت إلى القضارف، Maiurno. When I heard of Maayirno. Lamma simiʿta رجعت بعد االنتخابات. أنا this matter, I was in Gedaref l-kalaam da ana saafarta ila جاني األستاذ بتاعنا الشيخ -and only came back after l-Gaḍaarif, rajaʿta baʿad al عمر ملِّي )عمر شاشوقا(؛ -the end of) the elections. intikhaabaat. Ana jaani l) عمر ملِّي حصل وصل درجة Our teacher, Sheikh Umar ʾustaaz bitaaʿna, ash-Sheekh مايرنو بقت ليه صعبة. جاني Malle (known as Umar ʿUmar Malle (ʿUmar في القضارف نزل عندي، طبعاً Shashoga), came to me; Shaashooga); ʿUmar Malle هو قريب حوة زوجة السلطان. Umar Malle had reached a ḥaṣal waṣal darajat Maayirno قال لي: "يا عبدالرحمن يا point where it became bigat leehu ṣaʿaba jaani fi ولدي أنا جيت من هناك. .difficult for him to stay in l-Gaḍaarif nazal ʿindi الحمد هلل أبوك أنا عارف Maiurno. He came to me in Ṭabaʿan hu gariib Hawwa مكانته عند السلطان، وربنا :Gedaref and resided with zawjat as-Sulṭaan. Gaal ley سبحانه وتعالى جعله مافي". me. He was, of course, a “Ya ʿAbduraḥmaan yaa أبوي كان غايب من مايرنو .relative of the Sultan’s wife, waladi ana jiit min hinaak ذاتها وأنا في القضارف. قال Hawwa. He said to me: Alḥamdu lillaahi abuuk ana لي: "ما تمشي مايرنو إال بعد -My son, Abdurahman, I am ʿaarif makaantu ʿinda as“ ما تسمع انتخاباتهم دي انتهت coming from there. Thanks Sulṭaan, wu rabbana تب". فعالً أول مرة أنا آخد to God that I know how subḥaanahu wu taʿaalaa تسعه شهور ما جيت مايرنو، dear your father is to the jaʿalu maafi.” Abuuy kaan لمن انتهت االنتخابات ورجعوا Sultan, and God made him ghaayib min Maayirno بعد داك حتن أنا جيت. الحقيقة .absent.” My father was zaataa wa ana fi l-Gaḍaarif في خلفيات الحاجات الدارت absent from Maiurno, and I Gaal ley: “Maa tamshi في الحتة دي أنا ما حضرتها. was in Gedaref. He said to Maayirno illa baʿad maa me: “Don’t go to Maiurno tasmaʿ intikhaabaatum di until you hear that their intahat tab.” Fiʿlan awwal elections are entirely over.” marra ana aakhud tisʿa So, it was the first time for shuhuur maa jiit Maayirno. me to be absent from Lamman intahat al-

124 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno Maiurno for nine months. I intikhaabaat wa rajaʿo didn’t go back until the baʿad daak ḥattan ana jiit. elections were over and the Al-ḥagiiga fii khalfiyyaat al- two parties had reconciled. ḥaajaat ad-daarat fi l-ḥitta In fact, there were di ana maa ḥaḍartaa. background details in this matter that I didn’t witness.

أبوبكر Abu-Bakr فعالً إنت زي ما قلت المسألة -As you said, the matter was Fiʿlan inta zey maa gulta l كانت ماشة smoothly يعني moving smoothly, i.e., by masaʾala kaanaat maashsha بالتعيين. أصالً هم نفرين: .appointment. They were smoothly yaʿni be t-taʿyiin عمنا بشير وعمنا كاغو، هم :two people: our paternal Aṣlan hum nafareen بمشوا تلقائياً. فظهرت نغمة في uncle (Faki) Bashir and our ʿammana Bashiir wa أنه… paternal uncle (Al-Amin) ʿammana Kaagu, hum Kaagu; they went automati- bimshu tilqaaʾiyyan. Fa cally (as representatives). ẓaharat naghama fii annu… But then a new tone was introduced (Fulani versus Hausa).

أبومنقة Abu-Manga أصالً كانت دورة واحدة، ما ,In fact, it was only one term; Aṣlan kaanat dawra waaḥda مسألة تلقائيا. ًالدورة األولى .it was not a matter of “auto- maa masʾalat tilqaaʾiyyan كانت تعيين، ولما انتهت الدورة matically”. When the first Ad-dawra l-ʾuula kaanat بعض الناس قالوا المرة دي term was over, some people taʿyiin, wu lamma intahat عايزين ترشيح. showed their interest to ad-dawra baʿaḍ an-naas stand for elections for the gaalo l-marra di ʿaayziin following term.35 tarshiiḥ.

عبدالرحمن Abdurahman خالص اتفقنا، كالمك صاح. Yes, I do agree; you are right. Khalaaṣ ittafagna, kalaamak saaḥ.

أبوبكر Abu-Bakr هو يا دكتور الشاهد شنو؟ In fact, Doctor, what I want Hu yaa Diktoor ash-shaahid الشاهد اللي أنا عايز أقوله… to say is the following: the shinu? Ash-shaahid alli ana هي كسابقة يعني، السلطان Sultan having appointed ʿaayiz aguulu… hi ka كان َّعين. زي ما انت قلت، representatives) was a saabiqa yaʿni, as-Sulṭaan) النغمة األولى قالوا: "أنحن ما precedent. So, as I said, the kaan ʿayyan. Zey maa inta دايرين هوساوي". قام قال طيب first (new) ‘tone’ was their gulta, an-naghama l-ʾuula أنا أجيب ليكم النور. برضو saying: “We don’t want to gaalu: “Aniḥna maa

35 The interviewer, being a citizen of Maiurno, was also involved in the events of these elections.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 125 الناس أظن كان عندهم رأي. be represented by a Hausa.” daayriin Hawsaawi.” Gaam بعدين هو برضو طبعاً عنده He then offered to appoint gaal ṭayyib ana ajiib leekum ناسه البجيبوا ليه. وكت شعر An-Nour for them.36 Again, an-Nuur. Barḍu n-naas aẓin المسألة بتاعة خالي النور دي I think that people were not kaan ʿindahum raʾy. Baʿdeen كتعيين برضو ما دايرينها قال satisfied. And, of course, he hu barḍu ṭabaʿan ʿindu خالص – ياهو الحتة قالها ليكم the Sultan), too, had his naasu l-bijiibu leehu. Wakit) إنه داير يستشير، طبعاً نوع من people who brought him shaʿar al-masʾala bitaaʿat الحكمة منه… يعني كان في gossip or news). When he khaali n-Nuur di ka taʿyiin) احتمالين: يمكن الناس يقولوا: felt that people were still barḍu maa daayrinnaha gaal "رضينا بالوضعية بتاعتك دي" not satisfied with the ap- khalaaṣ… Yaahu l-ḥitta وممكن يقولو: "ال". pointment of my maternal gaalaa leekum innu daayir uncle An-Nour, he said, yistashiir. Ṭabaʿan nooʿ min well… He told them that he al-ḥikma minnu. Yaʿni kaan wanted to consult them. Of fi iḥtimaaleen: yimkin an- course, it was a kind of wis- naas yiguulu: “Riḍiina be dom on his part. For there l-waḍʿiyya bitaaʿtak di,” wu were two possibilities: ei- mumkin yuguulu: “La.” ther the people would say: “We accept your decision” or they could also say: “No.”

س33 )عبدالمنعم(: معروف Q33 (Abdalmoneim): It is Maʿruuf ayyi dawla ِّأي دولة إسالمية فيها سلطات well known that any Islamic Islaamiyya fiiha sulṭaat تالتة: قيادية، في السلطة state has three powers: the talaata: qiyaadiyya, fi القضائية، وفي السلطة leadership power, the judi- s-sulṭa l-qaḍaaʾiyya wu fi التنفيذية اللي هي اإلدارية. هل cial power, and the execu- s-sulṭa t-tanfiiziyya alli hiya لما ميورنو جا وأسس المنطقة tive or administrative power. l-ʾidaariyya. Hal lamma هل السلطات دي كلها في -When Mai-Wurno estab- Mai-Wurno ja wa assas al manṭiga hal as-sulṭaat di يد السلطان األول؟ إو�ذا كان lished this area, were all َّوزعها ألشخاص كيف كانت these powers in his hands? kullaha fi yadd as-Sulṭaan الممارسة؟ ولما آلت الخالفة If he distributed them to in- al-ʾawwal? Wa izaa kaan للسلطان محمد طاهر هل dividuals, how were they wazzaʿaa le ashkhaaṣ keef أمسك السلطات التالتة دي في performed? And when the kaanat al-mumaarasa? Wa ُّيده مما جعل بقى هو القاضي function of Sultan was lamma aalat al-khalaafa le وهو األمير وهو االداري مما passed to Muhammad Tahir, s-Sulṭaan Maḥammad دعى بعض الناس أو أصوات did he still keep powers in Ṭaahir hal amsak as-sulṭaat تبدا تسأل عن حقوقها في his hands that made him the at-talaata di fii yaddu الشورى والديمقراطية؟ judge, the Emir, and the mimmaa jaʿal biga huwa administrator and that l-qaaḍi wa huwa l-amiir wa

36 An-Nour Hassan, being the Sultan’s paternal cousin, is ethnically Fulani. But the Sultan’s family was regarded at that time as Hausa on linguistic and cultural bases (as its members used to speak more Hausa than Fulfulde).

126 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno made some voices rise and huwa l-ʾidaari mimmaa start to ask for their rights to daʿa baʿaḍ an-naas aw (participate in) consultation aṣwaat tabda tasʾal ʿan and democracy ? ḥuguugaa fi sh-shoora wa d-dimughraaṭiyya?

أبومنقة Abu-Manga أيام ميورنو التوزيع كان The distribution during Ayyaam Mai-Wurno واضح: القضائية عند جدك -Mai-Wurno’s time was t-tawziiʿ kaan waaḍiḥ: al إنت )عبدالمنعم(؛ ما أظن كان clear: the judicial power qaḍaaʾiyya ʿind jiddak inta ميورنو بيحكم، أي قضية كان was in the hands of your (Abdalmoneim). Maa aẓin بلزها لي أبوبكر القاضي، زي .grandfather (i.e., Abdal- kaan Mai-Wurno biyaḥkim ما كان في الخالفة )الصكتية(. moneim’s grandfather). I Ayyi gaḍiyya kaan bilizzaa صحيح إنه السلطة التنفيذية don’t think that Mai-Wurno lee Abu-Bakr al-Qaaḍi, zey موزعة عند ناس مقاجي ووالي looked into judicial cases; maa kaan fi l-Khalaafa وناس تراكي والجماعة ديل he used to send them to (s-Sokkotiyya). Saḥiiḥ innu وعرابي. والتشريعية كانت ياهو Abu-Bakr al-Qadi (also s-sulṭa t-tanfiiziyya عنده هو والـ known as Qadi Abu-Bakr), muwazzaʿa ʿind naas councilors المعاه. following the system of the Magaaji wa Waali wa naas Sokoto Caliphate. And it is Turaaki wa j-jamaaʿa deel true that the administrative wa ʿUraabi. Wa power was distributed to t-tashriʿiyya, kaanat yaahu people such as Magaji, ʿindu huwa wa l-councilors Wali, Turaki and Arabo al-maʿaahu. (Ahmad Orabi). Only the legislative power was in his hands, and thus also in those of his councilors.

أبوبكر Abu-Bakr هو طبعاً ِّلحدي هنا طبعاً Of course, until that time Hu ṭabaʿan laḥaddi hina they were following the rul- ṭabaʿan an-niẓaam aj-jo النظام الجوا بيهُ من هناك كخالفة إسالمية. لكن نقطة ing system that they had beehu min hinaak ka التحول جات بعد ما المستعمر brought with them as an khalaafa islaamiyya. Laakin اتمكن وجات المتغيرات واإلدارة Islamic caliphate. But the nugṭat at-taḥawwul jaat األهلية والقانون العلماني. turning point was when the baʿad maa l-mustaʿmir colonial administration itmakkan wu jaat al- brought about administra- mutaghayyiraat wa l-Idaara tive changes, including the l-ʾAhliyya wa l-ghaanuun Native Administration al-ʿilmaani. system and the secular law.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 127 عبدالرحمن Abdurahman أنا معلوماتي لما جابوا القانون As far as I know, when the Ana maʿluumaati lamma العلماني القاضي أبوبكر -secular law was introduced, jaabu l-ghaanuun al قال: "أنا ما بحكم بالقانون Qadi Abu-Bakr said: “I will ʿilmaani al-Qaaḍi Abu-Bakr العلماني"، وجاب اآلية طوالي not treat cases in accord- gaal: “Ana maa baḥkim be "ومن لم يحكم بما أنزل اهلل…" ”,ance with the secular law,” l-ghaanuun al-ʿilmaani الى آخر اآلية. فهو اتنحى ,citing the Qur’anic verse, wa jaab al-ʾaaya ṭawwaali عن القضاء. فقاموا جابوا بيلو He who doesn’t rule in “Wa man lam yaḥkum bi“ بدر اشتغل – طبعاً النظام accordance with what God maa anzal Allah…” Ilaa اإلداري اتغير، يكون رئيس revealed…” So, they re- aakhir al-ʾaaya. Fa huwa محكمة، ومكانة القاضي يكون placed him with Bello itnaḥḥa ʿan al-qaḍaaʾ. Fa ككاتب؛ بتاع اإلدارة األهلية هو Badur. Of course, the gaamu jaabu Bello Baduru البيحكم، ويكونوا معاه أعضاء. -administrative system ishtaghal… ṭabaʿan an changed; there was the niẓaam al-ʾidaari itghayyar, دا كان المعمول بيهُ في المحاكم األهلية كلها، الناظر court chief, and the tradi- yikuun raʾiis maḥkama, wa أو العمدة. وشيخ الخط ُّبدوه tional judge was replaced makaanat al-qaaḍi yikuun تالتة سلطات: سلطات قضائية by a court scribe. It was the ka kaatib; bitaaʿ al-Idaara وسلطات إدارية وسلطات كأنه ,Native Administration head l-ʾAhliyya huwa l-biyaḥkim هو رأس األمن كله، يعني .that judged, together with wa yikuunu maʿaahu aʿḍaaʾ سلطات تنفيذية؛ هو الحاكم members (of the court). Da kaan al-maʿmuul beehu وهو القاضي وهو اإلداري. This was the system fol- fi l-maḥaakim al-ʾahliyya بعدين يستعين بمعاونين بطريقة -lowed in all the native kullaha, an-naaẓir aw al هرمية: شيخ الخط يكون تحته courts, whether they were ʿumda. Wa sheekh al-khaṭṭ عشرة عمد. شيخ الخط هو :headed by a Nazir37 or by bidduuhu talaata sulṭaat العنده االتصال المباشر مع an Omda. Sheikh al-Khatt38 sulṭaat qaḍaaʾiyya wa العمدة. بعدين الشيوخ كلهم was given three powers: ju- sulṭaat idaariyya wa sulṭaat مربوطين مع العمدة، العمدة dicial power, administra- kaʾannu huwa raʾs al-ʾamni بخاطب الشيوخ. مجموعة عمد tive power, and responsibil- kullu, yaʿni sulṭaat بخاطبوا شيخ الخط، شيخ الخط ity for general security, i.e., tanfiiziyya; huwa l-ḥaakim هو كمان برفع األمر للناظر. administrative power. So, wa huwa l-qaaḍi wa huwa he was the ruler, the judge, l-ʾidaari. Baʿdeen yistaʿiin and the administrator. And be muʿaawniin. Be ṭariiga he was to appoint assistants haramiyya: sheekh al-khaṭṭ in a hierarchical order: yikuun tiḥtu ʿashara ʿumad; Sheikh al-Khatt had 10 sheekh al-khaṭṭ huwa Omdas under him; each l-ʿindu l-ʾittiṣaal al- Omda was directly answer- mubaashir maʿa l-ʿumda. able to him. And then all Baʿdeen ash-shuyuukh the sheikhs were connected kullahum marbuuṭiin maʿa

37 ‘Nazir’ (Ar. naaẓir): title held by the head of the highest administrative unit within the Native Administration system introduced by the British. 38 Al-Khatt (Ar. al-khaṭṭ) was a rather large administrative unit within the British colonial Native Administrative system.

128 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno with the Omda; they were l-ʿumda; al-ʿumda bikhaaṭib answerable to him. A num- ash-shuyuukh. Majmuuʿat ber of Omdas were under ʿumad bikhaaṭbu sheekh al- Sheikh al-Khatt, and khaṭṭ; sheekh al-khaṭṭ hu Sheikh al-Khatt, in turn, kamaan birfaʿ al-ʾamr le would raise the matter to n-naaẓir. the Nazir. في بعض األماكن البعيدة -In some distant areas the Fi baʿaḍ al-ʾamaakin al العمد ذاتهم عندهم سلطات. Omdas themselves had baʿiida al-ʿumad zaatum زي العمدة بتاع حلة البير كان -powers. The Omda of Hillat ʿindahum sulṭaat; zey al بيحكم، زي العمدة بتاع المرفع al-Beer, for example, used ʿumda bitaaʿ Ḥillat al-Biir كان عنده محكمة، زي دندر -to look into cases; the Omda kaan biyaḥkim; zey al العمدة عنده محكمة وبعض of Al-Muraffa had a court; ʿumda bitaaʿ al-Maraffaʿ مرات السلطان بمشي يحكم in Dindir (Kawli), the Omda kaan ʿindu maḥkama; zey في األسبوع مرة. فلما بيلو had a court, but sometimes Dindir al-ʿumda ʿindu بدر أخد فترة بسيطة تنحى the Sultan would go there maḥkama wu baʿaḍ marraat برضو وجابوا عمر باشكاتب once a week (to look into as-Sulṭaan bimshi yaḥkim fi جاء اشتغل برضو في المحلة cases). After a short period l-ʾusbuuʿ marra. Fa lamma دي مع السلطان الكبير. بعد Bello Badur resigned, and Bello Baduru akhad fatra ما دا برضو اتنحى حتى Umar Bashkatib was ap- basiiṭa tanaḥḥa barḍu wu جاء فكي بشير برضو بحياة pointed, all still under the jaabo ʿUmar Bashkaatib ja السلطان الكبير. لما السلطان senior Sultan (Mai-Wurno). ishtaghal barḍu fi l-maḥilla الكبير اتنازل عن السلطة .After Umar Bashkatib had di maʿa s-Sulṭaan al-kabiir لولده بسبب المرض كان resigned too, came Faki Ba- Baʿad maa da barḍu itnaḥḥa بباشر مهامه األمير محمد shir, still during the lifetime ḥatta ja Faki Bashiir, barḍu طاهر مايرنو بمعاونة فكي -of the senior Sultan. After be ḥayaat as-Sulṭaan al بشير ومعاه الفاداوا – المجلس -the senior Sultan had re- kabiir. Lamma s-Sulṭaan al االستشاري. إلى أن انتقلت nounced his power, passing kabiir itnaazal ʿan as-sulṭa السلطات )لمحمد طاهر( -it on to his son because of lee waladu be sabab al وأصبحت الحكاية زي ما هي. illness, Al-Amir Muham- maraḍ kaan bibaashir السلطات القضائية واإلدارية mad Tahir carried on with mahaamu l-Amiir السلطان كان هو المهيمن the assistance of Faki Ba- Maḥammad Ṭaahir عليها، لكن أي منطقة… الخال shir and the consultative Maayirno be muʿaawanat موزع، يعني عمدة غربة عمدة council. (Things continued Faki Bashiir wa maʿaahu إداري، عثمان دان يايا ِّمدينو -to be) like this even after the l-faadaawa – al-majlis al حتة بالشرق، وفي كساب بودوا office of Sultan had com- istishaari. Ilaa an intaqalat عمر مالح وعثمان دان يايا. pletely passed (into the as-sulṭaat (le Maḥammad فدي كانت موزعة إداراياً. أما -hands of Muhammad Tahir). Ṭaahir) wa aṣbaḥat al السلطات القضائية فكلها عنده -The judicial and administra- ḥikaaya zey maa hiya. As )السلطان( وفكي بشير بشترك tive powers were under his sulṭaat al-qaḍaaʾiyya wa فيها ككاتب. control, but some people l-ʾidaariyya as-Sulṭaan were mandated power (in kaan huwa l-muhaymin certain areas): for instance, ʿaleeha laakin ayyi

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 129 Omda Garba was an admin- manṭiga… al-khala istrative Omda; Usman muwazzaʿ, yaʿni ʿUmda Ɗan Yaaya was given an Garba ʿumda idaari; area on the eastern side of ʿUsmaan Ɗan Yaaya the Blue Nile (to super- maddinnu ḥitta be sh- vise); Umar Mulah and Us- sharig; wa fii Kassaab man Ɗan Yaaya were usu- biwaddu ʿUmar Mulaah wa ally sent to Kassab. So, ʿUsmaan Ɗan Yaaya. Fa di these areas were adminis- kaanat muwaazzaʿa tratively distributed (to as- idaariyyan. Amma s-Sulṭaat sistants). As for the judicial al-qaḍaaʾiyya fa kullaha power, it was in the Sul- ʿindu (as-Sulṭaan) wa Faki tan’s hands, and Faki Ba- Bashiir bishtarik fiiha ka shir shared this power with kaatib. him, since he was the court scribe. فالناس ما كانوا بتدخلوا في So, people (citizens) didn’t Fa n-naas maa kaanu الحتة دي. بعدين البلدات .use to intervene in this bitdakhkhalu fi l-ḥitta di برضو في شيوخ هم البمشوا area. And there were also Baʿdeen al-bildaat barḍu fi بكتبوا القطعان )العشور؟(، sheikhs for the farms, who shuyuukh hum al-bimshu كل زول بي دفتره وأي شي، -usually went and made re- biktibu l-gutʿaan (al أربعة وأربعين شيخ. كل زول cords of the crop taxes, ʿushuur?), kullu zool bee daftaru wu ayyi shi, arbaʿa عنده أرضية معروفة َبدفِّع ناسه each with his own register وبجي ِّيورد للسلطان. دا النظام book). There were 44 wu arbaʿiin sheekh, kullu) sheikhs, each of whom was zool ʿindu arḍiyya maʿruufa الكان معمول بيهُ. assigned a certain section bidaffiʿ naasu wu biji of land. He would collect yiwarrid le s-Sulṭaan. Da taxes from its people and n-niẓaam al-kaan maʿmuul bring them to the Sultan. beehu. So, this corresponds to the (administrative) system followed at that time.

س34 )أبوبكر(: لو سمحتوا Q34 (Abu-Bakr): Let us go Law samaḥtu narjaʿ lee نرجع لي ورا شوية. ناس back a little, if you will al- wara shuwayya. Naas عمنا فكي بشير ديل، هجرتهم low it. Did the people of our ʿammana Faki Bashiir deel مع ناسنا ولال هم جوا مؤخراً paternal uncle Faki Bashir hijratum maʿa naasna مايرنو؟ الحتة دي ما واضحة migrate together with our walla hum jo muʾakhkharan لي. people (from West Africa), Maayirno? Al-ḥitta di maa or did they come to Maiurno waaḍha ley. later? This point is not clear to me.

130 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno عبدالرحمن Abdurahman ما جايين سوا، هم جو They didn’t all come to- Maa jaayiin sawa; hum jo متأخرين، َّومنهم جوا بدري. gether. Some people of our mutʾakhkhiriin, wa ألنه هم االستعمار لما وصل .paternal uncle Faki Bashir minnahum jo badri عندهم أبوهم هو السلطان بتاع came later,39 but others Laʾannu hum al-istiʿmaar مروة ذاته وفي ناس معارضنه. came earlier. Because when lamma waṣal ʿindahum بعدين لما االستعمار جا ديالك the colonial powers arrived abuuhum huwa s-Sulṭaan زي خضعوا لالستعمار وهو دا in their country (i.e., Cam- bitaaʿ Marwa zaatu wa fi رفض. فمسكوه األلمان وكتلوه، eroon), Faki Bashir’s father naas muʿaarḍinnu. Baʿdeen يعني اعتقلوه اعتقال سياسي was himself the Sultan of lamma l-istiʿmaar ja وكتلوه. هم كمان هربوا، ناس Maroua, and he had oppo- deelaak zey khaḍaʿo le فكي بشير ديل مع جدهم عبده. nents. So, the others (i.e., l-istiʿmaar wa huwa da the opponents) succumbed rafaḍ. Fa masakoohu to the colonial powers, l-Almaan wa kataloohu, while he refused to do so. yaʿni iʿtaqaloohu iʿtiqaal So, the Germans arrested siyaasi wa kataloohu. Hum him and killed him. In other kamaan harabo, naas Faki words, he was arrested and Bashiir deel maʿa jiddahum executed for political rea- ʿAbdu. sons, and then many of Faki Bashir’s people escaped with his grandfather (Moodibbo) Abdu.

س35 )عبدالمنعم(: في سؤال Q35 (Abdalmoneim): There Fi suʾaal biṭraḥ nafsu. Inta بطرح نفسه. إنت قلت أبوهم (is a question that imposes gulta abuuhum (Aḥmad )أحمد( كان سلطان وجدهم itself. You said that their fa- kaan Sulṭaan wa jiddahum اسمه مودي عبده أو مودبو ther (i.e., Faki Bashir’s fa- ismu Moodi ʿAbdu aw عبده. هل الحكم دا كان وراثي -ther, Ahmad) was a Sultan Moodibbo ʿAbdu. Hal al إنه عبده دا إتنازل لي ولده ولال ,and that their grandfather ḥukm da kaan wiraathi أحمد دا جاب السلطة )دي was called Moodi Abdu or innu ʿAbdu da itnaazal lee كيف(؟ Moodibbo Abdu. Was ac- waladu walla Aḥmad da cess to power there by suc- jaab as-sulṭa (di keef)? cession, whereby Abdu re- nounced it in favor of his son? Or how did Ahmad acquire the power (i.e., how did he become Sultan)?

عبدالرحمن Abdurahman واهلل احتمال. نحن ما عارفين By God, maybe. We don’t Wallaahi iḥtimaal. Niḥna

39 Ahmad Idris Wad Um Dam, a Fulani man born ca. 1883 and interviewed in Wad Hashim Arab in 1998, also stressed that some people already came to the Maiurno area before Mai-Wurno’s hijra.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 131 حصل كيف لكن يقال كدا، know how it happened, but maa ʿaarfiin haṣal keef ألنه هو زول مسئول كبير it is said that he (Faki Ba- laakin yuqaal kida laʾannu واالستعمار هو اللي كتله. shir’s father, Ahmad) was hu zool masʾuul kabiir wa an important personality l-istiʿmaar huwa l-li katalu. and that it was the colonial powers that killed him.

أبومنقة Abu-Manga هو بس جايز يكون معارض. He might have just been an Hu bas jaayiz yikuun أنا افتكر كان قاضي. opponent. I think that he muʿaariḍ. Ana iftakir kaan was a judge. qaaḍi.

عبدالرحمن Abdurahman When they say “the Sultan, To ɗum wi’ii laamiiɗo kam, To ɗum wi’ii laamiiɗo kam, laamiiɗo Marwa في ,[the Sultan (laamiiɗo) of laamiiɗo Marwa [Fulfulde كالمهم يكون شنو؟ ?Maroua,” what can that fii kalaamum yikuun shinu mean in their speech?

عبدالمنعم AbdalMoneim األمين بشير مشى هناك قعد Al-Amin Bashir (a son of Al-Lamiin Bashiir masha hinaak gaʿad fatra ḥatta ma فترة، حتى ما استُقبِل. Faki Bashir) went there and stayed for some time; he ustuqbil. was not even welcomed (properly).

عبدالرحمن Abdurahman الفالتة أسلوبهم وأسلوب The Fallaata’s attitude dif- Al-Fallaata usluubum wa الناس التانين بختلف. يعني fers from that of the other usluub an-naas at-taaniin كتلة زي دي كتلة سياسية، people. Such a killing by bikhtalif. Yaʿni katla zey di المستعمر كتل إنسان َّتنصر -the colonial powers of katla siyaasiyya, al لي بلده دي باعتبارها زي someone defending the mustaʿmir katal insaan كتلة على عبداللطيف مثالً، cause of his land could be tanaṣṣar lee baladu di مش مفروض َّيتوج؟ لكن ناسنا compared to the killing of biʿtibaaraa zey katlat ʿAli ياخدوها Ali Abd al-Latif,40 for ex- ʿAbd al-Laṭiif masalan; mush ay fitina maako waɗi ɓe paɗɗi mo. دا ample. Didn’t he deserve to mafruuḍ yutawwaj? Laakin الكالم اللي يقال ِّلحدي هسع، be crowned (i.e., hon- naasna yakhduuha: “Ay أو oured)? But our people fitina maako waɗi ɓe paɗɗi ay Almaaniya faɗɗi mo gam rikishi maako. ولال still) say that he (Faki Ba- mo [Fulfulde].” Da l-kalaam) مش كدا؟ ,shir’s father) got killed alli yuqaal laḥaddi hassaʿ because he was a trouble aw: “Ay Almaaniya faɗɗi

40 A Sudanese leader of the White Flag Revolution (1924). The revolution was aborted by the British colonial army, and Ali Abd al-Latif was killed. After Independence he was celebrated as a national hero.

132 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno maker. Instead of honour- mo gam rikishi maako ing him, our people say up [Fulfulde].” Walla mush to now: “He got killed by kida? the Germans because he was a trouble maker.” Isn’t that what they are saying?

أبوبكر Abu-Bakr ما مشكلة كونه كان معارضة It is not a problem that he Maa mushkila kownu kaan ولل… برضو زول ضد was an opponent or… Still, muʿaaraḍa walla… barḍu االستعمار يعني حاجة ما struggling against the colo- zool ḍidd al-istiʿmaar yaʿni ساهلة. يعني برضو زول في nial powers is not an easy ḥaaja maa saahla. Yaʿni وطنه يقيف ضد االستعمار thing. So, someone strug- barḍu zool fii waṭanu yigiif حاجة ما ساهلة. gling against colonialism ḍidd al-istiʿmaar ḥaaja maa for the sake of his land defi- saahla. nitely did not do a simple thing.

عبدالرحمن Abdurahman الزول اإلنت بتقيف ضده دا Against whom did you Az-zool al-ʾinta bitgiif ḍiddu منو؟ الكتلك منو؟ ما مسكه ?stand? Who killed you? It da minu? Al-katalak minu االستعمار وكتله. االستعمار was the colonial powers Maa masaku l-istiʿmaar wa هو اللي كتله، اللي هم االلمان. that arrested him and killed katalu. Al-istiʿmaar hu alli ما أصلو هناك لحدي الحرب .him, i.e., the Germans. Un- katalu, alli hum al-Almaan العالمية الثانية كانت مستعمرة -til World War II [the in- Maa aṣlu hinaak laḥaddi l ألمانية. formant means World War ḥarb al-ʿaalamiyya l-taaniya I], their country was a kaanat mustaʿmara German colony. Almaaniyya.

س36: زمان مايرنو عندها Q36: Did Maiurno have صالت وثيقة بسنار وسنجة؟ strong relations with Sennar and Singa in the past?

في. طبيعة الروابط أوالً زمان Yes. First, there was Sheikh Fi. Ṭabiiʿat ar-rawaabiṭ كان عندنا شيخ جعفر، هو من Gafar. He was a Kanuri, but awwalan zamaan kaan البرنو لكن كان شيخ على كل he was the sheikh of all the ʿindana Sheekh Jaʿfar, huwa قبيلة الفالتة في سنار. وكان Fallaata tribes in Sennar. min al-Barno laakin kaan هو تابع للسلطان. حتى اتذكر And he was under the Sul- Sheekh ʿalaa kulli qabiilat عثمان محمد طاهر وبيلو محمد tan. I even remember that, al-Fallaata fi Sinnaar. Wu طاهر مايرنو في الفترة اللي when Maiurno school was kaan huwa taabiʿ le قفلوا َّمنهم المدرسة كان ُّودوهم closed, Usman Muhammad s-Sulṭaan – ḥatta itzakkar هناك في بيت شيخ جعفر كانوا Tahir and Bello Muham- ʿUsmaan Maḥammad Ṭaahir بقروا في المدرسة بتاعة سنار. mad Tahir were taken to wu Bello Maḥammad Ṭaahir

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 133 بعدين سنجة برضو في شيخ Sheikh Gafar’s house to Maayirno fi l-fatra alli gafalu الفالتة بتاعين سنجة، أهل continue their schooling at minnahum al-madrasa kaan ناس النور عمر ديل، بقولوا ليه Sennar school. In Singa, waddoohum hinaak fii beet شيخ يحيى ولال منو ما عارف. too, there was the sheikh of Sheekh Jaʿfar kaanu bigru برضو تابع لمايرنو، وفي والء .the Fallaata of Singa, a rela- fi l-madrasa bitaaʿat Sinnar واتصال مباشر بينهم هم وبين tive of An-Nour Umar, Baʿdeen Sinja barḍu fi السلطان هنا. called Sheikh Yahya or Sheekh al-Fallaata bitaaʿiin whatever, I don’t (really) Sinja, ahal naas an-Nuur know (his exact name). He, ʿUmar deel, biguulu leehu too, was under Maiurno. Sheekh Yaḥya walla minu They were loyal to the Sul- maa ʿaarif. Barḍu taabiʿ lee tan here and had direct ties Maayirno, wa fi walaaʾ wa with him. ittiṣaal mubaashir beenum hum wu been as-Sulṭaan hina.

أبوبكر Abu-Bakr حتى شيخ جعفر دا على ما Even this Sheikh Gafar, as Ḥatta Sheekh Jaʿfar da أذكر في األعياد بجي يصلي far as I remember, came ʿalaa ma azkur fi l-ʾaʿyaad صالة العيد هنا، بي جماعته. regularly to perform the biji yiṣalli ṣalaat al-ʿiid Eid prayer here, together hina bee jamaaʿtu. with his people.

س37 )عبدالمنعم(: لما Q37 (Abdalmoneim): At the Lamma itʾassasat Maayirno اتأسست مايرنو كيف كانت time when Maiurno was es- keef kaanat Sinnaar سنار ذاتها؟ ?tablished, what did Sennar zaataa itself look like?

عبد الحمن Abdurahman )لما مايرنو اتأسست( سنة When Maiurno was estab- (Lamma Maayirno) ألف وتسعمية وستة ناس سنار lished) in 1906, the Sennar itʾassasat) sanat alf wu كانوا في حليلة اسمها مكوار. people were in a small vil- tusʿumiyya wu sitta naas Sinnaar kaanu fii ḥileela مكوار دي فيها سقّاي بتاع lage called Makwar. This محمد نجمي، وفي ناس من Sennar was a saggaay (wa- ismaa Makwaar. Makwaar االسوانلية ديل بصفوهم قصار ter supply center?) of Mu- di fiiha saggaay bitaaʿ قصار الحمر ديل كانوا شغالين hammad Najmi, and there Maḥammad Najmi. Wu fi معاه. يعني عاملين رواكيب في were some Aswan people, naas min al-Aswanliyya deel مكوار دي هنا. بعدين بيعملوا these reddish and short peo- biṣifuuhum guṣaar guṣaar سمك بودوه التقاطع – المدينة ple, working with him. They al-ḥumur deel kaanu الكبيرة هناك في التقاطع. .used to fry fish and take it to shaghghaaliin maʿaahu هنا دي حليلة صغيرة ما فيها Sennar at-Tagatu (for sale). Yaʿni ʿaamliin rawaakiib fii شي يذكر؛ هي ما عمرت مع The town was in At-Tagatu. Makwaar di hina. Baʿdeen الخزان بس. وأكتر ناس فيها Here, it (Makwar, i.e., the biyaʿmilu samak

134 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno في الحتة األساسية لو الحظت -present town of Sennar41) biwadduuhu t-Tagaatuʿ. Al البرنو والفالتة. فيما بعد لما was just a small village Madiina al-kabiira hinaak fi قاموا عليهم ُّزحوهم. لكن سنار with nothing significant. It t-Tagaatuʿ. Hina di ḥileela الحتة ذاتها فيها الفالتة، ناس only developed with (the ṣaghayra maa fiiha shi قدلي ديل وهناي. ناس الكوارو construction) of the dam. yuzkar; hi maa ʿamarat ديل كلهم عم ناس جيلي ديل The majority of the people maʿa l-khazzaan bas. Wa living in its centre were aktar naas fiiha fi l-ḥitta l- ما ُهَّمن في قلب سنار. حتتهم دي هي أصل سنار ذاتها -Borno (Kanuri) and Fallaa- ʾasaasiyya law laahaẓta al وأكثر سكانها الفالتة، ناس آدم ta. Later, they were put un- Barno wa l-Fallaata. Fiimaa خواجة، ناس أبكر نعيسى. der pressure and pushed baʿad lamma gaamo away. But the actual old ʿaleehum zaḥḥoohum. Laakin site of Sennar was inhabit- Sinnaar al-ḥitta zaataa fiiha ed by Fallaata such as the l-Fallaata, naas Gidilli deel Gidilli people, and so on. wa hinaay. Naas al-kawaarro All of those carriages’ own- deel kullahum ʿamm naas ers, such as Jeyli’s paternal Jeyli deel maa humman fi uncle, were living in the qalbi Sinnaar. Ḥittatum di heart of Sennar. Their area hiya aṣli Sinnaar zaataa wa was the original site of Sen- aktar sukkaanaa l-Fallaata; nar) and its inhabitants naas Adam Khawaaja, naas were people such as Adam Abbakar Na-Iisa. Khawaja and Abbakar Na- Issa.

س38: انا عايزك تحكي لي Q38: I want you to tell me عن الطبقات االجتماعية في about the social classes in الفترات المتعاقبة في مايرنو. the different successive ألنه كل فترة بتحس في ناس -periods in Maiurno. Be في شكل طبقات، من حيث cause in every period one المهنة أو البيوتات! feels that there were kinds of classes based on professions or families!

مايرنو كان ينقسموا إلى خمس The people in) Maiurno Maayirno kaano bingasmu) طبقات: أوال الحاشية اللي هي :were divided into five class- ilaa khamsa ṭabaqaat عندها السلطة واإلمارة عندها، es: the ruling entourage Awwalan al-ḥaashiya alli بعدين في التجار وأصحاب who had the power; and hiya ʿindaha s-sulṭa wa األموال، وفي أصحاب المواشي then the merchants, i.e., the l-imaara ʿindaha; baʿdeen fi ناس رعاة، وفي المزارعين. -rich people’; then there t-tujjaar wa aṣhaab al‘ المزارعين ديل ذاتهم مصنفين -were the cattle owners, i.e., amwaal; wa fi aṣhaab al إلى إثنين: في مزارعين كبار the herdsmen; and there mawaashi naas ruʿa; wa fi وفي صغار، وفي عامة were the farmers. These l-muzaarʿiin. Al-muzaarʿiin

41 The present town of Sennar is located ca. 10 km east of Old Sennar, i.e., Sennar at-Tagatu.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 135 الشعب. were divided into two deel zaatum muṣannafiin groups: big farmers and ilaa ʾitneen: fi muzaarʿiin small farmers. And then kubaar wa ṣughaar; wa fi there were common people. ʿaammat ash-shaʿab.

س39: الكالم دا بتتكلم في Q39: In what period was ياتي فترة؟ كنتو في سن كم؟ that? How old were you at that time?

كنا في السن الصغيرة خالص We were very, very young. Kunna fi s-sinn aṣ-ṣaghayra خالص، في بداية مايرنو. That was when Maiurno was khaaliṣ khaaliṣ, fii bidaayat just beginning. Maayirno.

س40: اذكر لينا طبقة التجار Q40: Please, speak about – البارزين فيهم ناس منو؟ !the class of the merchants Who were the distinguished among them?

أول التجار الكانوا بارزين في The first among the distin- Awwal at-tujjaar al-kaanu مايرنو كان أحمد ميساجي guished merchants in Mai- baarziin fii Maayirno kaan وأبرشي، ديل العندهم دكاكين urno were Ahmad Mai-Saje Aḥmad Mai-Saaje wa في مايرنو، وبعدين ناس and Abarshi. These were Abarshi, deel al-ʿindahum دنشي، وبعدين ناس بيلو بدر، the people who had shops dakaakiin fi Maayirno; wu وتراكي عنده برضو دكان في in Maiurno. And then there baʿdeen naas Dunshe, wu السوق، وبعدين ناس أبكر ,were people such as Dun- baʿdeen naas Bello Baduru دبلو، وبعدين ناس محمد ثاني she and Bello Badur. Turaki wa Turaaki ʿindu barḍu ولول أخوه، وبعدين شعيب also had a shop in the mar- dukkaan fi s-suug, wu رابح دا برضو كان تاجر في ket. And then there was baʿdeen naas Abbakar السوق، وبعدين زي إبراهيم Abbakar Dabalo; and then Dabalo, wu baʿdeen naas موسى أبو جيلي نغسوروجي Muhammad Saani and his Maḥammad Saani wa كان تاجر من التجار القدام. brother Lawwal; and then Lawwal akhuhu, wu بعد داك إلى جانب ناس ود Shu’aib Rabeh. Ibrahim baʿdeen Shuʿayb Raabiḥ da نايل )من العرب(. ,Musa, the father of Jeyli barḍu kaan taajir fi s-suug Nga-Soorooji, was also wu baʿdeen zey Ibraahiim among the old merchants. Muusa abu Jeyli Nga- This is in addition to people Soorooji kaan taajir min at- such as Wad Nayil (an tujjaar al-gudaam. Baʿad Arab). daak ilaa jaanib naas Wad Naayil (min al-ʿArab). أصحاب المواشي تجي هنا The herdsmen were people Aṣhaab al-mawaashi taji عمر دامنة، وناس غيا، وناس like Umar Damana, Gaya hina ʿUmar Daamana, wa يوسي، ديل الدقرا. بعدين ,and Yuuse; these were the naas Gaya, wa naas Yuuse تمشي الجانب الثاني داك ناس Dagara people. And then, deel ad-Dagara. Baʿdeen

136 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno ساجو، ناس أبه برغو، ناس on the other hand, there tamshi j-jaanib at-taani daak الدان، بعدين في واحد زمان ,were people such as Saajo, naas Saajo, naas Abba Burgu بقولوا لي أرطو، وبعدين في Abba Burgu, and Ladan. In naas Laadaan, baʿdeen fi بيلو غيناكو هنا في أسرة ناس the past, there was someone waaḥid zamaan biguulu le ساجو برضو، وناس همن كيك called Arɗo; and then there Arɗo, wu baʿdeen fi Bello ديل في اآلخر، وبعدين هناك was Bello Gaynaako, be- Gaynaako hina fii ʾusrat عندك ناس فكي محمد مودي، longing also to Saajo’s fam- naas Saajo barḍu, wu naas وناس بندي ديل برغوبي هناك. ily. Hamman Kik appeared Hamman Kiik deel fi فديل طبقة براها. later. And then there were l-ʾaakhir, wu baʿdeen Faki Muhammad Moodi hinaak ʿindak naas Faki and the Bande people. Maḥammad Moodi, wa naas These were Barguuɓe; they Bande deel Barguuɓe constituted an independent hinaak. Fa deel ṭabaqa class. baraaha. بعدين نجي للزراع: في إشياك And then we come to the Baʿdeen naji le z-zurraaʿ: Fi ميغرفي، وتجي هنا تقول farmers’ class: there was Ishyaaka Mai-Ƙarfi, wa taji ميبليلة، وبعدين باقو، ومي Ishiaka Mai-Ƙarfi;42 and hina taguul Mai-Baliila wa ياقي، وبعدين عيسى جاماري، -then Mai-Baliila; and then baʿdeen Baƙo, wa Mai وبعدين جرمة كتر، وبعدين Baƙo and Mai-Yaaƙi; and Yaaƙi, wa baʿdeen Iisa أحمد مرنة، وبعدين جورو مانو then Issa Jaamaari; and Jaamaari, wu baʿdeen Jarma وأخوه جورو َّهم، وبعدين ناس then Jarma Kitir; and Ah- Kitir, wu baʿdeen Aḥmad ملُّم، وبعدين بيلو مقدم ومقدم mad Murna; and then Jaw- Murna, wu baʿdeen Jawro بوبة، وبعدين عمر دغجم، ro Maanu and his brother, Maanu wa akhuuhu Jawro وبعدين أبودقن اللي هو أبو ,Jawro Hamma; and then Hamma, wa naas Mallum إبراهيم يازول. ديل المزارعين Mallum, Bello Mugaddam, wa baʿdeen Bello على سبيل المثال ال الحصر. and Mugaddam Buuba; and Mugaddam wa Mugaddam ديل المزارعين الكبار. then Umar Dagajam; and Buuba, wu baʿdeen ʿUmar then Abu-Digin, the father Dagajam, wu baʿdeen Abu- of Ibrahim Yaa-Zool. These Digin alli huwa abu are examples of farmers. Ibraahim Yaa-Zool. Deel These were the big farmers. al-muzaarʿiin ʿalaa sabiil al-misaal la l-ḥaṣr. Deel al- muzaarʿiin al-kubaar.

س41: ّالصناع كيف؟ ما في -Q41: How about the arti ناس عندهم مهارات؟ sans? Were there no skilled people?

في مهارات. في واحد اسمه Yes, there were some skilled Fi mahaaraat. Fi waaḥid ismu بابو، من أوائل النجارين. لو -workers. There was some- Baabo, min awaaʾil an شاهدت األبواب بتاعة بيت one called Baabo; he was najjaariin. Law shaahadta السلطان مايرنو المعمولة -one of the first carpenters. l-ʾabwaab bitaaʿat beet as

42 This Ishiaka was the maternal grandfather of Professor Al-Amin Abu-Manga.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 137 أفرنجية دي. شوفها معمولة -Did you see the doors in the Sulṭaan Maayirno l بي ياتو كيفية. هسع من النادر .Sultan’s house, made in a maʿmuula afranjiyya di إنك تجيب نجار يصنع زيها. modern (European) fash- Shuufaa maʿmuula bee yaatu ion? Now one rarely finds a kayfiyya. Hassaʿ min an- األبواب دي َسَّواها واحد اسمه بابو، نجار من مايرنو. بعدين carpenter who can make naadir innak tajiib najjaar في مقيري، وبعدين في سالي doors like those. They were yaṣnaʿ zeyyaha. Al-ʾabwaab ُّ made by someone called di sawwaaha waaḥid ismu )صالح( َب ِهلو، وفي منيال، ُّ .Baabo, a carpenter from Baabo, najjaar min Maayirno وفي أبه َب ِهلو، وفي داءود أبو ناس محمد داءود دا. دا زول Maiurno. And there was Baʿdeen fi Maƙeeri, wu بصنع أسلحة نارية، بيعمل (Maƙeeri (as blacksmith); baʿdeen fi Saale (Saliḥ ُّ and then Salih Bahillo; and Bahillo, wu fi Munyal, wu fi بندقية، بعدين في جبر َب ِهلو أبو ناس دمجي. then Munyal; and then Abba Bahillo, wu fi Daaʾuud Abba Bahillo; and then abu naas Maḥammad Da’oud, the father of Mu- Daaʾuud da. Da zool biṣnaʿ hammad Da’oud, who was asliḥa naariyya, biyaʿmil skilled enough to make fire bundugiyya. Baʿdeen fi Jibir arms, i.e., rifles; and then Bahillo abu naas Damji. Jibir Bahillo, Damji’s father. And then there was the Baʿdeen fi ṭabaqa bitaaʿat بعدين في طبقة بتاعة ّنساجين زي عمنا منزو أبو ناس آدم class of weavers, such as nassaajiin zey ʿammana our paternal uncle Manzo, Manzo abu naas Adam ُك ُمندا؛ الرجل دا كان ّنساج بنسج القنجات دي. غيره في Adam Kumunda’s father. Kumunda; ar-rajul da kaan كتار لكن ما بتذكرهم ألنهم كان .This man was a weaver nassaaj binsij al-ganjaat di بِتُِّرو القطن وبنسجوا القنجات who used to weave the Gheeru fi kutaar laakin maa دي. وبعدين في ميكودي ganja type of cloth. There bitzakkarum laʾannahum بيعمل طواقي وبيعمل حاجات. were some others, whose kaan bitirru l-guṭun wa names I cannot remember. binsiju l-ganjaat di. Wu They used to make thread baʿdeen fi Mai-Kuɗi out of cotton and weave biyaʿmal ṭawaagi wa these ganja clothes. And biyaʿmal ḥaajaat. then there was Mai-Kuɗi, who made caps and some other things. برضو في خياطين، بالمكنة There were also tailors, Barḍu fi khayyaaṭiin, be وباليد. قبل ما تخش المكنات .who worked both with sew- l-makana wa be l-yadd أبرشي دا ذاته كان ترزي -ing machines and by hand. Gabli maa takhush al بِ ِّفصل الفلوفلو دا، إلى ما بعد Before the introduction of makanaat Abarshi da zaatu المكنات برضو كان بِ ِّخيط. -sewing machines, Abarshi kaan tarzi bifaṣṣil al ِّوالبخيطوا باليد ديل كتار: ناس himself was a tailor. He foloofoloo da, ilaa maa ميكنو ديل. used to make folo-folo baʿad al-makanaat barḍu (West African type of kaan bikhayyiṭ. Wa gowns). He continued to be l-bikhayyiṭu be l-yadd deel a tailor even after the kutaar: naas Mai-Kano deel.

138 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno introduction of sewing machines. Those who stitched by hand were very numerous, including people such as Mai-Kano. اإلسكافية كتار جداً جدا.ً أوالً Shoemakers were very nu- Al-ʾiskaafiyya kutaar jiddan بيت ناس بيلو بدر ديل كلهم merous. First, all the people jiddan. Awwalan beet naas إسكافية. فكي محمود كان of Bello Badur’s house Bello Badur deel kullahum إسكافي. أبوي اشتغل في were shoemakers. Faki iskaafiyya. Faki Maḥmuud اإلسكافية دي، بعدين فكي Mahmoud was a shoemaker. kaan iskaafi. Abuuy ishtaghal أسطى آدم كان عنده كراع My father worked in shoe- fi l-iskaafiyya di; baʿdeen بتاعة عود كدا، دا برضو كان making. And then Faki Faki Usta Adam kaan ʿindu إسكافي؛ ناس محمد اإلحيمر ,Usta Adam, someone with kuraaʿ bitaaʿat ʿuud kida دا كان جدهم إسكافي؛ وبعدين a wooden leg, was also a da barḍu kaan iskaafi; naas ناس عثمان كري، أبوهم كري shoemaker. The grandfa- Maḥammad al-Iheemir da ذاته، ومحمد بيلو وأخوهم ther of Muhammad al- kaan jiddahum iskaafi; wu حمزة، وعبداهلل بكري وأخوه؛ ,Ihemir was a shoemaker; baʿdeen naas ʿUsmaan Kari وبعدين في عثمان دقاقة. and then Kari, the father of abuuhum Kari zaatu, wu Usman Kari; and then Mu- Maḥammad Bello wa hammad Bello and his akhuuhum Ḥamza, wu brother Hamza; and then ʿAbdullahi Bakari wa Abdullahi Bakari and his akhuuhu; wu baʿdeen fi brother; and then Usman ʿUsmaan Daggaaga. Daggaga.

س42 )عبدالمنعم(: مالحظ -Q42 (Abdalmoneim): We Mulaaḥaẓ innu muʿẓam al إنه معظم اإلسكافية الذكرتهم notice that most of the shoe- ʾiskaafiyya az-zakartahum ديل أنصار، هل وجودهم في makers you mentioned were deel anṣaar. Hal wujuudum الجزيرة أبا ليه أثر ولال جوا بيها Ansar. Did their having fi j-Jaziira Aba leehu asar من هناك؟ ?been once in Gezira Aba walla jo beeha min hinaak have anything to do with that, or did they come from there (West Africa) with the craft of shoemaker?

عبدالرحمن Abdurahman ال. أصلو أسرة ناس اآلدماوا -No. In fact, to be precise, La. Aṣlu ʾusrat naas al ديل بالذات جوا بيها من دارفور. the Adamawa people (Fu- Adamawa deel be z-zaat jo ألنه أبوي إتعلَّم َّمنهم الخياطة .lani) took up this profession beeha min Daarfoor دي في دارفور. وبعدين لما جا in Darfur. Because my fa- Laʾannu abuuy itʿallam هنا أصلوا عندهم الحكمة دي. ther learned it in Darfur. minnahum al-khiyaaṭa di fii خالها )اإلسكافية( واشتغل بي When he came here, he Daarfoor. Wu baʿdeen حكمته دي بتاعة التشليق. فكي abandoned shoemaking and lamma ja hina aṣlu

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 139 محمود دا كان إسكافي؛ بعدين .reverted to his original skill ʿindahum al-ḥikma di ناس على بليوا بتاع أرديبة. (of (traditional) eye surgery. Khallaaha (al-ʾiskaafiyya اإلسكافية كانت بطريقة واسعة Faki Mahmoud was a shoe- wa ishtaghal bee ḥikmatu di جداً جداً في مايرنو. وبعدين maker; and then Ali Ɓalewa bitaaʿat at-tashliig. Faki بعد داك بابو كيري، أبومنقة، ;of Irediba. Shoemaking Maḥmuud da kaan iskaafi ناس الميطو. أبومنقة دا أخدا was a very widespread pro- baʿdeen naas Ali Ɓalewa من خيالنه؛ خيالنه نسيناهم، -fession in Maiurno. There bitaaʿ ʿArdeeba. Al اإلثنين شيفو وعمر برضهم was also Baabo Keeri, Abu- ʾiskaafiyya kaanat be ṭariiga كانوا إسكافية. Manga (the senior43), and waasʿa jiddan jiddan fii Laamiiɗo. Abu-Manga Maayirno. Wa baʿdeen learned it from his maternal baʿad daak Baabo Keeri, uncles; we have forgotten Abu-Manga, naas Laamiiɗo. to mention that these two Abu-Manga da akhadaa maternal uncles, Sheefu min kheelaanu; kheelaanu and Umar, were also nisiinaahum; al-ʾitneen shoemakers. Sheefu wu ʿUmar barḍahum kaanu iskaafiyya.

س43: مع الزمن الطبقات Q43: With time the classes برضها بتتغير. دا الجيل األول. also change. We have seen أكيد الجيل الثاني بختلف. فلو how it was for the first قلت ليك رتب الجيل الثاني من generation. We expect the حيث المكانة االجتماعية، كيف .second generation to differ ترتبهم؟ How do you describe the second generation in terms of social classes?

أوالً تجي طبقة َّالحكام، ثم -First comes the class of the Awwalan taji ṭabaqat al التجار، ويجوا المزارعين حتى ,rulers; and then the mer- ḥukkaam, summa t-tujjaar يجوا ناس البهايم، بعدين chants; and then the farm- wa yiju l-muzaarʿiin ḥatta الصناع، وبعدين العامة اللي ,ers, followed by the herds- yiju naas al-bahaayim هم صغار المزارعين. ,men, followed by the baʿadeen aṣ ṣunnaaʿ artisans; and then last come baʿdeen al-ʿaamma alli the common people, i.e., hum ṣighaar al-muzaarʿiin. the small farmers.

س44: والجيل البعدهم؟ Q44: And the following generation?

بعد داك خشوا السوق ناس Then people such as Daba- Baʿad daak khashshu s-suug دبلو، ناس إسماعيل القاضي، lo, Isma’il al-Qadi, Bello naas Dabalo, naas Ismaʿiil ناس بيلو بخاري، ناس طاهر Bukhari, Tahir Dabalo, al-Qaaḍi, naas Bello

43 This is the father of Professor Al-Amin Abu-Manga.

140 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno أخو دبلو، ناس كويرانغا، ناس Koiranga,44 and Mustafa Bukhaari, naas Ṭaahir akhu مصطفى أبرشي. برضو التجار ,Abarshi entered the market Dabalo, naas Koiraanga )في المقدمة(. بعدين جات as merchants). So, the naas Muṣṭafa Abarshi. Barḍu) مكنات الخياطة، هي متقدمة .(class of merchants is still t-tujjaar (fi l-muqaddima شوية، من سنة عشرين. ألنه -on top (after that of rulers). Baʿdeen jaat makanaat al الترزية ذاتهم جوا من برة. The sewing machines were khiyaaṭa; hi mutagaddima البعض َّمنهم لقيناهم والبعض .introduced in as early as the shuwayya, min sanat ʿishriin َّمنهم لقيناهم في القضارف بعد 1920s. The (first) tailors Laʾannu t-tarziyya zaatum ما فاتوا من مايرنو. came from outside; (when jo min barra. Al-baʿaḍ we grew up) we found minnahum ligiinaahum wa some of them (still in Mai- l-baʿaḍ minnahum urno), and we found some ligiinaahum fi l-Gaḍaarif others in Gedaref, after they baʿad maa faatu min had left Maiurno. Maayirno.

س45: سؤال قبل ما تواصل. Q45: A question before you السبق شنو المكنات ولال ,continue: what came first العربات؟ the sewing machine or the lorry?

سبقت المكنات. كبار الخياطين The sewing machine pre- Sabagat al-makanaat. Kibaar اللي اتعلموا َّمنهم في واحد ceded the lorry. Among the al-khayyaaṭiin alli itʿallamu اسمه أبجكنينا ودا مات في early tailors from whom minnahum fi waaḥid ismu مايرنو ذاتها. وفي واحد اسمه people (in Maiurno) learned Ab Jakaneena, wu da maat حميدة برضو من البرنو أنا was someone called Ab- fii Maayirno zaataa. Wu fi لقيته في القضارف. حتى بعد Jakanena; this one even waaḥid ismu Himmeeda داك أول ناس اتعلموا الخياطة died in Maiurno. There was barḍu min al-Barno ana في مايرنو عمر لبو ودبلو also another one called ligiitu fi l-Gaḍaarif. Ḥatta وطاهر أخوه والجاك وناس Hummeida, a Kanuri, baʿad daak awwal naas داءود يوسف وداءود عمر whom I found in Gedaref. itʿallamu l-khiyaaṭa fii والنور حسن وعابدين حسن And then afterwards, the Maayirno ʿUmar Labbo wa وناس إبراهيم جيالني وأستاذي first people to learn ma- Dabalo wu Ṭahir akhuuhu الكبير أحمد محمد أخو أبومنقة chine sewing in Maiurno wu aj-Jaak wu naas Daaʾuud بعدين عمر نكير. أسطى were Umar Labbo, Dabalo, Yuusif wu Daaʾuud ʿUmar أحمد دا هو العلمني الخياطة and his brother Tahir, as wu n-Nuur Ḥasan wa وبريدني جداً جداً يعني. وناس well as Abarshi. These were ʿAabdiin Ḥasan wa naas آدم علي. followed by people such as Ibraahiim Jeylaani wa ustaazi Aj-Jaak, Da’oud Yousif, l-kabiir Aḥmad Maḥammad Da’oud Umar, An-Nour akhu Abu-Manga, baʿdeen Hassan, Abdin Hassan, ʿUmar Nikeer. Usṭa Aḥmad Ibrahim Jeylani, and da huwa l-ʿallamni l-khiyaaṭa Ahmad Muhammad, who wu biriidni jiddan jiddan

44 Another man than Faki Adam Koiranga mentioned above.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 141 was my main teacher and a yaʿni; wu naas Adam Ali. brother of Abu-Manga;45 and then Umar Niker. Usta Ahmad was the one who taught me machine sewing and he liked me very much. (This generation also included) Adam Ali.

س46 )عبدالمنعم(: الصنعة Q46 (Abdalmoneim): Did Aṣ-ṣinʿa di itʿallamooha دي اتعلموها برة ولال قبلهم في they learn this profession barra walla gabalum fii مايرنو؟ ?outside or in Maiurno itself? Maayirno عبدالرحمن Abdurahman ال ال، جوهم الترزية في مايرنو No, the tailors from whom Laala, joohum at-tarziyya fii وهم اتعلموا َّمنهم، يعني نفرين they learned first came to Maayirno wa hum itʿallamu تالتة علَّموا باقي المجموعة. them in Maiurno. In other minnahum: yaʿni nafareen بعد داك العربات أصلها خشت words, two or three people talaata ʿallamu baagi مايرنو عن طريق السلطان. -taught the rest of the people. l-majmuuʿa. Baʿad daak al السلطان جاب عربات أول ما After that, the lorries were ʿarabaat aṣlaha khashshat طلعت سنة ستة وثالثين. -introduced in Maiurno by Maayirno ʿan ṭariig as the Sultan. The Sultan Sulṭaan. As-Sulṭaan jaab brought lorries when they ʿarabaat awwal maa ṭalaʿat first appeared in 1936. sanat sitta wu talaatiin.

س47: طيب كيف تعيد ترتيب Q47: Then how do you rank الطبقات في فترة المكنات قبل the social classes during the دخول العربات؟ sewing machine era, before the introduction of the lorry?

أوالً الحكام في محلهم والتجار First, the ruling class and Awwalan al-ḥukkaam fii في محلهم، بعدين الخياطين the class of merchants re- maḥallahum, wa t-tujjaar fii مثلوا ناس كطبقة مستنيرة -mained in their places. And maḥallahum, baʿdeen al مميزين على بقية الشعب الما then the class of the tailors khayyaaṭiin massalu naas عندهم صنعة. emerged as an enlightened ka ṭabaqa mustaniira class distinguished from the mumayyaziin ʿale baqiyyat unskilled people. ash-shaʿb al-maa ʿindu ṣinʿa.

س48: سؤالي كاآلتي: حتختهم Q48: My question is now: do قبل المزارعين ولال بعدهم؟ they (i.e., the tailors) come before or after the class of the (big) farmers?

45 This Ahmad Muhammad is a paternal uncle of Professor Al-Amin Abu-Manga.

142 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno ال، بعد المزارعين. هم ذاتهم .No, they came after the La, baʿad al-muzaarʿiin بشتغلوا بالزراعة بعد داك farmers. They (i.e., the tai- Hum zaatum bishtaghlu be بالصناعة. المزارعين في lors), too, used to combine z-ziraaʿa baʿad daak be محلهم. farming and ṣinnaʿa ṣ-ṣinnaʿa. Al-muzaarʿiin fii (skilled work). So, the maḥallhum. farmers also remained in their place.

س49: قبل ناس البهايم ولال Q49: Do they come before بعدهم؟ ?or after the herdsmen

واهلل ناس البهايم برضو في By God, the herdsmen, too, Wallaahi naas al-bahaayim barḍu fii maḥallahum, wa in محلهم، إو�ن كان ناس البهايم ,remained in their place هم ما بالكثرة اللي يأثروا. though they were not of an kaan naas al-bahaayim maa influential number. be l-katara alli yiʾassiru.

س50: ال بقصد تقدير الناس Q50: I mean in degrees of )لألثنين(! !social esteem

واهلل ناس البهايم طبعاً َّمقدرين. By God, the herdsmen were Wallaahi naas al-bahaayim esteemed. ṭabaʿan muqaddariin.

أبوبكر Abu-Bakr الحتة دي بالمناسبة دايرة… Concerning this point, by Al-ḥitta di be l-munaasaba ألنه أساساً أنا بلقى الزول the way… I find that an daayra… laʾannu asaasan العنده البهيمة ممكن يكون animals’ owner can become ana balga z-zool al-ʿindu بزرع، ممكن يكون هو البقى a farmer, a tailor, and even l-bahiima mumkin yikuun ترزي وفي مرحلة ثانية ممكن a lorry driver. Therefore, bizraʿ mumkin yikuun huwa يبقى سواق ذاته يعني. عشان there is a kind of overlap in l-biga tarzi wu fii marḥala كدا المسألة بقى فيها تداخل this matter. taaniya mumkin yibga يعني. .sawwaag zaatu yaʿni ʿAshaan kida l-masʾala biga fiiha tadaakhul yaʿni.

س51: بقصد المزارع لما بقى Q51: I mean when a farmer ترزي وضعه بقى أحسن؟ became a tailor, did his position become better?

عبدالرحمن Abdurahman آي اقتصاديا ًبقى أحسن ألنه Yes, economically his posi- Aayi iqtiṣaadiyyan biga دخله بقى يومي. بكون مميز tion became better because aḥsan laʾannu dakhlu biga حتى البنات بقوا يغنوا ليه. he had a daily income. He yoomi. Bikuun mumayyaz became distinguished to the ḥatta l-banaat bigu yighannu

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 143 extent that girls started to leehu. sing for him (in praise songs).

س52: أسأل تاني، بالنسبة .Q52: Let me ask once again للطبقات االجتماعية، الخياطين ,With regard to social classes لما اكتسبوا المهنة دي هل بقوا did the tailors, by acquiring طبقة أعلى من المزارعين في -this (new) profession, be وجه المجتمع؟ come a higher class than that of the farmers?

أيوة بقوا أكبر؛ بجوا بعد التجار Yes, their class achieved a Aywa bigu akbar; biju طوالي، هم زمالؤهم طبعاً، بقوا ;higher position. They come baʿad at-tujjaar ṭawwaali في مكان التجار متساوين، مع ,immediately after the mer- hum zumalaaʾum ṭabaʿan التجار بحسبوهم سوا. chants; of course, they were bigu fii makaan at-tujjaar the merchants’ colleagues. mutsaawiin, maʿa t-tujjaar The tailors and the mer- biḥsibuuhum sawa. chants were regarded as being equal. بعدين )بالنسبة( للسواقين And then (with regard to Baʿdeen (be n-nisba) le السلطان طبعاً جاب عربيتين lorry drivers), the Sultan, of s-sawwaagiin as-Sulṭaan بدل واحدة – في وقت واحد. course, bought two lorries ṭabaʿan jaab ʿarabiiteen واحدة كان بسوقها طن تني at a time; one was driven by badal waaḥda – fii wakit وواحدة كان بسوقها واحد اسمه Ɗan Tani and the other by waaḥid; waaḥda kaan عبدالباقي. الكالم دا سنة ستة someone called Abdul-Bagi. bisuugaa Ɗan Tani, wa وثالثين حاجة زي دي. وفي That was around 1936. Be- waaḥda kaan bisuugaa واحد برضو قبلهم من ناس .fore these two men, there waaḥid ismu ʿAbdulbaagi كسال اسمه إبراهيم بيازة، اللي was also someone from Al-kalaam da sanat sitta wu هو أبو عمر بيازة دا. بعدين قام Kassala called Ibrahim talaatiin ḥaaja zey di. Wa fi Bayaza, the father of Umar waaḥid barḍu gablahum اتعلم معاهم ُدُّدو بقى سواق. بعد َّمنهم جا طن تني، برضو Bayaza. Duddu learned un- min naas Kassala ismu كان سواق. حتى تاني السلطان der them and became a driv- Ibraahiim Bayaaza, alli جاب عوض سالم، هو ما er. After them came Ɗan huwa abu ʿUmar Bayaaza فالتي ومن الناس اللي اتزوجوا Tani, who was also a driver. da. Baʿdeen gaam itʿallam بنات الفالتة – هو دنقالوي Then again the Sultan maʿaahum Duddu biga ولكن َّعرس أخت ناس حسين brought Awad Salim; he sawwaag. Baʿad minnahum على بابكر، واتزوج بت على was not a Fallaati (sing. of ja Ɗan Tani barḍu kaan كرار أبو ناس آدم حسنة، بيتهم -Fallaata – i.e., Fulani), but, sawwaag. Ḥatta taani s هناك جنب ناس بلو ميغندي ,still, he was among those Sulṭaan jaab ʿAwaḍ Saalim – إتزوج برضو أختهم أم ناس -who got married to Fallaata hu maa Fallaati wa min an محمد عوض اللي قرينا معاه. girls. He was Dongolese, naas alli itzawwaju banaat َّفمنهم هم ديل حتى مرقوا ناس but he married the sister of al-Fallaata; hu Dungulaawi Hussein Ali Baabikir, and wa laakin ʿarras ukhut naas َبَزَقلِّي، ناس أبكر كشالي، اللي هو أبكر بوصة، محمد بيلو he also married the daughter Ḥiseen Ali Baabikir, wa

144 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno عبدالوهاب، حتى مرقوا ناس – of Ali Karrar – the father of itzawwaj bitt Ali Karraar شانوا ديل، ناس حامد برباتو، ,Adam Husna, whose house abu naas Adam Ḥusna ناس معاذ مزا، ناس ميكاتورو، was near that of Bello Mai- beetum hinaak janb naas برضو ديل من األوائل، ناس Gandi; so, he also married Bello Mai-Gandi; itzawwaj محمد ساجو وسندا صواميل. their sister, the mother of barḍu ukhutum um naas Muhammad Awad, with Maḥammad ʿAwaḍ alli whom we attended school. gareena maʿaahu. Fa From these people (i.e., this minnahum hum deel ḥatta generation) emerged Baza- marago naas Bazagalli, naas galli, Abbakar Kashali, i.e., Abbakar Kashaali, alli huwa Abbakar Busa and Muham- Abbakar Buusa, naas mad Bello Abdul-Wahab. Maḥammad Bello Then afterwards emerged ʿAbdulwahaab; ḥatta marago the generation of Shanuwa, naas Shaanuwa deel, naas Hamid Parapato, Mu’az Ḥaamid Parapato, naas Maza, Mai-Katuru, Mu- Muʿaazu Maza, naas Mai- hammad Saajo, and Sanda Kaatuuru, barḍu deel min Sawamil. al-ʾawaaʾil, naas Maḥammad Saajo wa Sanda Sawaamiil.

س53: ديل لكن اتعلموا برة! Q53: But these people learned (their profession) outside (Maiurno)!

كلهم بداياتهم هنا في مايرنو They all started in Maiurno, Kullahum bidaayaatum hina لكن مشوا اتعلموا برة واشتغلوا but then they learned out- fii Maayirno laakin masho برة وجوا. لمن جوا بقى الناس side, worked outside, and itʿallamo barra wa ishtaghalo السواقة اشتغلت. بزقلي دا من then came back. When they barra wa jo. Lamman jo الناس األخدوهم في الحملة came (back), lorry driving baga an-naas as-suwaaga بتاعة الحرب العالمية الثانية، became the thing. This ishtaghalat. Bazagalli da min دا من النوع ُّالودوهم ِّلحدي Bazagalli was among the an-naas al-ʾakhadoohum fi كرن، معاه أبكر كشالي. فديل -people recruited in the l-ḥamla bitaaʿat al-ḥarb al سواقين مهرة ناس كبار. وكان World War II campaign and ʿaalamiyya t-taaniya; da min في أغنية هناك شايعة. عاشة taken to Karan (in Ethiopia) an-nooʿ al-waddoohum الفالتية ُّودوها هناك عشان he and Abbakar Kashali. laḥaddi Karan, maʿaahu – ترفِّه للجيش السوداني، بسموه So, these were highly quali- Abbakar Kashaali. Fa deel قوة دفاع السودان. كان في fied lorry drivers. There sawwaagiin mahara naas أغنية بتقول، "أرجع تاني أرجع was a popular song there. kubaar. Wu kaan fi ughniya تاني غندر بعيدة يا أوسطى… -A’isha al-Fallaatiyya46 was hinaak shaayʿa. ʿAashsha l اهلل". وفي مقطع بقول: "داس taken there to provide Fallaatiyya waddooha hinaak البنزين َّلمن َّرن، َّدق الفطيس recreation for the Sudanese ʿashaan taraffeh le j-jeesh

46 A’isha al-Fallaatiyya was the first female singer to sing on Sudanese radio; she was Hausa by origin.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 145 َّلمن غنى… اهلل؛ جاهل صغير army, named the Sudan De- as-Suudaani, bi sammuuhu أوع يغلبك، عالي الجبال أوع .fense Force. There was a Quwwat Difaaʿ as-Suudaan ِيقلبك… اهلل". يقول ليك إيه ,song with the words: “Re- Kaan fi ughniya bitguul “Arjaʿ taani arjaʿ taani كدا: "سواقُه من ناس كي turn once again, return once َّونن…" يعني األغنية دي كنا …again, Gondar (in Ethiopia) Gundar baʿiida ya usṭa بنرددها ونحن صغار. فديل :is far, o usta (skilled driv- Allah.” Wa fi magṭaʿ biguul نفس أوالدنا ديل كانوا بغنوا er)… Allah.” Another cou- “Daas al-banziin lamman ليهم، ألنه ساقوهم هنا كسواقين plet says: “He pressed the ranna, dagga l-fiṭees ُّودوهم الحملة. ;accelerator until it rang and lamman ghanna… Allah knocked the gear shift lever Jaahil ṣaghiir awʿa until it sang… Allah. Don’t yighalbak, ʿaali j-jibaal awaʿ let a small child overcome yigilbak… Allah.” Yiguul you, and don’t let the high leek eeh kida: “Sawwaagu hills overturn you (i.e., your min naas kai wannan.” lorry)… Allah.” And (there Yaʿni l-ughniya di kunna were) some more words binraddidaa wu niḥna ending with: “Its driver is ṣughaar. Fa deel nafs from the kai wannan.”47 We awlaadna deel kaanu used to repeat this song bighannu leehum, laʾannu when we were very young. saagoohum hina ka So, these were our people sawwaagiin waddoohum al- to whom the song was ad- ḥamla. dressed, because they took them from here to the campaign. ومن الناس ُّالودوهم ِّلحدي -Among the people who Wa min an-naas al الظهران شندو تراكي، برضو -were taken to as far as Az- waddoohum laḥaddi ẓ من كبار السواقين. فبعدين ناس ,Zahran (in Saudi Arabia) ẓahraan Shindo Turaaki بزقلي ديل من قدامى السواقين. -was Shindu Turaki; he was barḍu min kibaar as عن الطريقة دي حتن جا في also among the qualified sawwaagiin. Fa baʿdeen naas النهاية السلطان جاب العربات؛ drivers. And then people Bazagalli deel min qudaama السلطان هو مع ود الشامي such as Bazagalli were old s-sawwaagiin. ʿAn aṭ-ṭariiga دا اشتركوا واشتروا العربية -drivers. In this way, at last, di ḥattan ja fi n-nihaaya s البنوا بيها شفخانة مايرنو دي، -the Sultan brought lorries. Sulṭaan jaab al-ʿarabaat; as فارقيسون. اشتغلوا بيها شوية The Sultan and Wad ash- Sulṭaan huwa maʿa Wadd السلطان خالها لي ود الشامي. Shami48 shared costs and ash-Shaami da ishtarako wa

47 A Hausa expression meaning ‘oh, you’. In the Sudan, it does not only symbolise the Hausa speakers, but also the Fallaata in the general sense of the term. 48 Wad ash-Shami was a man of Syrian origin based in Wad Medani. In the 1940s, he came to Maiurno and took a second wife, who was the daughter of a famous Fulani scholar called Alame. He then once again married another wife of a distinguished descent; her mother was Mai-Wurno’s cross-cousin (i.e., his father’s sister’s daughter), and her father was a rich Arab merchant (Ab-Na’oof) from Northern Sudan. Wad ash-Shami established his business in Maiurno, and his family is now divided between Wad Medani and Maiurno.

146 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno بعد داك اشترك هو وميكاتورو bought the lorry, a Fergu- ishtaro l-ʿarabiyya l-bano ويوسف دونشي جابوا عربية son, and the profits (from beeha shafakhaanat شفرليت عندها قبينة خضرا .the lorry) were used to Maayirno di – Fargison build Maiurno dressing Ishtaghalo beeha shuwayya كدا. بعد منها ّطوالي نفس الموديل مشى جاب دبلو واحدي centre.49 After a while the as-Sulṭaan khallaaha lee منها؛ كانت كلها من الشركة Sultan left it to Wad ash- Wadd ash-Shaami. Baʿad بي ميتين وخمسين جنيه. فدي -Shami. After that, he shared daak ishtarak huwa wu Mai بداية دخول العربات. آها بعد with Mai-Katuru and Yousif Kaatuuru wa Yuusif Dunshe شوية ود الشامي باع بِتِّل دي Dunshe and brought in a jaabu ʿarabiyya Shufurleet لي شانوا وهو مشى اشترى .lorry, a Chevrolet, with a ʿindaa gabiina khaḍra kida موديل ليف. آها ناس ميكاتورو green cabin. Then Dabalo Baʿad minnaha ṭawwaali انفصلوا مع السلطان، اللوري brought in a lorry of the nafs al-modeel masha jaab وقع لي ميكاتورو؛ ويوسف ;same model. Its price brand Dabalo waaḥdi minnaha دونشي مشى جاب لوري ُّزيه -new was just 250 Sudanese kaanat kullaha min ash والسلطان مشى جاب فورد. pounds. So, this was the be- sharika bee miiteen wu قبل منه جاب عربية كدا عمل ginning of the introduction khamsiin jineeh. Fa di فيها عثمان دباغ، شفرليت .of lorries to Maiurno. After bidaayat dukhuul al-ʿarabaat برضها. some time Wad ash-Shami Aaha baʿad shuwayya Wadd sold his Pettel (lorry) to ash-Shaami baaʿ Pettel di Shanuwa and bought a Leef lee Shaanuwa wa hu masha (lorry model). Mai-Katuru ishtara modeel Liif. Aaha and the Sultan liquidated naas Mai-Kaatuuru infaṣalo their partnership and the maʿa s-Sulṭaan al-loori wagaʿ lorry went to Mai-Katuru; lee Mai-Kaatuuru; wa Yuusif Yousif Dunshe went and Dunshe masha jaab loori bought a similar one, and zeyyu wa s-Sulṭaan masha the Sultan bought a Ford. jaab Ford. Gabli minnu jaab Before that, he bought a ʿarabiyya kida ʿamal fiiha lorry that was driven by ʿUsmaan Dabbaagh – Usman Dabbagh, also a Shufurleet barḍaha. Chevrolet. عالم العربات بقى انتشرت. So the lorries were spread- ʿAalam al-ʿarabaat baga بعد كدا حتن برزوا فيها ناس ing. Then afterwards (the intasharat. Baʿad kida ḥattan سليمان أبو أصبع وناس موسى generation of) Suleiman barazo fiiha naas Sileemaan حسن وعبد القادر جيمس. ومن Abu-Asba, Musa Hassan, Abu-Aṣbaʿ wu naas Muusa قبلهم طبعا في سواقين قدام زي and Abdul-Gadir Jeemis Ḥasan wu ʿAbdulgaadir مولي وصديق سكسكة، ديل emerged. Before them, Jeemis; wa min gablahum كلهم من السواقين القدام. في there was, of course, (a gen- ṭabaʿan fi sawwaagiin زي بابو كيري كان سواق وترك eration of) older drivers, gudaam zey Mooli wu السواقة اشتغل إسكافي بعد داك such as Mooli and Siddig Ṣiddiig Saksaka, deel رجع للعربات. وزي بلو دارو Saksaka. Baabo Keeri was kullahum min as-sawwaagiin

49 A dressing centre is a dispensary. It is run by a medical assistant and a smaller medical unit than a centre run by a doctor.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 147 كان غفير السلطان برضو، once a driver, but he gave al-gudaam. Fi zey Baabo اتخلى عن الغفرة ومشى up driving and became a Keeri kaan sawwaag wu العربات. في الفترة دي ناس أبه shoemaker, and then, later, tarak as-suwaaga ishtaghal منقة كلهم رجعوا لعربات. حتى he went back to driving. iskaafi baʿad daak rajaʿ le بعد داك ظهرت العربات بدفورد One such as Bello Daaro l-ʿarabaat. Wu zey Bello أبوقدوم صغير كان جابوه ناس -was a Sultan’s guard; he Daaro kaan ghafiir as سنجة أبومنقة بسوق واحد، gave up this job and went Sulṭaan barḍu, itkhalla ʿan سندا صواميل بسوق واحد بقول -for lorry driving. In that pe- al-ghafara wa masha l ليه أبوكلبيتة. بعد شوية جابوا riod all the Abu-Mangas ʿarabaat. Fa fi l-fatra di naas ِ i.e., Abu-Manga and the Abba Manga kullahum rajaʿu) عربات بسموها بِدَبَّدا وشها عريض؛ إسماعيل القاضي like) went back to lorries le l-ʿarabaat. Ḥatta baʿad جاب البدفورد دا. الكالم دا سنة i.e., lorry driving). After- daak ẓaharat al-ʿarabaat) خمسة وخمسين بالتحديد. جاب wards the model of Bedford Bedford Abu-Gadduum عربية بدفورد من الشركة قبل called Abu-Gaddum with a ṣaghayyir kaan jaabo naas المجروسات. محمد طن تني small bonnet appeared, Sinja, Abu-Manga bisuug مشى جاب هوستن تألمي هو brought in by Singa people; waaḥid, Sanda Sawaamiil ومحمد ساجو. "يا إسماعيل اهلل Abu-Manga drove one and bisuug waaḥid biguulu le ِ Sanda Sawamil drove one Abu-Kulbeeta. Baʿad َأداك. ملكت البِدَبَّدا َبراك". called Abu-Kulbeta. After a shuwayya jaabo ʿarabaat while another model with a bisammuuha Bidibadda wide bonnet, called washshaha ʿariid; Ismaaʿiil Bidibadda, was brought in. al-Qaaḍi jaab al-Bidford da. Isma’il al-Qadi bought such Al-kalaam da sanat khamsa a Bedford. That was in wu khamsiin be t-taḥadiid. 1955, to be precise. He Jaab ʿarabiyya Bedford min brought in a brand new lor- ash-sharika gabl al- ry; that was before the Ma- majaroosaat. Maḥammad giros. Muhammad Ɗan Ɗan Tani masha jaab Tani went and brought a Hoostin Taʾallumi huwa ‘Hostin’ (Austin) Ta’allumi wa Maḥammad Saajo. “Yaa jointly with Muhammad Ismaʿiil Allah addaaka. Saajo. (There was a song Malakta l-Bidibadda praising Isma’il al-Qadi baraaka.” with the following words:) “Isma’il, God has given to you. You owned the Bidibadda alone.”

س54 )عبدالمنعم(: لكن عنده Q54 (Abdalmoneim): But Laakin ʿindu shariik fii شريك في سنار! !he (Isma’il) had a partner Sinnar in Sennar!

148 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno عبدالرحمن Abdurahman واهلل نحن بنعرف إنه اللوري دا By God, we knew that the Wallaahi niḥna binaʿrif innu بتاع إسماعيل لكن عنده شراكة lorry belonged to Isma’il; l-loori da bitaaʿ Ismaʿiil مع تاجر في سنار يقال. مانوا he might have had a partner laakin ʿindu sharaaka maʿa دا شغال معاه )مساعد؟( وجاب .in Sennar. Maanuwa was taajir fii Sinnaar yuqaal سليمان أبو أصبع سواق، حتى working with him (as lorry Maanuwa da shaghaal بعد داك جاب يحيى غالديما. assistant?), and he brought maʿaahu (musaaʿid?) wa jaab Sileemaan Abu-Aṣbaʿ بعدين ُأتيك، ُأتيك الواحد دا، Suleiman Abu-Asba as a بتاع الزعف، برضو جاب لوري driver, and afterwards he sawwaag, ḥatta baʿad daak من الشركة. األمين بشير جاب .brought Yahya Galadima. jaab Yaḥya Galaadiima عربية تألمي من الشركة. بعدين -And then Atiku, this very Baʿdeen Atiiku, Atiiku l ود الشامي جاب برضو عربات ,Atiku, (the seller) of palm waaḥid da bitaaʿ az-zaʿaf من الشركة. جاب محمد بلو -fronds, bought a brand new barḍu jaab loori min ash عبدالوهاب سواق وبشير أخوه lorry. Al-Amin Bashir sharika. Al-Lamiin Bashiir وصديق أخوه مساعدية معاه. bought a brand new lorry. jaab ʿarabiyya Taʾallumi بقت لمن العربات اتوسعت And Wad ash-Shami, too, min ash-sharika. Baʿdeen طبقة السواقين كمان جات bought brand new lorries. Wadd ash-Shaami jaab barḍu هيمنت، ودخولهم بقت كويسة .He hired Muhammad Bello ʿarabaat min ash-sharika وأصبحوا بتنافسوا جر الحبل Abdul-Wahab as a driver, Jaab Maḥammad Bello بين السواقين والترزية بالنسبة and his (i.e., Muhammad ʿAbdalwahaab sawwaag wa للبنات. طبعاً ظهروا دفعة ناس Bello’s) brothers, Siddig Bashiir akhuuhu wa Siddiig ود الجابر وناس أحمد حاج and Bashir, as assistants. akhuuhu musaaʿdiyya بيلو اللي هو غوديار… يعني -So, when the lorries be- maʿaahu. Bagat lamman al دي كلها في الزمن داك. came widespread, the class ʿarabaat itwassaʿat ṭabagat of the lorry drivers became as-sawwaagiin kamaan jaat dominant; their income be- haymanat, wa dukhuulum came high, and the drivers bigat koysa wa aṣbaḥu started to compete on equal bitnaafasu jarr al-ḥabil been footing with the tailors vis- as-sawwaagiin wa à-vis the girls. Of course, at t-tarziyya be n-nisba le l- that time the generation of banaat. Ṭabaʿan ẓaharo Wad aj-Jaabir, Ahmad Hajj dufaʿat naas Wadd aj-Jaabir Bello, i.e., Gudiyar, and so wa naas Aḥmad Ḥaaj Bello on, emerged. alli huwa Gudiyar… Yaʿni di kullaha fi z-zaman daak.

س55: أنا يبدو لي الطبقة Q55: It seems to me that the بتاعة السواقين طغت على class of the lorry drivers الترزية! -became dominant, in com parison to that of the tailors!

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 149 طبعاً طغت. يعني معناها Of course, it became domi- Tabaʿan ṭaghat. Yaʿni الترزي قول عمل مكنة يعني nant. Suppose a tailor had maʿnaaha t-tarzi guul ʿamal تمنها كم؟ والسواق عمل عربية bought a sewing machine, makana yaʿni tamanaa يعني تمنها كم؟ what does it cost? And the kam? Wa s-sawwaag ʿamal lorry driver had bought a arabiyya yaʿni tamanaa lorry, what does it cost? kam?

س56: ال أنا المؤشر بتاعي، Q56: No, my point is that دي أول طبقة اتزوجت في these were the first people الشيخ طلحة! يعني )قبلهم( who sought marriage in كانوا أفراد من مهن مختلفة لكن .Shaikh Talha as a class ديل بالذات لما ُّخشوا ُّخشوا Those who preceded كطبقة. -them went there as individ uals exerting different professions!

هم كطبقة، ليه؟ ألنه هم ذاتهم ?They constituted a class. Hum ka ṭabaqa, leeh بطبيعة الحال الترزي بغتني Why? Because the tailor Laʾannu hum zaatum be المكنة وهو بغتني اللوري. possesses a sewing ma- ṭabiiʿat al-ḥaal at-tarzi األكبر منو؟ اللوري طبعاً. chine, and he (i.e., the lorry bightani l-makana wa hu خالص يعني هنا الطبقة بتاعة driver) possesses a lorry. bightani l-loori; al-ʾakbar السواقين طغت على الطبقة .Which is bigger? The lorry, minu? Al-loori ṭabaʿan بتاعة )الترزية(. of course. So, the class of Khalaaṣ yaʿni hina ṭ-ṭabaqa the lorry drivers stood bitaaʿat as-sawwagiin ṭaghat above that of the tailors. ʿala ṭ-ṭabaga bitaaʿat (at- tarziyya).

س57: طيب كيف منافستهم Q57: How did they compete مع التجار؟ في بداية ظهورهم with the merchants as they يعني؟ ?emerged

طبعاً دائماً الجديد في الكرو Of course, even the new in- Ṭabaʿan daaʾiman aj-jadiid حلو. يعني الناس لما يظهروا jury is attractive.50 Thus, fi l-karo ḥilu. Yaʿni n-naas كطبقة جديدة… التجار ذاتهم when people appear as a lamma yiẓharu ka ṭabaqa ُّخشوا في عالم العربات. زي new class… Even mer- jadiida… at-tujjaar zaatum بشرو مثالً. -chants invested in lorries. khashsho fii ʿaalam al An example is Basharu. ʿarabaat. Zey Basharu masalan.

س58: أنا ما بتكلم عن اغتناء Q58: I am not speaking of العربات، أنا بتكلم عن الزول possessing a lorry but

50 This is an Arabic saying, meaning that whatever is new is attractive, even if it is a new injury (with fresh [red] blood).

150 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno كسواق بدوسها كدا يجي ِّماري rather of the skill or ability بيها. زمان في الصعيد حتى to drive it. In the past, in )السواقين( بسموا ليهم! Southern Blue Nile, people used to name their children after them (i.e., after the lorry drivers)!

السواقين ديل بسموا ليهم وبغنوا People name their children As-sawwaagiin deel ليهم؛ الغندواري دي كلها ما after lorry drivers and sing bisammu leehum wa بتشكر إال السواقين. السواقين -their praises. The song bighannu leehum; al كان من هنا لي جلقني ناس called Gunduwaare is a Gunduwaare di kullaha maa بلو منقي وناس أبومنقة وناس .song exclusively in praise bitshakkir illa s-sawwaagiin مكنة وناس هناي… كان ليهم of lorry drivers. The drivers As-sawwaagiin kaan min يعني كان بختوهم مكان أكبر from here to Galgani, such hina lee Jalgani naas Bello موظف. يعني ترزي شنو وتاجر as Bello Mangi, Abu-Man- Mangi wu naas Abu-Manga شنو؟ السواق بمجرد ما يوقِّف ga, Makana, and so on… wu naas Makana wu naas العربية ويطلِّع المفتاح وينزل they were placed in the hinaay… Kaan leehum الناس كلها بتتفرج فيه. وبعدين position of the biggest gov- yaʿni kaan bikhuttuuhum كانوا بلبسوا البناطلين… .ernment employee. What is makaan akbar muwaẓẓaf a tailor and what is a mer- Yaʿni tarzi shinu wu taajir chant (in comparison with a shinu? As-sawwaag be lorry driver)? As soon as mujarrad maa yiwaggif al- the driver stopped the lorry, ʿarabiyya wu yiṭalliʿ al- took out the key and muftaaḥ wu yinzil an-naas stepped down, people kullaha bititfarraj fiihu. Wu would start watching him. baʿdeen kaano bilbasu l- And also they used to wear banaaṭliin. trousers.

س59: أنا لما كنت في الثانوي -Q59: While I was at the sec عندي زميلي من الدبكرة لكن -ondary school, I had a col أهله في منطقة الدالي. فيوم ,league from Ad-Dabkara قاعدين قال لي: "أيام كنت whose relatives lived in the صغير زمان كنا عندنا أغنية Ad-Dali area. One day he قاعدين نقولها، "الدالي حبيبك، said to me: “When I was أبومنقة يوديك والخواجة young, we had a song which يجيبك"." هو لما قال الكالم دا we used to repeat, and طبعا ًما مفتكر الكالم دا ليه أي which said: “Ad-Dali is صلة بي… )أبوي(، هو اتذكر your beloved, Abu-Manga اسمي بس َّوذكروا حاجة زي -takes you (there), and Al دي. قلت ليه: "طيب أبومنقة Khawaja brings you دا أبوي ذاته"! back”.” Of course, when he was telling me this, he

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 151 didn’t know that this had something to do with my father. Just my name remind- ed him of that song. I said to him: “Well, that Abu- Manga is my own father!”

ألنه كان معروف. أبومنقة هو -Because he was well known. Laʾannu kaan maʿruuf. Abu مع ناس اللميلس هم المعروفين -Abu-Manga and people Manga huwa maʿa naas al في الخط بتاع الدالي والمزموم such as Al-Limeelis were Limeelis hum al-maʿruufiin ِّلحدي الجبال دي. هم بنقلوا the ones known in the areas fi l-khaṭṭ bitaaʿ ad-Daali wa الصمغ. ألنه كان الزريبة of Ad-Dali and Mazmum l-Mazmuum laḥaddi j-Jibaal الكبيرة في المنطقة كانت .and the further hills. They di. Hum bingulu ṣ-ṣamugh سنجة؛ سنجة كانت في رايجة used to transport gum, be- Laʾannu kaan z-zariiba أكتر من سنار. cause the central gum mar- l-kabiira fi l-manṭiga kaanat ket was in Singa;51 Singa fii Sinja; Sinja kaanat raayja used to be more animated aktar min Sinnaar. than Sennar. دي الطبقات اللي هي مشت So, these are the classes in Di ṭ-ṭabaghaat alli hiya بالطريق الهرمي دا. فبعد داك their hierarchical order. mashat be ṭ-ṭariig al-harami حتن جا موضوع المزارعين. Afterwards came the (cot- da. Fa baʿad daak ḥattan ja فالمزارعين برضو رغم إنه ton) farmers. The farmers mawḍuuʿ al-muzarʿiin. Fa الزراعة كانت ليها هناي… using irrigation) also l-muzaarʿiin barḍu raghmi) الحواشات دي… لكن ما started well, and their ten- innu z-ziraaʿa kaanat leeha كانت… ألنها كانت في البداية ancy agreements started to hinaay… al-ḥawaashaat بدت تجيب قروش في النص …bring them profits. But then di… laakin maa kaanat اضطروا المزارعين باعوا the farmers were obliged to Laʾannaha kaanat fi l-bidaaya الحواشات ذاتها ألنه ما كانت sell their tenancies. There badat tajiib guruush fi فيها عايد. في ذبذبة كدا في were irregularities in the n-nuṣṣ iḍṭarru l-muzaarʿiin الحسابات، في لخبطة. accounts. baaʿu l-ḥawaashaat zaataa laʾannu maa kaanat fiiha ʿaayid. Fi zabzaba kida fi l-ḥisaabaat, fi lakhabaṭa.

النهاية End An-nihaaya

51 For more information on the involvement of Fulani of Maiurno in lorry driving, see Abu- Manga (2009).

152 Interview: Fulani Men Originating from Maiurno Interview: ABDULLAHI

MUHAMMAD SA’ID al-Qarawi Fulani, ca 80 years

Date and Place of the Interview: May 14, 1998; Sireu In the presence of (Partly): Labiib Abdurahman Jirewa, 25 years, Fulani Interviewers: Günther Schlee & Al-Amin Abu-Manga Transcription, transliteration and translation (Arabic and Fulfulde): Al-Amin Abu-Manga

س1: البلد دي سموها السريو Q1: Why was this village ليه؟ االسم راجع لي شنو؟ called Sireu? From where did this name originate?

عبداهلل Abdullahi سميت بالسريو محرفة من It was called Sireu – cor- Summiyat be s-Sireew ِّالسري، اسم العرب رفاعة rupted from as-sirey. The muḥarrafa min as-sirey. Ism ديل. ِّالسري هو مجرى موية -name belongs to these al-ʿArab Rufaaʿa deel. As صغير؛ "قد جعل ربك تحتك Rufa’a Arabs. As-sirey was sirey huwa majra mooya سريا". من ِّالسري اتحرفت a small stream; (its name ṣaghayyir; “Qad jaʿala إلى السريو. وهي أصلها ”.reminds of the Qur’anic rabbuki taḥtaki sariyyan السري – خور هناك، بين verse saying): “Thy Lord Min as-sirey itḥarrafat ila الديسة، والسريو هنا في hath placed a rivulet be- s-Sireew. Wa hi aṣlaha مجرى، العرب ديل بجوا neath thee.” Then the name s-sirey – khoor hinaak been بنزلوا هناك، "إنت نازل وين؟" was corrupted from as-sirey ad-Diisa wa s-Sireew hina fi "نازل على السري داك". معناه into Sireu. As-sirey was a majra, al-ʿArab deel biju المجرى الصغير للموية. stream (khoor) flowing be- binzilu hinaak, “Inta naazil tween Ad-Disa (Disa) and ween?” “Naazil ʿala s-sirey Sireu. These (Rufa’a) Ar- daak.” Maʿnaaahu l-majra abs used to go down there. ṣ-ṣaghiir le l-mooya. (When asked) “Where are you going?” (they would answer:) “I am going towards that sirey.” So, it means a small water run.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 153 س2: طيب البلد دي اتأسست -Q2: Well, when was this vil متين إو�يه السبب الخال الناس lage (Sireu) founded and يتحركوا من حتة تانية يجوا for what reasons did people يأسسوها؟ ومن وين قاموا move from another place to الناس؟ come here and found this village?

الناس ديل، بالنسبة للسريو Of course, when these peo- An-naas deel, be n-nisba le طبعا لما سمعوا خبر بناء ple (Fallaata/Fulani), who s-Sireew ṭabaʿan, lamma خزان سنار فكروا يبتعدوا عن founded Sireu, heard about simʿo khabar binaaʾ منطقة سنار دي او منطقة the decision to construct Khazzaan Sinnaar fakkaro مكوار دي ألنه بجوا ناس the Sennar Dam, they yibtaʿidu ʿan manṭigat مدينة أو ناس أجانب؛ وفكروا thought of moving away Sinnaar di aw manṭigat يبتعدوا بعيد منها. كانوا في from the Sennar area or Mukwaar di laʾannu biju صابون قالديما وضهاري Mukwar area (same area) naas madiina aw naas سنجة وأمدرمان البقعة. بعد because town dwellers or ajaanib. Wa fakkaro المهدية انتهت اتحركوا من .strangers would come yibtaʿidu baʿiid minnaha هناك واحدين َّمنهم سكنوا في from all over the country). Kaano fii Ṣaabuun) صابون قالديما، وبعض َّمنهم So, they thought of moving Galaadiima wa ḍahaari سكنوا في ضهاري سنجة جهة -away from the Sennar area. Sinja wa Umdurmaan al قشيش… الحالل دي اللي هي When the dam was to be Bugaʿa. Baʿad al-Mahdiyya) حوالي سنجة اللي هي ضهرة constructed), they (i.e., Fal- intahat itḥarrako min hinaak الصديق بسموها. دي حالل laata/Fulani) were in Sabun waaḥdiin minnahum sakano الفالتة، جنوب غرب سنجة. Galadima, in the area fii Ṣaabuun Galaadiima wa ديل الموجودين في صابون around Singa (town) and in baʿaḍ minnahum sakano fii قالديما سمعوا بالخزان وفعالً Omdurman. After the end ḍahaari Sinja jihat شافوا في حركة للخزان، وفكروا of the Mahdiyya,1 they had Gisheesh… al-ḥallaal di alli إنهم يبتعدوا من المنطقة دي largely) moved from hiya hawaali Sinja alli hiya) ذاتها. أول حاجة أكتر َّمنهم where they were previously Dahrat as-Siddiig ناس رعاة. فالرعاة دايماً بحبوا -living. Some of them (then) bisammuuha. Di ḥallaal al حتة فالة بعيدة. دي واحدة. settled in Sabun Galadima Fallaata, januub gharbi الثانية، إنت عارف القبيلة while others settled in the Sinja. Deel al-mawjuudiin دي، عندهم التزمت – تزمت area around Singa in the di- fii Ṣaabuun Galaadiima ديني. فكروا الناس ديل بجوا rection of Gishesh – these simʿu be l-khazzaan fiʿlan من هناك ربما الطباع تسرق villages are known as shaafo fi ḥaraka le الطباع ِّويخسروا وليداتنا في Daharat as-Siddig. These l-khazzaan, wa fakkaro طباعهم… الخواجات وكدا. -were the Fallaata (Fulani) innahum yibtaʿidu min al واحدين َّمنهم فكروا من هنا villages south-west of Sin- manṭiga di zaataa. Awwal يتحركوا للجزيرة أبا. انقسموا ga. These (Fallaata) living haaja aktar minnahum naas فعالً على قسمين: واحدين in Sabun Galadima (Sennar ruʿa. Fa r-ruʿa daayman جوا جاي، ألنهم عندهم بهايم .area), upon hearing about biḥibbu ḥitta fala baʿiida وعاوزين يزرعوا، وواحدين كمان the dam and actually seeing Di waaḥda. At-taaniya inta

1 Mahdiyya = Mahdism (1882–1898).

154 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi مجموعة كبيرة مشوا الجزيرة the preparations for its con- ʿaarif al-gabiila di ʿindahum أبا. وقت مشوا الجزيرة أبا هناك struction, decided to get far at-tazammut, tazammut وقت داك نحن هناك. سنة away from that area. First diini. Fakkaro n-naas deel أربعة وعشرين ياداب الخزان of all, the majority of them biju min hinaak rubbamaa عمر. were nomads. The nomads ṭ-ṭibaaʿ tasrig aṭ-ṭibaaʿ wa always like to be in a dis- yikhassiru wuleedaatna fii tant and open bush. This is ṭibaaʿum… al-khawaajaat one thing. Second, you wu kida. Waaḥdiin know that this tribe (Fal- minnahum fakkaro min laata/Fulani) is ‘puritan’ in hina yitḥarraku le j-Jaziira the matter of religion. So, Aba. Ingasamo fiʿlan ʿalaa (Fallaata/Fulani) people gismeen. Waaḥdiin jo jaay, thought that these strangers, laʾannahum ʿindahum i.e., the Europeans and the bahaayim wa ʿaawziin like, might come and spoil yizraʿu, wa waaḥdiin kamaan their children morally. majmuuʿa kabiira masho Some of them decided to j-Jaziira Aba. Wakit masho move from there to Gezira j-Jaziira Aba hinaak wakit Aba. Actually they divided daak niḥna hinaak. Sanat into two groups: some of arbaʿa wa ʿishriin yaadaab them moved towards this al-khazzaan ʿamar. area (Sireu) because they had animals and they (also) wanted to practise farming; others moved in a large group and headed for Gezi- ra Aba. At that time we were there (in Gezira Aba). In 1924 the work at the dam was just starting to pick up.

س3: طيب، هسع وقت نحن Q3: Well, now when we were جايين عندكم قالوا مشيتوا coming to your house, we للراتب. كم مرة في اليوم بتقروه؟ were told that you had gone for the ratib.2 How many times a day do you recite it?

مرتين، بعد صالة الصبح وبعد -Twice – after the morning Marrateen, baʿad ṣalaat aṣ صالة العصر. -prayer and after the ṣubuḥ wa baʿad ṣalaat al afternoon (ʿaṣr) prayer. ʿaṣur.

2 A collection of verses from the Qur’an, prayers, and litanies arranged together by the Mahdi and recited regularly by his followers.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 155 س4: معناها الحلَّة دي حلة Q4: This means that this بتاعة أنصار… village is a village of Ansar…3

كلهم بدون استثناء. .All the people, without Kullahum biduun istisnaaʾ exception (are Ansar).

س5: طيب، أبداً في أُسر ما Q5: Well, are there families كانوا أنصار؟ ?here that were not Ansar

أبداً، ما حضرناهم ما شفناهم. Not at all. We didn’t wit- Abadan, maa ḥaḍarnaahum بعدين الحلة دي َّمقسمة على ness them, nor did we see maa shuufnaahum. Baʿdeen قسمين: واحد قسم جاي من them. This village is divid- al-ḥilla di mugassama ʿalaa صابون قالديما، وواحد قسم ed into two groups: a group gismeen: waaḥid gisim jaayi جاي رأسا من جهة أبوزبد ,that came from Sabun min Ṣaabuun Galaadiima والغرب وسمعوا الحلة دي Galadima and a group that wa waaḥid gisim jaayi عمرت. اللي جات من قالديما came directly from the di- raʾsan min jihat Abu-Zabad دي حلة أنصار، وهم كانوا rection of Abu Zabad and wa l-gharib, was simʿu أنصار هناك واتحركوا من West Africa. They heard that l-ḥilla di ʿimarat. Alli jaat أبوزبد وغشوا مايرنو أخدوا سنة this village had developed. min Galaadiima di ḥillat واحدة وواصلوا هنا. Those who came from anṣaar, wa humma kaanu Galadima (i.e., from anṣaar hinaak wa itḥarrako Sabun Galadima) consti- min Abu-Zabad wa ghisho tuted the Ansar settlement. Maayirno akhado sana The others, too, were already waaḥda wa waaṣalo hina. Ansar even back (in West Africa); they moved from Abu Zabad, stopped in Maiurno for a year, and then continued on their way to this place (Sireu).

س6: وأصلهم قبل المهدية وين -Q6: Where was their origi في غرب إفريقيا؟ nal home country in West Africa before the Mahdiyya?

البعض َّمنهم من بدري قبل Some of them had been Al-baʿḍi minnahum min المهدية كانوا موجودين هنا. here (in the Sudan) much badri gabl al-Mahdiyya المهدية وقت ظهرت لقتهم هنا. -earlier, even before the kaano mawjuudiin hina; al وفي البعض َّمنهم كانوا هناك Mahdiyya. When the Mah- Mahdiyya wakit ẓaharat وسمعوا خبر المهدي وراسلوه diyya started, they were ligatum hina. Wa fi l-baʿḍi زي دا… اللي هو حفيد الشيخ already here. Some others minnahum kaano hinaak wa

3 ‘Ansar’ means here adherents to the Mahdiyya ideology.

156 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi عثمان – الشيخ حياة. كاتب were still there (in West siimʿo khabar al-Mahdi wa اإلمام المهدي َّورسل وفد زاروا Africa); they heard about raasaloohu, zey da… alli اإلمام المهدي في البقعة هناك، the Mahdi and correspond- huwa ḥafiid ash-Sheekh والبعض َّمنهم زاروه من هناك ed with him… for example, ʿUsmaan – ash-Sheekh في األبيض. واتعرف بيهم -the grandson of Sheikh Us- Hayaat. Kaatab al-Imaam al وكتب جوابات لشيخهم اللي man (dan Fodio), i.e., Mahdi wa rassal wafd zaaro َّرسلهم من هناك قال ليهم: "أحبذ Sheikh Hayatu. He corre- l-Imaam al-Mahdi fi إنكم تتحركوا وتجوا". لما فاتوا sponded with the Mahdi l-Bugaʿa hinaak, wa l-baʿḍi منه مدة ما طالت وانتقل يعني and sent a delegation to visit minahum zaaroohu min مات – بعد استالم الخرطوم. him in Al-Buga’a (Omdur- hinaak fi l-Ubayyiḍ. Wa بعدين بقى اللخليفة عبداهلل هو man). This was while others itʿarraf beehum wa katab خليفة اإلمام المهدي. visited the Mahdi there in El jawaabaat le sheekhum alli Obeid. He (i.e., the Mahdi) rassalum min hinaak gaal got acquainted with them leehum: “Uḥabbiz innakum and wrote letters to the titḥarraku wa taju.” Lamma sheikh who had sent them faatu minnu mudda maa (i.e., Sheikh Hayatu), telling ṭaalat wa intagal, yaʿni him: “I prefer that you maat – baʿad istilaam al- move and come (here).” Khartuum. Baʿdeen biga Shortly after they (i.e., the l-Khaliifa ʿAbdullahi huwa delegation) departed, the khaliifat al-Imaam al- Mahdi died. That was after Mahdi. the recapture of Khartoum. And then Khalifa Abdullahi became his successor. لما المهدي اتوفى َّرسل ليهم When the Mahdi died, he Lamma l-Mahdi itwaffa في الطريق قبل ما يوصلوا Sheikh Hayatu) sent them rassal leehum fi ṭ-ṭariig) البلد رجعهم من هناك عشان i.e., his delegation) back gabli maa yawṣalu l-balad) يجوا يجددوا البيعة للخليفة. to Omdurman) to renew rajjaʿum min hinaak ʿashaan) والخليفة غير رأيه قال ليهم: homage to Khalifa Abdul- yiju yijaddidu l-beyʿa le "أنا استحسن بدل ما تتحركوا lahi. The Khalifa changed l-Khaliifa. Wa l-Khaliifa كلكم تجوا هنا، يعني نفس :his mind and said to them: ghayyar raʾyu gaal leehum البيعة هنا والحالة وكدا اعملوها I prefer that, instead of “Ana istaḥsin badal maa“ في بلدكم هناك" – الشيخ حياة ,coming back here, you re- titḥarraku kullakum taju hina في بالد مروة. بس مشوا هناك، turn to your country, re- yaʿni nafs al-beyʿa hina wa مع ذلك ما وافقوا الناس كلهم ceive homage and propa- l-ḥaala wa kida aʿmaluuha يقعدوا. برضو الناس كلهم -gate for Mahdism (there).” fii baladkum hinaak” – ash واحدين اتحركوا من هناك Sheikh Hayatu was in Mar- Sheekh Hayaatu fii bilaad وجوا إلى خليفة المهدي هنا. ;oua land (at that time). So, Marwa. Bas masho hinaak واحدين كمان ظلوا في نفس they went there (to Maroua maʿa zaalik maa waafago بالد مروة دي، اللي هي جزء .land); but then not all of n-naas kullahum yigoʿdu من الكمرون. these people agreed to stay Barḍu n-naas kullahum (there). Some of them waaḥdiin itḥarrako min

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 157 indeed moved from there hinaak wa jo le khaliifat al- and came to the Khalifa Mahdi hina. Waaḥdiin here (in the Sudan), while kamaan ẓallo fii nafsi bilaad some others remained in Marwa di, alli hiya Maroua land, which is now juzuʿmin al-Kamiruun. part of Cameroon.

س7: هل يعرف كل الناس Q7: Do all the people here أصولهم من وين؟ know their original home country?

هنا في الحلة دي يعني كلهم In this village all the people Hina fi l-ḥilla di yaʿni إما من نيجيريا إما آدماوا. ناس were originally from either kullahum imma min Nijiirya جايين من حتة اسمها برمي، Nigeria or Adamawa (Cam- imma Adamaawa. Naas فديل من نيجيريا طبعا، جنب eroon). Those from Nigeria jaayiin min ḥitta isimaa كنو. moved from a place called Burmi, fa deel min Njiirya Burmi, near Kano.4 ṭabaʿan, janbi Kano.

س8: هسع إنت ذكرت هنا Q8: You mentioned that this village was composed of في مجموعتين اللي جوا ّكونوا الحلة دي. هسع هنا هل كلهم two groups. Now, do the ساكنين سوا ولال اللي جوا من members of the two groups أبوزبد ساكنين في جهة واللي -live together, or do the peo جوا من قالديما ساكنين في ple of Abu Zabad and those جهة؟ of Galadima (each live in separate quarters?

كل ناس عندهم شيخ براهم. Each group of people has its Kullu naas ʿindahum sheekh كان كل الحلة شيخ واحد، لكن -own sheikh. Formerly, we baraahum. Kaan kulla l بعد ما الشيخ قدرماري توفى all had one sheikh, but after ḥilla sheekh waaḥid laakin ورحلت الشياخة لي ولده حسن Sheikh Gadrimari died, the baʿad maa sh-Sheekh office of sheikh (shayaakha) Gadarammaari tawaffa wa وحسن بعدين ّغير قام الشياخة أداها لي ولده اسمه إبراهيم. was passed to his son Has- raḥalat ash-shayaakha lee أخد كشيخ لمدة سنتين ولال كدا san and then Hassan reject- waladu Ḥasan wa Ḥasan أبى الشياخة، رفضها، قال: "أنا -ed it and passed it to his son baʿdeen ghayyar gaam ash ما عاوزها". لما طلع قال ما called Ibrahim. Ibrahim shayaakha addaaha lee عاوزها جماعتنا الهنا ديل قالوا: spent two years as sheikh; waladu ismu Ibrahim. Akhad "ما دام بقت كدا نحن كمان after that he rejected the ka sheekh le muddat عاوزين شياختنا برانا"، ديل -shayaakha, saying: “I don’t sanateen walla kida aba sh ناس إبراهيم بيلي – جورارا. :want it.” When he left (the shayaakha, rafaḍaa, gaal office), our people here “Ana maa ʿaawizaa.” Lamma [informant points to Jurara ṭalaʿ gaal maa ʿaawiz

4 Burmi is, in fact, near Gombe.

158 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi men] said: “Since it is like jamaaʿatna l-hina deel this, we, too, we want our gaalo: “Maa daam bigat own shayaakha;” these are kida niḥna kamaan ʿaawziin the members of Ibrahim shayaakhatna baraana;” Beeli’s family – Jurara. deel naas Ibrahim Beeli – Juuraara.

س9: الجورارا ديل أصلهم Q9: What is the origin of شنو؟ ?these Jurara

جوراراأصالً ما جنسهم. هناك .In fact, Jurara is not their Juuraara aṣlan maa jinsahum جنب كنو في ميعة كبيرة اسمها ethnic group. There was a Hinaak janb Kano fi mayʿa جورارا. وجورارا قبيلة كاملة pond near Kano called Ju- kabiira ismaha Juuraara. Wa وليها رطانتها الخاصة، هم ما rara. The Jurara were a dis- Juuraara gabiila kaamla wa فالتة ذاته، اسمهم ببر. وديل ;tinct tribe, with its own ver- leeha ruṭanaanta l-khaaṣṣa كانوا في كنو. حقيقة هم فالتة ,nacular; they were not even hum maa Fallaata zaatu من كنو. بعدين بعد ما سمعوا Fallaata (Fulani); they were ismahum Babir. Wa deel إنه المستعمرين جوا ضربوا called Babir. They were liv- kaano fii Kano. Hagiiga hum األمير داك اسمه يعقوب ing around Kano. In fact, Fallaata min Kano. Baʿdeen أظنه، بعدين من هناك فكروا they (i.e., the Jurara in baʿad maa simʿo innu يتحركوا من جنب كنو يبتعدوا Sireu) are Fallaata from l-mustaʿmiriin jo ḍarabo من كنو شوية. تحركوا من كنو Kano. After having heard l-amiir daak, ismu Yaʿqubu إلى جورارا دي. بس سكنوا that the colonizers had aẓinnu, baʿdeen min hinaak فيها سنتين فقط، ما زادوا عن come and assaulted the fakkaro yitḥarraku min janbi السنتين. Emir called Ya’qub, I think, Kano yibtaʿidu min Kano these Fallaata decided to shuwayya. Taḥarrako min move away from Kano. Kano ilaa Juuraara di. Bas They moved from Kano to sakano fiiha sanateen faqaṭ, this place called Jurara, maa zaado ʿan as-sanateen. where they stayed for only two years and not more. لما وصلوا هناك سمعوا أنه When they (i.e., Fallaata/ Lamma waṣalo hinaak simʿo ظهروا أنصار في برمي. عملوا Fulani from Kano) arrived innu ẓaharoo anṣaar fii وفد من جورارا دي قابلوا ناس there (i.e., in Jurara), they Burmi. ʿAmalo wafd min شيخ جبريل اإلنت قلته دا، heard that Ansar had ap- Juuraara di gaabalo naas بسموه مودبو ِزيد. قابلوه وقالوا: peared in Burmi (near Sheekh Jibriil al-ʾinta gultu "نحن طلعنا من كنو وهسع نحن Gombe). They sent a dele- da, bisammuuhu Moodibbo قاعدين هنا في حصن جورارا :gation from Jurara to meet Zeidi. Gaabaloohu wa gaalo ونحن الحتة دي ما عاجبانا" Sheikh Jibril (in Burmi), “Niḥna ṭalaʿna min Kano wa – ألنهم أظنه شبه زنوج كدا. whom you have already hassaʿ niḥna gaaʿdiin hina "فعاوزين نتحرك من هناك mentioned and who is also fii ḥiṣni Juuraara, wa niḥna ونجيكم إنتو هنا". قالوا: "حبابكم – ”known as Moodibbo Zeidi. l-ḥitta di maa ʿaajbaana عشرة. فلكن اتأكدوا نحن ديل They met him and said to laʾannahum aẓinnu shibhi

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 159 أنصار". قالوا: "خالص نحن him: “We left Kano and are Zunuuj kida. “Fa ʿaawziin دي الدايرينها، إنتو مش ناس now staying in the fortress nitḥarrak min hinaak wa دين؟ دي الدايرينها". :of Jurara; this place doesn’t najiikum intu hina.” Gaalo please us,” because (its in- “Ḥabaabkum ʿashara. Fa habitants) were semi-Ne- laakin itʾakkadu niḥna deel groes. “So, we want to anṣaar.” Gaalo: “Khalaaṣ move from there and join niḥna di d-daayrinnaa; intu you.” They (i.e., Sheikh mush naas diin? Di d- Jibril and his people) said: daayrinnaa.” “You are welcome, but remember that we are Ansar.” They (i.e., the visiting Fu- lani from Jurara) answered: “This is what we want. Are you not for the cause of the religion? This is what we desire.” تحركوا من هناك… من جورارا They moved from Jurara Taḥarraku min hinaak min دي وجوا في برمي المن to Burmi. They reserved a Juuraara di wa jo fii Burmi اختطوا قطعة أرض كبيرة قالوا: large piece of land and said: laamin ikhtaṭṭu giṭaʿat arḍ "نحن عاوزين نقعد طرف ألنه We want to stay at the out- kabiira gaalo: “Niḥna“ عندنا بهايم". قطعوا ليهم أرض skirts (of Burmi) because ʿaawziin nagoʿod ṭaraf وسكنوا فيها طرف من برمي. ”.we have livestock.” They laʾannu ʿindana bahaayim ومما طلعوا من كنو لي جورارا reserved a piece of land and Gaṭaʿo leehum arḍ wa ومن جورارا لي برمي ما أكتر stayed at the outskirts of sakano fiiha ṭaraf min من سنتين بس. )ولما سقطت Burmi. The period between Burmi. Wa mimmaa ṭalaʿo برمي( اتحركوا من هناك… their movement from Kano min Kano lee Juuraara, wa االستشهدوا هناك استشهدوا to Jurara and from Jurara to min Juuraara lee Burmi والفضلوا ديل اتحركوا من هناك .Burmi did not exceed two maa aktar min sanateen bas إلى جاي. لما جوا وصلوا في (years. (After the fall of Bur- (Wa lamma sagaṭat Burmi أبوزبد يعني فكروا يرتاحوا -mi, 19025) they left. Some itḥarrako min hinaak – al شوية. بعدين سمعوا خبر بأنه ,of them were martyred, and ʾistushhidu hinaak istushhidu في بصيص أمل لألنصارية. the remainder moved from wa l-faḍalo deel itḥarrako قالوا األنصار ديل أول حاجة there and headed in this di- min hinaak ilaa jaayi. Lamma في جماعة َّمنهم في الجزيرة rection. When they reached jo waṣalo fii Abu-Zabad أبا، اللي هو واحد ابن المهدي، Abu Zabad, they decided to yaʿni fakkaro yirtaaḥu الوقت داك اللي هو سيد rest. And then they heard shuwayya. Baʿdeen simʿo عبدالرحمن. وهم فالتة أصلهم that there was some possi- khabar bi annu fi baṣiiṣ أنصار حضروا المهدية هنا، bility that Ansarism would amal le l-anṣaariyya. Gaalo وديل كانوا في قالديما وقاعدين develop in the area. It was l-anṣaar deel awwal ḥaaja fi

5 This date refers to the first battle which took place between the (West African)A nsar and the British before the arrival in Burmi of the hijra from Sokoto led by Attahiru (At-Tahir) and before the confrontation with the British in July 1903 during which Attahiru was deadly injured.

160 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi هناك. لما جوا وصلوا مايرنو said that the Ansar were jamaaʿa minnahum fi َّرسلوا لي قالديما، قالوا ليهم: first found in Gezira Aba – j-Jaziira Aba; alli huwa "جماعتكم ديل في ونصهم -a son of the Mahdi, i.e., waaḥid ibn al-Mahdi, al موجودين معانا ولكن أكترهم Sayyid Abdurahman, was wakit daak, alli huwa مشوا كدا على جهة صعيد there at that time. And these Sayyid ʿAbduraḥmaan. Wa كدا منطقة" الوقت داك بسموها Fallaata who witnessed the hum Fallaata aṣlahum الروصيرص. قاموا تحركوا من Mahdiyya (in the Sudan) anṣaar ḥaḍaro l-Mahdiyya هناك جوا هنا طوالي. وقت داك were living in Galadima. hina, wa deel kaano fii الحلة دي أخدت سنة واحدة When they arrived in Mai- Galaadiima wa gaaʿdiin فقط ما أكتر. المدة اإلتأخروا urno, they sent someone to hinaak. Lamma jo waṣalo بي ورا ديل عمروا زي سنة، Galadima to inquire, upon Maayirno rassalo lee والسنة الجاية جوا اتكاملوا. :which they were told: “Your Galaadiima, gaalo leehum ديالك من هناك جوا سكنوا لكن people are there; some of “Jamaaʿatkum deel fi, wa ديل سكنوا ترا الجانب دا، الحي them are with us, but most nuṣṣahum mawjuudiin دا – اللي هو حي جورارا، هسع of them went southwards to maʿaana wa laakin aktarum بطلقوا على نفسهم جورارا. لكن the area” known at that masho kida ʿale jihat ṣaʿiid للتعرف بس، ما قبيلة. time as Er-Roseires. They kida manṭigat” al-wakit moved from there (Maiur- daak bisammuuha r- no) and then came here Ruṣeeriṣ. Gaamo taḥarrako (Sireu). At that time this vil- min hinaak jo hina ṭawwaali. lage was only one year old, Wakit daak al-ḥilla di and not more. While some akhadat sana waaḥda faqaṭ Jurara remained behind for maa aktar. Al-muddaa one year, the others (i.e., l-itʾakhkharo be wara deel non-Jurara Fallaata) built ʿamaro zey sana, wa s-sana up the village (Sireu). So, j-jaayya jo itkaamalo. the following year, they Deelaak min hinaak jo (i.e., Jurara) arrived and sakano, laakin deel sakano stayed on that side [inform- tara j-jaanib da, al-ḥay da – ant points to the north], i.e., alli huwa ḥay Juuraara, in the Jurara quarter. Now hassaʿ biṭligu ʿalaa they call themselves Jurara, nafsahum Juuraara. Laakin but only for purposes of dif- le t-taʿarruf bas; maa ferentiation. Otherwise, gabiila. they are not a tribe.

(Switching to Fulfulde)

They were Kano Fulani. The Jurara are Hamɓe ɗum Fulɓe Kano. Juuraara naa naa (otherwise) not Fulani; they are Babir. The ɗum Fulɓe ay; ɗum Babir’en. Woodi masal Fulani have a saying: “The Babir is a cir- ay Fulɓe mbi’ata: “Way ndemnoowa Babir cumciser; he circumcises, while he himself nga remnay boo nga remnaaka.” Ɗum is not circumcised.” (In the past), there kaaɗa nga ummoto ton e gure Fulɓe nga

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 161 was a clumsy non-Fulani man who used to yaha bacci Fulɓe nga remna nga jaɓa ujra. go around in the villages to circumcise Fu- Nyannde nden nga walaa sarla sey ɗum lani children and get paid for that. One tawi nga remnaaka asee. Sey ɗum day he was not wearing pants, so it was ballaghnii ka laamiiɗo. Laamiiɗo wi’i discovered that he himself had not been noddee mo; ɗum noddi mo: “Aan maa a circumcised. The matter was reported to remnaaka mbi’aa a remnay yimɓe.” Ɓe the chief, who summoned him and said to mballini mo ɓe ndemni mo bee sembe. him: “How can you practise circumcision Laamiiɗo waɗi ka jiyyaaki mo haa o hayri. while you yourself are not circumcised?” O wi’i: “Too baadi kida taa yiɗi remnu.” They forced him down and circumcised Khalaas ɗum warti masal. him. The chief took the charge of nursing him until his wound healed. And then the chief said to him: “Now you can circumcise as you like.” Thus, the story became a saying.

Q10: As far as you know, when was this Q10: Tayib gelle ɗee sanat kam ɗe tiggaa village (Sireu) founded? dow ko nanton?

Exactly in 1916; the year in which Ali Be ḍ-ḍabṭi ɗum sanat siṭṭaashar; hitaande Dinar (a well-known Sultan of Darfur) Ali Dinaar faɗɗaa. was killed.

Q11: I noticed that most of the families Q11: Tayib, mi laaḥaẓnake jooni ʾusar here are related to (Fulani) people from ɗoo ko ɗuuɗi fuu woodi ʿalaaqa bee Galadima. How extensive is your interac- Galaadiima. No tadaakhul mooɗon bee tion with the inhabitants of this village ton? (Galadima)?

The people of our quarter have links with Fattude amin ɗoo ɓe ngoodi ṣila bee Galadima because they intermarry… It Galaadiima laʾannu ɓe te’teetiray… was the Galadima people who came here. Yimɓe Galaadiima ɓen ngari ɗoo; anndal The relationship (between us) still exists; ngal ngal ɗon haa jooni; ɗum te’teetiray. we intermarry with them. The people of Wa yimɓe amin ɓee, ɓe wuro amin zaatu our house (including the wife of Abdullahi, ɗum nder maɓɓe; ɗum nafsi Juuraara’en our informant) belong to them. They are ɓen. from the Jurara (Fallaata).

Q12: Do you intermarry with them (i.e., Q12: Laakin on ɗon kooshindira no ɗuuɗi? the Jurara Fallaata/Fulani) frequently?

Now frequently. Formerly never. Nobody Jooni kam khalaas. Zamaan kam abadan ever married (women) from the other walaa kooshoowo daga bandum be-l marra.

162 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi (group) at all (in the past). But in the last Laakin diga duuɓi ɓadiiɗi ɗii… ḥajat few years… since about 30 years or a little talaatiin sana aw aktar seeɗa (ɗum warti more, (we have been intermarrying). First ɗum hooshindiray). Fa awwal ḥaaja wuro of all, the entire village called Mirebi’a bi’eteengo Mireebiiʿa ngo’o aṣlu ngo fuu was founded by people from the Jurara maago nder Juuraara ɗoo ngo wurtii. quarter here.

(Switching to Arabic)

عبدالرحمن أبوبكر داك، It (i.e., Mirebi’a) was built ʿAbduraḥmaan Abubakar up by the father of Ab- daak, ʿammar al-ḥilla َعّمر الحلة أبوه، اسمه أبكر. عبدالرحمن دا ود أختي .durahman Abu-Bakr. (This) abuuhu, ismu Abbakar شقيقتي، بينما أبوه دا جورارا Abdurahman (also known ʿAbduraḥmaan da wadd بطلقوا على نفسهم جورارا أو as Abdurahman Jirewa) is ukhti shagiigti, beynamaa فالتة كنو. ونحن اتزوجنا َّمنهم my sister’s son; his father abuuhu da Juuraara, biṭligu برضو. لكن هم حي كامل was a Jurara; they refer to ʿalaa nafsahum Juuraara aw Fallaatat Kano. Wa niḥna كدا، من حوشنا دا ّلحدي themselves as Jurara or as آخر الحلة دي قبيلتهم واحدي Kano Fallaata. And we also itzawwajna minnahum بطلقوا على نفسهم جورارا. married their women. But barḍu. Laakin hum ḥay they make up a whole quar- kaamil kida; min ḥooshna ter; from our house here up da laḥaddi aakhir al-ḥilla di to the end of the village (on gabiilatum waaḥdi biṭligu the northern side), they be- ʿale nafsahum Juuraara. long to one and the same (Fulani) clan and refer to themselves as Jurara (Fallaata).

س13: طيب غير مربيعة تاني Q13: Well, apart from في حالل مرقت من هنا؟ -Mirebi’a, are there any oth er villages that are offshoots of this village (Sireu)?

في. أول حاجة بجاوي الشيخ Yes, there are. The family of Fi. Awwal ḥaaja Bijaawi ذاته اللي هو ناس آدم برمة the sheikh of Bijawi, i.e., ash-sheekh zaatu alli huwa ديل طلعوا من هنا من نفس the people of Adam Burma, naas Adam Burma deel حي جورارا دا. هسع هو شيخ went out of this village; they ṭalaʿo min hina, min nafsi ḥay في حلة بجاوي كلها أو جزء themselves belong to the Ju- Juuraara da. Hassaʿ huwa منها. بجاوي شت فالتة لكن rara. Now he (Adam Bur- sheekh fii ḥillat Bijaawi ما أنصار. يعني الناس اللي .ma) is the sheikh of the en- kullaha aw juzuʿ minnaha طلعوا من هنا أنصار ياهم اللي tire village of Bijawi, or Bijaawi chat Fallaata laakin مرقوا من السريو مشوا هناك. part of it. All the Bijawi maa anṣaar. Yaʿni n-naas بقوا شيوخ في الحلة لكن الحلة people are Fallaata but not alli ṭalaʿo min hina anṣaar

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 163 ما حلتهم. طلع الشيخ ومعاه -Ansar. In other words, the yaahum alli marago min as أوالد عمه زي عشرة كدا ولال Ansar (in Bijawi) are only Sireew mashu hinnak. Bigo عشرين أسرة، مشت قعدت those who left from Sireu as shuyuukh fi l-ḥilla laakin هناك. غايتو على أي حال Ansar and went to settle al-ḥilla maa ḥillatum. Ṭalaʿ مسكت الشياخة، الشياخة بقت there. They became sheikhs ash-sheekh wa maʿaahu عندهم. لكن ما أقدر أتأكد ليك in the village, but the village awlaad ʿammu zey ʿashara لي يومنا دا الشياخة عندهم was not theirs originally. kida walla ʿishriin ʾusra ولال قسموا الشياخة إلى ناس .The Sheikh left together mashat gaʿadat hinaak كتار، ما أقدر أعرف. أبوهشيم with his paternal cousins – Ghaaytu ʿala ayyi ḥaal كلها طلعت من هنا لكن من ,about 10 or 20 families – masakat ash-shayaakha َّحينا دا. and went to stay there (in ash-shayaakha bigat Bijawi). However, they ʿindahum. Laakin ma agdar came into possession of the atʾakkad leek lee yoomna shayaakha, and it became da ash-shayaakha ʿindahum theirs; but I can’t tell wheth- walla gassamo sh- er this shayaakha is still in shayaakha ilaa naas kutaar, their hands or whether it is maa agdar aʿrif. Abu- shared by many other peo- Hashiim kullaha ṭalaʿat min ple. The entire village of hina laakin min ḥayyana da. Abu Hashim was settled by people from here, and more specifically from ourquarter.

س14: طيب الظروف البتطلِّع -Q14: What kinds of circum الناس شنو يمشوا يفتحوا حالل stances lead people to جديدة؟ ?establish new villages

الظروف… الناس… الزمن -The circumstances… the Aẓ-ẓuuruuf… an-naas… az داك… إنت غايتو طبيعة people at that time… how- zaman daak… inta ghaytu الفالتة يجوز بتعرف منها ever, you know the nature ṭabiiʿat al-Fallaata yijuuz جزء. الفالتي بطبيعته مجرد -of the Fallaata, or at least bitaʿrif minnaha juzuʾ. Al ما زعل… يعني قلت ليه كلمة you may partly know it. Fallaati bi ṭabiiʿtu mujarrad واحدة جرحته كان ِّالمي مال The Fallaati (sing. of Fal- maa ziʿil… yaʿni gulta le الدنيا دا كله يحت المال دا كله laata) by nature – as soon as kalma waaḥda jaraḥatu kaan يسيبه ويرحل… دي طبيعتهم. he becomes angry… his laammi maal ad-dunya da يعني أصلو ما ممكن يتنازل dignity is injured by even a kullu yihitt al-maal da kullu من إساءة مهما كانت. فهم single (unpleasant) word, yisiibu wa yirḥal… Di دا السبب. أكتر الحالل دي he (then) leaves all his tabiiʿtum. Yaʿni aṣlu maa عشان كدا. ما ناس طلعوا property behind and seeks mumkin yitnaazal min isaaʾa عشان شافوا المنطقة دي مثال another place to live. This mahmaa kaanat. Fa hum da زراعتها بسيطة أو… أبدا. is his nature. He never for- s-sabab. Aktar al-ḥallaal di مجرد ما زعل بقى بينه وبين gives an insult, however ʿashaan kida. Maa naas الشيخ زعلة بسيطة هو من هنا -small it may be. This is ṭalaʿo ʿashaan shaafo l

164 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi اتحرك رحل. دا الحاصل. mostly the reason. Most of manṭiga di mathalan the (new) villages were es- ziraaʿataa basiiṭa aw… tablished for this reason. abadan. Mujarrad maa ziʿil The people did not leave biga beenu wa been ash- because the land was not sheekh zaʿla basiiṭa huwa productive enough or some- min hina itḥarrak raḥal. Da thing like that. No, not at l-ḥaaṣil. all. Because of the least misunderstanding between them and the sheikh, they would leave. That is the reason.

س15: طيب غير ناس قالديما Q15: Well, apart from هل الحلة دي دخلتها عناصر Galadima people, did this من حتات تانية كأسر ولال كدا؟ village receive any other people coming from other places in the form of families or so?

ما أظن، إال جماعتنا ديل اللي I don’t think so; except for Maa aẓin, illa jamaaʿatna بطلقوا على نفسهم جورارا. ديل those of us here who refer deel alli biṭligu ʿalaa قبيلة واحدة كدا، جدهم واحد. to themselves as Jurara. nafsahum Juuraara. Deel These constitute one (Fula- gabiila waaḥda kida ni) clan; they are all jiddahum waaḥid. descended from the same (clan) founder.

س16: تفتكر ليه ما بجوكم Q16: In your opinion, why ناس من حالل تانية زي don’t people come to you جبريل… الخ؟ from other villages such as Jibril?

أيوه خالص… الحكاية دي Oh, yes… This matter Aywa khalaaṣ… Al-ḥikaaya عاوزة الواحد يراجع الناس ذاتهم requires one to consider the di ʿaawza l-waaḥid صلتهم كان بالـ… المذهب اللي people themselves with yiraajeʿ… an-naas zaatum هم متمذهبين بيه أو مذهب -reference to the school of ṣilatum kaan bi l… al األنصار. thought to which they mazhab alli hum adhere, i.e., the Ansar mutamazhibiin beehu aw school of thought. mazhab al-anṣaar.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 165 س17: زمان في األنصار في -Q17: There were many An قبائل كتيرة أكترهم من البقارة، sar among the Baggara في تزاوج بين الفلبي والعرب؟ Arabs tribes. Are there intermarriages between Fulɓe (Fulani) and Arabs?

ما حصل. ما تزاوجوا. في .It never happened. They Maa ḥaṣal. Maa tazaawajo المنطقة دي نحن بنطلق على don’t intermarry. In this Fi l-manṭiga di niḥna binaṭliq العرب هنا الرفاعة المعانا ديل. -area ‘Arabs’, for us, refers ʿala l-ʿArab hina ʿArab ar لكن في عرب بقارة زي الكنانة .to the Rufa’a Arabs living Rufaaʿa l-maʿaana deel زي قبائل تانية من قبائل بقارة with us. But there are Bag- Laakin fi ʿArab Baggaara تزاوجوا مع الفالتة، مش هنا gara Arabs such as the Ke- zey al-Kinaana zey qabaaʾil بس، لي برة برضو تلقى فالتة nana who intermarried with taaniya min qabaaʾil تزاوجوا مع قبائل تانية. لكن -the Fallaata. Not only here, Baggaara tazaawajo maʿa l العرب العندنا هنا بني حسين but even elsewhere you Fallaata; mush hina bas, lee اللي هم رفاعة. رفاعة ديل ما find Fallaata (Fulani) - mar barra barḍu talga Fallaata بتزاوجوا مع أي قبيلة كله كله. ried with members of other tazaawajo maʿa qabaaʾil tribes. But the Arabs living taaniya. Laakin al-ʿArab al- with us here are Bani Hus- ʿindana hina Bani Hiṣeen sein, i.e., Rufa’a. These alli hum Rufaaʿa. Rufaaʿa Rufa’a Arabs do not inter- deel maa bitzaawaju maʿa marry with any other tribe ayyi gabiila kullu kullu. at all.

س18: زمان قبل نهاية المهدية Q18: Previously, before the هل الفالتة إتزوجوا من العرب end of the Mahdiyya, did التانين زي البقارة التعايشة؟ the Fallaata intermarry with other Arabs such as the Ta’aisha (Baggara subgroup of the late Khalifa Abdullahi)?

أيوه مع البقارة التعايشة اتزاوجوا، Yes, they intermarried with Aywa maʿa l-Baggaara في ِّأي محل، خصوصا في the Ta’aisha Baggara eve- t-Taʿaaysha itzaawajo; fii زمن المهدية، خصوصا البقارة: -rywhere, especially during ayyi maḥal, khuṣuuṣan al تعايشة، بني هلبة، رزيقات، ;the Mahdiyya and especial- fii zaman al-Mahdiyya معاليا… ديل كلهم اتزوجوا :ly with the Baggara: khuṣuuṣan al-Baggaara َّمنهم. ,Ta’aisha, Bani Halba, Rize- Taʿaaysha, Bani Halba gat Ma’aliya, and so on. Rizeegaat Maʿaaliya… deel They married women from kullahum itzawwajo all of these (groups). minnahum.

166 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi س19: والآلن يعرفون أجدادهم Q19: And now do they know العرب؟ their Arab grandfathers?6

أيوه، إنت بعرفوا مصدرك… Yes, people know their Aywa, inta biʿarfu maṣdarak جدودك القدام من ناحية Arab origins, i.e., their juduudak al-gudaam min األم من القبيلة الفالنية من -grandfathers7 from their naaḥiyat al-ʾumm min al العرب… لكن برضو ما بأثر، -mother’s side. They know gabiila l-fulaaniyya min al متلك متل غيرك. that they originate from this ʿArab… laakin barḍu maa or that Arab tribe. But this biʾassir, mitlak mitil gheerak. has no effect; they are treated like any other person.

س20: هسع الحلة دي فيها Q20: Now, does this village ناس خيالنهم من قبايل تانية؟ -include people whose ma ternal uncles8 belong to other tribes?

في. أول حاجة نرجع ليك Yes. First let me go back to Fi. Awwal ḥaaja narjaʿ للجماعة ديل ذاتهم اللي هم the family of (Sheikh) Ga- leek le j-jammaaʿa deel أسرة قدرماري دي ذاتها، ديل drimari. The mother of zaatum alli hum ʾusrat أمهم جعلية، من الجعليين. ;those people is from the Gadarammaari di zaataa قدرماري ولد حسن، وحسن ,Ja’liyyin. Gadrimari begot deel ummahum Jaʿliyya تزوج من الجعليين ديل. أم .Hassan, and Hassan mar- min aj-Jaʿliyyiin بابكر، بابكر حبوبته جعلية. ,ried (a woman) from the Gadarammaari wilid Ḥasan من أمدرمان الحكاية دي، من Ja’liyyin – Baabikir’s wa Ḥasan tazawwaj min بعيد. أول حاجة أم بابكر دا mother; Baabikir’s grand- aj-Jaʿliyyiin deel – um mother was a Jaʿaliyya.9 Baabikir; Baabikir زينب، زينب دي بت َمعال، أمها اسمها معال، جعلية. لكن This (marriage) took place ḥabboobtu jaʿaliyya. Min أبوها فالتي أماً وأباً. وغيرهم ,in Omdurman a long time Umdurmaan al-ḥikaaya di في برضو. في ناس برضو ago. First, Baabikir’s min baʿiid. Awwal ḥaaja من هنا برضو أمهاتم من قبيلة ,mother was Zeinab. Zeinab ummu Baabikir da Zeinab تانية، اللي هي قبيلة من قبايل ,was the daughter of Zeinab di bitt Maʿalla البقارة. ,Ma’alla; her mother was ummaha isimaa Maʿalla called Ma’alla and she was Jaʿliyya. Laakin Abuuha from the Ja’liyyin. But her Fallaati umman wa aban. father was a Fallaata from Wa gheerum fi barḍu. Fi

6 The term ‘grandfather’ is here used loosely and refers also to male relatives of more distant ascending generations. 7 Same remark as in footnote 6. 8 The term ‘maternal uncle’ is used very loosely here so as to include various classes of male relatives from the mother’s side as well as men who are not genealogically related to one’s mother but belong to the maternal tribe. 9 Literally: Ja’liyyin (Ar. Jaʿliyyiin) woman.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 167 both the father’s and the naas barḍu min hina barḍu mother’s side. There are ummahaatum min gabiila also other people here taaniya, alli hiya gabiila whose mothers belong to min gabaayil al-Baggaara. another tribe – one of the Baggara tribes.

س21: طيب في تزاوج من -Q21: Well, are there inter قبايل الفونج؟ marriages with members of the Funj tribes?

إال حاالت خاصة في الزمن -Just exceptional cases and Illa ḥaalaat khaaṣṣa fi z القريب. في الزمن القريب only recently. Recently zaman al-gariib. Fi z-zaman في ناس اتزوجوا من القبايل there were people who mar- al-gariib fi naas itzawwajo التانية. أول حاجة جنبنا هنا .ried into other tribes. First, min al-gabaayil at-taaniya في همج، وفي فونج. والهمج there are Hamaj and Funj Awwal ḥaaja janbana hina ديل أخالقهم كويسة خالص، living near us. And these fi Hamaj wa fi Fuunj. Wa من أحسن ما يكون. ولكن بس، Hamaj conduct themselves l-Hamaj deel akhlaagum زي ما قلت ليك من األول، very well – as well as one kooysa khalaaṣ, min aḥsan الفالتة طبيعتهم متزمتين، ديلك ,could expect. But as I told maa yakuun. Wa laakin bas بشربوا )الخمر(… -you at the beginning, the zey maa gulta leek min al Fallaata (Fulani) are ‘puri- ʾawwal, al-Fallaata ṭabiiʿatum tans’; those there (i.e., the mutzammitiin; deelak Hamaj) drink (alcohol)… bishrabu (l-khamr)…

(Switching to Fulfulde)

They drink alcohol, and the Fulani do not Ɓe njaray giya, fa Fulɓe boo mbaawataa tolerate that. They would not say: “It is up ɓe munya: “Yaʿni oo kam to o yiɗi o yara to him/her; I don’t care whether he drinks giya hanko anndi.” alcohol or not.”

(Back to Arabic)

ال ما بقبلوا دي. بس دا السبب. They (i.e., the Fulani) don’t La maa bigbalu di. Bas da الجفوة حصلت من الجانب دا، accept that. This is the only s-sabab. Aj-jafwa ḥaṣalat ما من جانب كأنه دا فالتي ودا reason. The lack of contact min aj-jaanib da, maa min همجاوي… أبدا. between Fulani and Hamaj jaanib kaʾannu da Fallaati is because of this and not wa da Hamajaawi… abdan. because of anything tribal.

س22: طيب، العرب الجنبكم، Q22: Well, has any man الكنانة الرجال أبداً حصل واحد from the Kenana Arabs

168 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi جا عرس منكم هنا؟ living in your area ever approached you about marriage (with one of your female relatives)?

(Switching to Fulfulde)

Has it ever happened in Sireu or in any Worɓe woodi garɗo hooshi debbo ɗoo? other Fulani village? Nder Sireu walla gelle Fulɓe koo toye?

There are cases in some other places Woodi e go’o kam; a tawaay Kinaana’en where you findKenana Arabs getting mar- yaʿni ɓe te’ii diga Fulɓe; heedi Bijaawi ried to Fulani women; in the area of Bija- ɗo’o ni woodi e ɓe kawti bee Kinaana’en. wi there are such cases. But here in Sireu I Laakin Sireu ɗoo kam mi hammaaki don’t think that there is a Kenana man woodi Kinaanaajo… (married to a Fulani woman).

Q23: Is there any man in Sireu who got Q23: Woodi gorko hooshi diga Kinaana married to a Kenana woman? nder Sireu ɗo’o?

I don’t think so. Mi hammaaki.

Q24: How about the Hausa? Q24: Hausa’en boo na?

No, there isn’t any intermarriage with the Laa, Hausa’en kam walaa, kullu-kullu. (Nder Hausa at all (in Sireu). There is not a Sireu) ɗoo walaa Hausaajo. single Hausa here.

(Switching to Arabic)

كلهم فالتة بس. .All of them are just Fallaata Kullahum Fallaata bas (Fulani).

س25: في امبررو هنا؟ Q25: Are there any Mbororo here?

امبررو جوا قريب هنا. امبررو .The Mbororo came recently. Umbororo jo gariib hina ديل فالتة بدويين، وجوا The Mbororo are nomadic Umbororo deel Fallaata قريب دا، يعني حاجة أربعين Fulani; they came recently, badawiyyiin wa jo gariib خمسين سنة كدا. هسع جوا about 40 or 50 years ago. da, yaʿni ḥaajat arbaʿiin khamsiin sana kida. Hassaʿ سكنوا وصلوا ّلحدي هنا. لكن Now they have gotten this قبل خمسين سنة دي ساكنين far and settled. But, jo sakano waṣalo laḥaddi غرب النيل األبيض حتة اسمها previously, they were living hina. Laakin gabli khamsiin

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 169 َّكريكرة جنب الجبلين بي -on the western side of the sana di sakniin gharb an غادي من الجبلين. أنا كنت White Nile in a place called Niil al-Abyaḍ ḥitta isimaa من صغير زرناهم أنا ووالدي. Kirekirra, near Aj-Jabalein Kireekirra janb aj-Jabaleen أرسلوا لي والدي من الجبلين .or beyond Aj-Jabalein. bee ghaadi min aj-Jabaleen مشى زارهم هناك، الدنيا When I was young, we vis- Ana kunta min ṣaghayyir رمضان عشان يصلي بيهم .ited them, my father and I. zurnaahum ana wa waaldi التراويح. مشينا هناك قعدنا -They sent for my father Arsalo lee waaldi min aj مدة رمضان دي بصلي بيهم from Aj-Jabalein, and he Jabaleen masha zaarum التراويح وكدا. والغريبة الفالتة went and visited them. It hinaak; ad-dunya ramaḍaan الهناك ديل حتهم أنصار -was during Ramadan (fast- ʿashaan yiṣalli beehum at برضو. في امبررو أنصار. فدا ing month); he went to lead taraawiiḥ. Masheena hinaak السبب والدي مشى هناك تم them in taraawiiḥ prayers.10 gaʿadna muddat ramaḍaan معاهم شهر رمضان وبعد داك -We went and spent the di biṣalli beehum at رجع الجبلين، ومن الجبلين month of Ramadan with taraawiiḥ wa kida. Wa رجع بينا أبا. من الوقت داك -them, my father leading l-ghariiba l-Fallaata al أنا شوفت امبررو ديل وشوفت them in taraawiiḥ prayers, hinaak deel ḥattum anṣaar بقرهم أم القرون الكبيرة دي. .and so on. Surprisingly, barḍu – fi Umbororo anṣaar these Fallaata are also An- Fa da s-sabab waaldi masha sar; and there are Mbororo hinaak tamma maʿaahum who are Ansar.11 So, this shahar ramaḍaan wa baʿad was the reason why my fa- daak rajaʿ aj-Jabaleen, wa ther went and spent the min aj-Jabaleen rajaʿ beena month of Ramadan with Aba. Min al-wakit daak ana them and returned to Aj- shuufta Umbororo deel wa Jabalein and then to Gezira shuufta bagarum umm al- Aba. That was the first time guruun al-kabiira di. that I saw some Mbororo and their big-horned cattle.

س26: يجيئون هنا كل سنة Q26: Do they come here في رحلتهم إلى الجنوب؟ every year during their seasonal migration to the south?

أيوا في كل سنة يرحلوا يجوا Yes, they come here every Aywa fii kulli sana yarḥalu هنا. كانوا بمشوا لي جوة year. They used to proceed yaju hina. Kaano bimshu lee الحبش. لكن بس األمان بقى ما to Ethiopia. But now there juwwa l-Ḥabash. Laakin bas كتير هسع. هسع كلهم تجمعوا is not enough security. Now al-ʾamaan biga maa katiir هنا، كل الفالتة البدويين أو they have all gathered here. hassaʿ. Hasaʿ kullahum

10 Additional prayers during the month of Ramadan. 11 Günther Schlee confirmed this by citing Sheikh Baabo Umar, one of his Mbororo informants, as a typical example. (Schlee: “There are Ansar among them; Sheikh Baabo Umar is an Ansar; he speaks a lot about the Ansar.”)

170 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi غالبهم األعم سكنوا هنا، ألنه All the nomadic Fulani, or tajammaʿo hina, kulla مافي أمان. the great majority of them, l-Fallaata l-badawiyyiin aw have settled here, because ghaalibum al-ʾaʿam sakano there is no security (there). hina, laʾannu maafi amaan.

س27: في تزاوج معاهم؟ Q27: Do you intermarry with them?

ال أبدا. الفالتة عندهم التزمت. Not at all. The Fallaata La abadan. Al-Fallaata tend towards religious ʿindahum at-tazammut. ‘puritanism’.

(Back to Fulfulde)

Q28: But these (Mbororo) are also Fulɓe Q28: Amma ɓee ɗum Fulɓe iri maɓɓe ay! (Fulani), just as they are!

It is not a matter of ethnicity or tribalism; Naa naa ɗum lenyolku ay; naa ɗum it is (a matter of) religious ‘puritanism’… qabaliyya. Tazammut diini. Fulɓe…

Q29: Why doesn’t he (the husband) con- Q29: Naa o nastina mo diina o ekkitina vert her (the Mbororo woman) to Islam mo? and educate her?

Even if he did (educate her), people would Ko o yaha o nastina diina ɗum yimɓe annoy him by saying: “He brought a wife najahnotoo mo: “O woddii debbo mo who doesn’t know how to pray.” It would waawaa juuluki.” Khalaas sey tawaa ko o take time to educate her and lead her on addabnoo mo haa o nanngina mo diina the right path, especially as she used to be ɗum, hakko maa diga badri o joofanaaɗo; allowed to move about freely, selling milk, o hooshay kosam maako ɗume ɗume o and so on. nastay gure o waansha.

(Switching to Arabic)

ديل كمان الفالتة الباقين ما This is because the other Deel kamman al-Fallaata بمرقوا، الراجل ما بخش في -Fallaata observe the seclu- l-baagiin maa bimrugu; ar الحوش والمرة ما بتطلع تمشي -sion of women. The man raajil maa bikhush fi l تحوم. فبس دا السبب، لكن doesn't enter a house (that is ḥoosh wa l-mara maa الجنس واحد. not his) and the woman bitaṭlaʿ tamshi taḥuum. Fa doesn’t go out moving bas da s-sabab, laakin aj- about freely. This is the only jinis waaḥid. reason; but they both belong to the same ethnic group.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 171 س30: أنا يبدو لي هم ذاتهم Q30: I have the impression كان طلبوا َّمنهم ما بدوا! -that they (Mbororo), if ap proached, would not offer their women either (in marriage to members of other groups)!

األمبرورو ما ُّبدوا صحيح. That is true; the Mbororo Al-Umbororo maa biddu بنظروا للناس كزنوج don’t offer (their women to ṣaḥiiḥ. Binẓuru le n-naas ka yimɓe Sheele؛ شيلي دا ملك الزنج. [members of other groups). zunuuj yimɓe [Fulfulde ما بنظروا للناس كفالتة مية في -They look upon people as Sheele; Sheele da malik az المية. اللغة واحدة لكن بشوفوا Negroes – as Sheele’s peo- zinj. Maa binẓuru le n-naas ديل القاعدين في الحلة ديل .ple. Sheele was the king of ka Fallaata miyya fi l-miyya عندهم أخوال من قبيلة تانية، the Negroes. They (i.e., the Al-lugha waaḥda laakin بينما امبررو ديل ما يتزاوجوا Mbororo) don’t see people bishuufu deel al-gaaʿdiin fi إال َّمنهم. هسع تشوفهم المرة like us) as 100 % Fallaata. l-ḥilla deel ʿindahum) akhwaal min gabiila taaniya, حقتهم شعرها ّلحدي هنا، It is true that the language is beynamaa Umbororo deel والراجل برضو شعرها ّلحدي the same, but they think هنا. فلذلك بقى مافي تزاوج that the settled Fulani have maa yitzawwaju illa لي يوم الليلة. هسع عندنا maternal uncles from other minnahum. Hassaʿ شيخنا دا، شيخنا إبراهيم دا، tribes, while they, the tashuufum al-mara ḥaggatum يعني مرتبطين بيه ارتباط Mbororo, only marry shaʿaraa laḥaddi hina, wa شديد ولما تمشي في بيته في among themselves. Now r-raajil barḍu shaʿaru ِّأي وقت تلقاهم عشرة عشرين you see their women with laḥaddi hina. Fa lizaalik خمسطاشر كل يوم باستمرار. very long hair and their biga maafi tazaawuj lee مع ذلك ما أظن خال إنه يزوج men too. Therefore, there is yoom al-leela. Hassaʿ َّمنهم واحد، ولال كمان فكر إنه ,no intermarriage (between ʿindana sheekhna da يزوجهم واحدة. لو فكر يزوجهم us) up to today. Now our sheekhna Ibrahim da, yaʿni واحدة اهلة هنا ما بقبلوا. وهم Sheikh, Ibrahim, is one murtabṭiin beehu irtibaaṭ ذاتهم لو مشى عاوز ِّيزوج with whom they have very shadiid, wa lamma tamshi َّمنهم واحدة ما اعتقد بقبلوا. close contact. Whenever fii beetu fii ayyi wakit هم بشوفوا بإنهم آريين )بتاعين you go to his house, you talgaahum ʿashara ʿishriin الفالتة(. regularly find about 10, 20 khamisṭaashar kullu yoom and 15 of them. Irrespec- be istimraar. Maʿa zaalik tive of all this, I don’t think maa aẓinnu khaal innu that he ever entertained the yizawwij minnahum waaḥid, idea of marrying one (of walla kamaan fakkar innu their women to one of his yizawwijum waaḥda. Law relatives) or of giving them fakkar yizawwijum waaḥda (one of his female relatives) ahalu hina maa bigbalu. Wa in marriage. If he had tried hum zaatum law masha to do so, his relatives would ʿaawiz yizawwij minnahum not have accepted it. And I waaḥda maa iʿtaqid bigbalu.

172 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi also don’t think that these Hum bishuufu biʾinnahum Mbororo would have Aariiyyiin (bitaaʿiin al- accepted it, if he had ap- Fallaata). proached them with the intention of having his relatives marry one of their women. They believe that they are the Aryans (among the Fulani).

س31: في الحلة دي في خشم -Q31: Are there (different Fu بيوت؟ lani) subsections (khashum buyuut) in this village? (Switching to Fulfulde)

For example, in Maiurno we have Sokoto Masalan e Maayirno min ngoodi Fulani, Borno Fulani, and so on. Do you Sokkotanko’en, Bornanko’en… Onon ɗoo have something like that here? on ngoodi iri maajum?

First of all, I am an Adamawa Fulani. So, Awwal ḥaaja miin oo mi Aadamankeejo. Fa here in Sireu there are Adamawa Fulani, ɗo’o e Sireu ngo’o woodi Aadamanko’en but they are not numerous. laakin ɓe ɗuuɗaa.

(Switching to Arabic)

لكن شنو؟ نسبة لعددهم بسيط And because of our small Laakin shinu? Nisbatan le حتى لهجتهم البنطقوا بيها دي number, we don’t even ʿadadum basiiṭ ḥatta ما بنعرفها. نشأنا في الجزيرة speak the Adamawa dialect. lahjatum al-binṭugu beeha أبا وجوا فالتة اللي هم فالتة We grew up in Gezira Aba, di maa binaʿrifaa. Nashaʾna دقرا ديل أنصار قعدوا معانا and these Fallaata Dagara fi j-Jaziira Aba wa jo في حي واحد في الجزيرة أبا، came and settled with us in Fallaata alli hum Fallaata واتعلمنا لغة الفالتة دي َّمنهم one of the quarters in Gezi- Dagara deel anṣaar gaʿado هم. )في فترة كدا( ما بعرفها، ra Aba. We learned the Ful- maʿana fii ḥay waaḥid fi ألننا حوشنا برانا وقاعدين fulde language from them. j-Jaziira Aba, wa itʿallamna وسط العرب، طلعنا ما عارفين Previously) I didn’t know lughat al-Fallaata di) رطانة الفالتة. المن الدقرا it (i.e., the Fulfulde lan- minnahum hum. (Fi fatra guage) because our com- kida) maa baʿrifaa, ديل جوا قعدوا معانا َوحَّينا واحد وارتبطنا بيهم حتى عرفنا pound was in the Arabs’ laʾannana ḥooshna baraana رطانة الفالتة دي، رطانة ,quarter. So, (in the past), wa gaaʿdiin wasṭ al-ʿArab الدقرا. لكن في رطانة اآلدماوا we did not know (i.e., did ṭalaʿna maa ʿaarifiin دي معروفة عندنا نسبة ألن not speak) the Fulfulde ver- ruṭaanat al-Fallaata. Laamin الوالدين بنضموا بيها لكن ما nacular. It was only after ad-Dagara deel jo gaʿado كنا بنعرفها. the Dagara had come and maʿaana wa ḥayyana

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 173 settled with us in the same waaḥid wa irtabaṭna quarter, and after we had beehum ḥatta ʿirifna had contact with them, that ruṭaanat al-Fallaata di, I could learn Fulfulde – the ruṭaanat ad-Dagara. Laakin Dagara dialect. But the fi ruṭaanat al-Adamaawa di Adamawa dialect (i.e., the maʿruufa ʿindana nisbatan way it sounds) was known laʾanna al-waalideen to us. My parents used to binḍumu beeha laakin maa speak it (the Adamawa dia- kunna binaʿrifha. lect), but we (i.e., my siblings and I), we don’t know it (i.e., we don’t speak it).

س32: طيب هسع البلد دي Q32: Well, there are few اآلدماوا شوية. تاني في ياتو -Adamawa Fulani in this vil خشم بيت؟ (lage. What other (Fulani subsections do you have (here)?

ديل كلهم فالتة برنو، َّحينا دا All the people of our quarter Deel kullahum Fallaata شت عليهم فالتة برنو. وديل are Borno Fulani. And Borno; ḥayyana da chat كمان )الجورارا( فالتة كنو. بس those here (the Jurara) are ʿaleehum Fallaata Borno. Wa مافي تاني. تالتة بس. أو قول (Kano Fulani. There are no deel kamaan (aj-Juuraara إثنين، نحن ديل )اآلدماوا( ما other (Fulani) besides Fallaatat Kano. Bas maafi عددنا بسيط: أسرتين أو تالتة these; (there are) just three taani. Talaata bas. Aw guul أسر ما أكتر من كدا. -subsections, or let’s say ʾitneen; niḥna deel (al two. We (the Adamawa Aadamaawa) maa ʿadadna Fulani) are very few: about basiiṭ: ʾusrateen aw talaata two or three families, not ʾusar, maa aktar min kida. more than that.

س33: جافون في؟ Q33: Are there any Jaafun here?

أأيوا جافون في لكن مش Yes, there are Jaafun but not Aywa Jaafuun fi laakin هنا، أسرة واحدة في المريبيعة here. There is only one fam- mush hina, ʾusra waaḥda fi ديك. وفي جافون بادية كاملة ily in Mirebi’a. And there is l-Mireebiiʿa diik. Wa fi في الخال، ألنهم جافون ديل a whole group of nomadic Jaafuun baadiya kaamla fi أنصار؛ جافون وبودي ودقا Jaafun in the bush. They are l-khala, laʾannahum ديل أنصار. ;Ansar; Jaafun, Booɗi as Jaafuun deel anṣaar well as Duga are Ansar. Jaafuun wa Booɗi wa Duga deel anṣaar.

174 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi س34: والجافون مثل Q34: Are the Jaafun like the االمبررو؟ ?Mbororo

ايوا جافون زي االمبررو، -Yes, the Jaafun are like the Aywa Jaafuun zey al ما عدا هم بيعرفوا يقروا، هم Mbororo, except that they Umbororo, maa ʿadaa hum وبودي ديل ودقا ديل ونغرا are literate. They and the biyaʿrifu yigru; hum wa ديل، ديل كلهم بيعرفوا يكتبوا Booɗi and the Duga can Booɗi deel wa Duga deel wa ويقروا ومتمسكين باالسالم read and write, and they are Ngara deel, deel kullahum كويس. فمافي غير كدا. good Muslims. There is no biyaʿrifu yiktubu wa yigru وعندهم بهايم في الخال. difference apart from that. wa mutmassikiin be وبهايمهم نفس النوع، بهايم They have cattle in the bush, l-Islaam kooyis. Fa maafi حمر وقرونا طوال. الجافون and their animals are of the gheer kida. Wa ʿindahum ديل شت عليهم انصار دون same breed (as those of the bahaayim fi l-khala. Wa استثناء. وبعدين بودي شت – Mbororo) – red long- bahaayimum nafs an-nooʿ عليهم وبعدين دقا شت عليهم. horned cattle. These Jaafun bahaayim ḥumur wa ونغرا ديل بقوا امبررو بواسطة -are all Ansar without ex- guruunaa ṭuwaal. Aj البهايم العندهم بس، لكن ception. All the Booɗi and Jaafuun deel chat ʿaleehum جنسهم براهم. بس البقر اللي all the Duga are also Ansar. anṣaar duun istithnaaʿ. Wa خالهم يسموهم على االمبررو. The Ngara became Mbororo baʿdeen Booɗi chat ملّى هنا في أسرة واحدة فقط، only by virtue of the cattle ʿaleehum, wa baʿdeen Duga األسرة دي زاتا جيرانا بى جاي they possess, but they are chat ʿaleehum. Wa Ngara جا أبوهم بس تزوج من فالتة really a different group (i.e., deel bigo Umbororo be البرنو هنا، وابوهم دا رحمه -Fulani subsection). They waasṭat al-bahaayim al اهلل كان حافظ القرآن اسمو are taken to be Mbororo ʿindahum bas, laakin ابكر نيورو Nyooro جا من -only because of their cattle. jinsahum baraahum. Bas al هناك تزوج من فالتة البرنو The (Fallaata) Malle, here, bagar alli khallaahum ديل من قالديمة، ورحلوا من -are only one family – our yisammuuhum ʿala l قالديمة جوا السريو دي. وهو neighbours on this side. Umbororo. Malle hina fi انا اعتقد من بلدو هناك اظنو Their father just came and ʾusra waaḥda fagaṭ; al-ʾusra اصبح أنصارى من مرورو married into Fallaata/Fula- di zaataa jeeraanna bee على الشيخ حياتو، ألنو ما ni Borno. He knew the jaayi, ja abuuhum bas أظنو كان حضر المهدي هنا -Qur’an by heart, may his tazawwaj min Fallaatat al أو المهدية. لكن كان أظنو soul rest in peace. His name Borno hina; wa abuuhum األنصارية أخدا من الشيخ was Abbakar Nyooro. He da, raḥimahu l-Laah, kaan حياتو بس، وأسرة واحدة. came from there (i.e., from ḥaafiẓ al-Qurʾaan ismu West Africa), got married Abbakar Nyooro – ja min among the Fallaata Borno hinaak tazawwaj min in Galadima, and moved Fallaatat al-Borno deel min from Galadima to settle in Galaadiima wa raḥalo min this Sireu village. I think Galaadiima jo s-Sireew di. that he became Ansar after Wa hu [= huwa] ana iʿtaqid leaving his country (in West min baladu hinaak aẓinnu Africa) and passing through aṣbaḥ anṣaari min muruuru

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 175 Sheikh Hayatu; because I ʿala sh-Sheekh Hayaatu, don’t think that he wit- laʾannu maa aẓinnu kaan nessed the Mahdi or the ḥaḍar al-Mahdi hina aw al- Mahdiyya here. I think that Mahdiyya. Laakin kaan he received Ansarism from aẓinnu al-anṣaariyya Sheikh Hayatu. (There is akhadaa min ash-Sheekh only) one family from his Hayaatu bas, wa ʾusra group. waaḥda.

س35: الحلة دي في مغتربين Q35: Are there people from في للسعودية؟ this village who work in Saudi Arabia?

في شبان مغتربين لكن في There are young people Fi shubbaan mughtaribiin فالتة كمان في السعودية في working there, but there are laakin fi Fallaata kamaan fi المدينة المنورة، زي فالتة also Fallaata living in s-Saʿuudiyya fi l-Madiina آدماوا. نحن وكت حجينا هنا Medina in Saudi Arabia, l-Munawwara, zey Fallaata اتعرفنا بيهم. في فالتة ساكنين such as the Adamawa Fula- Aadamaawa. Niḥna wakit عديل في المدينة المنورة واكترم ni. When we performed ḥajjeena hina itʿarrafna مروة – نغرا ديل. مرة نحن في ḥajj (pilgrimage), we got beehum. Fi Fallaata saakniin كورس جابوة من هناك ِّيدرس -acquainted with them. ʿadiil fi l-Madiina al التوحيد هنا سألتو قال لي: There are Fallaata living Munawwara wa aktarum "نحن ديل نغرا". constantly in Medina, and Marwa – Ngara deel. Marra most of them are Marwa niḥna fi koors jaaboohu min Fulani12 – they are Ngara. hinaak yidarris at-tawḥiid Once during a course, a Fu- hina, saʿaltu gaal ley: lani from Saudi Arabia was “Niḥna deel Ngara.” brought here to teach tawḥiid (theology). I asked him, and he told me: “We are Ngara.”

س36: نحن محل نازلين – ,(Q36: Our host (in Sireu بيت عبدالرحمن بيلو – عندو i.e., Abdurahman Bello, has اتنين مغتربين في السعودية. two sons working in Saudi في الحلة دي كم مغترب في Arabia. How many people السعودية؟ from this village are working in Saudi Arabia?

ما أقدر احصر ليك كم لكن I can’t count them, but (they Maa agdar aḥṣir leek kam مجموعة كبيرة، يعني لما نجمع ,constitute) a large number. laakin majmuuʿa kabiira

12 As the name already suggests, these Fulani are originally from the region of Maroua (Cameroon).

176 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi من الحى دا ومن الحى التانى -If we count the ones from yaʿni lamma najmaʿ min al ما بكونوا اقل من خمسين -this quarter and from that ḥay da wa min l-ḥay at مهما كان، في الخليج بصورة one, there are probably taani maa bikuunu agalla عامة )ألنو زي د. االمين ود. at least 50 at any rate. That min khamsiin mahmaa عبدالرحمن – جورارا – ديل is, in the Gulf countries in kaan; fi l-khaliij be ṣuura ليهم سنين في الخليج(. .general (because people ʿaamma (laʾannu zey Dr such as Dr. Al-Amin and Al-Amiin wa Dr. Dr. Abdurahman – Jurara ʿAbduraḥmaan – Juuraara – (Fallaata/Fulani) – have deel leehum siniin fi been in the Gulf countries l-khaliij). for many years).

س37: أحكي لينا تاريخ إمام Q37: Tell us the story of تكر؟ !Imam Tukur

إمام تكر جاي من برمي، وقبل Imam Tukur came from Imaam Tukur jaayi min كدا أخد زمن طويل مع مودبو Burmi, and before that he Burmi, wa gabli kida akhad حياتو. إمام تكر زول ضرير spent a long time with zaman ṭawiil maʿa لكن حافظ القرآن وقرااألحاديث Moodibbo Hayatu (i.e., Moodibbo Hayaatu. Imaam بالتلقين ساي، وبقى عالم مع Sheikh Hayatu). Imam Tukur zool ḍariir laakin العلم هو ضرير. بعدين وكت Tukur was blind, but he haafẓ al-Qurʾaan wa gara اتحركوا من قالديمة وجوا knew the Qur’an by heart l-ʾAḥaadiith be t-talqiin عاوزين يعمروا الحلة دي فكروا and studied the Hadith saay, wa biga ʿaalim maʿa انو بدون ما ياخدوا معاهم prophetic tradition) l-ʿilm huwa ḍariir. Baʿdeen) مودبو تكر دا كأنهم ما سووا through dictation. He be- wakit itḥarraku min حاجة. رحلوا من هناك جوا came a scholar even though Galaadiima wa jo ʿaawziin سكنوا هنا. شوفت الحوش he was blind. And then, yiʿammiru l-ḥilla di fakkaro القدام حوشنا دا؟ دا كان حوشم. when people thought of innu biduun maa yakhdu moving from Galadima to maʿaahum Moodibbo Tukur develop this village, they da kaʾannahum maa sawwo thought that their efforts ḥaaja. Raḥalo min hinaak jo would be meaningless with- sakano hina. Shuufta l-ḥoosh out bringing Moodibbo al-giddaam ḥooshna da? Da Tukur (i.e., Imam Tukur) kaan ḥooshum. along with them. So, they moved from there and came to settle here. Do you see the compound which lies beyond ours? That was their compound.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 177 س38: لما سقطت برمي سنة Q38: When Burmi fell in 1902 كان فكي تكر فيها؟ ,.was Faki Tukur (i.e 1902,13 Moodibbo Tukur or Imam Tukur) there?

أنا أعتقد كان في مروة. ناس .I think that he was in Ana aʿtaqid kaan fii Marwa برمي صلتنا بيهم تزوجنا Maroua. Our relations with Naas Burmi ṣilatna beehum َّمنهم وتزوجوا مننا، ومروة دي the Burmi people were tazawwajna minnahum wa حقتنا، نحن آدماويين. وبعدين based on intermarriage. tazawwaju minnana. Wa فكي تكر دا من هناك. بعد ما And this (man from) Marwa di ḥaggatna, niḥna مودبو حياتو استشهد اتحرك Maroua belonged to us, to Aadamaawiyyiin. Wa من هناك جا جاي. مودبو تكر the Adamawa Fulani. Faki baʿdeen Faki Tukur da min ما كان مع جبريل بالمرة، نحن Tukur was from there (i.e., hinaak. Baʿad maa المعلومة دي متأكدين منا. هو from the Adamawa region). Moodibbo Hayaatu كان مع مودبو حياتو، ولما After Moodibbo Hayatu ustushhid itḥarrak min استشهد اتحرك من هناك نحو had been martyred, he (Faki hinaak ja jaayi. Moodibbo السودان. شيخ حياتو عندو ود Tukur) moved from there Tukur ma kaan maʿa Jibriil اختو اسمو محمد تكر )دان and came in this direction. be l-marra; niḥna بنتا( عندو قصايد كتيرة. شيخ He was not with (Sheikh) l-maʿluuma di mutʿakkidiin حياتو بقول إنو مودبو تكر Jibril (of Burmi) at all; we minnaa. Huwa kaan maʿa ما اقل عظمة من محمد تكر are quite certain about this Moodibbo Hayaatu, wa حقنا، دا كمان ربنا فتح ليه piece of information. He lamma ustushhid itḥarrak يمشي يقابل المهدي. -was with Moodibbo Hayatu, min hinaak naḥw as and when Hayatu was mar- Suudaan. Sheekh Hayaatu tyred, he (Faki Tukur) ʿindu wad ukhtu ismu headed to Sudan. Sheikh Maḥammad Tukur (Ɗan (Moodibbo) Hayatu had a Binta) ʿindu gaṣaayid uterine nephew named Mu- katiira. Sheekh Hayaatu hammad Tukur (Ɗan Bin- biguul innu Moodibbo ta), who composed many Tukur maa agalla ʿaẓamatan religious songs. Sheikh min Maḥammad Tukur Hayatu said that Moodibbo ḥaggana; da kamaan Tukur was no less great rabbana fataḥ leehu yimshi than Muhammad Tukur; yigaabil al-Mahdi. with God’s blessing he was even able to go and meet the Mahdi.

س39: طيب اذا كان ما قعد Q39: Well, if he did not stay في برمي بسموه مودبو تكر in Burmi, then why was he برمي ليه؟ called Moodibbo Tukur Burmi?

13 Same remark concerning the date (1902) as in footnote 5.

178 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi واهلل دا كمان اال إذا عاش فترة By God, this might be be- Wallaahi da kamaan illa iza من حياتو في برمي. cause he spent part of this ʿaash fatra min ḥayaatu fii life in Burmi. Burmi.

س40: طيب قبل ما يمشي Q40: Where was he before قالديمة كان وين؟ ?he went to Galadima

من مروة جا أمدرمان حتى From Maroua, he (Faki Min Marwa ja Umdurmaan قالديمة – بعد كرري. قالديمة Tukur) came to Omdurman ḥatta Galaadiima – baʿad قامت بعد كرري. and then moved to Karari. Galaadiima gaamat Galadima after the battle of baʿad Karari. Karari.14 Galadima was founded after Karari.

س41: ناسنا بتاعين قالديمة Q41: Did our people in ديل، بعد كرري مشوا قالديمة Galadima go straight from Karari to Galadima, or did ّطوالي ولال قعدوا في محل ك دا في النص؟ they first stop somewhere in between?

واهلل الواحد ما يقدر يتأكد. ما By God, one cannot be Wallaahi l-waaḥid maa أظن الناس ديل تحركوا ككل certain. I don’t think that yigdar yitʾakkad. Maa aẓin في دفعة. هم وكت داك في these people moved in one an-naas deel taḥarraku kakul الجهاد. الخليفة عبداهلل دا لما group. At that time they fii dufʿa. Humma wakit تحرك من هناك بعد كرري were in the jihad (against daak fi j-jihaad. Al-Khaliifa مشى عن طريق الجبلين لما Europeans). When Khalifa ʿAbdullaahi da lamma وصل في قدير، وتحرك من Abdullahi left there after taḥarrak min hinaak baʿad قدير جا راجع وعمل المعركة -the defeat in) Karari, he Karari masha ʿan ṭariig aj) بتاعة أم دبيكرات حتى استشهد went to Gadir via Aj- Jabaleen lammaa waṣal fii هناك. غايتو على كل حال Jabalein; and then from Gadiir, wa taḥarrak min االمام تكر وجد في قالديمة Gadir he went back for the Gadiir ja raajeʿ wa ʿamal دي. المن سمعوا خبر انو battle of Um Dibekrat al-maʿrika bitaaʿat Um الخزان جاي فكروا يرحلوا من Kordofan), where he Dibeekraat ḥatta ustushhid ,1899) هناك مع فكي تكر دا يجوا هنا. was martyred. Anyway, hinaak. Ghaaytu ʿala kulli جوا فتحوا الحلة دي اللي هي Imam (Faki) Tukur was in ḥaal al-Imaam Tukur wujid السريو. Galadima. When they (our fii Galaadiima di. Laamin people) heard that the simʿo khabar innu l-khazzan (Sennar) dam was going to jaayi fakkaro yirḥalu min be constructed, they hinaak maʿa l-Faki Tukur decided to leave there da yiju hina. Jo fataḥo together with Faki Tukur l-ḥilla di alli hiya s-Sireew. and come here. They came

14 One of the battles (1898, central Sudan) in which the Ansar were defeated by the colonial army.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 179 and founded the village of Sireu.

س42: هسع هنا من أحفاد Q42: Now, who are the إمام تكر منو؟ descendants of Imam Tukur here (in Sireu)?

االمام تكر عندو بنتين بس: Imam Tukur had two Al-Imaam Tukur ʿindu البنتين ديل حضرناهن في daughters only. We wit- binteen bas: al-binteen deel الجزيرة أبا. ما أظن قعدن هنا، .nessed these two daughters ḥaḍarnaahin fi j-Jaziira Aba لو قعدن هنا مرقن وهن صغار. when we grew up) in Maa aẓin gaʿadan hina, law) فكي تكر مات في الجزيرة أبا Gezira Aba. I don’t think gaʿadan hina maragan wa وكان والدي هنا. لما مات that they lived here (in hin ṣughaar. Faki Tukur رسل االمام عبدالرحمن البوي Sireu); even if they hap- maat fi j-Jaziira Aba wa هنا، رسل لي جواب قال ليه: pened to live here, they left kaan waaldi hina. Lamma "تمشي تمسك جامع فكي تكر، while they were still chil- maat rassal al-Imaam ألنو فكي تكر خالص مات". dren. Faki Tukur died in ʿAbduraḥmaan le abuuyi هو هناك كان إمام جامع الغار Gezira Aba, and (at that hina, rassal le jawaab gaal التحت. time) my father was here. leeha: “Tamshi tamsik When he died, Imam Ab- jaamiʿ Faki Tukur, laʾannu durahman sent for my fa- Faki Tukur khalaas maat.” ther. He sent him a letter Huwa hinaak imaam jaamiʿ saying: “You go and take al-Ghaar at-Tiḥit. responsibility for Faki Tukur’s mosque because Faki Tukur is now dead.” He (i.e., Faki Tukur) had been the imam of the mosque of Al-Ghar at-Tihit (Lower Cave).

س43: طيب الخواجة دا ,.Q43: Well, a European (i.e )ليثيم( كتب قال لما جا هنا سنة Lethem) wrote that, when he 1924 كان السيد عبدالرحمن -came in 1924, Sayyid Ab قاعد يحشد الفالتة في الجزيرة durahman was gathering أبا وباالتفاق مع الفكي تكر. the Fallaata in Gezira Aba وقال قام من قالديمة وجا مع in coordination with Faki المؤسسين للسريو. قام بعد داك Tukur. And he said that Faki مشى الجزيرة؟ -Tukur moved from Galadi ma in the company of the founders of Sireu. Did he go to Gezira Aba afterwards?

180 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi االنجليز هم القبضوه، كانوا -It was the British who Al-Ingiliiz hum al caught him (Faki Tukur). gabaḍoohu, kaanu ʿaawziin عاوزين يعتقلوه ّطوالي يودوه أمدرمان. جابوا شرطة عاوزين They wanted to arrest him yiʿtaqiluuhu ṭawwaali يعتقلوه زي ما اعتقلوا الفكي .and take him to Omdurman yiwadduuhu Umdurmaan محمد نور وودوه. لكن الناس in the same way that they Jabu shurṭa ʿaawziin الموجودين في الجزيرة أبا arrested Faki Muhammad yiʿtaqiluuhu zey maa – فالتة مروة – ابلغوا السيد Nour and took him (to iʿtaqalu l-Faki Maḥammad عبدالرحمن قالوا: "بلغنا خبر Omdurman). But the people Nuur waddoohu. Laakin انو قبضوا مودبو تكر عاوزين living in Gezira Aba were an-naas al-mawjuudiin fi يودوه أمدرمان. انت قبل from the Marwa Fulani j-Jaziira Aba Fallaatat الحكاية تفلت اتصل بي مدير subsection. They reported Marwa. Ablagho s-Sayyid سنجة". فعال سيد عبدالرحمن :to Sayyid Abdurahman (i.e., ʿAbduraḥmaan gaalo كتب لى مدير سنجة قال: a son of the Mahdi), saying: “Balaghna khabar innu "الزول دا أنا أضمنو، وهسع We heard that Moodibbo gabaḍo Moodibbo Tukur“ دي خلُّوه يكون تحت ضمانتي Tukur was arrested and is ʿaawziin yiwadduuhu الى أن اجى ِّارحلو". واحد -going to be taken to Umdurmaan. Inta gabl al اسمو يوسف ود الفالتي، جد Omdurman. So, before it is ḥikaaya taflit ittaṣil bee ناس الشريف التهامي، ابو too late, please contact the mudiir Sinja.” Fiʿlan Sayyid والدتو… Governor of Singa.” Sayyid ʿAbduraḥmaan katab lee Abdurahman wrote to the mudiir Sinja gaal: “Az-zool Governor of Singa, saying: da ana aḍmanu, wa hassaʿ “I vouch for this man, and di khallu yikuun tiḥit now let him be under my ḍamaanti ilaa an aji responsability until I come araḥḥilu.” Waaḥid ismu and take him with me.” Yuusif Wad al-Fallaati, jidd Someone called Yousif naas ash-Sheriif at- Wad al-Fallaati, the Tuhaami, abu waalidtu… grandfather of Sherif at- Tuhami, his mother’s father… بس قام السيد عبدالرحمن So, Sayyid Abdurahman Bas gaam as-Sayyid من هناك كتب لمدير مديرية from there (i.e., Gezira ʿAbduraḥmaan min hinaak سنجة، بس َّرحلوه وجابوه Aba) wrote to the Governor katab le Mudiir Midiiriyyat )الجزيرة أبا(. of the Singa Province. Ac- Sinja, bas raḥḥalo wa cordingly, they relocated jaaboohu (aj-Jaziira Aba). him and brought him (to Gezira Aba).

س44: ويوسف )ود الفالتي( Q44: And what role did دا عالقتو شنو بالموضوع دا؟ Yousif Wad al-Fallaati play in this affair?

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 181 دا كان وكيل االمام في سنجة. He was Sayyid Abdurah- Da kaan wakiil al-Imaam fii السيد عبدالرحمن كتب ليه قال man’s representative in Sinja. As-Sayyid ليه: "انا بتصل بمدير سنجة Singa. Sayyid Abdurahman ʿAbduraḥmaan katab leehu وانت استلمو )إمام تكر( وما wrote to him, telling him: “I gaal leehu: “Ana bittaṣil be will contact the Governor mudiir Sinja wa inta istalimu تخليهم يفوتو بيه". بس ّطوالي استلم فكي تكر وخاله في بيتو of Singa, and then you (Imaam Tukur) wa maa ِّلحدي ما السيد عبدالرحمن ”.should receive him (i.e., takhalliihum yifuutu beehu َّرسل مندوبين من الجزيرة أبا Imam Tukur) and you Bas ṭawwaali istalam Faki رافقوا فكي تكر للجزيرة أبا. should not allow them (i.e., Tukur wa khallaahu fii beetu وكت رافقو ودوه الجزيرة أبا، those who arrested him) to laḥaddi ma s-Sayyid وكت داك ابهاتنا في الجزيرة pass through with him.” So, ʿAbduraḥmaan rassal أبا. الوكت داك نحن صغار he received Faki Tukur and manduubeen min aj-Jaziira الحكاية دي ما مستحضرينا kept him in his house until Aba raafaqo Faki Tukur le لكن لما قمنا لقيناها. بس زي Sayyid Abdurahman sent j-Jaziira Aba. Wakit two people to escort him to raafagu waddoohu j-Jaziira ما ذكرت ليك َّحينا دا َحي عرب والغار التحت كلو فالتة. Gezira Aba. At the time Aba, wakit daak abbahaatna ونحن كنا في حي الغار الفوق when he was escorted to fi j-Jaziira Aba. Al-wakit وكلهم كانوا عرب. -Gezira Aba, our fathers daak niḥna ṣughar, al were in Gezira Aba. At that ḥikaaya di maa time we were children; we mustaḥḍirinnaa laakin do not recall this event, but, lamma gumna ligiinaaha. when we grew up, we Bas zey maa zakarta leek learned of it. So, as I men- ḥayyana da ḥay ʿArab wa tioned to you, our quarter l-Ghaar at-Tiḥit kullu was that of the Arabs, Fallaata. Wa niḥna kunna whereas Al-Ghar at-Tihit fii ḥay al-Ghaar al-Foog wa was entirely inhabited by kullahum kaanu ʿArab. Fallaata (Fulani). We lived in Al-Ghar al-Foog (Upper Cave), whose inhabitants were Arabs. بعد داك لما رحلنا من هناك، Afterwards when we Baʿad daak lamma raḥalna جا جريوا دا ابوه جا الجزيرة ,moved from there, (Ab- min hinaak, ja Jireewa da أبا اتزوج اختي َّورحلها من durahman) Jirewa’s15 father abuuhu ja j-Jaziira Aba هناك الى هنا، وبعدين اتصل came to Gezira Aba, mar- itzawwaj ukhti wa raḥḥalha بالجماعة األنصار هنا، قالوا: ried my sister, and brought min hinaak ilaa hina. Wa "فالن الفالني عاوزينو يجي her here (in Sireu). And baʿdeen ittaṣal be j-jamaaʿa هنا عشان يعني يعرف عن then he contacted the Ansar l-anṣaar hina, gaalo: “Fulaan المهدية كتير وكدا…" ابوي here. They said: “We want al-fulaani ʿaawzinnu yiji من هناك رحل جا زاير السريو so-and-so (a specific per- hina ʿashaan yaʿni yaʿrif دي. قعد ليه يمكن حاجة بتاعة son) to come here because ʿan al-Mahdiyya katiir wa

15 As already indicated (p. 163), Abdurahman Jirewa and the man referred to above as ‘Abdurahman Abu-Bakr’ are one and the same person.

182 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi اربعة سنوات تقريبا. he is very enlightened in kida…” Abuuy min hinaak the area of Mahdism…” raḥal ja zaayir as-Sireew di. From there my father came Gaʿad leehu yimkin ḥaaja to Sireu just as a visitor. He bitaaʿat arbaʿa sanawaat stayed for about four years. tagriiban. بعدين من هنا توفى فكي تكر. But then Faki Tukur died. Baʿdeen min hina tawaffa When that occurred, my fa- Faki Tukur. Wa bas وبس ّطوالي َّرحلوا ابوي َّرجعوه عشان يمسك محلو. ther was asked to return (to ṭawwaali raḥḥalo abuuyi رجع ِّلحدي ما توفى هو سنة Gezira Aba) in order to re- rajjaʿoohu ʿashaan yimsik اربعة واربعين. وكت داك انا place him (i.e., Faki Tukur). maḥallu. Rajaʿ laḥaddi ma كنت هنا، جيت اتزوجت هنا He returned and remained tawaffa huwa sanat arbaʿa في حلة المربيعة دي، اللي in this position until he died wa arbaʿiin. Wakit daak ana هي َّعمرا أبو جريوا، ومتزوج in 1944. At that time I was kunta hina; jiit itzawwajta شقيقتي. اتزوجت هنا كأنو here (in this area, precisely hina fi ḥillat al-Mireebiiʿa ارحل السنة دي ارحل السنة in Mirebi’a). I came and di, alli hiya ʿammaraa abu الجاية… وعملت خلوة قعدت married in this Mirebi’a vil- Jireewa, wa mutzawwij lage developed by (Ab- shagiigti. Itzawwajta hina, أقري اوالدم. بس ّطوالي توفى والدي دا، بعد دا بقيت تقيل durahman) Jirewa’s father, kaʾannu arḥal as-sana di هنا. بس فكروا ديل ِّيرحلوني who was married to my full arḥal as-sana j-jaayya… wa من هناك )المريبيعة( إلى هنا sister. I married here with ʿamalta khalwa gaʿadta )السريو(. the intention of returning agarri awlaadum. Bas (home) in the same year or ṭawwaali tawaffa waaldi da, the following year. I estab- baʿad da bigiit tagiil hina. lished a Qur’anic school Bas fakkaro deel and continued to teach their yiraḥḥiluuni min hinaak (al- children. But then my fa- Mireebiiʿa) ilaa hina (as- ther died, and, at the same Sireew). time, my family became too ‘heavy’ (large). So, these people decided to bring me here (to Sireu).

س45: إيه العالقة بين وفاة -Q45: What is the connec والدك في الجزيرة ابا وكونك tion between your father’s ترحل تجي السريو؟ death in Gezira Aba and your move to Sireu?

اول حاجة رحلت من الجزيرة -First of all, I left Gezira Awwal ḥaaja raḥalta min aj أبا وجيت قعدت في المربيعة Aba and came to stay in Jaziira Aba wa jiit gaʿadta fi ألنها فيها اختي شقيقتي. كنت Mirebi’a because my full l-Mireebiiʿa laʾannaa fiiha عاوز ارجع الجزيرة وما رجعت sister lived there. My inten- ukhti shagiigti. Kunta ʿaawiz لحدي ما توفى والدي. لما tion was to return (to Gezira arjaʿ Aj-Jaziira wa maa توفى والدي في نفس السنة أو Aba), but I didn’t return rajaʿta laḥaddi maa tawaffa

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 183 قاعدين في نفس الفراش توفى until my father died. In the waaldi. Lamma tawaffa ابو عبدالرحمن جريوا. أصبح same year, or during the waaldi fii nafs as-sana aw حاجة ترجعني الجزيرة أبا mourning days after my fa- gaaʿdiin fii nafs al-furaash مافي؛ وما في حاجة تقعدني ther’s death, Abdurahman tawaffa abu ʿAbduraḥmaan في المريبيعة. الجماعة ديل، Jirewa’s father died too. So, Jireewa. Aṣbah ḥaaja ناس تنفافي وجماعة كتيرين there was no need for me to tarajjiʿni j-Jaziira Aba متعلقين بي الزم ِّيرحلوني أجي return to Gezira Aba or to maafi; wa maa fi ḥaaja هنا عشان اقري اوالدهم افتح .stay in Mirebi’a any longer. tagaʿʿidni fi l-Mireebiiʿa خلوة اقري اوالدهم، وكت داك Those people, i.e., Tunfaafe Aj-jamaaʿa deel, naas مدرسة ما جات هنا. and a number of other peo- Tunfaafe wa jamaaʿa ple, insisted on bringing me katiiriin mutʿalliqiin bey to Sireu so that I could open laazim yiraḥḥiluuni aji hina a Qur’anic school and teach ʿashaan agarri awlaadum their children. At that time aftaḥ khalwa agarri no school had been awlaadum; wakit daak established here. madrasa maa jaat hina. بس تحركت من هناك لي So, I moved from there Bas taḥarrakta min hinaak هنا سنة خمسة واربعين، بعد Mirebi’a) to here (Sireu) in lee hina sanat khamsa wa) سنة من وفاة والدي. بس سنة i.e., a year after my arbaʿiin, baʿad sana min ,1945 خمسة واربعين جيت فتحت father’s death. In 1945, I wafaat waaldi. Bas sanat الخلوة دي اقري فيها القرآن، came and opened a khamsa wa arbaʿiin jiit في نفس الحوش دا زاتو األنا Qur’anic school (khalwa) fataḥta l-khalwa di agarri فيه اآلن. بس فاستمرينا لحدي and started teaching. That fiiha l-Qurʾaan, fii nafs سنة ستة واربعين جا المستر was in the same house l-ḥoosh da zaatu l-ʾana fiihu الندس، اللي هو مفتش where I am living now. I l-ʾaan. Bas fa istamarreena الرصيرص. جا هنا لغرضو continued teaching until laḥaddi sanat sitta wa الخاص، جا لقى الخلوة الناس ,when Mr. Lands, i.e., arbaʿiin ja l-Mistir Landis ,1946 بقروا القرآن، شافهم مع المية. -the inspector of Er-Roseires, alli huwa mufattish ar واالنجليز متلهم متل ناس came. He came here on his Ruṣeeriṣ. Ja hina le gharaḍu األفرنجي ديل، أبسط حاجة own business. He came and l-khaaṣ, ja liga l-khalwa ما ِّبفوتوها. أنا شوفت الناس .found the people studying n-naas bigru l-Qurʾaan َّشوشوا، معاهم شيخ الحلة اللي the Qur’an. He found that Shaafum maʿa l-miyya. Wa هو قدرماري – قدرماري الجد they were quite numerous – l-Ingiliiz mitlahum mitil الكبير. شوفت االوالد َّشوشوا، about a hundred. The Brit- naas al-afranji deel, absaṭ عاينت كدا شوفت المفتش معاه .ish, like all the other Euro- ḥaaja maa bifawwituuha الشيخ. قومت سلمت عليه قال: peans, tend to pay attention Ana shuufta n-naas "كويس كويس، أقعد أقعد، بلد to the least little thing. I shawwasho, maʿaahum بتاكم دا كويس والقراية كويس saw the people murmuring, sheekh al-ḥilla, alli huwa ما زي جلقني. انا جلقني وديت – including the sheikh of the Gadarammaari المدرسة هناك ناس ما يجوا". -village, i.e., Gadrimari the Gadarammaari j-jidd al senior. I saw the children kabiir. Shuufta l-awlaad murmuring. I looked and shawwashu, ʿaayanta kida saw the inspector together shuufta l-mufattish maʿaahu

184 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi with the sheikh. I stood up sh-sheekh. Gumta sallamta and saluted him. He (Mr. ʿaleehu gal: “Kooyis kooyis, Lands) said: “Good, good, agoʿod, agoʿod, balad sit down, sit down; your bitaakum da kooyis wa village is good and the l-giraaya kooyis maa zey learning is good, unlike in Jalgani. Ana Jalgani waddeet Galgani. I opened a school al-madrasa hinaak naas in Galgani, but people did maa yiju.” not attend.” أتاري هو ما عارف الناس العلم -Indeed, he (Mr. Lands) Ataari huwa maa ʿaarif an المدني ما دايرنو. دي فاتت was not aware of the fact naas l-ʿilim al-madani maa عليه. بعدين في واحد تاجر .that people did not like daayrinnu. Di faatat ʿaleehu اسمو تنير كرار هنا اللي هو secular education. And then Baʿdeen fi waaḥid taajir عم كرار أحمد كرار – أحمد ,there was someone called ismu Tinniir Karraar hina كرار مدفون عندنا هنا. جا قال Tinnir Karrar, the paternal alli huwa ʿam Karraar للجماعة ديل: "االنجليزي جا، uncle of Karrar Ahmad Aḥmad Karraar – Aḥmad مستر الندس دا". ناس الخلوة Karrar – Ahmad Karrar is Karraar madfuun ʿindana ساكتين… يجي للولد يقول ليه buried here. He (Tinnir) hina. Ja gaal le j-jammaʿa اكتب مثال "كتب"، في الرملة. came and said to our peo- deel: “Al-Ingiliizi ja Mistir الولد يكتب. يمشي لي داك ple: “This British man, i.e., Landis da.” Naas al-khalwa يقول ليه اكتب مثال "ضرب"، Mr. Lands, has come.” He saakitiin… yiji le walad يكتب… َّبجر اوالد كتار، كلهم Mr. Lands) comes and asks yiguul leehu aktib mathalan) كتبوا. بس قال: "اذاً انتو الحلة a boy, for example, to write “katab” fi r-ramla. Al-walad دي حلة كويسة، دائما ناس katab (vb.: “to write”); he yaktib. Yimshi lee daak تنير طالبين يجيبوا ليهم مدرسة writes it. Then he goes to yiguul leehu aktib mathalan هنا لكن رفضت الني عملت the other and asks him, for “ḍarab”, yaktib… Jarrab مدرسة في جلقني ما نجحت. example, to write ḍarab awlaad kutaar, kullahum فعلي كدا ما مفكر اجيب vb.: “to hit”); he writes it… katabu. Bas gaal: “Izan intu) مدرسة تاني، التجربة دي ما .He examined many boys, l-ḥilla di ḥilla kooysa عايز اعيدها تاني لكن خالص and they all wrote. He said: Daayman naas Tinniir “In this case, this village is a ṭaalbiin yijiibu leehum حلتكم بتريد القراية". قام ّطوالي َّصدق جابوا المدرسة. good village. Tinnir has madrasa hina laakin rafaḍta often applied for a school to laʾanni ʿamalta madrasa fii be opened here, but I Jalgani maa najaḥat. Fa ʿale refused because I estab- kida maa mufakkir ajiib lished a school in Galgani, madrasa taani; at-tajriba di and it didn’t succeed. maa ʿaayiz aʿiidaa taani. Therefore, I would not have Laakin khalaaṣ ḥillatkum considered opening another bitriid al-giraaya.” Gaam school. I didn’t want to ṭawwaali ṣaddag jaabo repeat this experience. l-madrasa. But now your village is interested in learning.”

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 185 So, he immediately gave his approval for the establishment of a school. فتحوا المدرسة هنا في واحد The (secular) school was Fataḥu l-madrasa hina fi واحد سنة ستة واربعين. والخلوة opened on 1 January 1946. waaḥid waaḥid sanat sitta دي قاعدة مستمرة برضو The khalwa also continued wa arbaʿiin. Wa l-khalwa di بتقري. انت عارف الفالتة اذا functioning. You know the gaaʿda mustamirra barḍu لقوا قاعدين يقروا الخلوة بمشوا -Fallaata: if they get a khal- bitgarri. Inta ʿaarif al محل تاني؟ التعليم المدني ما wa where they can learn, do Fallaata izaa ligo gaaʿdiin دايرنو. داك ما عرف بس. لما they go anywhere else? yigru l-khalwa bimshu المدرسة دي استمرت سنة كان -They were not interested in maḥal taani? At-taʿliim al العددية بسيطة جدا جدا. عرف .secular education. That madani maa daayrinnu بأنو الجماعة ديل تأسير الخلوة man (Mr. Lands) didn’t re- Daak maa ʿirif bas. Lamma هو الخال المدرسة دي ما alise this. When the school l-madrasa di istamarrat اتقدمت. جا راجع زعالن جدا continued for a year, the sana kaan al-ʿadadiyya جدا. سألم قال ليهم: "الزول number of pupils decreased. basiiṭa jiddan jiddan. ʿIrif دا جاي من وين؟" قالوا ليه: He thought that it was the bi annu j-jamaaʿa deel "جاي من الجزيرة أبا". واقف influence of the khalwa taʾsiir al-khalwa huwa هناك ناداني، كان معاه ولد which prevented the school l-khalla l-madrasa di maa قدرماري كان مساعد طبي from being successful. So, itagaddamat. Ja raajeʿ )حسين(. بس مشيت، "قالوا .he came back very angry. zaʿlaan jiddan jiddan انت من الجزيرة أبا". قلت ليه: -He asked them (i.e., some Saʾalum gaal leehum: “Az "آي من الجزيرة أبا". "طيب، ”?Sireu people): “From where zool da jaayi min ween أنا الخلوة بتاعك شوفتو كويس، -does this person (the khal- Gaalu leehu: “Jaayi min aj االوالد كلو بقرا كويس. وناس wa teacher, i.e., our inform- Jaziira Aba.” Waagif hinaak تنير كرار قالوا قراية حقتك دي ant) come?” They an- naadaani, kaan maʿaahu كويس أوالدهم زاتو بقرو هنا swered: “He comes from walad Gadarmmari, kaan كويس. لكن خلوه بتاعك دي .(Gezira Aba.” He (Mr. musaaʿid ṭibbi (Ḥiseen بمنع المدرسة ما تتقدم. هسع Lands) was standing there, Bas masheet, “Gaalu inta أنا بديك إثنين رأي. إنت بتعرف and he called me. With him min aj-Jaziira Aba.” Gulta قراية المدرسة؟" قلت ليه: "آي". was the son of (Sheikh) Ga- le: “Aayi, min aj-Jaziira كنت قريت هناك في الجزيرة drimari, a medical assistant Aba.” “Ṭayyib, ana l-khalwa أبا. "طيب انت تنضم للمدرسة ;Hussein). He (Mr. Lands) bitaaʿak shuuftu, kooyis) دي عشان ِّتدرس في المدرسة said: “People tell me that al-awlaad kullu bigru عشان اهلك يرغبوا يدخلوا you come from Gezira kooyis. Wa naas Tinniir اوالدهم، وكان رفضت انا بقفل Aba!” I responded: “Yes, I Karraar gaalu giraaya الخلوة بتاعك بالسلطة، بطردك ,come from Gezira Aba.” haggatak di kooyis من البلد دي ارجعك بلدكم". Well, I have seen your awlaadum zaatu bigru hina“ قلت ليه خالص بدرس, كتب khalwa; it is good; Tinnir kooyis. Laakin khalwa الحكاية دي وفات الرصيرص. -Karrar and his people said bitaaʿak di yamnaʿ al that your teaching is good; madrasa maa titgaddam. even their children study Hassaʿ ana baddiik ʾitneen well there. But your khalwa raʾy: inta bitaʿrif giraayat

186 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi is preventing the (secular) al-madrasa?” Gulta leehu: school’s progress. Now, I “Aayi.” Kunta gareet hinaak will give you two choices. fi j-Jaziira Aba. “Ṭayib, inta Have you (also) received an tinḍamma le l-madrasa di education in (a secular) ʿashaan tadarris fi l-madrasa school?” I answered, “Yes.” ʿashaan ahlak yarghabu I attended (a secular) school yidakhkhilu awlaadum. Wa in Gezira Aba. “Well, you kaan rafaḍta ana bagfil al- (will also) join this (secu- khalwa bitaaʿak be s-sulṭa; lar) school (in Sireu) to baṭrudak min al-balad di teach there, so that your arajjiʿak baladkum.” Gulta people will be encouraged le khalaaṣ badariis. Katab to bring their children to it. al-ḥikaaya di wa faat ar- If you refuse, I will close Ruṣeeriṣ. your khalwa by law and send you back to your home region (Gezira Aba).” I told him that I would teach. He wrote this down and went back to Er-Roseires. فإذا به المن جا – الوكت داك -Then, suddenly, the Local Fa izaa bihii laamin ja – al بسموه مفتش التعليم المحلي. Educational Inspector – as wakit daak bisammuuh َّرسل لي مشيت قابلتو، واحد -he was called at that time – mufattish at-taʿliim al اسمو عبدالرحمن حبيب. قابلتو arrived. He sent for me, and maḥalli. Rassal ley masheet قال لي: "المفتش بقول كدا كدا I went to meet him; it was gaabaltu – waaḥid ismu عندو رغبة عشان تدخل ِّتدرس .someone called Abdurah- ʿAbduraḥmaan Ḥabiib في المدرسة عشان يرغبوا -man Habiib. I met him, and Gaabaltu gaal ley: “Al اهلك ديل المدرسة. وهسع he said to me: “The inspec- mufattish biguul kida kida عندك الرغبة عشان تدرس؟" tor (of Er-Roseires) says ʿindu raghba ʿashaan tadkhul قلت ليه: "اعمل شنو البد انو such-and-such; he wishes tadarris fi l-madrasa ʿashaan ادرس". بس فعال كتب اسمي -that you join the (secular) yirghabu ahlak deel al قال لي: "نحن ِّبنرسل ليك school so that your people madrasa. Wa hassaʿ ʿindak تجي هنا عشان تدخل كورس ”?will be interested in it. Now, ar-raghba ʿashaan tadarris في رفاعة". في ميعادهم دا are you interested in teach- Gulta leehu: “Aʿmal shinu َّرسلوا لي مشيت رفاعة، أخدت ing (there)?” I said to him: laabudda innu adarris.” Bas كورس هناك. :What can I do? I have to fiʿlan katab ismi gaal ley“ teach.” So, he wrote my “Niḥna binrassil leek taji name and said to me: “We hina ʿashaan tadkhul koors will send for you so that fi Rufaaʿa.” Fi miiʿaadum you can attend a course in da rassalo ley masheet Rufa’a.” At the specified Rufaaʿa akhadta koors date, they sent for me, and I hinaak. went to Rufa’a (Gezira),

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 187 where I attended the course. والزول الفتح المدرسة دي من -The person who opened Wa z-zool al-fataḥ al بدري كان في حلة جنبنا هنا – this (secular) school had madrasa di min badri kaan الديسة، زول معروف عندي. been living in a place near- fii ḥilla janbana hina.- Ad )أهلها( ما عرب، ناس مواليد .by, i.e., Disa (village) for a Diisa – zool maʿruuf ʿindi كدا. اصلهم جايين… بس long time. He was well (Ahalha) maa ʿArab, naas بعدين على كل حال جيت known to me. The (Disa) mawaaliid kida. Aṣlahum مسكت المدرسة قعدت ِّادرس people are not Arabs, they jaayiin… Bas baʿdeen ʿala فيها، معاي واحد اسمو الطيب -are like mawaaliid.16 Any- kulli ḥaal jiit masakta al how, I came and took re- madrasa gaʿadta adarris َن ِّسى، رحمه اهلل. بعدين السنة الجاية نقل هو من هنا ودوه sponsibility for the (secu- fiiha, maaʿayi waaḥid ismu حتة اسمها اورا، وجابوا واحد lar) school and continued ṭ-Ṭayyib Nassi, raḥimahu من الرصيرص. والخلوة حقتي teaching in it, together with l-Laah. Baʿadeen as-sana ما زالت مستمرة، ِّ)ادرس في( someone named At-Tayyib j-jaayya nuqil huwa min الخلوة هنا وامشي المدرسة. Nassi, may his soul rest in hina waddoohu ḥitta isimaa peace. And then, in the fol- Ura, wa jaabo waaḥid min lowing year, he was trans- ar-Ruṣeeriṣ. Wa l-khalwa ferred to a place called Ura, ḥaggati maa zaalat and somebody else was mustamirra, (adarris fi) brought from Er-Roseires. l-khalwa hina wa amshi Meanwhile my khalwa, too, l-madrasa. continued (to function). I taught in the khalwa here and also in the school.

س46: والتالميذ هنا زادوا -Q46: Did the number of pu بعدما انت جيت؟ (pils (in the secular school increase when you started to teach there?

زادوا. انت عارف؟ أسرة ناس They increased. You know Zaadu. Inta ʿaarif? ʾUsrat إبراهيم بيلي دي، بس أخد َّمنهم what)? All the members of naas Ibraahiim Beeli di, bas) ابراهيم الكبير بس، باقي اخوانو Ibrahim Beeli’s family – ukhud minnahum Ibraahiim ديل شت عليهم قروا في الخلوة with the exception of al-kabiir bas; baagi دي ومشوا المدرسة. بقروا Ibrahim Beeli the senior – akhwaanu deel chat في الصباح في المدرسة وفي studied first in my khalwa ʿaleehum garo fi l-khalwa di الضهر يجوا عندي في الخلوة. and then in the school. They wa masho l-madrasa. Bigru الخلوة استمرت في حالتها used to go to the school in fi ṣ-ṣabaaḥ fi l-madrasa wa والمدرسة عمرت. وبالحالة دي the morning and then come fi ḍ-ḍuhur yiju ʿindi fi استمريت لمدة يمكن ثمانية to my khalwa in the after- l-khalwa. Al-khalwa سنوات. وكت داك نقلوا داك noon. The khalwa continued istamarrat fii ḥaalataa wa وخلوني ناظر في المدرسة as it was, while the school l-madrasa ʿamarat. Wa be

16 Mawaaliid: people mixed with Arabs.

188 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi ذاتها. وقعدت المن… طبعا developed. In this situation, l-ḥaala di istamarreet li مدرسة جلقني شافوا ما نجحت. I continued for a period of muddat, yimkin tamaaniya المفتش قال، "الزم نودي فالن about eight years. At that sanawaat. Wakit daak ngalo الفالني دا هناك عشان ديك time the other person got daak wa khallooni naaẓir fi تجربة، بعد داك اذا ما نجحوا transferred, and I was left l-madrasa zaataa. Wa نقفلها". alone as the headmaster of gaʿadta laamin… Ṭabaʿan the school. I stayed until… madrasat Jalgani shaafo Of course, they saw that the maa najaḥat. Al-Mufattish Galgani school was not suc- gaal, “Laazim nawaddi cessful. The inspector said: fulaan al-fulaani da hinaak “We have to send so-and-so ʿashaan diik tajriba, baʿad (a new teacher) there, be- daak izaa maa najaḥo cause this first period of nagfilaa.” school development was a test. If the school still doesn’t succeed, then we will have to close it.” نقلوني من هنا إلى جلقني. I was transferred from Nagalooni min hina ilaa مشيت أخدت في جلقني here to Galgani. I went and Jalgani. Masheet akhadta fi سنتين. وفي السنتين فعال -spent two years in Galgani. Jalgani sanateen. Fi s الحمدهلل وفقت عمرت. فكروا In these two years, thank sanateen fiʿlan alḥamdu تاني ينقلوني الى حتة اسما .God, I succeeded in making lillaah wuffiqta ʿamarat ود الماحي، منطقة جنوب it (the school) develop. Fakkaro taani yanguluuni الرصيرص، أهلها وطاويط. -Once again, they decided to ilaa ḥitta isimaa Wadd al أخدت معاهم اربعة سنوات. -transfer me, this time to a Maaḥi – manṭiga januub ar برضو التوفيق كان محالفني. .place called Wad al-Mahi – Ruṣeeriṣ, ahalha Waṭaawiiṭ بعدين من عندهم نقلت الى an area south of Er-Ro- Akhadta maʿahum arbaʿa حتة اسما ابوشنينه، غرب seires. Its inhabitants are sanawaat. Barḍu t-tawfiiq النهر. الطيب محمود كان Watawit (tribe). There too, I kaan muḥaalifni. Baʿdeen معاي في جلقني. لما نقلونا was successful. And then min ʿindahum nuqilta ilaa كلنا من جلقني الى الجنوب ,from there I was transferred ḥitta isimaa Abu-Shaniina انا مشيت ود الماحي وهو to a place called Abu Shani- gharb an-nahr. Aṭ-Ṭayyib مشى ابوشنينة اللي مشيت ليها na, on the western side of Maḥmuud kaan maʿaay fi أخيرا. قعدت هناك لحدي ما the river (Blue Nile). At- Jalgani. Lamma ngaloona نقلوه الى حتة اسما أفد. غايتو Tayyib Mahmoud was to- kullana min Jalgani ila ابوشنينة دي سكنت فيها سكنى gether with me in Galgani. j-januub, ana masheet – قعدت فيها عشرة سنوات. When we were both trans- Wadd al-Maaḥi wa huwa قدري ما يجوا يحاولوا ينقلوني ferred from Galgani south- masha Abu-Shaniina alli – المنطقة زاتا منطقة شدة – ما .ward, I went to Wad al- masheet leeha akhiiran بلقوا زول عشان يودوه. والناس Mahi, and he went to Abu Gaʿadta hinaak laḥaddi هناك متمسكين بي. يعني Shanina, where I later maa nagaloohu ilaa ḥitta كانت عشرتهم بكل الدنيا. فإذا -joined him. I stayed there isimaa Ufud. Ghaaytu, Abu به قعدت عشرة سنوات. ومن until he (At-Tayyib) was Shaniina di sakanta fiiha

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 189 هناك رجعت السريو تاني، transferred to a place called sukna. Gaʿadta fiiha ʿashara الرجعة اللي المن تميت المدة Ufud. Anyway, I stayed for sanawaat. Gadri maa yiju – زي تلطاشر سنة. -a long time in Abu Shanina yiḥaawlu yanguluuni – al – ten years. Whenever they manṭiga zaataa manṭigat tried to transfer me – the shidda – maa bilgu zool area itself was a ‘hardship ʿashaan yiwadduuhu; wa area’ – they would not find n-naas hinaak mutmassikiin anybody to replace me. bey. Yaʿni kaanat And the people (there) in- ʿushratum bi kulli d-dunya. sisted on retaining me. In Fa izaa bihi gaʿadta ʿashara fact, their friendship was sanawaat. Wa min hinaak invaluable. So, I found my- rajaʿta s-Sireew taani. Ar- self spending ten years jaʿa lli laamin tammeet al- (with them). And from mudda – zey talaṭṭaashar there I came back to Sireu, sana. where I stayed until I com- pleted the prescribed period (of service) – about 13 years.

س47: ما هو تفسيرك للمستوى Q47: How do you explain العالي في العلم والثقافة الذي the high level of education يميز هذه القرية مقارنة بالقرى -and culture which charac المجاورة؟ -terises this village in com parison with the other surrounding villages?

واهلل وجدت ناس الحلة هنا -By God, I found the people Wallaahi wajadta naas al مستعدين لتلقي العلم. نسبة of this village ready to ac- ḥilla hina mustaʿiddiin li ألني وجدتهم مستعدين بذلت quire knowledge. Because talaqqi l-ʿilm. Nisbatan آخر مجهود عندي. of this I made the maxi- laʾanni wajadtahum mum effort I could (with mustaʿiddiin bazalta aakhir them). majhuud ʿindi.

س48: المدرسة اللي إنت Q48: Did the school, for وقفت عليها دي هي اللي ,which you were responsible لعبت دور كبير في إنو األوالد play a major role in making يتعلموا؟ ?the children learn

طيب الناس القاموا من الخلوة Well, some people joined Ṭayib, an-naas al-gaamo هنا وما مشوا السنة األولى the school from the khalwa min al-khalwa hina wa maa كلو كلو، َّومنهم أوالد ناس -without passing through the masho s-sana l-ʾuula kullu بيلي ديل، ومجموعة كبيرة. first year (of school) at all. kullu, wa minnahum

190 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi َّمنهم، من الخلوة للسنة الثانية Among them were the Ibra- awlaad naas Beeli deel, wa بس في المدرسة… في الخلوة .him Beelis (brothers) and a majmuuʿa kabiira ذاتها كنت ِّبدرس فيها مباديء large group of people. From Minnahum min al-khalwa le للحساب وفي نفس الوكت the khalwa they went s-sana taaniya bas fi برضو التوحيد مثال والحاجات straight to the second l-madrasa… Fi l-khalwa البسيطة البحتاجا الولد… school year… In the khal- zaataa kunta badarris fiiha wa, I used to teach elemen- mabaadiʾ le l-ḥisaab wa fii tary arithmetic, tawḥiid nafs al-wakit barḍu (theology), and some other t-tawḥiid mathalan wa basic things which the boys l-ḥajaat al-basiiṭa needed… l-biḥtaajaa l-walad…

س49: طيب دا اجتهاد منك Q49: Well, was this your بس والال وجدت منهج معين own initiative or had you واتبعتو؟ found a certain curriculum which you followed?

ال، اجتهاد مني بس. ِّبدرس .No, this was my own initia- La, ijtihaad minni bas فقه برضو. ففي ناس من tive. I also used to teach fiqh Badarris fiqh barḍu. Fa fi (jurisprudence). So, there naas min al-khalwa ṭawwaali الخلوة ّطوالي خشوا سنة ثانية ما مشوا سنة أولى، مجموعة were people who went from khashsho sana taaniya, maa كبيرة. وكمان لما انتهوا من هنا the khalwa directly to the masho sana uula; majmuuʿa مرة واحدة ومشوا هناك ذات second year (class) without kabiira. Wa kamaan lamma الرأسين زول فيهم جا راجع passing through first year; a intaho min hina marra مافي. ذات الرأسين كان في large number of them. And waaḥda masho hinaak Zaat الروصيرص. when they finished school ar-Raʾseen zool fiihum ja here and proceeded to the raajeʿ maafi. Zaat ar- Zaat ar-Raʾseen (double- Raʾseen kaan fi r-Ruṣeeriṣ. branched) level, none of them returned (i.e., none were sent back for being un- qualified). That is what they determined in Er-Roseires. (In Er-Roseires), they used Kanu bimshu ṭawwaali كانوا بمشوا ّطوالي رابعة بدون ما يعيدوا تالتة. كانوا فكروا to be promoted to the fourth raabaʿa biduun maa yiʿiidu يعملوا اإلعادة لكن لقوها ما year (class), without repeat- taalta. Kaanu fakkaru من مصلحتهم هم )المسئولين( ing the third year (class). At yaʿmalu l-ʾiʿaada laakin ألنو بمجرد ما عادوا تاني مافي first, they (i.e., the -educa ligooha maa min زول بقدر ينافسهم ويمشي -tional administrators) maṣlaḥatum hum (al معاهم. ومن الناس القروا thought of allowing them masʾuuliin), laʾannu be الخلوة ومشوا المدرسة أبو دا i.e., our children) to repeat mujarrad maa ʿaadu taani) )لبيب عبدالرحمن جريوا( وناس the third year, but they maafi zool bigdar كتيرين. realised that this was yinaafisum wa yimshi

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 191 against their interest (i.e., maʿaahum. Min an-naas al- against the administrators’ garo l-khalwa wa masho interest),17 because if they l-madrasa abu da (Labiib were allowed to repeat (that ʿAbduraḥmaan Jireewa), wa year), no one else would naas katiiriin. (be able to) compete with them anymore. Among those who attended the khalwa and then went to school were the father of this chap (i.e., the father of Labiib Abdurahman Jirewa) and many others.

أبومنقة Abu-Manga يعني ممكن نقول إنه الخلوة We can consider the khalwa Yaʿni mumkin naguul innu بتاعتك دي لعبت دور كبير to have played a major role l-khalwa bitaaʿtak di liʿbat في التقدم الحصل في البلد دي in the educational develop- door kabiir fi t-taggadum في مجال التعليم. ment which characterises alli ḥaṣal fi l-balad di fii this village. majaal at-taʿliim.

[Abdullahi agrees]

س50: المالحظ إنك عالم Q50: One notices that you ووالدك برضو كان عالم. طيب -are a scholar, and your fa العلم دا كان تقليد في أسرتك؟ ther was a scholar too. Was ومن متين كان أهلكم علماء؟ scholarship a tradition in your family? And since when have your relatives been scholars?

عبداهلل Abdullahi ما أقدر أقول. العلم دا ما عارف I can’t tell. I don’t know Maa agdar aguul. Al-ʿilim about scholarship, but they da maa ʿaarif laakin ḥafaẓa. لكن َحفَ َة، ظأنا ما لقيت إال أبوي. أما ديلك ما شوفتهم بي .were ḥafaẓa (i.e., people Ana maa ligiit illa abuuy عيني، لكن لقيت أبوي ووراني who knew the Qur’an by Amma deelak maa إنو أبوه كان حافظ برضو – ,heart) – in my family. I shuuftahum bee ʿeeni حافظ القرآن على ظهر قلب. didn’t witness anyone ex- laakin ligiit abuuy wa cept my father. I didn’t see warraani innu abuuhu kaan the others with my own ḥaafiẓ barḍu – ḥaafiẓ al-

17 Either because these administrators were Arabs and they did not want the Fallaata (Fulani) children to surpass their own children or because these administrators were striving for fair distribution of chances between the different ethnic groups living in the area.

192 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi eyes. I witnessed only my Qurʾaan ʿalaa ẓahri qalb. father and he told me that his father, too, was ḥaafiẓ (pl. ḥafaẓa) – he knew the Qur’an by heart.

س51: طيب من الناس اللي Q51: Well, from among بدوا من الخلوة بتاعتك تذكر those who attended your منو من الناس اللي هسع khalwa, do you remember وضعهم كويس؟ anyone with a good (social or financial) position?

أسرة إبراهيم بيلي، وسليمان Ibrahim Beeli’s family and ʾUsrat Ibraahiim Beeli, wa حسن دا، على كل حال كل Suleiman Hassan… Any- Sileemaan Ḥasan da… ʿAla األوالد الكبار ديل كانوا في -way, all these adult men kulli ḥaal kull al-awlaad al الخلوة دي أول حاجة حتى were at this khalwa at first, kubaar deel kaanu fi تاني مشوا المدرسة. زي راي and afterwards they went to l-khalwa di awwal ḥaaja الندس ذاته، يعني الناس .school. So, Mr. Lands’s ḥatta taani masho l-madrasa ديل لما يقروا في الخلوة دي ,view was correct, i.e., when Zey raay Landis zaatu يرغبوا في المدرسة ذاتها، ودا these people study at the yaʿni n-naas deel lamma الحصل. khalwa, they become inter- yigru fi l-khalwa di ested in the school too, and yarghabu fi l-madrasa this was what happened. zaataa, wa da l-ḥaṣal.

س52: من المغتربين في Q52: Among those working السعودية في ناس في المجال in Saudi Arabia, are there الوظيفي اللي ليه صلة بالتعليم -people employed in posi والال كلهم عمال أو مهنيين؟ tions related to education or are they all labourers and professionals?

واهلل يا اخي العمال في لكن ما By God, there are labourers, Wallaahi yaakhi l-ʿummaal كتيرين. أغلبهم ناس مكاتب. .but not many. The majority fi laakin maa katiiriin of them are people working Aghlabhum naas makaatib. in offices.

س53: هل كان أو ما زال Q53: Was there any or is هناك أثر لبرنامج إبراهيم there still any effect of عبدالحفيظ بتاع الدعوة الشاملة -Ibrahim Abdelhafiz’s pro فيما يتعلق بتعليم الكبار؟ -gramme of ad-Daʿwa sh Shaamla (Comprehensive Enlightenment Programme) regarding adult education?

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 193 في أثر كبير. أثَّر )إيجابا( في There is a great effect. It has Fi athar kabiir. Aththar تعليم الكبار، خاصة النسوان. -had a (positive) effect on (iijaaban) fii taʿliim al adult education, especially kibaar, khaaṣṣatan an- for women. niswaan.

س54: والتدريب بتاع الدفاع -Q54: How about the ad الشعبي كيف؟ الناس اللي Difaaʿ ash-Shaʿbi (Public اتدربوا نسبتهم كبيرة؟ ?(Defense Military Training Was there a high percentage of persons who were trained?

كان عددهم كبير، لكن أخيرا Their number was high, but Kaan ʿadadum kabiir, laakin فعال تقاصروا كدا، اتراجعوا. later on it decreased. akhiiran fiʿlan taqaaṣaru kida, itraajaʿu.

س55: الحظت إنو صلتكم Q55: I noticed that your بمايرنو ضعيفة في التعامل -ties to Maiurno, for exam والمداخلة والتزاوج. ِّتفسر ple through interaction and الحكاية دي بي شنو؟ .intermarriage, are weak How do you explain this?

غايتو الحكاية ما شاملة بس، But one cannot generalise. Ghaaytu l-ḥikaaya maa لكن أنا… …I… shaamla bas, laakin ana

س56: إنت ما عندك أهل Q56: But you have relatives هناك، )ناس الطيب محمود(. there (At-Tayyib Mahmoud’s family).

لما توفي السلطان الكبير When the senior Sultan of Lamma tawaffa as-Sulṭaan مايرنو وقت داك كنت في أبا، Maiurno (Mai-Wurno) died, al-kabiir Maiurno wakit جيت طوالي للتعزية هنا وكتبت I was in Gezira Aba. (Upon daak kunta fii Aba, jiit مرثية. hearing of his death), I ṭawwaali le t-taʿaziyya hina came to offer my condo- wa katabta marthiyya. lences and even composed an elegy.

س57: دي طبعا حالة خاصة Q57: This is, of course, a ودا إنت كفرد. بسأل بصوره -special case, which con عامة ليه العالقة بين مايرنو .cerns you as an individual والسريو فاترة؟ يمكن ألنو ناس -My question is the follow الحلة دي أنصار وناس مايرنو ing: why are relations ما أنصار؟ between Maiurno and Sireu

194 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi inactive? Was it, perhaps, because the people of this village (Sireu) are Ansar while the Maiurno people are not?

إذاً إنت عارف، نعيد نقول شنو If you know (the reason), Izan inta ʿaarif, naʿiid تاني؟ ?why should I say it again? naguul shinu taani لبيب Labiib جايز المجموعات السكانية -Perhaps the groups of peo- Jaayiz al-majmuuʿaat as بتاعة القرى ديك )في المنطقة ple living in the other (Fal- sukkaaniyya bitaaʿat al-qura دي وعندها تداخل مع مايرنو( laata) villages (in this area) diik (fi l-manṭiga di wa نزحت من مايرنو أصال… originally moved from ʿindaa tadaakhul maʿa كان استقرت فترة في مايرنو Maiurno… They settled Maayirno) nazaḥat min ونزحت، ويكونوا ناس السريو first in Maiurno for a cer- Maayirno aṣlan… kaan ديل ما كانوا مشوا مايرنو. tain period of time, then istaqarrat fatra fii Maayirno وكمان واحدين، وخصوصا proceeded to this area (i.e., wa nazaḥat wa yikuunu األنصار ديل سمعتهم كدا Southern Blue Nile), naas as-Sireew deel maa ما مقبولة عند الناس التانيين .whereas the Sireu people kaanu mashu Maayirno كتير. بقولوا: "انتو الواحد لما didn’t. Moreover, the way Wa kamaan waaḥdiin, wa يمشي عندكم هناك ليهم منهجم some (Sireu) people are, es- khuṣuuṣan al-anṣaar deel الخاص. فبعدوكم كأنكم ما… pecially the Ansar, is not sumʿatum kida maa كدا." -acceptable to many others. magbuula ʿinda n-naas at They (i.e., the non-Sireu taaniyiin katiir. Biguulu: people) say (to the Sireu “Intu l-waaḥid lamma yimshi people): “When one comes ʿindakum hinaak leehum to you with a system of be- manhajum al-khaaṣ. Fa liefs different from yours, biʿidduukum kaʾannakum you consider him or her to maa… kida.” be an (unbeliever).” لذلك هسع ما بتلقى وال زول This is why, now, you don’t Lizaalik hassaʿ maa bitalga واحد جا سكن هنا جديد. كل find a single new person walaa zool waaḥid ja sakan الناس الموجودين ديل من بدري -coming from outside to set- hina jadiid. Kull an-naas al كانوا في السريو واتوالدوا بس، tle here. All the people liv- mawjuudiin deel min badri يعني االتساع بس بالتوالد ما ing here have been here for kaanu fi s-Sireew wa أكتر من كدا. وبي دا الحالة a long time and their fami- itwaaladu bas; yaʿni اتغيرت. كان زمان الناس lies have grown. In other l-ʾittisaaʿ bas be t-tawaalud الكبار ما عندهم انسجام مع words, the expansion was maa aktar min kida. Wa bee اآلخرين. لكن نحن الزمن .just a result of local repro- da al-ḥaala itghayyarat األخير االنسجام دا يعني بنيناه -duction and nothing else. Kaan zamaan an-naas al kubaar maa ʿindahum خطوة خطوة إو�ن كان ما وصلنا This is (still true), even الغرض المرجو. .though the situation has insijaam maʿa l-ʾaakhariin

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 195 changed. Formerly, the el- Laakin niḥna z-zaman al- ders didn’t have harmoni- akhiir al-insijaam da yaʿni ous relations with other baneenaahu khaṭwa khaṭwa peoples. Recently, however, wa in kaan maa waṣalna we have initiated amicable l-gharaḍ al-marju. relations with others step by step, although these have not yet reached the level of our expectations.

س58: طيب أكتر حلة مربوطة Q58: Which village – apart بالسريو – غير بجاوي – ياتي؟ from Bijawi – is the most closely connected with Sireu?

عبداهلل Abdullahi سراجية وجبريل. الحلتين ديل -Sirajiyya and Jibril; these Siraajiiyya wa Jibriil. Al two villages plus Bijawi. ḥillateen deel wa maʿaahum ومعاهم بجاوي. اللي َخ َّل السراجية وناس جبريل )يكونوا -This is because (the Bijaawi. Alli khalla as مرتبطين بالسريو( القبيلة ذاتها inhabitants of) Sirajiyya Siraajiyya wa naas Jibriil واحدة، اللي هو فالتة برنو. and Jibril (and Bijawi) are (yikuunu murtabṭiin be of the same (Fulani) sub- s-Sireew) al-gabiila zaataa section as the Sireu people, waahda, alli huwa Fallaatat i.e., Borno Fallaata. Borno.

س59: لكن ناس السراجية Q59: But the Sirajiyya and وجبريل ديل ليهم صلة بهجرة Jibril people are linked to ميورنو وطلعوا منها، ما ليهم the hijra group led by صلة بقالديمة! Sultan) Mai-Wurno and, in) fact, they left from Maiurno. They have nothing to do with the people of Galadima.

واهلل ناس السراجية ديل مع ناس By God, these Sirajiyya Wallaahi naas as-Siraajiyya قدرماري القبيلة كدا رابطاهم. people are related to deel maʿa naas (Sheikh) Gadrimari’s peo- Gadarammaari al-gabiila ple through the clan kida raabṭaahum. (i.e., through shared clan identity).

س60: أكتر الحالل اللي Q60: With which villages بتتزاوجوا معاها شنو؟ معظم do you intermarry most التزاوج داخل البلد والال…؟ frequently? Do you marry

196 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi most frequently within the village or…?

داخل البلد. الزمن دا في زول Within the village. At pre- Daakhil al-balad. Az-zaman يتزوج اتنين وتالتة؟ إثنين ذاتهم sent, is there anybody who da fi zool yitzawwaj ʾitneen بتلقى ناس ماعندهم، عندهم takes two or three wives? wa talaata? Iteen zaatum واحدي واحدي. والناس اللي ;Some people do not even bitalga naas maa ʿindahum تشوفهم الهنا بمشوا يتعلموا أو .have two. In fact, they usu- ʿindahum waaḥdi waaḥdi بمشوا يسافروا ما بجوا يتزوجوا ally get married to only one Wa n-naas alli tashuufum من هنا ما بوفروا النسوان هنا. woman). And those who al-hina bimshu yitʿallamu) become educated and travel aw bimshu yisaafru maa take wives from outside the biju yitzawwaju min hina village; so there is a surplus maa bi waffiru n-niswaan of women here. hina. انا عشت واتزوجت من I lived and got married in Ana ʿishta wa itzawwajta جلقني. في فرق كبير بين Galgani; there is a big dif- min Jalgani. Fi fariq kabiir العادات الموجودة هنا وجلقني. ference between here and been al-ʿaadaat al-mawjuuda أنا عشت سنتين في جلقني Galgani in the matter of hina wa Jalgani. Ana ʿishta وحصل اتزوجت َّمنهم. customs. I spent two years sanateen fii Jalgani waḥaṣal in Galgani and married a itzawwajta minnahum. woman from there. أول حاجة الناس ديل ناس ,First, if one goes from Awwal ḥaaja n-naas deel السريو هنا، فيما اعتقد، الزول Sireu to Galgani, I think naas as-Sireew hina, fiimaa إذا قام من هنا مشى اتزوج في that it is difficult for one to iʿtaqid, az-zool izaa gaam جلقني من الصعب يلقى مرة find an obedient wife. But min hina masha itzawwaj fii مطيعة. إال في جوانب تانية there are also some differ- Jalgani min aṣ-ṣaʿab yilga كمان تلقاها تختلف، ألنو ences in other aspects. In mara muṭiiʿa. Illa fi عندنا هناك في جلقني الواحد Galgani, one may want to jawaanib taaniya kamaan تلقاه عاوز يتزوج لي مرة ثيب. marry a woman who has talgaaha tikhtalif, laʾannu إذا ما عندو قدرة، بمجرد ما been married previously ʿindana hinaak fii Jalgani عقد بدوه ليها ويقعد معاها thayyib).18 If one lacks the l-waaḥid talgaahu ʿaawiz) مدة طويلة لغاية ما تلد. بعدين .means, they will allow one yitzawwaj le mara thayyib من هناك يجيبا أهلها، بعدين to take one’s wife as soon Iza maa ʿindu gudra, be يجيب ليها كل اللوازم )اللي as the marriage is contract- mujarrad maa ʿagad مفروض يجيبا أيام الزواج(. ed, and stay with her for a bidduuhu leeha wa yigoʿod وبعدين يقولوا سلفوها ياهو. long time, until she gives maʿaaha mudda ṭawiila ناس السراجية وجبريل عندها .birth. And then one takes lighaayit maa talid تأثر بالحكاية دي أكتر من her back to her family and Baʿadeen min hinaak yijiibaa ناس السريو، متأثرين بجلقني brings her the customary ahalaa, baʿadeen yijiib leeha وعبدالخالق أكتر مننا نحن. gifts (supposed to have kull al-lawaazim (alli ديل الموجودين عندنا هنا شبه been given at marriage). In mafruuḍ yijiibaa ayyaam اللي بسموهم المواليد، يعني this case, people say: “She az-zawaaj). Wa baʿadeen

18 A divorced woman or a widow.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 197 ماخدين من القبايل الموجودة .has been lent to him.” In yiguulu sallafooha yaahu هنا عاداتهم. this respect, the people of Naas as-Siraajiyya wa Jibriil Jibril and Sirajiyya are ʿindaha taʾassur be l-ḥikaaya more influenced by (the di aktar min naas as-Sireew; people of) Galgani than the mutaʾassiriin be Jalgani wa people of Sireu. They are ʿAbdal Khallaag aktar more influenced by Galgani minnana niḥna. Deel al- and Abdel Khallag than we mawajuudiin ʿindana hina are (in Sireu). Those living shibhi lli bisammuuhum al- here (in Sireu) are almost mawaaliid; yaʿni maakhdiin similar to the people re- min al-gabaayil al-mawjuuda ferred to as mawaaliid; i.e., hina ʿaadaatum. they have adopted the customs of the surrounding (non-Fulani) tribes.

س61: األثر دا جاهم من -Q61: Where does this influ وين؟ أخدوه من وين؟ ence come from? From where have they received it?

من قعادهم مع القبايل التانية. From living together (and Min guʿaadum maʿa هم كانوا أقلية مع القبايل. إنت interacting) with other gabaayil at-taaniya. Hum بتشوف من صابون قالديمة tribes. (In this part of the kaano aqalliyya maʿa ذاتها ما كلها محاطة بأوالد Blue Nile area), they (Fula- l-gabaayil. Inta bitshuuf بلد. لما تجي هنا برضو في ni) were in the minority min Ṣaabuun Galaadiima السريو دي تلقى الناس كلهم among these tribes. You can zaataa maa kullaha muḥaaṭa ماهم فالتة. الحلة واحدة من see that even Sabun Galadi- be awlaad balad. Lamma سريو دي تاني الحالالت دي ma is surrounded by rive- taji hina barḍu fi s-Sireew كلها موجودة بينما حلة فالتة rain Arabs (awlaad balad). di talga n-naas kullahum ما موجودة هنا. أول حاجة When you come to Sireu, maa hum Fallaata. Al-ḥilla دي السريو، وبعدين هناك حلة you also find that all the waaḥda; min Sireew di هارون، والديسة… ديل كلها surrounding) people are taani l-ḥallaalaat di kullaha) حالل ناس السريو لقوهم هنا non-Fallaata. Apart from mawjuudaa beinamaa ḥillat قاعدين، فهم كانوا أقلية وناس Sireu (and probably from Fallaata maa mawjuuda البلد هنا أو العرب أو البقارة here to Damazin), there is hina. Awwal ḥaaja di كانوا كتار. not any other Fallaata vil- s-Sireew, wa baʿadeen lage. First, there is Sireu, hinaak Ḥillat Haaruun, wa and then there is Harun vil- d-Diisa… Deel kullaha lage, Disa, and so on. All ḥallaal naas as-Sireew these villages were already ligoohum hina gaaʿdiin. Fa there when the Sireu people hum kaanu aqalliyya wa came. So, the Sireu people naas al-balad hina aw al- were a minority, whereas ʿArab aw al-Baggaara kaanu

198 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi the riverain Arabs and the kutaar. Baggara were numerous.

س62: زواج بت العم عندكم -Q62: Are inter-cousin mar هنا كتير؟ الزول الزم يتزوج riages frequent? Is a young بت عمو والال عندو الحرية man (in this area) obliged يتزوج من ِّأي محل عايز؟ -to marry his paternal cous in or is he free to marry as he pleases?

لبيب Labiib عندو الحرية، ما َّمقيد ببت He is free; he is not obliged ʿIndu l-ḥurriyya, ma عمو. مافي تقييد. .to marry his paternal cous- muqayyad be bitt ʿammu in. There is no restriction. Maafi tagyiid.

س63: طيب، رغم إنو ما في Q63: Well, even though تقييد هل النوع دا من الزواج there is no restriction, is this شايع عندكم؟ kind of marriage frequent among your people?

ما كتير. الشباب القايمين ديل -It is not frequent. Among Maa katiir. Ash-shabaab al في ناس اتزوجوا من خارج the youth, there are even gaaymiin deel fi naas القبيلة ذاتها. -some who married outside itzawwaju min khaarij al the tribe. gabiila zaataa.

عبداهلل Abdullahi ما دي َّالبورت لينا البنات زاتو. In fact, this is what has de- Maa di l-bawwarat leena عبدالرحمن عثمان اتزوج من .creased our daughters’ l-banaat zaatu مدني، في النعيم وفي محمد chances to get married. ʿAbduraḥmaan ʿUsmaan سعيد اتزوج من أبونعامة، Abdurahman Usman mar- itzawwaj min Madani; fi ومحمد عبدالرحمن بيلو اتزوج ried a woman from Wad n-Naʿiim, wa fiMaḥammad بت أمين البدين. -Medani; then there is An- Saʿiid itzawwaj min Abu Na’im; and there is Naʿaama; wa Maḥammad Muhammad Sa’id, who ʿAbduraḥmaan Beellu married a woman from Abu itzawwaj bitt Amiin al- Na’ama. Muhammad Ab- Badiin. durahman Bello got married to the daughter of Amin al-Badin.

س64: دي طبعا تعتبر من Q64: This (woman) is, of القبلية أمين البدين فالتي! course, considered to be a member of the (Fulani)

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 199 tribe; Amin al-Badin is a Fulani.

اسمع، الحكاية ما دم، اللي Listen, it is not a matter of Asmaʿ, al-ḥikaaya maa أتزوج بت أمين البدين ما blood; the one who married dam; alli itzawwaj bitt اتزوج من فالتية. الموضوع Amin al-Badin’s daughter Amiin al-Badiin maa ما موضوع دم. العادة والتقاليد .has not married a Fulani itzawwaj min Fallaatiyya )هي األهم(. ناس أمين البدين woman. It is not a matter of Al-mawḍuuʿ maa mawḍuuʿ ديل ماهم فالتة محتفظين blood, but rather of customs dam. Al-ʿaadaat wa t-taqaaliid (hiya l-ʾaham). بعادات وتقاليد الفالتة، إو�ن and traditions. The people كان هم في الحقيقة هناك ورا of Amin al-Badin are not Naas Amiin al-Badiin deel برطنوا. هم أصلهم جايين من Fallaata (Fulani) who still maa hum Fallaata دارفور كدا. هناك في ناس preserve the Fallaata cus- muḥtafiẓiin be ʿaadaat wa َّمنهم الرطانة ما راحت َّمنهم. toms and traditions, even taqaaliid al-Fallaata, wa in في ناس مواليد أكتر َّمنهم، though they (i.e., their fore- kaan hum fi l-ḥagiiga أوالد فوطا ديل قديمين أكتر fathers) really used to speak hinaak wara birṭunu. Hum َّمنهم، اللي هم في دارفور the vernacular (Fulfulde aṣlahum jaayiin min ديل. وأوالد الشيخ برضهم في language) back there (i.e., Darfoor kida. Hinaak fi السودان أقدم من ديل. in the last place they were naas minnahum ar-ruṭaana before coming to the Blue maa raaḥat minnahum. Fi Nile area). They came from naas mawaaliid aktar Darfur, and so on. There are minnahum; awlaad Fuuṭa people among them who deel gadiimiin aktar have not yet lost the use of minnahum, alli hum fii the vernacular language Darfoor deel. Wa awlaad (i.e., Fulfulde). There are as-Sheekh (Ṭalḥa) people who are more barḍahum fi s-Suudaan mawaaliid than they are. agdam min deel. The members of the Futa (Fulani) subsection have been in the Sudan longer than they are, i.e., than those living in Darfur. And the family of Sheikh (Talha) has also been in the Sudan longer than they (i.e., Amin al-Badin’s people) have.

لبيب Labiib بعدين والدي برضو متزوج من My father also married (a Baʿdeen waaldi barḍu الجزيرة أبا، من الكواهلة. عمي woman) from Gezira Aba, mutzawwij min aj-Jaziira علي برضو متزوج واحدة عربية .from the Kawahla (Arabs). Aba, min al-Kawaahla من رفاعة. And my paternal uncle Ali ʿAmmi ʿAli barḍu mutzawwij

200 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi is married to an Arab waaḥda ʿArabiyya min woman from the Rufa’a Rufaaʿa. tribe.

س65: ما هو أثر إدخال Q65: What was the effect اإلدارة األهلية من قبل اإلنجليز of the introduction of the على البلد دي؟ -Native Administration sys tem by the British in this village?

عبداهلل Abdullahi اإلدارة األهلية دي مش عشان Is this Native Administra- Al-Idaara l-ʾAhliyya di القبيلة تدير نفسها؟ ما أدوا أي tion (NA) not for the tribes mush ʿashaan al-gabiila زول هنا إدارة. فلذلك اإلدارة to administer themselves? tadiir nafsaha? Maa addo األهلية ما ممكن أصلو تأثر Nobody here was given a ayyi zool hina idaara. Fa فينا، ألنو )العمد( ما كانوا NA post. Therefore, there is lizaalik al-Idaara l-ʾAhliyya فالتة. العمد كانوا من الكماتير، no way at all for the NA to maa mumkin aṣlu taʾaththir والعمدة العندنا هنا دا، عمدة (have any effect on us, be- fiina, laʾannu (al-ʿumad صالح، جعليين. ما أدوا الفالتة -cause the Omdas were not maa kaanu Fallaata. Al أي فرصة عشان يكون عمدة. -from the Fallaata (Fulani). ʿumad kaanu min al فمافي تغيير. شيخ القرية فقط They were from the Kamaatiir, wa l-ʿumda من هنا. إال أيام الجماعة ديل Kamatir, and our particular l-ʿindana hina da, ʿUmda )اإلنقاذ(. سلطة سلطان مايرنو Omda, i.e., Omda Saleh, Saaleḥ, Jaʿliyyiin. Maa ما واصلة هنا، وال حتى وصلت was from the Ja’liyyin. The addo l-Fallaata ayyi furṣa جلقني. Fallaata were not given any ʿashaan yikuun ʿumda. Fa chance to become Omdas. maafi taghyiir. Sheekh al- Therefore, there was no qariya faqaṭ min hina. Illa change (effectuated by the ayyaam aj-jamaaʿa deel (al- NA). Only the sheikh is Inqaaz). Sulṭat Sulṭaan from here. Only recently, Maayirno maa waaṣla hina, under the present regime walaa ḥatta waṣalat Jalgani. (Al-Inqadh), (could the Fallaata get some NA posts). The authority of the Sultan of Maiurno doesn’t reach up to here; (it does), not even (reach) up to Galgani.

س66: قلت هسع النظام Q66: You said that now the اتغير. من متين اتغير؟ system has changed. When did it change?

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 201 بس قبل خمسة ستة سنوات، Just five or six years Bas gabli khamsa sitta من المؤتمر العملوه داك ago, after that NA confer- sanawaat; min al-muʾtamar )مؤتمر اإلدارة االهلية(. ence (held in Khartoum). al-ʿamaloohu daak بابكر دا عملوه أمير وعملوا -Baabikir (Tunfaafe) was (Muʾtamar al-Idaara l خمسة ستة عمد في البادية appointed as Emir and five ʾAhliyya). Baabikir da وفي القرى أو سمحوا بتنصيب or six Omdas were appoint- ʿamaloohu amiir wa ʿamalo عمد من الفالتة ذاتهم. سووا ed in the bush and villages; khamsa sitta ʿumad fi محمد أحمد كارا )بجاوي( وود in other words, they al- l-baadiya wa fi l-quraa; aw سلطان عبدالخالق، عثمان، lowed the appointment of samaḥo be tanṣiib ʿumad ديل سووهم عمد. وفي السريو .Omdas from the Fallaata min al-Fallaata zaatum عملوا إبراهيم بيلي. Fulani). Muhammad Ah- Sawwo Maḥammad Aḥmad) mad Kara (from Bijawi) Kaara (Bijaawi) wa wad and Usman, the son of the Sulṭaan ʿAbdal Khallaag, Sultan of Abdel Khallag, ʿUsmaan; deel sawwoohum were appointed as Omdas. ʿumad. Wa fi s-Sireew And Ibrahim Beeli was ap- ʿamalo Ibrahim Beeli. pointed as Omda (of the settled Fulani) in Sireu.

س67: طيب الحكاية دي أثرها -Q67: So, what was the ef شنو على الناس هنا؟ اإلمارة fect of this action on the والعمد بتاعين الفالتة هل -people here? Did the estab الحكاية دي جابت أي تغيير lishment of an imaara هنا؟ -Emirate) and the appoint) ment of Omdas from the Fallaata (Fulani) bring about any change here?

في حاجة واحدة؛ التغيير إال Only in one sense: this Fi ḥaaja waaḥda; at-taghyiir في الجوانب النفسية فقط. -change has only a psycho- illa fi j-jawaanib an مافي شي محسوس اكتسبوه. logical effect. Otherwise, nafsiyya faqaṭ. Maafi shay الناس الزمان البعيدين اللي ما -people have not gained maḥsuus iktasaboohu. An كان مساوين ليهم بقوا قريبين anything out of it. Psycho- naas az-zamaan al-baʿiidiin ليهم. بس كدا. كان عموديتنا logically they may feel al- alli maa kaan musaawiin دي بسموها عمودية الكماتير. most equal to other people, leehum bigu gariibiin لما تجمع أي فرد فيهم ما أكتر .who were formerly superior leehum. Bas kida من مية. عدد الكماتير كلهم to them in this regard. Pre- Kaan ʿumuudiyyatna di أقل من مية، رغم كدا كان دي viously, this Omodiyya of bisammuuha ʿumuudiyyat عموديتهم. ours was called the ‘Omodi- al-Kamaatiir. Lamma tajmaʿ yya of the Kamatir’.19 If all ayyi fard fiihum maa aktar the Kamatir are calculated, min miyya. ʿAdad al- they may not number Kamaatiir kullahum agalla

19 Here ‘Omodiyya’ primarily refers to an administrative unit organised on a tribal basis.

202 Interview: Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al-Qarawi (locally) more than 100 min miyya; raghmi kida people – or even less. Nev- kaan di ʿumuudiyyatum. ertheless, they (i.e., the Kamatir) used to have an Omodiyya. أهو عندنا العمدة شوتال داك Now we have Omda Shotal Aahu ʿindana l-ʿUmda في الرصيرص، وعندنا داك ,in Er-Roseires; we have that Shootaal daak fi r-Ruṣeeriṣ في أبوقمي، وعندنا غيرهم… -other Omda in Abu Gumai; wa ʿindana daak fi Abu عمد الهمج ديل كلهم، برضهم and we have others… All Gumay; wa ʿindana لما تجمع ناسهم للنهاية، القبيلة -the people under the Hamaj gheerum… ʿUmad al كلها تلقاها ما أكتر من ميتين ,Omdas, i.e., the entire tribe, Hamaj deel kullahum تلتمية بس. فلذلك كأنه قبيلة may likewise not number barḍahum lamma tajmaʿ ارستقراطية زي ما قال زولهم -more than 200 or 300 peo- naasum le n-nihaaya, al )يوسف المك( لما سألوه. ple. Therefore, it (the gabiila kullaha talgaaha Hamaj) looks like an aristo- maa aktar min miiteen cratic tribe, as stated by one tultumiyya bas. Fa of their members (Yousif al- lizaalik kaʾannu gabiila Makk), when he was asked urustugraaṭiyya, zey maa (in an interview in a daily gaal zoolum (Yuusif al- newspaper). Makk) lamma saʾaloohu.

النهاية End An-nihaaya

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 203

Interview: ABDU UMAR (DARWE) Fulani of the Mbeewe’en clan, 44 years

Date and Place of the Interview: May 14, 1998; Sireu In the presence of: Fulani men belonging to the Mbeewe’en clan: ▫▫ Jibiriin Muhammad (Jibo), 70 years ▫▫ Riskuwa, ca. 75 years ▫▫ Barka Umar, 45 years ▫▫ Hassan Usman, 47 years ▫▫ Ali Abdullahi, 36 years ▫▫ Jaamel Abdu, 25 years ▫▫ Baabikir Muhammad, 37 years ▫▫ Ali Abbakar, 38 years ▫▫ Giiwa, 72 years ▫▫ Nduula Gaada, 78 years ▫▫ Mamman Abbakar, 65 years ▫▫ Abdu Abbakar (Bangi), 65 years ▫▫ Ali Abbakar (Jimiiɗo) ▫▫ Buuba Adam (Jawgel) Interviewers: Günther Schlee & Al-Amin Abu-Manga accompanied by: Sheikh Ibrahim Umar Musa (sheikh of the nomadic Fulani in Sireu, 81 years, Fulani) and Abdurahman A.A. Saajo (Fulani) Transcription, transliteration and translation (Fulfulde and Arabic): Al-Amin Abu-Manga

Q1: We want to know about your normal Q1: Min ngiɗi min anda haraka durngol seasonal movement before the last war mooɗon bee pelle ɗe njahaton gabli konu events! ngu’u ummoo!

Abdu Umar Abdu Umar First of all, we spend the rainy season here Awwal haaja to ruumii min ɗon nduuma at the edge of Sireu; when it starts raining ɗoo hoore Sireu; to ndiyam fuɗɗii toɓuki e we are found here at the edge of Sireu; min ɗon ɗoo hoore Sireu; daga ɗoo faa from here up to Agade. We have two routes. Agade. Min ngoodi laabi ɗiɗi. To min If we spend the rainy season here, we go nduumii ɗoo min shoƴƴoo min tokka Koor and follow (the way to) Khor Dunya. Dunya ɗoo. Koor Dunya min tokka (From) Khor Dunya we (follow the way to) Agaagiir; min ƴiwa Gargade; min ƴiwa Agagir; we head towards Gargade; we Abu Gariib, Bagiis, Burguub, Bangas, head towards Abu Garib, Bagis, Burgub, Salbul, Fadumiyya, Deeral, Jabal Maraafa, Bangas, Salbul, Fadumiyya, Deral, Jabal Dunduru, Kukuli, Shaali, Kurmuk, Koor Marafa, Dindiro, Kukuli, Shali, Kurmuk, Boode, Deem, Uura, Shaali, Leelel,

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 205 Khor Bode, Dem, Ura, Shali, Lelel, Abanƙuru, Yaabuus Ƙaaba, Kubri Yaabuus, Abanƙuru, Yabus Ghaba, Kubri Yabus, Goosha, Pampam, Dugubele. Min njehii Gosha, Pampam, Dugubele. When we Kubri Yaabuus woodi laawol selata yahata come to Kubri Yabus there is a route that Habash. Kabanga, Bambashi, Jaasira. Ɗoo diverts to Ethiopia. (It leads to) Kabanga, boo nasti Habash kalaas. (Aakhir haaja) Bambesi and Jasira. Here, we have entered Jaasira nder leddi Habash. Ethiopia. Our last spot is Jasira in Ethiopia. The other route starts at Dugubele and Gootol boo daga Dugubele min ƴiwa leads to Garsuma, Dote, Bailo, Dajo, Garsuuma, Doote, Baylo, Daajo, Kikile, Kikile, Disa, Mayot, Nyiligel, Jikaw, Telus, Diisa, Mayyuut, Nyilegil, Jikau, Teelus, Yika, to Gambela in Ethiopia. Here is our Yika, Gambeela (nder) Habash. Doo woni last stop. Part of Gambela is in the Sudan hadd amin. Gambeela juzu Suudaan juzu and part in Ethiopia. Habash.

Q2: In which month do you arrive in Q2: Bano shahri kam njottotooɗon Gambela? Gambeela?

(Switching to Arabic)

لحدي شهر خمسة كدا. Around May. Laḥaddi shaari khamsa kida.

(Back to Fulfulde)

Q3: And when do you start from here? Q3: Daga ɗoo boo zey shahri kam ummotooɗon?

We leave here in September and reach Ɗoo min shoƴƴoo zey shaari tis’a min there in May. njottoo haa shahri khamsa.

Q4: And when you arrive in Gambela or Q4: To on njottake ton Gambeela koo boo Jasira, do you stay for a long time there? Jaasira ton boo on neeɓay?

There are people who stay for two months E Jaasira woodi waɗayɓe shahreen. Daga in Jasira. People arrive in both Jasira and (shahri) ʾitneen min njahata; (shahri Gambela in February. We spend the ʾitneen woɓɓe njottotoo Jaasira shahri months of March and April there. Then ʾitneen woɓɓe boo njottotoo) Gambeela. we start again the return journey follow- Min njooɗoo (shahri) talaata araba’a. Kadi ing the same route until we reach the edge boo min shoƴƴoo min tokka laawol ngol of Sireu in July. We stay here from July to zaatu min njottoo hoore Sireu shahri September. saba’a. Min njooɗoo ɗon diga shahri sabaa haa shahri tis’a.

206 Interview: Abdu Umar (Darwe) Q5: Supposed there were no (war) Q5: To wi’ee walaano konu, bano saa’iire problems, where would you be at this time nde’e to laatotooɗon? of the year (March)?

Some would be in Jasira, others in Woɗɓe ton Jaasira, woɗɓe Gambeela, Gambela and some others in Itang. woɗɓe Yitan.

Q6: When you are on the Ethiopian side, Q6: To on naatii leddi Habash iri wolde in what language do you communicate ndeye mboldoton e maɓɓe? with the people there?

In Arabic; they speak Arabic. Aarabre; ɓe mbolway nde.

Q7: Are there any among you who know Q7: Nder mooɗon woodi baawɓe seɗɗa an Ethiopian language? go’o Habashiire?

By God, here there is none; (they are) not Wallaahi ɗoo kam walaa; koo limngal. even worth counting.1

Q8: Forget the Ethiopian languages! Are Q8: Banda Habashiire! Woodi nder there among you people who know the mooɗon waawɓe wolde jihaaji Khoor language of places (within the Sudan) Yaabuus’en nihi? such as those of Khor Yabus?

This man knows (i.e., speaks) Burun [in- Oo i waawi Buruunre; oo i oo ɓe nanay formant points at a young man]; this one Buruunre. and that one understand Burun.

The persons concerned Worɓe feere A little (i.e., passively)… And this one can Seeɗa seeɗa… Oo nanay hooray. understand and respond.

Q9: When you move to Ethiopia, do your Q9: To on ɗon ngaɗa jahaale mooɗon women go to settlements and sell milk nder leddi Habash rewɓe shooray and/or milk products? kosam’en nder ci’eeji?

Abdu Umar Abdu Umar Yes, they sell both sour and fresh milk. Ii, ɓe shooray. Kosam lammuɗam e But they mostly sell sour milk and ghee. ɓiraaɗam fuu ɓe shooray. Amman lammuɗam ɓe ɓuri soorki bee nebbam.

1 Our guide, Sheikh Ibrahim, said that some of their youth might have known some (Ethiopian?) languages, but these youth were not there during our visit.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 207 Q10: Do these women know (i.e., speak) Q10: Rewɓe ɓen mbaawi seeɗa go’o wolde the languages of these areas? Do they pelle to ɗum yahata? Ɓe mbaawi limgal? know how to count (in these languages)?

Yes, the women who go there know (i.e., Ii, rewɓe yahayɓe ton i mbaawi amma ɓe speak some of these languages), but they ngalaa ɗon; yahayɓe kam fu e mbaawi. are not around now;2 all those women who go there know (i.e., speak) these languages.

Q11: Did you take the same route every Q11: Dunngu fuu ɗum hangol ni laawol year, or did you sometimes go more to the ngol no ngol tokkoton walla saa’i go’o to east in Ethiopia and sometimes more to ndunngu wooɗaay walla woodi sabab the west in the Sudan, depending on goɗɗum on ɓeddiray fa’ugo fuuna nder rainfall or whatever other circumstance? Habash walla hiirna nder Suudaan?

There is another (main) route that has not Woodi laawol ngol ɗum limtaay. Ngool been described. This one goes from Agade boo daga Agade, Buk, tokka Buut, Uulu, to Buk and continues through But, Ulu, Malkan, Jarjuura, Kawaajaat; baadeen Malkan, Jarjura, Khawajat (originally yottoo Jirin; daga Jirin yottoo Naasir; daga called Adaruwat); we then arrive in Jirin; Naasir Malwal. Hanngol boo haddi maagol from Jirin (we go) to Nasir (and) from ɗoo. Nder Suudaan. Nasir to Malwal. (Our route) ends here. In the Sudan.

Q12: Now let us go back to the previous Q12: Sey nguytenen ƴamol meeɗen naane. question. Do you take the same route eve- Ndunngu fuu ɗum laabi ɗin ni tokkoton ry year, or do you sometimes divert when walla saa’i go’o on shelay to ndunngu the rainy season is not good? wooɗaay?

If the rainy season is not good, we usually To ndunngu wooɗaay min ɗon shela min divert and enter Ethiopia. But here on the naata huduud araadi Habash. Laakin ɗoo (Blue) Nile there is no way for diverting. kam walaa to min shelata, dow maayo ɗoo Even if we divert, we follow the way kam. To min shelii maa ɓe tokkay dow through Renk, (stay) near Renk and then Rank, ba gaa’e Rank seɗɗa ɓe shoƴƴoroo go back in the opposite direction. But we gaa’e. Laakin ɗoo min shelay min naata (sometimes) divert from the latter route, Habash haa min ngartira Geesaan. enter Ethiopia and (then) return through Geissan.

Q13: Don’t you enter the Dinka land? Q13: On naatataa leddi Denka?

2 These women might have been around, but the men would not have liked us to request their presence during the interview.

208 Interview: Abdu Umar (Darwe) We don’t know; we can’t identify the Min anndaa; min kenndindiraay to Denka Dinka land. woni.

Saajo3 Saajo This route passes across the Nuer and Ngo’ol kam ɗum leddi Nueer bee Shuluk; Shilluk lands; the Dinka are found as far Denka kam naa haa Bahr al Ghazal nihi. as Bahr al-Ghazal.

Abdu Umar Abdu Umar We grew up here (close to Sireu). There are Minon kam ɗoo ni min ƴoƴi. Woodi others who grew up in Dinka land there, ƴoƴuɓe leydi Denka ton ɓe’e nihi hirna on the western side of the White Nile. maayo ranewo. Ɗo’o e min ngoodi Here, we have the Anuak. (These are Anywaak. (Ƴoƴuɓe maayo ranewo) hamɓe those who grew up on the White Nile) ɓen njottotoo leydi Denka. who reach the Dinka land.

Q14: Do you know Sheikh Baabo Umar of Q14: On anndi Shaikh Baabo Umar mo Damazin? Damazin?

Another informant Goɗɗo feere He (Sheikh Baabo) is Abdu Umar’s Ɗum minyiiko inna go’o abba go’o. younger brother; same father, same mother.

Q15: What is the farthest spot north you Q15: To on kuushii woyla haa toye can reach in your seasonal movement? njottotooɗon?

Abdu Umar Abdu Umar Mazmum, and we go as far as Abu Hujar. Mazamuum, min njahay faa Abu Hujaar.

Q16: What is (the name of) your (Fulani) Q16: Ko woni khashim beet mooɗon? Leƴƴi subsection (khashum beet)? And what ɗiye kadi boo woodi nder Mbororo’en? other Mbororo subsections are there?

We are Mbororo, (members) of the clan Minon ɗum Mbororo, nder ɗon boo min called Mbeewe’en. The Mbororo clans Mbeewe’en. Leƴƴi Mbororo woodi include Fallaata Mbororo, Woyla… Fallaata Mbororo, woodi Woyla…

[Objection]

3 Abdurahman A.A. Saajo.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 209 Jibo Jibo We, i.e., all the Mbororo, are from the Min fuu, Mbororoojo fuu ɗum wuudu same navel (womb); their grandfather4 is wooru; ɓe fuu maama maɓɓe go’o. one and the same.

Sheikh Ibrahim SheEkh Ibrahim Their subsections include Woyla, Jaafun Shuuɗi maɓɓe woodi Woyla, woodi and Duga. Jaafun, woodi Duga’en.

Jibo Jibo The Woyla, Hanagamba, Jaafun, Booɗi, Woyla’en feere; Hanagamba’en feere; Duga, Daneeji, Ngara, Uuda and Dindima Jaafun feere; Booɗi’en feere; Duga’en are all different clans. They are are not feere; Daneeji feere; Ngara’en, Uuda’en. Mbororo. They all move with cattle, but Ɓe’e fuu kawtaa e Mbororo… they are not Mbororo. There are Mbororo Dindima’en… Fuu ɓe eggay bee na’i known as Mbeewe’en (who occupy areas amma naa ɓe Mbororo. Mbororo boo stretching) from West Africa up to here; a Mbeewe wi’etee diga hirna faa ɗo’o; Mbeeweejo (pl. Mbeewe’en) is a Mbororo. Mbeeweejo Mbororoojo.

Q17: What are then the subsections of Q17: Too nder Mbeewe’en ɓen woodi kadi the Mbeewe’en? (For clarification) Are boo shuuɗi feere? Ba ɓiɓɓe suudu kaza there groups led by leaders, such as walla shaikh’en kaza! sheikhs?

Abdu Umar Abdu Umar There are sheikhs; each of them has his Sek’en kam e ngoodi. Sek waane woodi relatives (i.e., lineage members) attached ahal muuɗum ɓe limanta. Koo moye e to him. There are the Yoɓanko’en, the jukkere mum nde limanta: woodi Malanko’en and the Jappanko’en. These Yoɓanko’en, woodi Malanko’en, woodi are Mbororo subsections. Jappanko’en. Ɗi ngoni shuuɗi Mbororo’en.

Q18: Among the cattle Fulani, some are Q18: Nder Fulɓe ladde woodi woɗɓe Ansar5 and some are not. Do you know anṣaar woɗɓe boo naa anṣaar. On anndi which of these groups are Ansar and ɓeye ngoni anṣaar ɓeye ngoni naa anṣaar? which of them are not?

Barka Umar Barka Umar We are followers of the Sultan of Maiurno; Minon kam min tabaa Sultaan Maayirno; wherever he is, we are there too. There are to o woni fuu ɗon min ngoni. Ansaar’en e Ansar: the Ngara, Jaafun and the Duga. woodi: Ngara, Jaafuun, Duga.

4 The term ‘grandfather’ is here used loosely to refer to a mythical ancestor. 5 Ansar are followers of the Mahdi and adherents to Mahdist ideology.

210 Interview: Abdu Umar (Darwe) Q19: Did your grandfathers6 join the hijra Q19: Maamiraaɓe mooɗon ɓe ummidi e (led by Attahiru7) or did they come later perol walla gaɗa maagol ɓe ummii? (to Sudan)?

Abdu Umar Abdu Umar They (our grandfathers8) left (from Ɓe ummidi e maagol. Nde ɓe ngari leydi Sokoto) together (with Attahiru). When Borno, Gaydam, Yarwa’en ɗoo kanko o they arrived in Borno land, towards Gaid- ƴaɓɓoyi kamɓe ɓe njooɗii. Kanko boo o am and Yarwa (near Maiduguri), he (i.e., dilli o wi’i ɓe kewtooɗon maayo ɓalewo. Mai-Wurno) continued and our grandfathers stayed behind. He left and (then) told them to join him on the Blue Nile.

Q20: Between the arrival of the hijra and Q20: E ko nanton, hakkunde yottaaki Mai- that of your fathers, how long was it? Wurno bee yottaaki baabiraaɓe mooɗon ba duuɓi noye laatotoo?

Since our arrival (in the Sudan) I think Ko min ngari min njokkii ɗoo mi hammi that it has been about 50 years. min ngaɗii bano khamsiin sana.

Q21: On your movement northwards, Q21: To on ummake on pa’ay woyla ko what kind of inconveniences do you and woni ko welantaa on welantaa na’i your cattle encounter? Is it the spread of mooɗon? Leddi fuu aawre walla hakuuma farms (at the expense of grazing land) or wi’ay sey to on ndokki sheedi walla ɗume? inconveniences linked to the payment of taxes?

We are constrained by farms (mashaariiʿ, Ɗoo kam aawre ni ɓillanta min, mashaarii; mechanised farms). They (i.e., their own- ɓe ɗon kaɗa min ndiyam; ɓe ɗon kaɗa min ers) refuse us water and passage; they pre- laabi; ɓe ɗon kaɗa min ƙaaba; ɓe ɗon kaɗa vent us from allowing our cattle to enter min buura. Min mujahjahiin ɗo’o bas. the forests and uncultivated farmlands. These are the causes of our unrest (mujahjahiin).

Q22: How do they prevent you (to enter Q22: No ɓe kaɗirta on? Askar’en na ɓe these areas)? Do they bring policemen/ ngaddata? soldiers?

6 The term ‘grandfather’ is used loosely here to refer to relatives belonging at least to the second ascending generation. 7 Attahiru (At-Tahir) was the first leader of the hijra (religious migration) that started with the fall of the Caliphate of Sokoto. After his death in the Burmi battle (July 1903) the hijra was led by his son, known as Mai-Wurno. 8 Same remark with regard to the use of the term ‘grandfather’ as in footnote 6.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 211 The traders (i.e., those who own large- Tijaar’en ngaddata hakuuma, askar’en; scale farms) bring the ‘government’, i.e., (ɓe) ɗon njogii malfe e piɗa. Raa ndiyam, soldiers, who carry rifles and shoot. They haɗa; raa laawol, haɗa; raa ƙaaba to hori, o refuse us access to water, passage, and wi’a: “La;” raa buura to o aawaay, o wi’a: grazing in the forest and in uncultivated “La.” farmland.

Q23: By which government regulations do Q23: To ɓe ngarii haɗuki on ɓe kollay on they prevent you? Do they tell you that ac- ko ɓe kaɗirta on walla ɓe mbi’ay on to cording to such-and-such a law you are nastee tan? not allowed (to pass or graze), or do they just prevent you?

They don’t explain it to us; they just Ɓe kollataa (daliila); ɓe kaɗay tan. prevent us.

Q24: Why don’t you send your sheikhs to Q24: Ko waɗi on ngaɗataa mawɓe mooɗon government representatives in order to njaha ndaara haala kan bee hakuuma? know why you are prevented?

There are some who go and inquire but E min ngoodi yahayɓe e ƴama boo ɗum without success. They are told that unculti- najahnaaki. Ɗum ɗon wi’a ɓe buura walaa vated farmland is not forbidden; the forest mamnuu, ƙaaba walaa mamnuu, ndiyam is not forbidden; water is not forbidden. boo walaa mamnuu. Ɗon to shaarewol Cattle can be allowed to follow the trucks’ arabiya ƴiwi ɗum nodda na’i tokka ɗon routes for watering and to come back and njaha njara shoƴƴoo naata ƙaaba, to naata enter the forest, but it is not allowed to en- ngesa. Nii ƙaanuun ɓe mbi’i nde hakuuma ter (cultivated) fields. This is what the law wi’i. Laakin reenuɓe njaɓaay. says, according to the government. But the guards (still) do not accept it.

Q25: Why don’t you take them to court? Q25: Ko waɗi on ngullataako ɓe hamɓe deenooɓe ɓen?

By God, they (i.e., our sheikhs) do. Since Wallaahi e ɓe ngulloo. Minon kam nde we don’t go (with them), we don’t know min njahataa min anndaa. E ɓe ɗon njaha (what happens). They used to go to Dama- Damaaziin e ɓe ngulloo; ɗum shoƴƴa ɓe zin and raise cases against them (local ɗum wi’a… ɓe ɓe ngulli shoƴƴa, ɓe mbi’a: people), but they are usually told by the “Shoƴƴee faa min ndarwa.” Ɓee boo to authorities concerned: “Go back and wait shoƴƴake ɓee nde ɓe ndarwata nden walaa. until we decide what to do.” But when they Kalaas min pashalnoo. come back (to recontact the authorities concerned), these authorities still haven’t

212 Interview: Abdu Umar (Darwe) decided anything (in our favour). And thus we fail (lose).

Q26: And when you move southwards, Q26: To on pa’ay fombina boo na, woodi what kind of problems do you encounter? ko ɓillanta on dow laawol?

When we move to the south? There are To min shanɗake fombina? Woodi ko some constraints: on our way back from ɓillanta min: ton boo to min shoƴƴake ɗoo there, there are some places to fetch water, dow laawol, min ngoodi pelle to min in which we could water our wealth (i.e., ngarata to luttiri ndiyam, mushraaje to animals). The problem is that we find that jawdi njardata. Hanjum boo min tawa the local people have some cultivation himɓe fombina ɓen e ɓe ngoodi aawe here and there. They insist on leaving the seɗɗa seɗɗa. Hamɓe boo ɓe mbi’a ɓe crops residues in their fields after the har- ittataa. Koo jaaynii dayman ɓe meyataa vest. They never touch the residues. And ɗum. Boo ɗum howaaka; yaani ɗum the farms are not surrounded by enclosures. gaffalnii araadi fuu. Walaa e min tokkata. So, they block all the passages.

Q27: Do you sometimes have to pay for Q27: Saa’i go’o on njoɓanay ndiyam? the water?

Sometimes we have to pay; the elders have Saa’i go’o sey to min njoɓii; sey to mawɓe to go and give (the local people) a heifer ummaki njaarii kokkii naggel walla ngaari or an ox or money. walla sheede.

Q28: Which ethnic groups make such Q28: Ba leƴƴi ɗiye njoɓanton? demands?

Now they are Burun… They are Burun, Joon kam Buruun’en… E woodi Buruun, e Ingessana, Dawwala, Uduk, Koma and woodi Ngasana ɗoo, woodi Dawwaala; then Southerners. We pay them all. woodi Uduk, e woodi Kooma, nden Junuubi’en ɓee. Ɓe fuu min njoɓanay ɓe.

Q29: But are there also places where you Q29: Ammaa saa’i go’o woodi pelle e can get water without payment! keɓton ndiyam naa sey to on njoɓii!

Yes, there are; there are vacant spaces. If E woodi; e woodi faraga faadi. Taa heɓii you are allowed to cross (the stream), you ɓe ɗalii ma a hultii a heɓay faraga faadi; can get to vacant spaces. From there up to daga ɗon faa Damaaziin ɗum walaa ayyi… Damazin there is not any (problem)… Ɗum woodi ndiyam ladde; woodi ko na’i There is water in the bush and wild pas- nyaamata ladde. Too to ɗum timmii ɗum ture for the cattle. But when there is no kadi boo haawalnaaki min kewta bannye more of this, it becomes difficult to reach ɗum kan maa warta sa’ab. Daga ɗoo

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 213 a (new) place where water and pasture can (Sireu) haa Damaaziin kam walaa be found once again. (However), from (mushkila). here (Sireu) up to Damazin there is no (problem).

Q30: Are there places where you have to Q30: Woodi pelle e njaaloton laatoo ɗon pass quickly, or do you move at the same sey njaawɗooɗon gam pelle ɗen walaa ko speed all the time? nyaame walla on njahay non no njeherton daga ummiiɗon?

There are places that do not sustain us (i.e., E woodi to jogataako min; sey min njaawa places with not enough pasture and water min keɓa min kewta to ɗi nyaamata. Naa to sustain our cattle). So, we have to woodi to na’i ngalaa ko nyaamee; ba ɗoo increase our speed in order to reach a place jooni naa jogataako min. Raa ndiyam, ko with enough grazing for the cattle. There nge nyaama walaa. E woodi to nge woodi are places where there is no grazing for the ko nyaamee bardu ndiyam walaa. Sey min cattle; for example, this place now (Sireu, njaawa to min keɓata juzu min keɓa in March) does not sustain us. There is ndiyam min shoƴƴoo ɗi keɓa ko ɗi nyaami; water, but the cattle have nothing to eat. ɗoo jogoo nge seɗɗa. Laakin raa ndiyam, There is a place where they have something geene ngalaa, min njooɗataako ɗon. Sey to eat, but still there is no water. So we min kaɓana kadi yeeso. must hurry up to reach a place where we can get some water and then take them (cattle) back for grazing; such a place can sustain the cattle to some degree. But we can’t stay in a place where there is water but no pasture. We have to push forwards.

Q31: Do you know such problematic places Q31: Ndunngu fuu on anndi pelle ɗen on and plan every year not to stay long in anndi laazim njaawon shaalooɗon ɗe them, or does it depend on rainy seasons? walla saa’i go’o to ndunngu wooɗii ɗe njogoto on – hasab ndunngu?

If the rainy season is good, there are Nde ndunngu wooɗi fuu woodi to jogotoo (many) places that sustain the cattle. But if ɗi. Laakin to ndunngu wooɗaay ɗoo kam the rainy season is not good, these places fii nus kam ni jogataako, sey ɗi njippoyake in the middle do not sustain (them); they ton Yabuus – Kubri Yaabuus. Hasab an have to descend to Yabus – Kubri Yabus. ndunngu. It depends on the rainy season.

Q32: What are the problems that prevent Q32: Ko haɗata on soƴƴaaki fombina jooni? you from moving to the south now?

214 Interview: Abdu Umar (Darwe) Now we are prevented only by these prob- Jooni kam mashaakil bas haɗata min – lems, i.e., the war. There are animals that habre. Woodi dabbaaji ndilli tokki Jarjuura have already gone in the direction of Jar- ɗo – laawol hirnawol. (Ammaa fombina jura – following the western route. But not kam) walaa. Gam hasab al mashaakil ɗum. southwards. This is because of these problems.

Q33 (Saajo): But before, you used to go. Q33 (Saajo): Zamaan habre nden nde ɗon, Or did you stop after the creation of the on ɗon boo njaha. Walla sey nde ngaɗɗon Maa Binuum militia?9 katiiba hagga Maa Binuum?

No, even before that there had been Gubbaal maajum ɗum woodi mashaakil, problems and everything. ɗum woodi ayyi haaja.

Q34: What kinds of problems? Q34: Ko woni mashaakil maajum?

When the local people came and found Himɓe muwaatiniin ton to ɓe ummoyake someone with his cattle grazing, they ɓe ngarii ɓe tawii tagu e dura na’i muuɗum would kill him, without asking who he ɓe mbaray bas; walaa ɓe ƴama ɗum a was or from where he came. They would ɗume walla to ƴiwoyɗa; ɓe mbaray bas. take away the animals (sheep); if they Ɓe ndiiway dabbaaji; ɓe keɓii na’i ɓe found cattle, they would take them away. ndiiway. Amma katiiba walaa ƴamayɗo But no one ever called upon us and asked min wari noddi min wi’i min: “On hizib e us: “Do you belong to such-and-such katiiba kazaa, ma’a hakuuma?” La, walaa. katiiba (militia) which supports the gov- Taa yi’ii mo, bas no o jogorii talgaare ernment?” You would just see this person makko… ‘tag’. O anndaa a moye maa, a carrying a bullet (i.e., a gun)… ‘tag’ (the debbo a gorko, o anndaa. Hasab al o yii maa sound of the bullet). (The shooter) might e hitere bas… ‘tag’. Gabli mashaakil ɗuum even not know who you were – whether a ɓe ngoodi malfe. man or a woman. He just needed to see you, and then… ‘tag’. Even before the (last) problems occurred (i.e., before the war), they used to have fire arms.

Q35: To what ethnic groups do they belong? Q35: Ɗum iri leƴƴi ɗiyi?

These are the Burun and Uduk. They joined Ɗum Buruun’en bee Uduk. Daga badiri (the rebels) a long time ago; they joined (ɓe nasti). Ɓen ton ummake badiri daga them around the time of the first rebellion zamaan, daga ko Siidu’en, Bani Sheewa’en; of the Southerners, before the present ɗum fa daga nden ɓe marrannii.

9 Militia of the cattle Fulani.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 215 rebellion. The first rebellion occurred early with that of the Sidu and the Bani Shewa.

Q36: Is that why you sometimes prefer to Q36: Hanjum waɗata saa’i go’o naatoton enter Ethiopia? Habasha?

Yes, this is why we enter Ethiopia. Aayi, hanjum waɗata min naata Habasha.

Q37: Since the last fight (i.e., since the oc- Q37: Jooni dow habre aakhirre nde’e nde cupation by the rebels of part of the South- Geesaan nde’e ummake on pa’aay ern Blue Nile region that started in 1996), Habasha. Toye njaaɗon? you haven’t gone to Ethiopia. Where did you go?

Well, those (Fulani people) who were still Jooni kam jooɗiiɓe fuu ɗoo ndarii gada (in that part of the Southern Blue Nile re- Jubaal Ngasana waɗoy gaa. Ɗoo boo gion at that time) now occupy (the area) jawdi goɗɗi ndillii kootii jiha Naasir, between the Ingessana Hills and here Jirinti; dabbaaji kam fuu jooni ndillii (Sireu). Now part of the wealth (animals) ngalaa ɗoo, gam ɗoo walaa to jogoo ɗi; ɗi – of the Fulani on the western side of the kootii Jirinti, Naasir. Blue Nile – has moved in the direction of Nasir and Girinti (for the dry season); now all the (small) animals (sheep) – of these Fulani – has moved to Girinti and Nasir (in Southern Sudan) given that this (other) area (i.e., the northern part to the Blue Nile region) does not sustain them.10

Q38: Now you only keep milkable animals, Q38: Ɗum dabbaaji kosam tan jooni kam don’t you? marɗon?

Yes. Ii.

Q39: Since the creation of the Maa Q39: Daga ngaɗɗon Maa Binuum on keɓii Binuum militia do you find yourself in a welnde seɗɗa go’o? Ɗum woodani on better security position? daama ko?

The Maa Binuum militia did not start here; Maa Binuum naa ɗoo ummii; daga hirna it came from the west. It arrived here ummii. Ɓe ngari ko neeɓaay; Abu Jibeeha recently, coming from Abu Jibeha (in the ɓe ƴiwi. Minon ɗoo min ndanyaa; min

10 The unattractiveness of the northern part of the Blue Nile region of Sudan is more generally linked to the fact that it is an area where mechanised farming is particularly widespread.

216 Interview: Abdu Umar (Darwe) Nuba Hills). We were born here (near ngalaa Maa Binuum. Sireu); we don’t have a Maa Binuum militia (here).

Q40: He (G. Schlee) said that he heard ru- Q40: O wi’i o nanii waje laawol Kurmuk mours that the roads towards Kurmuk nihi woodi laabi to ɓe ngaɗi lagham, onon have been mined. Did you hear that too? maa on nanii iri ka’a?

Yes, we heard it. Ii, ka woodi min nanii.

Q41: He (G. Schlee) said that he met your Q41: O wi’i rowtani o yiidii bee minya younger brother Baabo (i.e., Sheikh Baabo e Damaaziin, ɓe njaadii ton rumde Baabo Umar) in Damazin two years ago maɓɓe ton. To ɓe ngoni jooni? (1996), and they went together to your people’s camp. Where are they (i.e., your people) now?

(Baabo) is still in Damazin.11 E mo ɗon jooni e Damazin.

Q42: Usually, when you move together with Q42: Naaneno saa’i walaa mashaakil your families, the women sell milk (prod- wakkati eggoton bee dabbaaji mooɗon ucts). Now, due to the present problems, the rewɓe shoorata kosam. Jooni boo sukaaɓe young men move alone (seasonally) with shoggi na’i, rewɓe boo ɗon njooɗii. the cattle and the women stay behind. Do Sukaaɓe ɓen ton ɓe shooray kosam? the young men also take milk for sale?

No, we, the Mbororo, we don’t have Laala, minon Mbororo min ngalaa sukaaɓe young men who sell milk. soorata kosam.

Saajo Saajo They don’t even milk (the cows). Ɓe ɓirataa ɗam maa.

Q43: Then what do the Mbororo do with Q43: No ɓe ngaɗanta ɗam koy? the milk?

Abdu Umar Abdu Umar They milk for their own consumption, and Ɓe ɓira ko ɓe njarata luttuɗam boo ɓe they leave the rest for the calves. ɗalana ɓikkon na’i njara.

Q44: When the women are around, is all Q44: To rewɓe ɗon hamɓe tan ɓirata? the milking done by them?

11 Günther Schlee asked the informant to convey his greetings to that brother, and the informant promised to do so.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 217 It is the women who do the milking. When Rewɓe ɓirata. Gorko kam to duroyii na’i the man takes the cattle for grazing and mu’um wartirii ɗi debbo tan naatata ɓira brings them back, it is only the woman alee keef mu’um. who will then enter (the corral) and milk the cows as she sees fit.

Q45: In the absence of the women the Q45: To rewɓe ngalaa ɗon sukaaɓe ɓen ɓe young men are obliged to milk for their ɓiray ko ɓe njarata. Too to haa ɓe ɓiray ko own consumption. So if there is no shame in njarata ko waɗi ɓe shoorataa ɗam? milking, then why don’t they sell the milk?

They have no need (for selling). Ɓe ngalaa ƙarad.

Sheikh Ibrahim SheEkh Ibrahim They don’t even have the time. Ɓe ngalaa fada zaatu.

Abdu Umar Abdu Umar The man has no needs for selling milk. Gorko walaa ƙarad ko waɗata soora kosam This is not in the tradition. It is shameful. gam sooda ɗum. Yaani zey taareek ɗum The man sells neither ghee, milk nor any- walaa. Ɗum shemtuɗum. Gorko soraataa, thing (like that). He milks for the guests; walaa nebbam, walaa kosam, walaa haaja. he drinks and keeps some milk for the O ɓirana hoɓɓe; o yara, o ɓirana hagga guests. Even if a guest comes and asks to hoɓɓe o resa. Koɗo to warii maa wi’i yiɗi buy milk, he will milk and fill (the vessel) kosam o soorana ɗum, o ɓira o hebbina o and say to him: “Take!” wi’a ɗum: “Adu!”

Q46: If you need to sell cattle – oxen for Q46: To on shooray ga’i gam hirsuki… to slaughtering, and so on, where do you sell shooroton ɗi? them?

If we want to sell (cattle)? We bring them To min shooray? Min laggoo min ngara (by foot) to Damazin. If we don’t bring Damaaziin. To min laggaay boo them, the traders go to the camp; everybody sabbaaba’en njaha wuro koowa lagga will show him his ox, and he buys. ngaari mum holla mo o sooda.

Q47: Do the traders come always from Q47: Tujjaar’en ɓen koo ndeye daga Damazin? Damaaziin ɓe ƴiftata?

By God, there are people who come from Wallaahi woodi ƴiwayɓe daga koo’inaa. everywhere. Some people come from Woɓɓe ƴiwa Damaaziin, woɓɓe gada Damazin, some from Er-Roseires, some Riseeris, woɓɓe gada Sinja, woɓɓe gada from Singa and some from Sennar. Sinnaar.

218 Interview: Abdu Umar (Darwe) Q48: Do Ethiopian traders, too, buy oxen Q48: Habash’en ɗon shooda ga’i waje from you? mooɗon?

When we go there, they will buy. But they To min njehii ton e ɓe ɗon shooda. Amma don’t come (here). ɓe ngarataa.

Q49: Are the prices better in the Sudan or Q49: Ɓuranii on sooranki Suudaan walla in Ethiopia? sooranki Habashi’en?

We get better prices here in the Sudan. Suudaan ɗoo ɓurii sheede ɗuuɗɗe.

Q50: What do you need to buy, when you Q50: To on shoorii dabbaaji ko shoodirton sell your animals? bee sheede maaji?

If we sell animals? The one without To min coorii dabbaaji? Koluɗo ɗon holta, clothes will buy clothes, and the one who mo holaay boo ɗon jogoo ɗe, to e woodi is not in need of clothes will keep the ko o yiɗi nyaamgo, gawri o sooda. money in case he needs to buy grain for his consumption.

Another informant Goɗɗo feere You buy medicine for your cattle; you buy La, a soodanay na’i ma’a dawa; a soodanay salt for them that they drink dissolved in ɗi mile ɗi nyaama e ndiyam; ɗi mbonnay a water; they may cause damage (for exam- hokkay sheede mbiyoɗaa. Kanjum waɗta ple, to fields) and you need to pay for that. njogoɗaa sheede. This is why you need to keep money.

Q51: How do you pay the taxes? Q51: No njoɓirton sheede tulba boo?

Abdu Umar Abdu Umar Taxes payment? There are sheikhs who Sheede tubla? Woodi sheekhu’en njoɓata pay the taxes here in Damazin. But if we sheede tulba Damaaziin ɗoo. Ton kam to return there (in the bush), the local chiefs min shoƴƴake toon, jooɗiiɓe ton koo just levy whatever amount of money they moye maa innay no yiɗi bas hokkee – ɓen like. The sheikhs pay here in Damazin and ton himɓe leydi. Sheekhu’en kam ɗoo get papers certifying that and give them to mbiyotoo Damaaziin ɓe itta ɗereeji ɓe us, each with his name on these papers. ndokka on koowaa bee innde mum. E There are animal taxes (gutʿaan) and woodi gut’aan e woodi zaka. Zaka kam zakat (religiously prescribed taxes); the naa ngaari ɗum hokkata. Gut’aan boo latter is paid in oxen (i.e., in kind). As for sheekhuujo moobtata sheede; koo moye the animal taxes, it is the sheikhs who col- bee himɓe mum. O ada o wara o warradnoo lect them; each has his people. He then e majlis; ɓe kokka ɗum ɗereeji: a hokkii o takes them to the Council Office in hokku maa ɗerewol; oo hokkii o hokka

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 219 Damazin and gets receipts; if you have ɗum ɗereeji. paid, he gives you your receipt.

Saajo Saajo Apart from what they pay to the govern- Banda ko ɓe ndokkata hakuuma ɗoo to ɓe ment here, they have to pay (once again) njehi pelle bano Mabaan’en sey to ɓe when they go to places like Maban. ndokkii.

[Confirmation by the informants]

Abdu Umar Abdu Umar If we go from here (Sireu) to Kurmuk, we Taa warii kashum al baab, min ndilli ɗoo have to make a payment to the Kurmuk min njehii Kurmuk min ndokka Kurmuk… government (i.e., to the Kurmuk locality) hakuuma Kurmuk. when we arrive at the entrance (i.e., locality borders).

(Switching to Arabic)

ساجو Saajo ما هو أصلو الحكاية دي بعد You know, the problem is Maa hu [= huwa] aṣlu التقسيم بتاع المحليات دي -the following: the recent di- l-ḥikaaya di baʿad at حصل فيها خلل كدي. يعني -vision (of areas) into locali- tagsiim bitaaʿ al زمان إنت بتدفع حتة واحدة؛ ties (maḥalliyyas) has maḥalliyyaat di ḥaṣal fiiha هسع ِّأي محلية ما عندها caused a kind of (adminis- khalal kadi. Yaʿni zamaan إيرادات دايرة إيرادات. البجوا trative) dislocation. For- inta bi tadfaʿ ḥitta waaḥda زي ديل يقولوا ليهم: "خالص merly, you paid (the taxes) hassaʿ ayyi maḥalliyya maa إنتو دي ما واطاتكم، ادفعوا in one place; now any ʿindaa iiraadaat daayra لينا". فبضطروا يدفعوا تاني. maḥalliyya (locality) with- iiraadaat. Al-biju zey deel يدفعوا أكتر من مرة حسب out (enough) financial re- yiguulu leehum: “Khalaas المرعى. ;sources tries to find some. intu di maa waaṭaatkum So, people like these (our adfaʿu leena.” Fa biḍṭarru informants) are told: “This yidfaʿu taani. Yidfaʿu aktar is no longer your land; so min marra ḥasab al-marʿa. you have to pay us.” So, they are obliged to pay once again. They pay more than once, according to their need for pasture.

النهاية End Timmoode – An-nihaaya

220 Interview: Abdu Umar (Darwe) NB: Unrecorded information

The informants’ other grievances were the following at the time of the interview (1998): 1. They are made to pay heavily for damages that are caused by other nomadic Fulani groups, the authorities being unable to distinguish among these different nomadic groups. 2. In hospitals they have to pay a lot of money and receive little medicine, but without any proper medical examination. 3. The poor have to pay zakat, (religiously prescribed) taxes. 4. When anybody among the nomadic Fulani people causes any damage, the authorities will detain the first person they come across and demand that he either deliver the guilty party or pay a fine (for the damages).

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 221

Interview with Fulani men LIVING IN Wad hashim Arab

Date and Place of the Interview: May 23, 1998; Wad Hashim Arab Interviewees: ▫ Ahmad Idris Wad Um Dam, 115 years, (born in Um Dam, Kordofan) ▫ Fadl as-Siid Muhammad Fadl as-Siid, 63 years (born in Wad Hashim) Interviewers: Günther Schlee & Al-Amin Abu-Manga Transcription, transliteration and translation (Arabic): Al-Amin Abu-Manga

س1: الظروف الجابتك هنا Q1: What circumstances شنو )في ود هاشم(؟ brought you here (in Wad Hashim1)?

أحمد Ahmad كان عمي أخو أبوي األكبر -My paternal uncle, my fa- Kaan ʿammi akhu abuuy al من أبوي، ووالدي اتوفى في ther’s elder brother, was a ʾakbar min abuuy, wa waaldi المهدية، وبعدين عمي دا follower of a (religious) itwaffa fi l-Mahdiyya, wa ماسك طريقة في ود هاشم. brotherhood (ṭariiga/ baʿdeen ʿammi da maasik ṭariiqa) here in Wad ṭariiga fii Wad Haashim. بعدين البلد دا َعَمر. قال لي ودهاشم: "أنا عندي ود أخوي .Hashim. My father died Baʿdeen al-balad da ʿamar في أم دم هناك في كردفان، :during the Mahdiyya.2 Gaal le Wad-Haashim دحين يا سيدي الشيخ ِّتديني Then, this village devel- “Ana ʿindi wadd akhuuy fii الفاتحة نمشي نجيبه". بعدين oped. So, my paternal uncle Um Dam hinaak fii جوني هم تالتة: عمي ومعاه said to Sheikh Wad- Kurdufaan, daḥiin ya siidi عبداهلل ومحمد ود سليمان. Hashim: “I have a nephew sh-Sheekh taddiini l-faatḥa جوا لي والدتي، أبوي متوفي brother’s son) in Um Dam, namshi najiibu.” Baʿdeen) من المهدية. قال لي والدتي: in Kordofan; give me (your) jooni hum tataala: ʿammi "أنا جيت نسوق ود أخوي دا faatḥa (blessed permission) wa maʿaahu ʿAbdullaahi ِّيقنب معاي هناك". أمي قالت -so that I can go and bring wa Maḥammad Wad ليه: "خالص سوق ولدك، دا ,him (here).” They came to Sileemaan. Jo lee waalitti ما ولدك، ما عنده أكتر منك". -me, three of them: my pa- abuuy mitwaffi min al عمي جابني قعدت هنا. :ternal uncle together with Mahdiyya. Gaal le waalitti Abdullahi and Muhammad “Ana jiit nasuug wadd Wad-Suleiman. They came akhuuy da yigannib maʿaay

1 As will become clear below, this village is named after its presumed founder, Sheikh Wad- Hashim. 2 Mahdiyya = Mahdism (1882–1898). Here reference is made to one of the battles that took place during the Mahdist era, but our informant knew neither the name of the battle nor its actual date.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 223 to my mother, and my pa- hinaaaak.” Ummi gaalat ternal uncle said to her: “I leehu: “Khalaaṣ suug have come to take this waladak, da maa waladak, nephew of mine (brother’s maa ʿindu aktar minnak.” son) to stay there with me.” ʿAmmi jaabni gaʿadta hina. My mother answered him: “Well, you can take your son; it is your son; he doesn’t have someone better than you.” So, my paternal uncle brought me here and I stayed with him.

س2: لما جابوك كان عمرك Q2: How old were you when كم سنة؟ ?you were brought here

جابني لي ودهاشم طهَّرني هنا، He (my paternal uncle) Jaabni lee Wad-Haashim عمري ما بين تمانية وتسعة brought me to (Sheikh) ṭahharni hina, ʿumri maa سنة كدي. ودهاشم ذاته طهَّرني Wad-Hashim (in Wad been taamaanya wa tisʿa في الجامع، جامع الشيخ محمد -Hashim village) and he sana kadi. Ṭahharni Wad توم دا. circumcised me there when Haashim zaatu, ṭahharni fi I was about eight or nine j-jaamiʿ, jaamiʿ ash-Sheekh years old. Wad-Hashim Maḥammad Toom da. himself circumcised me in this mosque of Sheikh Muhammad Tom (the First).

س3: المن فتَّحت القبايل ,Q3: When you grew up اللقيتها في ود هاشم دي شنو which tribes did you find in وشنو؟ ?Wad Hashim

لقيت مسبعات، وجوامعة، I found Musabba’at, Ligiit Musabbaʿaat wa وجعليين، ودناقلة، وفالتة؛ نحن Jawam’a, Ja’liyyin, Dan- Jawaamʿa wa Jaʿliyyiin wa ذاتنا فالتة. .agla, and Fallaata (Fulani). Danaagla wa Fallaata We, ourselves, are Fallaata. Niḥna zaatna Fallaata.

س4: األغلبية كانوا شنو؟ Q4: Which tribe was in the majority?

األغلبية؟ مافي أغلبية، كلهم The majority? There was no Al-ʾaghlabiyya? Maafi سويا. جوامعة وفالتة ديل majority; all the tribes were aghlabiyya, kullahum ماسكين الحلة، األغلبية. of equal standing. The sawiyyan. Jawaamʿa wa Jawam’a and Fallaata Fallaata deel maaskiin al-

224 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Arab dominated the village ḥilla, al-ʾaghlabiyya. numerically (i.e., they constituted the majority).

س5: العالقة بين الفالتة -Q5: What is the relation be بتاعين ود هاشم والفالتة (tween the Fallaata (Fulani بتاعين حلة إسماعيل شنو؟ of Hillat Isma’il and those of Wad Hashim?

النسب، أخدنا فيهم وياخدوا Intermarriage: we marry Al-nasab, akhadna fiihum فينا. .women from their group, wa yaakhdu fiina and they take wives from our group.

فضل السيد Fadl as-Siid انحن خشم بيتنا إسا، وحلة ,Our clan is Isa and that of Aniḥna khashum beetna Isa اسماعيل فالتة سمبو، وانحن the Fallaata/Fulani of) Hil- wa Ḥillat Ismaaʿil Fallaata) سندقة، ناس المرفَّع جدنا واحد. ;lat Isma’il is Sambo;3 and Sambo, wa aniḥna Sindiga جدنا الشيخ عمر، مدفون في we are Sindiga; we share the naas al-Maraffaʿ jiddana بارا. same grandfather with the waaḥid. Jiddana sh-Sheekh people of Al-Muraffa; our ʿUmar, madfuun fii Baara. grandfather was Sheikh Umar, buried in Bara.

س6: شيخ ودهاشم خشم بيتهم Q6: What was the clan of شنو؟ ?Sheikh Wad-Hashim أحمد Ahmad فالتة نقرا. .Fallaata Ngara. Fallaata Ngara

س7: وعالقته شنو بالشيخ Q7: What was his relation to طلحة؟ عندهم صلة مع بعض؟ Sheikh Talha? Are they re lated to one another?

ناس الشيخ طلحة برضهم The people of Sheikh Talha Naas ash-Sheekh Ṭalḥa فالتة، وناس ودهاشم برضو are Fallaata, like the people barḍahum Fallaata, wa naas فالتي. ودهاشم نقرا، وديالك of (Sheikh) Wad-Hashim. Wad-Haashim barḍu ناس الشيخ طلحة برضو خشم Wad-Hashim, too, was a Fallaati. Wad-Haashim بيتهم فالتة، أنا قايل إسا. Fallaati (sing. of Fallaata). Ngara, wa deelaak naas Wad-Hashim’s clan was ash-Sheekh Ṭalḥa barḍu

3 No Fulani clan with this name is known to us so far. The Fulani of the village in question are more widely known to be from the Um Jibbo clan.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 225 Ngara, whereas Sheikh khashum beetum Fallaata, Talha4 was from the Fallaata ana gaayil Isa. Isa, I think.

س8: الحلة دي )ود هاشم( Q8: Do you know when this بتعرفوها قامت سنة كم؟ village (Wad Hashim) was founded?

أول يابادي الشيخ ودهاشم -First, Sheikh Wad-Hashim Awwal yaabaadi ash كان في السياحة، َّقدم ليها was into ‘wandering’; Sheekh Wad-Haashim kaan الشيخ محمد توم ود الشيخ Sheikh Muhammad Tom fi s-siyaaḥa; gaddam leeha طلحة سنة ألف وتمانية، وقعد the First), the son of sh-Sheekh Maḥammad) فيها زي حداشر سنة. سنة Sheikh Talha, applied (for Toom Wadd ash-Sheekh تالتة وخمسين هو اتوفى، راقد the registration of Wad Ṭalḥa sanat alf wu tamaaniya في القبر إثنين وأربعين سنة. Hashim as a Fulani village) wa gaʿad fiiha zey ḥidaashar أسسها الشيخ ودهاشم ذاته. in 1008.5 He (Wad-Hashim) sana. Sanat talaata wu stayed there (in Wad khamsiin huwa itwaffa, Hashim) for about 11 years. raagid fi l-gabur itneen wu He died in 1953;6 he has arbʿiin sana. Assasaa sh- been in the grave now for Sheekh Wad-Haashim zaatu. 42 years. This village (Wad Hashim) was founded by Wad-Hashim himself.

س9: القبايل الجات أول للحلة ?Q9: Which tribes came first دى ياتم؟

مسبعات وجوامعة وجعليين Musabba’at, Jawam’a, Musabbaʿaat wa Jawaamʿa ودناقلة وفالتة. مسبعات ديل Ja’liyyin, Danagla, and Fal- wa Jaʿliyyiin wa Danaagla سبقوا بدري، بعدين عقبوهم laata. The Musabba’at wa Fallaata. Musabbaʿaat فالتة وعقبوهم جوامعة، البديرية came very early, followed deel sabago badri, baʿdeen والدناقلة والجعليين. قبايل by the Fallaata and later by ʿagaboohum Fallaata wa كتيرة، ودهاشم راجل ولي. -the Jawam’a, the Bideriyya, ʿagaboohum Jawaamʿa, al the Danagla, and then by Bideeriyya wa d-Danaagla

4 Sheikh Talha is the founder of the village which, for the sake of clarity, is referred to as ‘Shaikh Talha’ in this interview. 5 1008, most probably Hijri (Islamic calendar), cannot be correct since it corresponds to ca. 1588 AD. By the time of the recording (i.e., 1998) the informant was 115 years old, which means that he was born in 1883, corresponding to 1303 Hijri. But then he said that he ‘witnessed’ Sheikh Wad-Hashim – and he definitely did. So, had Sheikh Wad-Hashim been born in 1008 Hijri, it would have not been possible for our informant (born in 1303 Hijri) to ‘witness’ him. Here, it is definitely Sheikh Wad-Hashim’s birth date which is wrong (and not that of the informant). 6 This date cannot be correct because Sheikh Wad-Hashim was exhumed from his first grave and transferred to another in 1952.

226 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Arab the Ja’liyyin. Many tribes wa j-Jaʿliyyiin. Gabaayil came; Wad-Hashim was a katiira, Wad-Haashim raajil saint (wali). wali.

س10: جوا في المهدية ولال Q10: Did they come before بعد المهدية؟ ?or after the Mahdiyya

الكالم دا بعد المهدية، أول -This was after the Mahdiyya; Al-kalaam da baʿad al التركية. -at the beginning of the Mahdiyya, awwal at Condominium.7 Turkiyya.

س11: منو اللي جوا في Q11: Who has come since حضورك؟ ?your arrival

مسبعات، فالتة، وجوامعة ديل Musabba’at, Fallaata, and Musabbaʿaat, Fallaata, wa كلهم أنا حاضرهم. Jawam’a. I witnessed the Jawaamʿa, deel kullahum coming of all these (tribes). ana ḥaaḍirum.

س12: لما وصل سلطان Q12: Do you remember the ميورنو متذكر َّجيته؟ -arrival of Sultan Mai Wurno?

أول تبادي، قالوا جده الشيخ First, it was said that his Awwal tabaadi, gaalo jiddu عثمان قال ليه: "آخر الزمن great) grandfather, Sheikh sh-Sheekh ʿUsmaan gaal) ذريتي تسكن العراديب بحلة Usman (dan Fodio), said to leehu: “Aakhir az-zaman الشيخ طلحة". بعدين على him: “At the end of time, zurriiti taskun al-ʿAraadiib حسب كالم جده دا سلطان ”.my descendants will settle bi Ḥillat ash-Sheekh Ṭalḥa ميورنو جا نزل بالشرق مع in Aradib in the village of Baʿdeen ʿale ḥasab kalaam الشيخ محمد توم. بعدين فالتة -Shaikh Talha.”8 So, accord- jiddu da Sulṭaan Mai كتروا جوا من الغرب كتيرين. -ing to his (great) grandfa- Wurno ja nazal be sh بعدين الشيخ محمد توم قال ther’s prophecy, Sultan shaarig maʿa sh-Sheekh ليه: "تمشي ِّتعدي بالغرب تقعد Mai-Wurno came and set- Maḥammad Toom. Baʿdeen في المشرع". المكان دا كان -tled on the eastern bank (of Fallaata kitro jo min al مشرع ساكت، معدية بس. جا the Blue Nile) with Sheikh gharib katiiriin. Baʿadeen ميورنو قعد بالغرب. Muhammad Tom (the First). ash-Sheekh Maḥammad And then, after Fallaata Toom gaal leehu: “Tamshi from West Africa increased taʿaddi be l-gharib tagoʿod

7 The elderly people refer to the Condominium era, i.e., the Anglo-Egyptian era (1898–1956) as Turkiyya (the Turkish era). They distinguish it from the actual Turkish era (1821–1882) by adding the Arabic modifier as-saabga (‘the former’) when speaking about the actual Turkish era, thus calling it at-Turkiyya s-Saabga, i.e., the former Turkish era. 8 This is a version of a popular prophecy attributed to Sheikh Usman dan Fodio. Another version says: “My descendants will settle between two S’s,” i.e., between the town of Sennar and that of Singa where the present village of Maiurno is now located.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 227 in number, Sheikh Muham- fi l-mushraʿ.” Al-makaan mad Tom said to Mai- da kaan mushraʿ saakit, Wurno: “Cross to the west- maʿaddiyya bas. Ja Mai- ern bank and settle on the Wurno gaʿad be l-gharib. mushraʿ (water-fetching spot).” That site was just a mushraʿ; with nothing except a boat. Mai-Wurno came and settled down on the western bank.

س13: عمرك كم سنة لما جا ,Q13: How old were you ميورنو؟ ?when Mai-Wurno came

أنا ِّصغير، ما بين عشرة I was young; between 10 Ana ṣaghayyir, maa been واتناشر سنة. .and 12 years old. ʿashara wa itnaashar sana

س14: من جماعته في ناس Q14: Did some of his جوا قعدوا في ود هاشم؟ ?people stay in Wad Hashim

آي، ناس مالم كويني ديل. Yes, the people of Malam Aayi, naas Maalam Koyne ناس فكي بشير وفكي محمود Koyne did. The people of deel. Naas Faki Bashiir wa جوا نزلوا عندنا. Faki Bashir and the people Faki Maḥmuud jo nazalo of Faki Mahmoud, too, ʿindana. were hosted by us.

س15: ناس فكي بشير جوا Q15: Did the people of Faki مع السلطان سوا ولال بعده؟ Bashir come with the Sultan or after him?

ال، جوا قبل السلطان. كانوا .No, they came before the La, jo gabl as-Sulṭaan معانا في الحلة سوا مع ناس Sultan (Mai-Wurno). They Kaano maʿaana fi l-ḥilla بوبا جورو. جوا قبال السلطان. were with us in this village, sawa maʿa naas Buuba together with the people of Jawro. Jo gubbaal as- Buuba Jawro. They came Sulṭaan. before the Sultan.

س16: كيف تسلسل وصول -Q16: What was the chrono القبايل لود هاشم، حسب ما logical order of the arrival تسمعوا؟ of the different tribes in Wad Hashim?

228 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Arab فضل السيد Fadl as-Siid كلمني عمي ذاته قال ودهاشم My paternal uncle himself Kallamni ʿammi zaatu gaal كان في السياحة، لما نزل نزل -told me that, at first, Wad-Haashim kaan fi s بين سنجة والشالل. أخدوا Sheikh) Wad-Hashim was siyaaḥa, lamma nazal nazal) عليه هناك الطريقة. رحل من .wandering’. When he set- been Sinja wa sh-Shallaal‘ هناك وجا فتح ود هاشم الحلة -tled down, he did that in a Akhado ʿaleehu hinaak aṭ التحتانية. وهو أول واحد فتحها. place between Singa and ṭariiga. Raḥal min hinaak الناس ديل بعد المهدية اتصلوا Shallal. The people there wa ja fataḥ Wad Haashim بالشيخ ودهاشم والشيخ طلحة received the ṭariiqa al-ḥilla t-tiḥtaaniyya. Wa وبقوا َّيتجمعوا. لكن أغلب .brotherhood) from him. huwa awwal waaḥid fataḥaa) قبيلتنا من جهة تلس وماشي -He moved from there and An-naas deel baʿad al دارفور وماشي لي تحت دي -founded Lower Wad Mahdiyya ittaṣalo be sh كلها هسع قبايلنا هناك قاعدة. Hashim (the old site). He Sheekh Wad-Haashim wa was its first founder. After sh-Sheekh Ṭalḥa wa bigo the Mahdiyya these people yitjammaʿu. Laakin aghlab contacted Sheikh Wad- gabiilatna min jihat Tulus Hashim and Sheikh Talha wu maashi Daarfoor wu and started to gather. But maashi lee tiḥit di kullaha the major part of our clan hassiʿ gabaayilna hinaak is still living in the area gaaʿda. of Tulus, down towards Darfur.

س17: آه حاج الطاهر كان -Q17: Where did Hajj at قاعد وين؟ ?Tahir live

دا عم ودهاشم أخو أبوه، وكان He was Wad-Hashim’s pa- Da ʿamm Wad-Haashim قاعد في حلة عبدالمحمود. ternal uncle. He lived in akhu abuuhu, wa kaan Abdel Mahmoud village. gaaʿid fi Ḥillat ʿAbdul Maḥmuud.

أحمد Ahmad حاج الطاهر اتوفى بدري، نحن Hajj at-Tahir died very ear- Ḥaaj aṭ-Ṭaahir itwafaa ما حضرناه، لكن كان قاعد ly; we didn’t ‘witness’ him, badri, niḥna maa في الحلة التحتانية، كان في but he lived in the lower ḥaḍaranaahu, laakin kaan السلطنة الزرقا. بعدين المهدية .village. That was during the gaaʿid fi l-ḥilla t-tiḥtaaniyya جات والوطاة خربت وهو اتوفى ,Funj Sultanate.9 Then came Kaan fi s-Salṭana z-Zarga واندفن في الخور. the Mahdiyya and the land baʿadeen al-Mahdiyya jaat became spoilt; then Hajj at- wa l-waaṭa khirbat wa hu [= Tahir died and was buried huwa] itwaffa wa indafan fi

9 The Funj Sultanate of Sennar, thought to have been founded in 1504, came to an end in 1821.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 229 on the khoor.10 l-khoor.

فضل السيد Fadl as-Siid ناس شيخ طلحة جوا ساقوا The Sheikh Talha’s people Naas Sheekh Ṭalḥa jo saago عمي من هنا مشى وراهم came and took my paternal ʿammi min hina masha قال ليهم: "دا محل قبر حاج :uncle (to the graveyard); he waraahum gaal leehum الطاهر". -showed them (his grave), “Da maḥal gabur Ḥaaj aṭ saying: “Here is the grave Ṭaahir.” of Hajj at-Tahir.”

س18: لحلة اللي َّعمرها حاج Q18: Is Abdel Mahmoud الطاهر، دي حلة عبدالمحمود؟ village the village developed by Hajj at-Tahir?

أحمد Ahmad ال، ود هاشم التحت. دا كان .No, that was Lower Wad La, Wad Haashim at-tiḥit في التركية السابقة، قبل Hashim. That was during Da kaan fi t-Turkiyya المهدية، اتوفى في الزمن داك. ,the former Turkish era,11 s-Saabga, gabl al-Mahdiyya لما جا الشيخ ودهاشم جا َّعمر .before the Mahdiyya. Hajj wa itwaffa fi z-zaman daak محل عمه. -at-Tahir had already died by Lama ja sh-Sheekh Wad that time. When Sheikh Haashim ja ʿamar maḥal Wad-Hashim came, he de- ʿammu. veloped his paternal uncle’s (former) village.

س19: عالقة ناس الشيخ Q19: How are the Sheikh طلحة بيه شنو؟ Talha’s people related to him (Sheikh Wad-Hashim)?

فضل السيد Fadl as-Siid العالقة نسب. الشيخ طلحة -They are related through Al-ʿalaaga nasab. Ash ماخد أخت الشيخ ودهاشم marriage; Sheikh Talha was Sheekh Ṭalḥa maakhid

10 Khoor was a big seasonal stream fed by rain that used to run from the bush (khala) into the river (Blue Nile). It crosses Maiurno village from west to east. The graveyard in which Hajj at-Tahir was buried extends some 30–40 meters from the edge of that stream (khoor) northwards. This is the oldest graveyard in Maiurno; in fact, it existed before the creation of the village. The stream itself has now almost disappeared following the construction of the asphalt road that passes between the village and the bush (khala). Sometime in the 1980s the people of Shaikh Talha came and identified the grave of Hajj at-Tahir (through our informant), and they put some signs (including a flag) around it. They occasionally visit it in a ceremonial procession, especially during the two Eids (Muslim festivals). 11 Here reference is made to the actual Turkish era (1821–1882).

230 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Arab جاب منها الشيخ محمد توم -given’ Sheikh Wad- ukhut ash-Sheekh Wad‘ ودالشيخ طلحة. -Hashim’s sister12 and he Haashim jaab minnaha sh begot his son, Sheikh Sheekh Maḥammad Toom Muhammad Tom (the First), Wadd ash-Sheekh Ṭalḥa. with her.

س20: جية السلطان وجماعته Q20: Did the coming of the أثروا في البلد هنا؟ Sultan (Mai-Wurno) and his people have any effect in this area?

أحمد Ahmad أثروا، سكنوا هسع الصعيد -Yes, it did. Now all the land Assaro, sakano hassaʿ aṣ دا كله هم. لما جوا انقسموا، southwards is occupied by ṣaʿiid da kullu hum. Lamma نصهم في حلة الشيخ طلحة them. When they came, they jo ingasamo, nuṣṣahum fii ونصهم بقى هنا. divided themselves into two Ḥillat ash-Sheekh Ṭalḥa wa groups; half of them stayed nuṣṣahum biga hina. in Shaikh Talha, and half remained here.

س21: ناس مروة ديل جوا مع Q21: Did these Marwa13 الهجرة؟ people come along with the hijra (migratory movement including many Fulani from Sokoto fleeing from British rule in Nigeria)?

ال ديل جوا بي وراهم كتير. No, they came along after it. La, deel jo be waraahum katiir.

س22: قبل ما يصل السلطان -Q22: Where were the bor كان حدود الحلة دي وين؟ ders of this village before the arrival of the Sultan (Mai-Wurno)?

فضل السيد Fadl as-Siid أعمامنا قالوا ودهاشم حدد -Our paternal uncles told us Aʿmaamna gaalo Wad األرض. من مقابر حلة .that Wad-Hashim delimited Haashim ḥaddad al-ʾariḍ

12 ‘Sister’ stands here for ‘paternal cousin’ since Sheikh Talha actually married Hajj at-Tahir’s daughter, and Hajj at-Tahir was Sheikh Wad-Hashim’s paternal uncle. 13 Marwa people ,= Fulani from the region of Maroua (Cameroon).

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 231 عبدالمحمود ِّلحدي هنا دي حلة the borders. From the grave- Min maqaabir Ḥillat ʿAbd ود هاشم. هسع الحالل زي ود yard of Abdel Mahmoud vil- al-Maḥmuud laḥaddi hina هاشم عباس لي جاي دي كلها .lage up to here is Wad di Ḥillat Wad Haashim خاشة في ود هاشم. Hashim. Now quarters Hassaʿ al-ḥallaal zey Wad reaching to this side, such as Haashim ʿAbbaas lee jaayi Wad Hashim Abbas, are di kullaha khaashsha fii within the territory of Wad Wad Haashim. Hashim.

س23: حلة ود هاشم دي قبل Q23: How did this village of الهجرة كان شكلها كيف؟ Wad Hashim look before the arrival of the hijra?

بذكروا لينا أعمامنا البلد كلها -Our paternal uncles told us Bizkuru leena aʿmaamna al that the whole area was balad kullaha kaanat كانت غابات وشدر وفيلة ُوأُسَّدة وكل حاجة، المحلة كلها كانت covered with forests and ghaabaat wa shidar wa مليانة. trees; it was full of elephants, fayala wa usudda wa kullu lions, and everything. ḥaaja; al-maḥalla kullaha kaanat malyaana.

أحمد Ahmad كانت غابات، فيها األسد It was forests with lions, Kaanat ghaabaat fiiha leopards, and elephants. l-ʾasad wa n-nimir wa والنمر والفََيلة. في شدرة كبيرة حولها زريبة. الناس المسافرين There was a big tree sur- l-fayala. Fi shadara kabiira إذا الشمس غابت ليهم يدخلوا -rounded by a fence. At sun- ḥawlaa zariiba. An-naas al في الزريبة يسدوها عليهم من set travelers used to enclose misaafriin iza sh-shamis األسد والمرفعين. themselves in this fence for ghaabat leehum yidukhlu fi fear of lions and hyenas. z-zariiba yisidduuha ʿaleehum min al-ʾasad wa l-marfaʿiin.

س24: إنت كنت حاضر Q24: Did you witness that الزمن داك؟ ?time

حاضرين، األسد ما قريب. Yes, I did. Lions were there Haaḍiriin. Al-ʾasad maa كان العمارة عرديبة وعنيكليبة not long ago. The only de- gariib. Kaan al-ʿamaara وسنجة. كان حالل وسط veloped places were Ardeba ʿArdeeba wa ʿEneekliiba wa مافي. Irediba; 3–4 km south of Sinja. Kaan ḥallaal wasaṭ) the centre of present-day maafi. Maiurno), Enekliba (halfway between Maiurno and Singa), and Singa. All these (inhabited) places

232 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Arab (that are now) in between did not exist.

س25: زمان من الحلة التحت Q25: At that time was it دي لي سوق مايرنو في زول possible to walk from the بقدر بمشي؟ lower village to Maiurno’s market?

يا زول يا زول صعب… ;What do you mean? It was Yaa zool, yaa zool, ṣaʿab very difficult. There were al-ʾusudda wa n-nimir wa األُ ُسَّدة والنمر والمرفعين. إال lions, leopards, and hyenas. l-marfaʿiin. Illa baʿad jo بعد جوا الفالتة، البلد دا َعَّمروه واتعمر حتى الشغالنات ديل It was only after the Fallaa- l-Fallaata, al-balad da سقطن. ta (Fulani) came and devel- ʿammaroohu wa itʿamar oped this area that these ḥatta sh-shaghalaanaat deel things disappeared. sagaṭan.

س26: يعني بعدما جا Q26: So, it was only after السلطان بي ناسه الحيوانات (the Sultan (Mai-Wurno بقت تختفي! came with his people that these (wild) animals disappeared!

آي، ما خالص بعد ما جا Yes, after the Sultan’s arriv- Aayi, maa khalaaṣ baʿad السلطان زحفت بقت مافي. al, they moved away and maa ja s-Sulṭaan zaḥafat disappeared. The land was bigat maafi. Al-balad البلد َعَّمروه الفالتة. من هنا لي جلقني لي الروصيرص فالتة developed by the Fallaata. ʿammaroohu l-Fallaata. Min صر شرق وغرب. From here southward down hina lee Jalgani le to Galgani, and to Er- r-Ruṣeeriṣ Fallaata ṣar Roseires on both the eastern sharig wa gharib. and western sides (of the Blue Nile), only the Fallaata dominate.

س27: لما جا السلطان بي Q27: Did the coming of the ناسه، َّجيتم دي صلَّحت الحياة -Sultan and his people im هنا لي ناس ود هاشم والال prove life for the people of َّضيقت عليهم؟ Wad Hashim, or did it result in a loss of land?

صلَّحها ما َّضيقها. عملوا حدود .It improved life for them; it Ṣallaḥaa maa ḍayyagaa بيناتهم. من السلك وغرب فالتة .did not cause them to lose ʿAmalo ḥuduud beenaatum ومن السلك لصباح عرب. land. Borders were drawn Min as-silik wa gharib between them: from the Fallaata; wa min as-silik le

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 233 pole westward is the Fal- ṣabaaḥ ʿArab. laata (Fulani) land, and from the pole eastward is the Arabs land.

س28: التداخل بين ناس ود Q28: What kind of social هاشم وناس مايرنو كيف زمان؟ -interactions were there be tween the people of Wad Hashim and those of Maiurno?

في مداخلة. .There were interactions Fi mudaakhala between them.

س29: لكن الفالتة في المدة Q29: But did the Fallaata ديك بعرفوا العربي؟ ?speak Arabic at that time

قليل البعرف، أغلبهم برطنوا. Very few of them spoke Galiil al-biʿrif; aghlabum birṭunu. Niḥna itʿallamna نحن اتعلمنا َّمنهم شوية. قَُّبالهم Arabic; the majority spoke ما كنت بعرف الرطانة. .the vernacular language minnahum shuwayya (Fulfulde). We learned Gubbaalum maa kunta some (vernacular) from baʿrif ar-ruṭaana. them. Before (interacting with) them, I didn’t know (speak) Fulfulde.

Fadl as-Siid فضل السيد Since the time of our grand- Min juduudna lee jaay maa من جدودنا لي جاي ما بنعرف fathers we have not known binaʿrif ar-ruṭaana laakin الرطانة، لكن الواحد في جنسه the vernacular (Fulfulde); al-waaḥid fii jinsu biguul بقول ليك: "انحن فالتة لكن ما but when one of us is asked leek: “Aniḥna Fallaata بعرف الرطانة". -about his ethnicity, he will laakin maa baʿrif ar say: “We are Fallaata, but ruṭaana.” we cannot speak the vernacular (language).”

س30: لما جوا ناس سلطان -Q30: When Sultan Mai ميورنو كان لبسهم كيف ,Wurno and his people came وبياكلوا شنو؟ how were they dressed and what kind of food did they eat?

234 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Arab أحمد Ahmad واحدين كانوا بلبسوا لبس بلدهم Some of them used to wear Waaḥdiin kaano bilbasu libis واحدين كمان جوا البسين لبس their West African dress, baladum, waaḥdiin kamaan البلد دا. فالتة بلبسوا لبس .and some others wore the jo laabsiin libs al-balad da بلدهم، جالبية كبيرة ليها إيدين dress of this country (Su- Fallaata bilbasu libis )فولوفولو(. dan). The Fallaata wore baladum, jallaabiyya kabiira their West African dress, a leeha iideen (folo-folo). big garment with large sleeves (folo-folo).

النهاية End An-nihaaya

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 235

Interview with Fulani Men living in Wad Hashim Malle

Date and Place of the Interview: March 24, 1998; Wad Hashim Malle InterviEwees: ▫ Al-Amin Ahmad Yousif, 67 years ▫ Ahmad Yahya Abdullahi (Tijani), 42 years Interviewers: Günther Schlee & Al-Amin Abu-Manga Transcription, transliteration and translation (Arabic): Al-Amin Abu-Manga

س1: في البداية الحلة )ود Q1: In the beginning when هاشم ملي( دي أسست متين؟ was this village (Wad Hashim Malle) founded?

األمين Al-Amin أصلنا نحن ناسنا لما جوا من In the beginning, when our Aṣlana niḥna naasna lamma الغرب سكنوا أمدرمان، من people came from the West, jo min al-gharb sakano أمدرمان راحوا السعودية. رجعوا they stayed in Omdurman. Umdurmaan. Min من السعودية سكنوا أمدرمان. From Omdurman they went Umdurmaan raaḥo من أمدرمان رحلوا افتكر سنة to Saudi Arabia. When they s-Suʿuudiyya. Rajaʿo min سطاشر، جوا هنا ود هاشم returned from Saudi Arabia, as-Suʿuudiyya sakano تحت قبل الخزان، جنب البحر. they stayed in Omdurman. Umdurmaan. Min عملوا الخزان سنة تمنطاشر، From Omdurman they Umdurmaan raḥalo – iftakir سنة أربعة وعشرين رحلنا من moved – I think in 1916 – sanat siṭṭaashar, jo hina هناك رحلنا هنا. and came to Lower Wad Wad Haashim tiḥit gabli Hashim near the river (Blue l-khazzaan, janba l-baḥar. Nile) before the (construc- ʿAmalo l-khazzaan sanat tion of the Sennar) dam. tamanṭashar, sanat arbaa The dam was built in 1918; wu ʿishriin raḥalna min in 1924 they moved from hinaak raḥalna hina. there to this place.

س2: طيب من أمدرمان ليه Q2: Well, from Omdurman اختاروا المحل دا بالذات؟ why did they choose (to move to) this place specifically?

واهلل َّهم مما سكنوا أمدرمان By God, when they (our Wallaahi humma mimmaa ناس زي بادية. بعدين أمدرمان people) were staying in sakano Umdurmaan naas

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 237 طبعا مدينة. بعدين حاولوا ما Omdurman, they were al- zey baadiya. Baʿdeen يسكنوا المدينة – الكبار ما most nomads. Of course, at Umdurmaan ṭabaʿan دايرين المدينة، طبعا ناس بتاع that time Omdurman was madiina. Baʿdeen ḥaawalo بهايم المدينة ما محل بهايم. – already a town. Then they maa yaskunu l-madiina بعدين عندهم باقي ناس خلُّوهم -tried not to live in town; the al-kubaar maa daayriin al ورا، حاولوا يجمعوهم برة هنا elders didn’t like the town. madiina; ṭabaʿan naas bitaaʿ عشان كلهم يكونوا في منطقة Of course, they were peo- bahaayim, al-madiina maa وحدي. ple who used to keep ani- maḥal bahaayim. Baʿdeen mals, and the town is not a indahum baagi naas place for animals. They had khalloohum wara. Ḥaawalo also some people whom yijjammiʿuuhum barra hina they left behind. They tried ʿashaan kullahum yikuunu fi to gather them here outside manṭiga waḥdi. (the town) so that they would be in one place.

س3: كيف َّتم اختيار المنطقة؟ (Q3: How was the (new area chosen?

َّرسلوا زول. من أمدرمان مشى They sent somebody from Rassalo zool. Min غادي لي دمازين – حلة اسمها Omdurman who went be- Umdurmaan masha ghaadi خرابة، كشفوا محالت. بعدين yond Damazin – to a village lee Damaaziin – ḥilla isimaa جوا اختاروا في الصعيد حلة called Kharaba; they in- Kharaaba, kashafo اسمها بجاوي. في األخير spected (many) places and maḥallaat. Baʿdeen jo الرحيل ما تمت. ساكنين هنا، then came (back to Omdur- ikhtaaro fi ṣ-Ṣaʿiid ḥilla بعدين عندهم بهايم، الشرق دا man) and chose (to move isimaa Bijaawi. Fi المرعى كتير. مشوا للشريف to) a village called Bijawi l-ʾaakhirar ar-raḥiil maa الهندي أداهم أبوجيلي، رفضوا. ;in Southern Blue Nile. In tammat. Saakniin hina قال ليهم: "تمشوا الدندر". the end, the move did not baʿdeen ʿindahum بعدين رسلوا أبوهاشم، مشى -take place. They (came to bahaayim; ash-sharig da al لقى المنطقة منطقة عرب… -this place and) were living marʿa katiir. Masho le sh جمال وبقر وهناي، قال here (in Wad Hashim Shariif al-Hindi addaahum ليهم: "المنطقة دي ما بنفع Malle); they had animals. Abu-Jeyli, rafaḍo. Gaal معانا". الناس اختاروا الحلة ”.On the eastern bank (of the leehum: “Tamshu d-Dindir بالشرق، حلة اسمها روينا – Blue Nile) there was abun- Baadeen rassalo Abu لقوا المرعى. الحلة كله قرروا dant land for grazing. They Haashim; masha liga went to Sherif Al-Hindi (to l-manṭiga manṭigat ʿArab… يرحلوا هناك. ُجز ّمننا رحلوا ask him for a place to stay jumaal wu bagar wu hinaay, ُوجز تاني اتأخر هنا. on the eastern bank of the gaal leehum: “Al-manṭiga Blue Nile) and he offered di maa binfaa maʿaana.” them (to stay in) Abu Jeili, An-naas ikhtaaro al-ḥilla be but they refused. He (then) sh-sharig, ḥilla isimaa told them to go to Dindir. Riwiina – ligo l-marʿa. Al-

238 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Malle They (our people) sent ḥilla kullu qarraro yarḥalu Hashim’s father there; he hinaak. Juzu minnaa raḥalo went (there) and found the wu juzu tani itʾakhkhar area full of Arabs… camels, hina. cattle, and so on. He (Hashim’s father) thus said to them (our people): “This place doesn’t suit us.” The people chose a village called Riwina on the eastern bank (of the Blue Nile) where there was abundant pasture. The entire village (i.e., all the Fallaata/Fulani families from our group that were then already living in Wad Hashim Malle) decided to move there. (But only) some of them (indeed) moved (to Riwina), and the rest stopped their migration here (in Wad Hashim Malle).

س4: السكان هذه القرية -Q4: From where do the in أصلهم من وين؟ habitants of this village (Wad Hashim Malle) originate?

أصلنا من مالي، من حتة Our origin is in Mali, in a Aṣlana min Maali, min ḥitta اسمها حمد اهلل. .place called Hamdullahi. ismaa Hamdullaahi

س5: وجوا من مالي بأي Q5: And for what reasons سبب؟ ?did they come from Mali

جدودنا بالذات كنا في حمد اهلل، With regard to our forefa- Juduudna be z-zaat kunna حصل مشكلة بين العايلة رحلوا thers specifically, there was fii Hamdullaahi, ḥaṣal من حمد اهلل جوا قاو – جدنا a dispute in the family mushkila been al-ʿaayla which led them to move raḥalo min Hamdallaahi jo الرابع: ألفا زينو، مهمن ألفا، َهَّم from Hamdullahi to Gao. Gaao – jiddana r-raabeʿ: زينو، ُالمتَر )المختار(. ُالمتَر هو الرحل من حمد اهلل جا Our forefathers in the Alfaa Zeeno, Muhamman قاو. وأصبح رطانتنا فلفلدي، ,fourth (ascending) genera- Alfaa, Hamma Zeeno كان بتاع أجدادنا السابق. في .(tion were Alfa Zeeno, Almutar (al-Mukhtaar قاو بقوا يتكلموا بالسنغاي. كترة Muhamman Alfa, Hamma Almutar huwa r-raḥal min

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 239 Zeeno, and Al-Mukhtar.1 It Hamdullaahi ja Gaao. Wa الزمن فلفلدي راح ّمننا، نحن بالذات عايلتنا – عايلة واحدة ,was Al-Mukhtar who aṣbaḥ ruṭaanatna Fulfulde moved from Hamdullahi to kaan bitaaʿ ajdaadna أصال. راحت ّمننا أصبحنا نتكلم بالسنغاي. اللي قعدوا Gao. The language of our s-saabig. Fii Gaao bigo هناك… ناس أم كتر لي هسع .forefathers used to be Ful- yitkallamu be s-Songhai بتكلموا فلفلدي، هم أهلنا، بيت fulde. In Gao they started Katarat az-zaman Fulfulde واحد. to speak Songhai. In time raaḥ minnana, niḥna be Fulfulde disappeared and z-zaat ʿaaylatna – ʿaayla we shifted completely to waḥda aṣlan. Raaḥat Songhai. Those who re- minnana aṣbaḥna nitkallam mained (in Hamdullahi) be s-Songhai. Alli gaʿado maintained (Fulfulde as hinaak… naas Um Kitir lee their vernacular lan- hassaʿ bitkallamu Fulfulde, guage); now our relatives2 hum ahalna, beet waaḥid. in Um Kitir (village opposite to Wad Hashim Malle on the eastern side of the Blue Nile) speak Fulfulde; we belong to the same ‘family’ (subsection).

س6: بعد دا كيف الناس قاموا Q6: How did your people من منطقة قاو ووصلوا هنا؟ move from the Gao area to السبب شنو؟ here? What were the reasons (for this move)?

حصل حرب بين الفوتا وفرنسا There was a war with Ḥaṣal ḥarb been al-Fuuta لمدة سبعة سنة – على حسب France for seven years – ac- wa Faransa le muddat الكالم القالوه؛ نحن ما حضرنا. -cording to what people sabaʿa sana – ʿala ḥasab al الناس لما شافوا المشكلة فرنسا said; we did not witness it. kalaam al-gaaloohu; niḥna َّاتغوى عليهم قالوا: "نلحق When the people saw that maa ḥaḍarna. An-naas مكة، الناس ديل ما نسكنوا ,France surpassed them in lamma shaafo l-mushkila force, they said: “Let us Faransa itghawwa ʿaleehum معاهم". ّطوالي قاموا عدد كبير جداً. مما ّخشوا نجيريا -reach Mecca; we should not gaalo: “Nalḥag Makka; an أو نيجر حصل خالف. وحدين live with these people (in naas deel maa naskunu قالوا نحن نرجعوا وحدين قالوا one place).” So, they maʿaahum.” Ṭawwaali نحن نمشوا. اتحركوا جوا، جوا .moved in a great number. gaamo ʿadad kabiir jiddan ُّخشو نجيريا وقت داك الحاكم As soon as they entered Ni- Mimmaa khashsho Nijiiriya الطاهر. :geria or Niger, they disa- aw Neejar ḥaṣal khilaaf greed among themselves. waḥdiin gaalo niḥna narjaʿu Some of them said: “Let us waḥdiin gaalo niḥna

1 Some of these men were probably either full brothers or half-brothers. 2 The term ‘relatives’ is used loosely here to stress shared subgroup affiliation.

240 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Malle return;” and others said: namshu. Itḥarraku jo. Jo “Let us continue.” They khashsho Nijeeriya wakit entered Nigeria during the daak al-ḥaakim aṭ-Ṭaahir. reign of At-Tahir.3

س7: وقت الحرب كباركم منو؟ Q7: Who were your elders (leaders) at the time of the war?

الشيخ أحمد بن سعيد بن Sheikh Ahmad ibn Sa’id ibn Ash-Sheekh Aḥmad ibn عمر الفوتي. )في الهجرة إلى Umar al-Futi… We (i.e., Saʿiid ibn ʿUmar al-Fuuti نيجيريا( أوالده معانا: ألفا هاشم (our forefathers) were in the (fi l-hijra ilaa Nijeeriya ِّومبشر بتاع دار السالم دا. ألفا same hijra group (from awlaadu maʿaana: Alfaa هاشم مات في المدينة، ما عنده Mali [Malle] to Nigeria) as Haashim wu Mubashshir أوالد. .Umar al-Futi’s) sons: Alfa bitaaʿ Daar as-Salaam da) Hashim4 and Mubashshir of Alfaa Haashim maat fi l- Dar es Salaam (near Sennar Madiina, maa ʿindu awlaad. at-Tagatu in the Sudan). Alfa Hashim died in Medina; he had no sons.

س8: جدودكم القوا الطاهر Q8: Where did your وين؟ ?forefathers meet At-Tahir

قالوا الطاهر َّرسلوا ليه جواب It is said that they (our fore- Gaalo aṭ-Ṭaahir rassalo le من قومبي قالوا: "النصارى :fathers) sent him (At-Tahir) jawaab fii Gombe gaalo دخلوا بلدنا؛ ما رأيك؟" الطاهر a message in Gombe, say- “An-Naṣaara dakhalo اختلف مع أوالد عمه، قال ليهم -ing: “The Christians have baladna; maa raʾyak?” Aṭ نمشي نحارب. جوا نزلوا لغاية invaded our country; what Ṭaahir ikhtalaf maʿa awlaad قومبي، من قومبي لغاية حتة do you see?” At-Tahir disa- ʿammu, gaal leehum namshi اسمها برمي. ناسنا ذاته حصل greed with his cousins (from naḥaarib. Jo nazalo خالف: واحد اسمه القاضي – the paternal side) on the laghaayit Gombe, min الكالى سندر، رجل كان عالم matter of fighting. They Gombe laghaayit ḥitta ما عنده أوالد، آخر بته ماتت continued their way up to isimaa Burmi. Naasna zaatu في روينا هنا، دا رفض يخش Gombe and further to a ḥaṣal khilaaf: waaḥid ismu الحرب. واحد اسمه الفا جاللين ,place called Burmi. Our l-Gaaḍi – Alkaali Sindar – هسع أوالد أخته هنا في people, too, disagreed on rajul kaan ʿaalim, maa الحلة – دا َّخش مع جماعته this matter. A learned person ʿindu awlaad, aakhir bittu الحرب، مع أغلب الناس، حتى called Alkali Sindar – he maatat fii Riwiina hina, da نحن حبوبتي بحكي لينا، ساعة .had no sons, the last of his rafaḍ yikhush al-ḥarb

3 At-Tahir (Attahiru) was the leader of the jihad (against the British) in Sokoto. He died in Burmi in 1903 (27 July). 4 Alfa Hashim was, in fact, the nephew (brother’s son) of Al-Hajj Umar al-Futi (ca. 1796–1864).

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 241 الحرب معاهم رجل… قالوا daughters died in Riwina – Waaḥid ismu Alfaa خواجة غايتو انجليزي؟ جنسه this man refused to partici- Jalaaleen – hassaʿ awlad شنو؟ ما عارفه. متعرب عالم pate in the fight. Someone ukhtu hina fi l-ḥilla – da من العلماء. قال هو شريفي. called Alfa Jalalin – his uter- khashsha maa jamaʿtu الصباح يسوق األوالد: ine nephews are now here in l-ḥarb, maʿa aghlab an-naas, Laa this village (Wad Hashim ḥattaa niḥna ḥabboobti ilaaha illa l-Laah, walaa bangiiɗo sey Mahdi. قام Malle) – participated (in the biḥki leena, saaʿat al-ḥarb ساق َّمنهم أربعين صبي قال fight against the Europeans) maʿaahum rajul… gaalo ليهم الخواجات جوا قريبين، ?with his followers and with khawaaja ghaaytu: Ingliizi عنده قماش خضرا، قام قطعه .the majority of the people. Jinsu shinu maa ʿaarfu بي مقص، كل واحد يعمل ليه -Our grandmother used to Mutaʿarrib ʿaalim min al عالمة خضرا هنا، لي عشرين [tell us that at the time of the ʿulama, gaal hu [= huwa نفر. قال ليهم: "أي واحد -war there was a white man shariifi. As-sabaa [= Aṣ البس عالمتي دا جبخانة ما :with them – a British? I ṣabaaḥ] yesuug al-awlaad بياكله". العشرين ما عمل ليهم ,don’t know his nationality. Laa ilaaha illa l-Laah عالمة لما مشوا قابلوا الجماعة .He was Arabized – a great walaa bangiiɗo sey Mahdi العشرين اللي فوقهم عالمة scholar who pretended to be Gaam saag minnahum األخضر ضربوهم بي سالح a sherif.5 In the morning he arbaʿiin ṣabi gaal leehum ميت ما جاتهم حاجة، العشرين .took the youth around in al-khawaajaat jo gariibiin التاني ماتوا. ديل مع الطاهر =] prayer (shouting): “There is ʿIndu gumaash khadra ذاته. =] no God except Allah and no khaḍra], gaam gataʿu exalted except the Mahdi.” gaṭaʿu] bee magaṣ, kullu He (the sherif) took 40 waahid yaʿmal le ʿalaama adults, telling them that the khadra hina, lee ʿishriin Europeans had approached. nafar. Gaal leehum: “Ayyu He had a green piece of waahid laabis ʿalaamti da cloth, which he cut into jabakhaana maa biyaaklu.” small pieces and gave to 20 Al-ʿishriin maa ʿamal of them to wear as a sign. leehum ʿalaama. Lamma He said to them: “Whoever masho gaabalo j-jamaaʿa carries my sign will not be al-ʿishriin alli foogum affected by ammunition.” ʿalaama l-akhdar [= l-akhḍar] The 20 adults to whom he ḍaraboohum be silaaḥ gave the badges were shot mayyit maa jaatum ḥaaja, by fake bullets and nothing al-ʿishrrin at-taani maato. happened to them, whereas Deel maʿa aṭ-Ṭaahir zaatu. the other 20 who did not carry the badges were shot by genuine bullets and got killed. The (20) people (who got killed) were At-Tahir’s people.

5 Sherif: descendant of the Prophet Muhammad through his daughter Fatima.

242 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Malle أها، بالليل الطاهر جمع الناس So, in the night At-Tahir Aha, be l-leel aṭ-Ṭaahir قال ليهم: "بعد ما نصلى :gathered his people and jamaʿ an-naas gaal leehum الصبح نطلع للحرب". خالص said to them: “After the “Baʿad maa naṣalli ṣ-ṣubuḥ بالليل الراجل مرق اتصل بي morning prayer we will go naṭlaʿ le l-ḥarb.” Khalaaṣ ناسه. الناس… اهلل أكبر. out for the war.” So, in the be l-leel ar-raajil marag المدافع اشتغلت. طبعا برمي …night the man (the sherif) ittaṣal bee naasu. An-naas كان برني – هسع يوسف بنيا -went out and contacted his Allaahu akbar… al دا أمه مضروب طلقة هنا. .people. As soon as the war madaafeʿ ishtaghalat عندي حبوبتي اسمها حبسة .started, the cannons worked Tabaʿan Burmi kaan birni )= حفصة(، هي شايل بت on them. Of course, Burmi Hassaʿ Yuusif Banya da أخته في ضهره، الطلقة ضرب .at that time was a walled ummu maḍruub ṭalga hina الود قتله، العالمة المن ماتت city. Now, Yousif Banya’s ʿIndi ḥabboobti ismaa Ḥabṣa العجوزة في ضهره. mother was shot by a bullet (= Ḥafṣa), afsahi shaayil bitt here. My grandmother ukhtu fii ḍahru; aṭ-ṭalga Habsa (Hafsa) was carrying ḍarab al-wad katalu, al- her sister’s daughter on her ʿalaama laamin maatat al- back; a bullet hit the child ʿajuuza fi ḍaharu. and killed it, and the mark (of that bullet) remained on the back of the old woman until she died. أها، الناس اتشتتوا. جد ناس Thus, the people dispersed. Aha, an-naas itshattato. Jid التجاني دا اسمه الفكي اسماعيل The grandfather of this Ti- naas at-Tijani da ismu هو المسؤول بالناس – ورجل jani (i.e., the grandfather of l-Faki Ismaaʿiil hu حافظ القرآن. َّلم الجماعة one of our informants) l-masʾuul be n-naas – wu شوية شوية ماش معاهم لغاية .called Al-Faki Isma’il was rajul ḥaafiz al-Qurʾaan َّخش بيهم السودان، أمدرمان، the one responsible for our Lamma j-jamaaʿa shuwayya خرطوم ]= الخرطوم[ مشوا people; (he was) a man who shuwayya maashi maʿaahum مكة. knew the Qur’an by heart. laghaayit khashsha beehum He gathered people little by as-Suudaan, Umdurmaan, little and led them until he Khartuum masho Makka. entered Sudan with them – to Omdurman, Khartoum, and then they went to Mecca.

س9: وألفا هاشم كان وين في Q9: Where was Alfa Hashim الوقت داك؟ ?at that time

ألفا هاشم كان معاهم لغاية ما Alfa Hashim was with them Alfaa Haashim kaan دخلوا السودان، كلهم الهجرة until they entered Sudan; maʿaahum laghaayit maa دخلوا مكة. ألفا هاشم جلس في ;the entire hijra (migration dakhalo s-Suudaan المدينة والبساطي في مكة. فكي group) arrived in Mecca. kullahum al-hijra dakhalo

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 243 إسماعيل دا ذاته في مكة. كلهم Alfa Hashim stayed in Makka. Alfaa Haashim وصلوا مكة لقوا حكم الشريف. Medina while Al-Busaati jalas fi l-Madiina wa قام حرب بين السعودي and Al-Faki Isma’il re- l-Busaaṭi fii Makka; Faki والشريف. الناس اضايقوا. .mained in Mecca. However, Ismaaʿiil da zaatu fii Makka االنجليز جابوا ليهم بوابير قال ,they all reached Mecca. Kullahum waaṣalo Makka ليهم أي غريب يطلع. طلعوا .That was during the rule of ligo ḥukm ash-Shariif قالوا يودوهم طوكر. ناسنا -Sherif (Hussein ibn Ali6). Gaam ḥarbi been as طوالي جو أمدرمان. -Then a war broke out Saʿuudi wa ash-Shariif. An between Saud7 and Sherif naas iḍḍaayago. Al-Ingliiz (at the beginning of the jaabo leehum bawaabiir twentieth century), and gaal leehum ayyi ghariib people started to suffer. The yaṭlaʿ. Ṭalaʿo gaalo British brought in steam- yiwadduuhum Tookar. ships and asked all the Naasna ṭawwaali jo foreigners to leave (what is Umdurmaan. now Saudi Arabia). They (i.e., our people) left and asked to be taken to Tokar (Sudan). Then they went to Omdurman. ناسنا بقيادة جد ناس مبشر، Our (Malle) people were Naasna be qiyaadat jidd اسمه أحمد، واألسرة بي قيادة under the leadership of the naas Mubashshir, ismu فكي إسماعيل، مشوا مع بعض grandfather of that Mubash- Aḥmad, wa l-ʾusra be لغاية ما وصلوا السعودية. .shir called Ahmad,8 and our qiyaadat Faki Ismaaʿiil family was under the lead- Masho maʿa baʿaḍ laghaayit ership of Al-Faki Isma’il. maa waṣalo s-Saʿuudiyya. They all moved together until they reached Saudi Arabia. في أمدرمان قعدوا في ود In Omdurman they stayed Fi Umdurmaan gaʿado fi in the Wad Nubawi quarter Wad Nuubaawi, maʿa نوباوي، مع البحر ّطوالي. situated directly on the l-baḥar ṭawwaali. river (bank).

تجاني Tijani هو حقيقة عندما وصلوا مكة In fact, as soon as they Huwa ḥagiigatan ʿindamaa يعني كانت النية أالّ يجعلوا arrived in Mecca, their waṣalo Makka yaʿni kaanat

6 A descendant of the Prophet who was once the ruler of both Mecca and Medina. 7 This man was the Saudi prince Abdul Aziz Al Saud who became internationally known as Ibn Saud. He defeated Hussein ibn Ali who then fled to Cyprus before retreating to Jordan where he eventually died. 8 Ahmad was, in fact, the brother of Mubashshir. The latter was already mentioned in the answer to question No. 7 and referred to as a son of Al-Hajj Umar al-Futi, a leader of the Tijaniyya in Futa Toro.

244 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Malle بينهم وبين الكعبة بحر. فعندما intention was not to be an-niyya allaa yajʿaluu دخلوا مع ركب الحجيج إلى مكة -separated from the Ka’aba9 beenahum wa been al قام جدنا، وهو الفكي إسماعيل، by a sea. So, as soon as they Kaʿaba baḥr. Fa ʿindamaa ألفا اسماعيل، المسئول عن -entered Mecca in the com- dakhaluu maʿa rakb al الركب دا، التحق بركب pany of pilgrims, our grand- ḥajiij ilaa Makka gaam الحجاج اليمني على طول. father Al-Faki Isma’il, also jaddana, wa huwa l-Faki بمجرد ما أدى الفريضة فقط لم ,then) known as Alfa Isma’il Ismaaʿiil, Alfaa Ismaaʿiil) يذهب إلى المدينة المنورة بل ,and the one responsible of al-masʾuul ʿan ar-rakbi da تحرك نحو اليمن. وراح يبحث -our group (Fallaata Malle), iltaḥaq be rakb al-ḥujjaaj al عن مكان لهذه القبيلة في اليمن immediately joined the car- Yamanii ʿala ṭuul; be ألنه مافي بحر بين السعودية avan of Yemenite pilgrims; mujarrad maa adda l-fariiḍa as soon as he had performed faqaṭ lam yazhab ila l- واليمن. فكل ّهمه أن يجد مكان فيه مرعى للماشية ومكان بعيد ḥajj (pilgrimage – to Mec- Madiina l-Munawwara, bal عن المدينة كذا، وهو هناك .ca), he didn’t proceed to taḥarrak naḥw al-Yaman الشباب يتربوا، يتعلموا ويدرسوا Medina, but started towards Wa raaḥ yabḥas ʿan makaan li haazihi l-qabiila fi القرآن، إو�ذا أرادوا أن يحجوا Yemen. He went to find a إلى مكة ال يكون هناك بحر place for this (Fallaata/ l-Yaman, laʾannu maafi أو أي مانع طبيعي. فذهب مع Fulani) group in Yemen be- baḥar been as-Suʿuudiyya ركب الحجيج إلى اليمن وعاد cause there is no sea (hin- wa l-Yaman. Fa kullu في العام الثاني ألنه على تلك drance) between Saudi hammu an yajid makaan األيام في خطورة في المشي Arabia and Yemen. So, his fiihu marʿa li l-maashiya طول العام. الناس يتحركون -i.e., Al-Faki Isma’il’s) wa makaan baʿiid ʿan al) مع ركب الحجيج. main concern was to get a madiina kadhaa, wa huwa place with enough pasture hunaak ash-shabaab for the cattle, a place that yatarabbu, yataʿallamu wa was far from a town, but yadrusu l-Qurʾaan, wa where the youth would be idhaa araaduu an yaḥujjuu well educated and get the ilaa Makka laa yakuun opportunity to learn the hunaalika baḥr aw ayyi Qur’an, and so located that maaniʿ ṭabiiʿii. Fa dhahaba there would be no sea or maʿa rakb al-ḥajiij ilaa al- any other natural hindrance Yaman wa ʿaada fi l-ʿaam when they needed to go to ath-thaanii. Laʾannu ʿalaa Mecca to perform ḥajj. So, tilka l-ʾayyaam fi khuṭuura he followed the Yemenite fi l-mashi ṭuul al-ʿaam. An- caravan to Yemen and re- naas yataḥarrakuun maʿa turned the following year. rakb al-ḥajiij. Because at that time it was dangerous to travel at any time of the year. (In the past), people (widely) used

9 The Ka’aba is the cube-shaped building located in the courtyard of Al-Masjid al-Haram Mosque in Mecca. It is also the most holy site in Islam.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 245 to travel with pilgrimage caravans (for security reasons). فذهب إلى اليمن فطاف على He went around in Yemen Fa dhahab ila l-Yaman fa أساس أن يجد مقر هناك ويجي with the intention of finding ṭaaf ʿala asaas an yajid يأخذ البقية. فلمن عاد إلى مكة an abode there and of re- maqar hinaak wa yaji وجد الحرب بتاعة الشريف، turning to get the rest (of yaakhud al-baqiyya. Fa واألساطيل وصلت لدعم… his people). But when he laaman ʿaad ilaa Makka وكانت في مجاعة شديدة -returned, he found the war wajad al-ḥarb bitaaʿat ash جدا جدا. فاتصل بالكابتن of Sherif… the navies had Shariif, wa l-ʾasaaṭiil اإلنجليزي المسئول عن ميناء already arrived to support… waṣalat li daʿm… Wa جدة فجهَّز ليه بوابير َّفنزل and there was a very acute kaanat fi majaaʿa shadiida الناس في مصوع، ومن مصوع famine. So, he contacted jiddan jiddan. Fa ittaṣal be جوا الخرطوم، جوا امدرمان the British captain who was l-kabtin al-Ingiliizi استقروا فيها. in charge of Jedda port, l-masʾuul ʿan miinaaʾ who prepared steamships Jadda, fa jahhaz leehu for him, and he took his bawaabiir fa nazzal an-naas people to Musawwa and fii Maṣawwaʿ, wa min from there to Khartoum, to Maṣawwaʿ jo l-Khartuum, Omdurman, where they jo Umdurmaan, istagharro settled. fiiha. فالحياة وجدوها في أمدرمان But life there did not suit Fa l-ḥaya wajadooha fi يعني ما تناسبهم، أمدرمان them; Omdurman was a Umdurmaan yaʿni maa مدينة وهم… مافي عمال town and they had neither tunaasibum; Umdurmaan مهرة، مافيهم َّمكنيكية، مافيهم …skilled labourers among madiina wa humma مهندسين، مافيهم ناس يقدروا ,them, nor mechanics, nor maafi ʿummaal mahara يعيشوا في مدينة. َّهم جوا ,engineers, i.e., they weren’t maafiihum makaniikiyya people who could live in ur- maafiihum muhanndisiin, رعاة ّاعوزر وطالب علم. ففي المدينة ال يجدوا أكل مناسب ban centres. They arrived maafiihum naas yigdaru لمواشيهم وال أراضي واسعة as herders, farmers and yiʿiishu fii madiina; humma عشان يزرعوا. المدينة نفسها knowledge seekers. In the jo ruʿa, wa zurraaʿ wa كذلك تشكل خطورة على town they would neither ṭullaab ʿilm. Fa fi l-madiina األطفال ألنه شي جديد، إذا find suitable grazing for laa yajidu akil munaasib le جلسوا في المدينة أو عاشوا their cattle nor extensive mawaashiihum walaa في المدينة حيظلوا على lands that they could culti- araaḍi waasʿa ʿashaan هامش الحياة، ما حيتعلموا، ما vate. The town itself would yizraʿu. Al-madiina nafsaha حيقوموا بأعمال مفيدة تنفعهم constitute a danger for their kazaalik tushakkil khuṭuura في المستقبل. فالشيخ أرسل children because it would ʿala l-ʾaṭfaal, laʾannu shi وفود، من ضمنهم الوفد المشى -mean a new (life style). If jadiid. Izaa jalasu fi l بجاوي واتصل بالسالطين -they stayed in the town, madiina aw ʿaasho fi l واألمراء في المنطقة، وكل ناس they would remain at the madiina ḥayaẓallu ʿalaa كانوا رحبوا بيهم. margin of life – they would haamish al-ḥaya – maa not study, nor would they ḥayitʿallamu, maa

246 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Malle do any work that might be ḥayiguumu be aʿmaal useful for their future. mufiida tanfaʿum fi Therefore, the Sheikh l-mustaqbal. Fa sh-sheekh (Al-Faki Isma’il) sent dele- arsal wufuud, min gations, including the ḍimnahum al-wafd al- delegation that headed for masha Bijaawi wa ittaṣal be Bijawi. He contacted the s-salaaṭiin wa l-ʾumara fi responsible authorities, i.e., l-manṭiga, wa kulli naas kings and chiefs of the area, kaanu raḥḥabu beehum. who all welcomed them. المهم في النهاية المقر وقع -At last their choice fell on Al-muhim fi n-nihaaya al على هذه المنطقة ألنها وسط this area (Wad Hashim) be- maqar wagaʿ ʿalaa haazihi السودان: الزراعة موجودة، cause it is in the centre of l-manṭiga laʾannaha wasaṭ األراضي شاسعة، المياه من the Sudan: there were op- as-Suudaan: az-ziraaʿa النيل متوفرة، وبعيدة من المدينة portunities for farming, mawjuuda, al-araaḍi كذلك. فوجدوا مبتغاهم: يتعلموا -with a lot of land, enough shaasiʿa, al-miyaah min an ويزرعوا ويمشوا خلف المواشي water from the Nile, and it Niil mutawaffira, wa baʿiida min al-madiina kazaalik. Fa بتاعتهم. إو�ذا أرادوا المدينة فهي was also (farther) away قريبة. فاآلن يعني الناس تمشي :from the (bigger) urban wajadu mubtaghaahum وتجي شرقا وغربا نحن في centres. So, they found dyataʿallamu, wa yazraʿu وسط السودان. -what they wanted: (a place wa yimshu khalf al where) they could study, mawaashi bitaaʿatum. Wa cultivate and keep their cat- izaa araadu l-madiina fa tle; and if they needed (to hiya gariiba. Fa l-ʾaan yaʿni visit) the (next smaller) n-naas tamshi wa taji town, it was (still) very near sharghan wa gharban niḥna (Sennar). So, now people fii wasaṭ as-Suudaan. can move in any direction they like; we are in the centre of the Sudan.

س10: وجود حفيد الشيخ Q10: Didn’t the presence of عثمان بن فودي )ميورنو( ما the (great) grandson of لعب دور في اختيار أهلكم (Sheikh Usman (dan Fodio للمنطقة دي؟ i.e., Mai-Wurno) in this) place affect the choice made by your people?

برضو لعب دور كبير جدا. This also played a great role. Barḍu liʿib door kabiir jiddan.

األمين Al-Amin ناسنا مما جوا ما ضموا مع When our people first Naasna mimmaa jo maa

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 247 السلطان أول مرة، نزلوا هناك arrived, they didn’t join the ḍammo maʿa s-Sulṭaan مع العرب. جدنا جا للسلطان Sultan (Mai-Wurno); they awaal marra, nazalo hinaak قال ليه: "نحن أوالد عم، بالد stayed away with the Arabs. maʿa l-ʿarab. Jiddana ja le ما بنحش، شارع حكومة ما Our grandfather10 went to s-Sulṭaan gaal le: “Niḥna بنحش، جا حرب نادينا… the Sultan and said to him: awlaad ʿamm; bilaad maa كأخوان". دا الشروط األول. We are paternal cousins bnaḥish, shaareʿ ḥakuuna“ بعد داك جوا نزلوا المحل دا. i.e., father’s brother’s maa bnaḥishshu; ja ḥarb) sons); we will not (agree to) nadiina… ka akhwaan.” Da weed (others’) farms or sh-shuruuṭ al-awwal. Baad (work on) the government’s daak jo nazalo l-mahal da. roads (as forced labour); if there is war, you can call upon us (to render our service) as brothers.” These were the first conditions (posed by our people). Then they moved to this place.

س11: في خشم البيت في Q11: Do the Fallaata Malle فالتة ملِّى؟ have subsections (khashum buyuut)?

عندنا سدبي، في قابيرو، وفي ,We have Sidibe, Gabeero Indana Sidibe, fi Gaabeero بازي. دا عندنا في الحلة دي، -and Baazi. All these groups wu fi Baazi. Da indana fi l إالَّ كل َّبتلم في صرة واحدي. are in this village, and they ḥilla di, illa kullu bitlamma هسع نحن لغاية قبل استغالل .come from the same navel fii surra [= ṣurra] waḥdi السودان بسنة أهلنا بجونا womb). Until a year before Hassaʿ niḥna laghaayit gabl) طوالي. نحن السدبي، قابيرو Independence, our relatives istighlaal as-Suudaan be في الحجيرات. from West Africa) used to sana ahalna bijuuna) visit us regularly. We are ṭawwaali. Niḥna as-Sidibe; Sidibe; the Gabeero are Gaabeero fi l-Hijeeraat. (however more numerous) in Hijerat. بعدين قابيرو ذاتها ما قبيلة. However, Gabeero are not Baʿdeen Gaabeero zaataa maa gabiila; niḥna zey ana نحن زي أنا إو�نت أخوان. إنت a tribe. For example, you زعلت ومشيت عملت حلة، and I are two brothers; you wu inta akhwaan; inta نضحك عليك ونقولوا الحلة get angry and go and found ziʿilta wu masheet ʿamalta الكبيرة. كلهم صرة واحدي. your own village; we sar- ḥilla; naḍḥak ʿaleek wu castically call it “the big naguulu l-ḥilla l-kabiira. village”. They are all from Kullahum surra waḥdi. the same navel (womb).

10 The term ‘grandfather’ is used loosely here as a term of respect.

248 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Malle س12: هل كلكم في الحلة دي Q12: Are you all relatives أهل بعض ولال فيكم أغراب؟ in this village or are there strangers among you?

المخبران االثنان The two informants كلنا أهل بعض، أسرة أو We are all relatives, maybe Kullana ahal baʿaḍ; ʾusra أسرتين جايز. أهلنا بمثلوا except for one or two fami- aw ʾusrateen jaayiz. Ahalna جانب وهم ديلك بمثلوا جانب. lies. They represent a part bimassilu jaanib wu humma and we another part. deelak bimassilu jaanib.

س13: والحلة دي في ناس Q13: Are there many people كتير في سعودي أريبيا؟ from this village in Saudi Arabia?

األمين Al-Amin بقايا. الطاهر الزمخشري -Some (remained behind in Baghaaya. Aṭ-Ṭaahir az الشاعر دا مننا. Saudi Arabia). At-Tahir az- Zamakhshari, ash-shaaʿir Zamakhshari, that poet, is da, minnana. from our group.

تجاني Tijani الناس المجودين في السعودية Our people living in Saudi An-naas al-mawjuudiin fi نوعين، مننا نحن. في ناس ,Arabia are of two kinds. s-Suʿuudiyya nooʿeen استقروا من الهجرة األولى There are those from the minnana niḥna. Fi naas – تخلَّف ما خرج، ودا يمثل -first migration group who istagharro min al-hijra al أسر اآلن تسعودت وأصبحوا .remained behind (in Saudi uula – takhallaf maa kharaj سعوديين بحكم الفترة الزمنية. Arabia); these people con- Wa da yimassil ʾusar al-aan وفي ناس مشت حديثا للعمل stitute families that have tasaʿwadat wa aṣbaḥu هناك من الشباب، )وديل -become, over time, Saudi Suʿuudiyyiin be ḥukm al نسبتهم( ما كبيرة، زي عشرين. nationals. And there are the fatra z-zamaniyya. Wu fi young people who went re- naas mashat ḥadiisan le cently (to Saudi Arabia) in l-ʿamal hinaak min ash- search of work; these are shabaab, (wu deel nisbatum) not numerous – about 20. maa kabiira, zey ʿishriin.

س14: كيف ِّتفسر النسبة Q14: How do you explain العالية في التعليم اللي بتتميز the high rate of education بيها الحلة دي؟ which characterises this vil lage?

واهلل إذا قورنت بالمنطقة عامة By God, compared with the Wallaahi izaa quurinat be نعتبر نحن يعني النسبة عالية area in general, the level of l-manṭiga ʿaammatan جدا في التعليم: التعليم الثانوي، -education among us is very nuʿtabar niḥina yaʿni an

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 249 التعليم الجامعي… عدد كبير، high: educated people up to nisba ʿaaliya jiddan fi وما فوق الجامعي برضو عدد -the secondary, university t-taʿliim: at-taʿliim ath كبير. -and postgraduate levels are thaanawi, at-taʿliim al very numerous. jaamiʿi… ʿadad kabiir; wu maa fawq al-jaamiʿi barḍu ʿadad kabiir.

س15: كيف ِّتفسر الظاهرة Q15: How do you explain دي علما بأنه الفالتة بيعتبروا that, given that the Fallaata المدرسة كفر؟ Fulani) used to associate) (Western) school with ‘unbelief’ (kufr)?

ناسنا لما جوا – زي ما ذكر When our people came – as Naasna lamma jo – zey maa أخوي األمين دا – هم منفصلين – mentioned by my brother11 zakar akhuuy l-Lamiin da أصال عن الفالتة بصفة عامة، Al-Amin – they generally humma munfaṣiliin aṣlan منفصلين ومترابطين ومتأثرين stayed apart from the (oth- ʿan al-Fallaata bi ṣifa بالتالي بالتعليم وباللغة العربية. er) Fallaata (Fulani); apart ʿaamma; munfaṣliin wa وكمان تحركهم نفسه واسع and tightly linked with one mutaraabṭiin wa وبالتالي حصل احتكاك… أكثر another and influenced by mutʾaththiriin be t-taali be من غيرهم. يعني المن جوا ما education and Arabic lan- t-taʿliim wu be l-lugha ارتبطوا باألرض… بالزراعة guage. They also had wider l-ʿarabiyya. Wa kamaan كثير، يعني ما قعدوا هنا كثير. ,contacts (with non-Fulani). taḥarrukum nafsu waaseʿ تأثروا بمن حولهم من الناس. …For example when they wa be t-taali ḥaṣal iḥtikaak فلغتهم العربية تحسنت وبالتالي came, they did not link their aktar min gheerum; yaʿni اكتسبوا من الناس. ُّخشوا في livelihood strongly with the laaman jo ma irtabaṭo be الحياة بالتالي من دخل الحياة ,land (farming); in other l-arḍ… be z-ziraaʿa katiir بيتعلم… مدرسة، والجامعة إلى words, they did not stay yaʿni maa gaʿado hina األخر. long (in one place). They katiir. Taʾththaro be man were influenced by the sur- ḥawlahum min an-naas. Fa rounding people, which re- lughatum al-ʿArabiyya sulted in the strengthening taḥassanat; wa be t-taali of their Arabic knowledge. iktasabo min an-naas – So, they entered into the ac- khashsho fi l-ḥaya; be tive life, and those who en- t-taali man dakhal al-ḥaya ter the active life will biyataʿallam… madrasa, learn… school, university, wa al-jaamaʿa, ila l-ʾaakhir. and so on.

س16: ما هي األسباب التي /Q16: For what reasons did جعلت أهلكم يهتموا بالتجارة do your people engage in

11 The term ‘brother’ is used loosely here to stress shared ethnic background.

250 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Malle لهذا الحد؟ trading activities to such a(n) (large) extent?

كلما نحن نكشفوا بلد نلقاه Whenever we discover a Kullu maa niḥna nakshifu كويس )نمشي ليه(. أنا مشيت good place (for trade, we go balad nalga kooyis (namshi عملت راسمال كويس، إنت there). For example, I go leehu). Ana masheet تجي من الحلة أنا بجي من ,there, accumulate capital, ʿamalta raasmaal kooyis الحلة. بنساعد بعض كلنا and my brother12 from the inta taji min al-ḥilla ana baji نمشي في المنطقة زي نظام same village joins me; we min al-ḥilla, binasaaʿidu الجالبة هسع تمشي الجنوب help each other; exactly baʿad kullana namshi fi تلقى أوالد الشايقية… مريدي -like what the jallaaba l-manṭiga; zey niẓaam aj دي كلها أوالد شايقية. تمشي Arab traders) do. Now if jallaaba. Hassaʿ tamshi) غوغلاير تلقى أوالد من أم دوم. -you go to Southern Sudan, j-januub talga awlaad ash you find a place likeMeridi Shaaygiyya… Mariidi di full of Shaygiyya Arabs; kullaa awlaad Shaaygiyya; you go to Gogrial and find tamshi Googriyaal talga it full of Um Dom Arabs. kulla l-awlaad min Um Doom.

س17: عندكم ناس يمشون لي Q17: Do you have people غرب إفريقيا للتجارة؟ who go to West Africa for trade?

األمين Al-Amin عندنا هسع من أغنى األغنياء -Now the richest people in ʿIndana hassaʿ min aghna l في تشاد؛ أغنى ناس في تشاد Chad are our people from ʾaghniya fi Tashaad; aghna من أوالدنا، من القرية دي ذاته. this very village. naas fii Tashaad min awlaadna, min al-ghariya di zaatu.

تجاني Tijani في مثل برضو اآلخرين بطلقوا People around us say that Fi masal barḍu l-ʾaakhariin علينا، يعني بقولوا القبيلة اللي we are the tribe whose biṭlighu ʿaleena, yaʿni ممكن الفرد فيها يروح خلف members can pursue money biguulu al-gabiila alli المال… يروح يبحث عن المال until they get lost forever. mumkin al-fardi fiiha إلى أن يروح مرة واحدة. – yiruuḥ khalf al-maal yiruuḥ yibḥas ʿan al-maal ilaa an yiruuḥ marra waḥda.

االمين Al-Amin أنا مشيت زائير. الماليين ديل -I went to Zaire (and saw Ana masheet Zaaʾiir, al

12 Same remark with regard to the use of the term ‘brother’ as in footnote 11.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 251 أكتر ناس بكوسوا قروش. that) Malians seek money Maaliyyiin deel aktar naas التجار هناك من مالي، هم more than any other people. bikuus guruush. At-tujaar بقولوا ليهم سنقاليين. الراجل There they are known as hinaak min Maali, hum هناك لما يكون في مناجم .Senegalese. If a man among biguulu leehum Seniqaaliin بتاع ذهب يمشوا عشرة، ثمانية them hears about a place of Ar-raajil hinaak lamma يموتوا يطلعوا اإلثنين بي gold mines, ten people will yikuun fi manaajim bitaaʿ حاجة. ,make their way to that zahab yimshu ʿashara place; eight may die so that tamaaniya yimuutu yiṭlaʿu the other two may come out l-ʾitneen be ḥaaja. with something.

س18: وين تاني ممكن نلقى Q18: Where else can we find ناسكم؟ ?your people

الحجيرات، روينا، أبوجيلي، -They are found in) Hijerat, Al-Hijeeraat, Riwiina, Abu) أبولبن وهنا – خمسة. عندنا Riwina, Abu Jeili and Abu Jeyli, Abu-Laban, wu hina برضو البرداب في جبال النوبة Laban, in addition to here – – khamsa. ʿIndana barḍu وعندنا مجموعة في تلس، -that makes five (locations). l-Bardaab fii Jibaal an جنب نياال – بيت واحد، ناس We also have a group (of Nuuba; wa ʿindana حامد همه. عندنا برضو في people) in Bardab in the majmuuʿa fii Tulus, janb أبومطارق جنب الضعين – في Nuba Hills; we also have Niyaala – beet waaḥid, naas أسر مستقرة هناك، في الطريق others in Tulus near Nyala Haamid Hamma; ʿindana هم جوا متأخرين اتخلفوا. one family, that of Hamid barḍu fi Abu-Maṭaarig janb – Hamma; we have others in aḍ-Ḍiʿeen – fi ʾusar Abu Matarig near Ad- mustaqirra hinaak; fi ṭ-ṭariig Di’en; these families came humma jo mutʾakhkhiriin later and stayed behind (i.e., itkhallafo. in Abu Matarig).

س19: عندكم عالقة تواصل Q19: Do you maintain links مع ناسكم في الحالل ذات with your people in the الصلة بيكم؟ ?related villages

بيتزاوجوا. الحالل القريبة They intermarry. The near- Biyatazaawaju. Al-ḥallaal بيتداخلوا في المناسبات by villages interact with al-gariiba biyatadaakhalu fi االجتماعية: في موت، في -each other. They exchange l-munaasabaat al زواج بيمشوا. والحالل البعيدة visits on social occasions, ijtimaaʿiyya: fi moot fi برضو بيمشوا ليها أحيانا وفي such as marriages or funer- zawaaj biyimshu. Wa تزاوج. als. Sometimes they also l-ḥallaal al-baʿiida barḍu exchange visits and inter- biyimshu leeha aḥyaanan marry with (Fallaata Malle wu fi tazaawuj. from) distant villages. )زواج من البرداب( زي خمسة (About five or six people (Zawaaj min al-Bardaab

252 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Malle ستة من الحلة دي، لكن -from this village (Wad zey khamsa sitta min al في الحجيرات كتيرين. ناس Hashim Malle) married ḥilla di, laakin fi l-Hijeeraat البرداب برضو أخدو من هنا. women) from Bardab, but katiiriin. Naas al-Bardaab) ود العمدة ذاته متزوج من هنا. ;many people in Hijerat barḍu akhado min hina (have married women from wad al-ʿumda zaatu there). The Bardab people muzzawwij min hina. (Fulani) have also taken wives from here, including the Omda’s son himself.

س20: الحلة دي بيعرفوا كلهم Q20: Do all the people in اللغة سنغاي؟ ,.this village know (i.e speak) Songhai?

كلهم بيعرفوا، األوالد العربي بدا -They all know (i.e., speak) Kullahum biyaʿrifu; al يؤثر فيهم شوية شوية. it; the children have started awlaad, al-ʿArabi bada little by little to be yiʾassir fiihum shuwayya influenced by Arabic. shuwayya.

س21: وناسكم القعدوا في Q21: Do your people who السعودية لسع بيعرفوا سنغاي stayed in Saudi Arabia still ولال نسوها؟ speak Songhai or have they already forgotten it?

تجاني Tijani الكبار خالص بيعرفوا. وبعدين The very elderly people still Al-kibaar khaaliṣ مكة هي أصالً ُّتجمع بتاع speak it. In fact, Mecca is a biʿarfuuha. Wa baʿdeen هجرات، يعني سنويا ناس gathering place for migra- Makka hiya aṣlan tajammuʿ بيجوا من مالي وبيجوا من هنا، tions; every year people go bitaaʿ hijraat; yaʿni بيحصل تخلُّف هناك. فاللغة there from Mali and others sanawiyyan naas biju min يعني شايعة هناك، موجودة في ,go from here. Then many Maali wa biju min hina مكة في حي جرول بالذات. ;would stay behind. There- biyaḥṣal takhalluf hinaak fore, the (Songhai) lan- fa l-lugha yaʿni shaayiʿa guage is widely spread; it is hinaak; mawjuuda fii spoken specifically in the Makka fii ḥay Jarwal be Jarwal quarter in Mecca. z-zaat.

[Unrecorded – summarised by Günther Schlee: The response to the last question, whether there was new influx after thehijra , was ‘yes’; there were individuals who came for the ḥajj (pilgrimage) and some of them stayed here (in Wad Hashim Malle).]

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 253 س22: الدور الذي يلعبه Q22: What is the role played التجانية في هذه الحلة؟ by the Tijaniyya ṭariiga (ṭariiqa – i.e., Tijaniyya brotherhood) in this village?

تجاني Tijani أصالً الشيخ نفسه قائد الهجرة ,To begin with, the Sheikh Aṣlan ash-sheekh nafsu كان شيخ من شيوخ التجانية. himself (Al-Faki Isma’il), ghaaʾid al-hijra kaan sheekh فبالتالي كل البلد هم تجانية بال .i.e., the leader of the hijra, min shuyuukh at-Tijaaniyya نزاع. الحلة دي مافيها أي فرد was one of the Tijaniyya Fa be t-taalii kulla l-balad غير تجاني، دا مبدأ. لكن هل sheikhs. Therefore, all the humma Tijaaniyya balaa هو ملتزم باألوراد كذا وكذا أم people of the village are nizaaʿ. Al-ḥilla di maafiiha ال، هذا اختالف الناس، لكن ما Tijaniyya without excep- ayyi fard gheer Tijaani; da في غير كدا. tion. But the question is mabdaʾan. Laakin hal huwa whether they all observe multazim be l-awraad the wirds (prayers); herein kazaa wa kazaa am la, lies the difference. haaza ikhtilaaf an-naas; laakin maa fi gheer kida.

األمين Al-Amin أهلنا مما قاموا أخدوا الطريقة Since the beginning our Ahalna mimma gaamo عن أبناء الشيخ عمر الفوتي. people took the ṭariiqa akhado ṭ-ṭariiga ʿan abnaaʾ الشيخ إسماعيل جدنا دا تجاني .from the sons of Sheikh ash-Sheekh ʿUmar al-Fuuti وكلنا تجانية. Umar al-Futi. Our grandfa- Ash-Sheekh Ismaaʿiil ther,13 Sheikh (Al-Faki) jiddana da Tijaani wu Isma’il, was a Tijani and we kullana Tijaaniyya. are all Tijaniyya followers.

س23: هل استطعتم من إقامة Q23: Were you able to عالقات مع القبائل األخرى establish relationships with قائمة فقط على الوالء للطريقة other tribes based التجانية؟ exclusively on common adherence to the Tijaniyya ṭariiqa?

تجاني Tijani هنا الشيخ ورث الخالفة من -Here, the sheikh (i.e., Yahya Hina sh-Sheekh warath al الشيخ إسماعيل، قائد الهجرة. Abdullahi, the informant’s khilaafa min ash-Sheekh اآلن والدنا الشيخ يحيى .father) obtained the Ismaaʿiil, ghaaʾid al-hijra عبداهلل… يعني المن جوا succession from Sheikh Al-ʾaan waalidna sh-Sheekh أحفاد سيدي أحمد التجاني Al-Faki) Isma’il, the leader Yaḥya ʿAbdullaahi… Yaʿni)

13 Here too, the term ‘grandfather’ is used loosely as a term of respect.

254 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Malle من المغرب ومن فاس، جوا of the hijra. And now our laamin jo aḥfaad Siidi هنا سنة خمسة وأربعين، طافوا -father Sheikh Yahya Aḥmad at-Tijaani min al بالمنطقة وأدوه إذن بأنه يعطي Abdullahi… When the de- Maghrib wu min Faas, jo الطريقة لمن يرغب. هو َّمقدم scendants of Sidi Ahmad at- hina sanat khamsa wu في الطريقة التجانية، وبالتالي Tijani (i.e., the descendants arbaʿiin; ṭaafo be l-manṭiga المسألة دي خلقت عالقات of Sheikh Ahmad at-Tijani) wa addoohu izin bi annu قوية جدا بيننا وبين قبائل تانية came from Morocco and yaʿṭi ṭ-ṭariiqa li man وبين مدن تانية وبين قرى Fez in 1945, they went yarghab; huwa muqaddam تانية. مثال دار السالم هنا في around in the area and gave fi ṭ-ṭariiqa t-Tijaaniyya, wa أول محافظة الجزيرة وامتدادا him (our father) the permis- be t-taalii l-masʾala di إلى الشكابة طه ديل كلهم sion to pass the ṭariiqa to khalaqat ʿalaaqaat qawiyya ماخدين الطريقة التجانية من whomever wished to re- jiddan beenna wu been الوالد الشيخ يحيى عبداهلل، رغم ceive it; he was a qabaaʾil taaniya wu been إنهم مافي صالت عرق تربطنا muqaddam.14 This (permis- mudun taaniya wu been بيهم، بس صالت الدين… sion to pass the ṭariiqa) qura taaniya. Masalan Daar الطريقة التجانية. favoured the development as-Salaam hina fii awwal of very strong links be- muḥaafaẓat aj-Jaziira wa tween us and other tribes, imtidaadan ila sh-Shukkaaba towns and villages. For ex- Ṭaaha deel kullahum ample, from Dar es Salaam maakhdiin aṭ-ṭariiqa t- (Sennar State) near the bor- Tijaaniyya min al-waalid der with the Gezira Prov- ash-Sheekh Yaḥya ince up to Shukkaba Taha ʿAbdullaahi, raghmi innahum (a village in the Gezira maafi ṣilat ʿirq tarbuṭna Province located halfway beehum; bas ṣilat ad-diin… between Wad Medani and aṭ-ṭariiqa t-Tijaaniyya. Sennar), all the people took the ṭariiqa from my father, Sheikh Yahya Abdullahi, although there were no ethnic relations between us; nothing except common adherence to the ( Tijaniyya) ṭariiqa.

س24: هل كل القرى المجاورة -Q24: Do/did all the sur عادة تاخد الطريقة من والدك؟ rounding Arab villages usually take the ṭariiqa from your father?

األمين Al-Amin ال ما بالظبط. هم يعني كل No, not exactly; everyone La maa be ẓ-ẓabṭ, humma

14 Muqaddam is a high title within the Tijaniyya.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 255 ناس بياخدوا من أقرب… في takes it from the nearest… yaʿni kullu naas bi yaakhdu ناس بياخدوا من دار السالم There are people who take min agrab… Fi naas – ناس دار السالم ديل نحن -it from Dar es Salaam – we biyaakhdu min Daar as بنعتبرهم قيادة. -regard the Dar es Salaam Salaam – naas Daar as people as leaders. Salaam deel niḥna biniʿtabirum qiyaada.

س25: طيب ليه ناس الشكابة -Q25: Then why did the peo طه نطُّوا دار السالم وجوا هنا ple of Shukkaba (Taha) skip ألخد الطريقة؟ Dar es Salaam and came here for the ṭariiqa?

تجاني Tijani ُّألنه في طالب أصال أخدوا Because from the begin- Laʾannu fi ṭullaab aṣlan الطريقة من الشيخ هنا، َّوهم -ning there were students akhado ṭ-ṭariiga min ash وصلوا بالطريقة هناك ولزوا who took the ṭariiqa from Sheekh hina, wa humma ناسهم هنا. وبعدين كان بدري the Sheikh (Al-Faki waṣalo be ṭ-ṭariiqa hunaak يعني أهلنا أول ما جوا هنا Isma’il) here, spread it and wu lazzo naasum hina. Wu وقعدوا األسرة استقرت. والناس sent their people back here. baʿdeen kaan badri yaʿni بفتشوا عن سبل لكسب العيش. Also when our people first ahalna awwal maa jo hina وكان الشيخ نفسه بتحرك هو came, they settled here. wu gaʿado al-ʾusra والطالب بتاعنه، يقروا والشيخ People (usually) sought a istagharrat. Wa n-naas نفسه بيطوف في المنطقة. means of livelihood. So, bifattishu ʿan subul li kasb the Sheikh himself used to al-ʿeesh. Fa kaan ash- move around in the area Sheekh nafsu bitḥarrak together with his students. huwa wa ṭ-ṭullaab bitaaʿinnu; yigru wa sh- Sheekh nafsu biyiṭuuf fi l-manṭiqa. بعدين برضو أهلنا بالذات نحن Moreover, our people, spe- Baʿdeen barḍu ahlana be هنا في ود هاشم ملي جو بي cifically here, in Wad z-zaat, niḥna hina fii Wad شي ما كان معروف لي أهل Hashim, brought something Haashim Malle, jo bee shay السودان، أو كان قلة، اللي هو which was not known – or maa kaan maʿruuf lee ahl َّهم كانوا بيقوموا بعملية فتح ;very little known – to the as-Suudaan, aw kaan qilla العين الفيها الموية البيضاء، Sudanese. They practised alli huwa humma kaanu يقوموا بجراحة. ودي تعلموها eye surgery on eyes with biguumu bee ʿamaliyyat fatḥ من الغرب هناك ألنه هناك white water (cataract). They al-ʿeen al-fiiha l-mooya في غرب افريقيا المرض بتاع learned it in West Africa be- l-beeḍa; yaquumu be العيون كتير. طافوا السودان cause eye diseases are jiraaḥa. Wu di taʿallamooha as doctors. يعني يعالجوا الناس ,widely spread there. They min al-gharib hinaak بي عملية شوفتها بي عيني. went around in the Sudan laʾannu hinaak fi Gharbi العدسة بتاعة العين الجوة دي -as doctors” curing people Afriiqiya al-maraḍ bitaaʿ al“ مربوطة هنا ومربوطة هنا. -through an operation which ʿuyuun katiir. Ṭaafu s

256 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Malle الطبيب اآلن هو عنده كماشة I saw with my own eyes. Suudaan as doctors. Yaʿni يمسك هنا يقطع هنا ويقطع هنا This eye lens is tied from yiʿaalju n-naas be ويشيل ويخت برة. إنت الزم here and from here. The ʿamaliyya ana shuftaa be تعمل نضارة بعد كدا عشان -doctor now has pincers; he ʿeeni. Al-ʿadasa bitaaʿat al تشوف، العدسة خالص انتهت holds here, cuts here and ʿeen aj-juwwa di marbuuṭa برة. -puts it aside (outside). You hina wu marbuuṭa hina. Aṭ will then need to wear eye ṭabiib al-ʾaan huwa ʿindu glasses in order to be able kammaasha yimsik hina, to see. yigṭaʿ hina wu yigṭaʿ hina wu yishiil wu yikhut barra. Inta laazim taʿmal naḍḍaara baʿdi kida ʿashaan tashuuf; al-ʿadasa khalaaṣ intahat barra. َّفهم ال، عندهم إبرة For them (our people) it is Fa humma la; ʿindahum needle يعمل "طق" يقطع هنا ويقوم ’not like this; they have a ʾibra needle, yaʿmal ‘ṭag باإلبرة إما يروح كدا أو يروح needle “needle”. He (the yigṭaʿ hina; wa yiguum be كدا. فاإلنسان الكبير في السن، traditional’ doctor) cuts l-ʾibra imma yiruuḥ kida‘ ستين سبعين سنة هو مريض. here and then uses the nee- aw yiruuḥ kida. Fa l-insaan فالمن يقطع من هنا ويزح dle, moving it either to this al-kabiir fi s-sin – sittiin العدسة الضو يدخل عليه فهو .side or to that side. An el- sabaʿiin sana huwa mariiḍ يكون مبسوط، شاف خالص. derly person of 60 or 70 Fa laaman yigṭaʿ min hina وقد تستمر العملية سنة تالتة years of age is sick. So, wu yiziḥ al-ʿadasa aḍ-ḍaw أربعة خمسة سنة يرجع تاني. when he (the ‘traditional’ yidkhul ʿale, fa huwa yikuun لكن الطبيب الحديث اآلن يشيله doctor) cuts here and moves mabsuuṭ, shaaf khalaaṣ. Wa برة ويعمل لك عدسة داخلية the eye lens to one side, the ghad tastamir al-ʿamaliyya أو يجيب نضارة، خالص light will enter (the eye). He sana talaata arbaʿa khamsa إنت بتبقى كويس. فكان جدنا -the patient) thus becomes sana yarjaʿ taani. Laakin aṭ) بالذات باإلضافة إلى أنه كان glad that he is able to see ṭabiib al-ḥadiis al-ʾaan حافظ للقرآن ِّويدرس وينشر once again. The operation yishiilu barra wu yaʿmal lak الطريقة التجانية كان برضو may remain successful for ʿadasa daakhiliyya aw yijiib يقوم بعالج العيون بهذه اإلبرة one, three, four or five years naḍḍaara; khalaaṣ inta أو بتراتيل قرآنية. وهو لما راح and then it (the problem) re- bitabga kooyis. Fa kaan مناطق الجزيرة زي الشكابة طه -occurs. But the modern doc- jaddana be z-zaat be l الشيخ الحالي الموجود كان tor will remove it (i .e., the iḍaafa ilaa annu kaan ḥaafiẓ تلميذ معاه. فحصل معرفة eye lens) completely and le l-Qurʾaan wa yidarris wa بين الشيوخ والعلماء القاعدين insert (a new) internal lens yanshur aṭ-ṭariiqa هناك، فأصبحت المعرفة دي or prescribes eye glasses. In t-Tijaaniyya, kaan barḍu this way you will get better. yaquum be ʿilaaj al-ʿuyuun قديمة. بالتالي َسهُل على الشباب يواصل بنفس الطريقة، So, our grandfather, in addi- bi haazihi l-ʾibra aw be t-taraatiil al-Qurʾaaniyya. إو�ن كان بصورة مش مية في tion to the fact that he knew المية. the Qur’an (by heart) and Wa hu lamma raaḥ manaaṭiq spread the Tijaniyya ṭariiqa, aj-Jaziira zey ash-

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 257 used to treat eyes either by Shukkaaba Ṭaaha ash- the needle or by the sheekh al-ḥali l-mawjuud Qur’anic verses. And when kaan tilmiiz maʿaahu. Fa he went to the Gezira area ḥaṣal maʿrifa been ash- and visited places such as shuyuukh wa l-ʿulama Shukkaba Taha, the present l-gaaʿdiin hinaak; fa sheikh was his apprentice. aṣbaḥat al-maʿrifa di Therefore, he got acquaint- gadiima. Be t-taali sahula ed with the sheikhs and ʿala sh-shabaab yawaaṣil be scholars there. This made it nafs aṭ-ṭariiga, wa in kaan easy for the young men to be ṣuura mush miyya fi continue (maintaining the l-miya. links) in the same manner, although not 100 %. من ألف وتسعمية وسطاشر Since 1916 they had trav- Min alf wu tusʿumiyya wa َّهم طافوا السودان كله شرقا elled through the whole Su- siṭṭaashar humma ṭaafo وغربا. وأهلنا بالذات كانوا في dan, in all directions; and s-Suudaan kullu, sharghan التجارة والتحرك يحبوا يكتشفوا. our people were specifical- wa gharban; wa ahalna be فمشوا الحبشة: تسني، أسمرا… ly engaged in trade and z-zaat kaano fi t-tijaara wa وتأثروا ببعض القبائل، هسع .movement; they liked to t-taḥarruk yiḥibbu yiktashfu الشيخ العندنا يعرف قبائل :discover (new places). So, Fa mashu ila l-Ḥabasha شرق السودان… الهدندوة they went up to Ethiopia: Tasanai, Asmara… Wa يعرف كالمهم، باإلضافة إلى -Tasanai, Asmara, and so on. taʾassaro bi baʿḍ al السنغي بتاعته والعربي، يعرف Through their travels, they qabaaʾil; hassaʿ ash-sheekh بالتأثر. ديل قعدوا في الجنوب became influenced by some al-ʿindana yaʿrif qabaaʾil للتجارة برضو يعرفوا شوية من -other) tribes. This sheikh sharg as-Suudaan… al) اللغات هناك. وناسنا الرجعوا ,of ours knows some tribes Hadandawa yaʿrif kalaamum تشاد برضو تعلموا كذلك شوية in eastern Sudan… he be l-iḍaafa ilaa s-Songhai فرنساوي وشوية… تأثر يعني. speaks Hadendawa (Beja), bitaaʿtu wa l-ʿArabi; yaʿrif in addition to Songhai and be t-taʾassur. Deel gaʿado fi Arabic. And these people j-junuub le t-tijaara barḍu [informant points to Al- yaʿarfu shuwayya min al- Amin] went to Southern Su- lughaat hunaak. Wa naasna dan for trade, and there they r-rajaʿo Chaad barḍu got to know a few languag- taʿallamo kazaalik es of that area. Also our shuwayyat Faransaawi wa people who went back to shuwayyat… taʾassur yaʿni. Chad picked up some French and some (other languages)… by influence.

األمين Al-Amin بعدين التجانية، الحبشة دي -Most of the (Muslim) Baʿdeen at-Tijaaniyya l

258 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Malle معظمها تجانية. في واحد اسمه Ethiopians are Tijaniyya. Ḥabasha di muʿẓamaa أحمد عمر برناوي، في الحبشة There was someone called Tijaaniyya. Fi waaḥid ismu زي المكاشفي في السودان، Umar Bornawi in Ethiopia, Aḥmad ʿUmar Bornaawi; fi مات قريب دا. whose position there was l-Ḥabasha zey al-Mukaashfi like that of Al-Mukashfi15 fi s-Suudaan; maat gariib in the Sudan; he died da. recently.

تجاني Tijani أحفاد الشيخ أحمد التجاني The descendants of Sheikh Aḥfaad ash-Sheekh Aḥmad نفسه يتحركوا من المغرب Ahmad at-Tijani used to go at-Tijaani nafsu yataḥarraku ومن فاس يقوموا بجوالت يجوا on tours; they used to come min al-Maghrib wu min السودان ويمشوا دول افريقيا. to Sudan and other African Faas yiguumu be jawlaat فالمن يجوا هنا يعني بينزلوا في countries. So, when they yiju s-Suudaan wu yimshu مايرنو هنا، بقسموا البلد دي لي came here, they usually duwal Afriighiya. Fa نقاط: دار السالم مركز، سنار stayed in Maiurno; they di- laaman yiju hina yaʿni مركز، مايرنو كلها مركز. ,vided the area into centres: biyinzilu fii Maayirno hina فحصل كذا مرة المن يجوا Dar es Salaam is a centre, bi gassimu l-balad di li االجتماع يكون هنا في هذا Sennar is a centre and the niqaaṭ: Daar as-Salaam المكان ألنه الشيخ دا كبير في ,whole Maiurno is a centre. markaz, Sinnaar markaz السن، مية سنة تقريبا. .When they came (here – Maayirno kullaha markaz Wad Hashim), it often hap- Fa ḥaṣal kaza marra laamin pened that the meeting took yiju l-ijtimaaʿ yikuun hina place in this house (the fi haaza l-makaan, laʾannu house of the informant sh-Sheekh da kabiir fi where the interview was s-sin… miyyat sana conducted) because the taghriiban. Sheikh was very old – about 100 years of age.

س26: كيف التزاوج بينكم Q26: How frequently do وبين ناس مايرنو؟ you intermarry with the Maiurno people?

األمين Al-Amin ضعيف خالص، خمسة جوا Very infrequently; there are Ḍaʿiif khaaliṣ; khamsa jo من مايرنو ازوجوا هنا: سليمان only a few cases. Five peo- min Maayirno izzawwajo وأخوه، يونس بابكر، صحابي ple from Maiurno got mar- hina: Sileemaan wa ومحمد عمر ُّلبو. ومن هنا ,ried here: Suleiman and his akhuuhu, Yuunis Baabikir األمين الحاج بس مشى ازوج brother, Yunis Baabikir, Saḥaabi wu Maḥammad من مايرنو. يعني النسبة حقيقة -Sahabi and Muhammad ʿUmar Labbo. Min hina al

15 Al-Mukashfi was a very famous Sufi sheikh. He belonged to the Qadiriyya brotherhood and was based in Tabat in the Gezira (central Sudan).

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 259 ما كبيرة. Umar Labbo. From here Lamiin al-Ḥaaj bas masha only Al-Amin al-Hajj is izzawwaj min Maayirno. married to a woman from Yaʿni an-nisba ḥaqiiqatan Maiurno. So, the percentage maa kabiira. is actually not that high.

س27: كيف الزراعة عندكم؟ Q27: How much farming do you do?

نحن أهلنا اهتمامهم بالزراعة Our people do not care Niḥna ahalna ihtimaamum ما كبير. اكتشفوا أنه التجارة .much about farming. They be z-ziraaʿa maa kabiir أربح وأسهل، يعني اشتغلوا discovered that trade is Iktashafo annu t-tijaara بالتجارة أكتر. األحياء حوالينا more profitable and easier. arbaḥ wa ʾashal; yaʿni هم اللي اشتغلوا بالزراعة. في .So, they are more engaged ishtaghalo be t-tijaara aktar الحلة دي اللي عندهم بلدات ما in trading (than farming). Al-ʾaḥyaaʾ ḥawaaleena أكتر من عشرين. Only the people in the sur- hum alli ishtaghalo be rounding quarters are en- z-ziraaʿa. Fi l-ḥilla di alli gaged in farming. In this ʿindahum bildaat maa aktar village, there are not more min ʿishriin. than 20 farmers.

س28: وزراعة الحواشات Q28: What about irrigated كيف؟ ?(cotton farming (ḥawaashaat

برضو نسبتنا فيها بسيطة. .The percentage is also low. Barḍu nisbatna fiiha basiiṭa التجارة والتحرك البعيد ما -Distant trading does not al- At-tijaara wa t-taḥarruk al يخليهم يرتبطوا باألرض. low them to be linked with baʿiid maa yikhalliihum (farming) land. yirtabṭu be l-arḍ.

س29: والبهايم؟ ?Q29: How about animals

جوا في البداية مع البهايم لكن -At first people came with Jo fi l-bidaaya maʿa l برضو اكتشفوا أنه التجارة animals, but they, too, dis- bahaayim laakin barḍu )أحسن(. covered that trade (is more iktashafo annu t-tijaara rewarding). (aḥsan).

س30: في خشم بيتكم فالتة -Q30: In your (Fulani) sub ملِّي في ناس بادية؟ (section (Fallaata Malle are there any nomadic people?

إال كان الناس اإلتخلفوا في None), except those who Illa kaan an-naas al-itkhallafo) الغرب في الرزيقات في منطقة remained behind among the fi l-gharib fi r-Rizeegaat fii

260 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Malle أبومطارق والضعين، في أسرة Rizegat (Baggara Arabs) in manṭigat Abu-Maṭaarig wa أسرتين تأثروا بالشي الموجود the area of Abu Matarig and ḍ-Ḍiʿeen, fi ʾusra ʾusrateen في المنطقة ومشوا معاهم. Ad-Di’en; one or two fami- taʾssaro be sh-shi l-mawjuud lies were influenced by the fi l-manṭiga wu masho way of life they found there. maʿaahum.

س31: تقدر تذكر التواريخ Q31: Can you mention the بالتحديد لتحرك أهلكم من غرب exact dates of your people’s افريقيا للسعودية… الخ؟ movement from West Africa to Sudan, Saudi Arabia, and so on?

تجاني Tijani هو ألف وتسعمية وتالتة They left there in 1903.16 I Huwa alf wu tusʿumiyya اتحركوا من هناك. واهلل ال am not sure about the dates, wu talaata itḥarraku min اذكر التواريخ لكن زي َّهم but it seems, according to hinaak. Wallaahi laa azkur ألف وتسعمية وحداشر تقريبا what I heard, that by ca. at-tawaariikh laakin zey – حسب ما اسمع – كانوا في they were in the area humma alf wu tusʿumiyya 1911 منطقة نياال، دخلوا عن طريق – of Nyala; they entered (Su- wu ḥidaashar taqriiban أم دافوق. وبين أم دافوق وبيت dan) via Um Dafoog. The ḥasab maa asmaʿ – kaano المال وبورسودان ومكة ارتبطت ,dates of their travel from fii manṭigat Niyaala بحرب الشريف. َّهم ما تحركو Um Dafoog to Beit al-Mal, dakhalo ʿan ṭariig Um إال الحرب، الحرب هي اللي Port Sudan and further to Daafoog. Wa been Um حركتهم من مكة. Mecca are linked with the Daafoog wu Beet al-Maal war of Sherif. They left wa Bor Suudaan wa Makka (Mecca) at the beginning of irtabaṭat be ḥarb ash-Shariif. the war; it was the war that Humma maa taḥarraku illa made them leave. l-ḥarb; al-ḥarb hiya l-li ḥarrakatum min Makka.

س32: متى تأسست هذه Q32: When was this village القرية؟ (Wad Hashim Malle) established?

األمين Al-Amin سنة أربعة وعشرين. .In 1924. Sanat arbaʿa wa ʿishriin تجاني Tijani ال ما أربعة وعشرين. َّهم .No, not in 1924. They (our La maa arbaʿa wa ʿishriin

16 In fact, 1903 marked the beginning of the hijra from Sokoto (in March) which continued after the Burmi battle (July). The Malle Fulani took part in this battle and then joined the hijra group led by Mai-Wurno. Otherwise, the Malle Fulani actually started from farther west (Senegambia) at least three years earlier, i.e., after the fall of their country to the French in 1898.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 261 اشتغلوا الخزان بتاع سنار اللي -people) worked on the con- Humma ishtaghalo l هو بدا سنة ألف وتسعمية struction of Sennar Dam, khazzaan bitaaʿ Sinnaar alli وتلطاشر، في من الشباب which started in 1913; huwa bada sanat alf wu من اشتغلوا عمال في الخزان ;among the youth there were tusʿumiyya wa talaṭṭaashar دا. الخزان معروف من ألف some who worked as la- fi min ash-shabaab man وتسعمية و… وانتهى في سنة bourers on that dam. It is ishtaghalo ʿummaal fi ألف وتسعمية وخمسة وعشرين known that the work on the l-khazzaan da. Al-khazzaan بسبب الحرب العالمية اللي dam started in 1913 and maʿruuf min alf wu هي جات في ألف وتسعمية was only finished in 1925 tusʿumiyya wa… wa intaha وتمنطاشر افتكر. ولكن هم because of the World War I, fi sanat alf wu tusʿumiyya يعني طاليعهم األولى في سنة which, I think, ended in khamsa wa ʿishriin be ألف وتسعمية وتلطاشر جايز However, by 1913 sabab al-ḥarb al-ʿaalamiyya .1918 كانت هنا. their forerunners might alli hiya jaat fi alf wu have already been here. tusʿumiyya wu tamanṭaashar iftakir. Wa laakin humma yaʿni ṭalaayiʿum al-ʾuula fii sanat alf wu tusʿumiyya wu talaṭṭaashar jaayiz kaanat hina.

االمين Al-Amin وكت نشروا شيخ ودهاشم سنة When Sheikh Wad- Wakit nasharo Sheekh واحد وخمسين كنا في الحلة Hashim17 was exhumed in Wad-Haashim sanat waaḥid التحت: إثنين وخمسين رحلنا we were in the old wu khamsiin kunna fi l-ḥilla ,1951 الحلة دي. متأكد شيخ ودهاشم village. In 1952 we moved t-tiḥit; ʾitneen wu khamsiin نشروه سنة واحد وخمسين، كنا to this site. I am sure that raḥalna l-ḥilla di. Mutʾakkid في الحلة القديمة، مشينا شوفنا Sheikh Wad-Hashim was Sheekh Wad-Haashim العنقريب ذاته. exhumed in 1951. We were nasharo sanat waaḥid wu in the old village; we even khamsiin; kunna fi l-ḥilla went to see the bed (on l-gadiima, masheena which his dead body was shuufna l-ʿangareeb zaatu. laid).

س33: ليه الموية ارتفعت سنة Q33: Why did the water 1951؟ ?increase in 1951 تجاني Tijani عشان توسعة مشروع المناقل. Because of the construction ʿAshan tawsiʿat Mashruuʿ دي ترعة المناقل الرفعت -of the Managil canal (for al-Manaagil. Di turʿat al نسبة التخزين، والحوض وسع the extension of the Gezira Manaagil ar-rafaʿat nisbat بالتالي. Scheme). This increased at-takhziin, wa l-ḥooḍ wisiʿ

17 This Fulani sheikh, who became a saint, founded the village called Wad Hashim, later referred to as Wad Hashim Arab in distinction to Wad Hashim Malle.

262 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Malle the volume of water reserve be t-taali. and enlarged the water basin.

األمين Al-Amin أول بيوت مسكناها في الحلة We reserved the first houses Awwal buyuut masaknaaha سنة إثنين وخمسين، ونشر in this (new) site in 1952, fi l-ḥilla sanat ʾitneen wu ودهاشم سنة واحد وخمسين, أنا -and the exhumation of khamsiin, wu nashir Wad الوقت داك جيت من الحبشة. Sheikh) Wad-Hashim was Haashim sanat waaḥid wu) in 1951. At that time I had khamsiin. Ana l-wakit daak just come back from jiit min al-Ḥabasha. Ethiopia.18

س34 )لألمين(: ما هو Q34 (to Al-Amin): What عملك؟ حدثنا بالتفصيل عن about your work? Tell us in تاريخ نشاطك التجاري! detail about the history of your business activities!

األمين AL-AMIN كنت في الشرق في روينا. I was in Riwina on the east- Kunta fi sh-sharig fii زرعت عيش الريف لقيت فيها -ern bank (of the Blue Nile). Riwiina. Zaraʿta ʿeesh ar مية وعشرين جنيه. الناس I cultivated maize and riif, ligiit fiiha miyya wu بستغربوا كيف الواحد )يلقى gained 120 Sudanese ʿishriin jineeh. An-naas قروش كتيرة زي دي(. شوال pounds out of it. People bistaghrabo keef al-waaḥid الوقت داك بي ستة جنيه، أول were surprised how some- (yilga guruush katiira zey غال في السودان، آخر الحرب one (could get such an di). Shawwaal al-wakit daak العالمية. ابتديت في التجارة، amount of money). The be sitta jineeh; awwal ghala أتزوجت. عندي عمي أخ price of a sack at that time fi s-Suudaan, aakhir al-ḥarb أبوي في الحبشة، توفى هناك، was six pounds; that was al-ʿaalamiyya. Ibtadeet fi مشيت أخدت معاه تمنتاشر the first time of hardship t-tijaara; itzawwajta. ʿIndi شهر جيت راجع. أخدت فترة high cost of living) in the ʿammi akhu abuuy fi) هنا مشيت الغرب جهة المجلد ,Sudan towards the end of l-Ḥabasha, tawaffa hinaak وبابنوسة وبعدين رحت الجنوب the World War II. I started masheet akhadta maʿaahu اتزوجت )خديجة عبدالكريم( trade. I had a paternal uncle tamantaashar shahar jiit في المجلد سنة سبعة وخمسين in Ethiopia – he died there. raajeʿ. Akhadta fatra hina هي من فالتة ملِّي ترطن -I went and spent 18 months masheet al-gharib jihat al فلفلدي بس. أبهاتم ذاتهم طلعوا with him and came back. I Mujlad wu Baabanuusa wu مع أهلنا من مكة جوا مشوا .spent some time here and baʿdeen ruḥta j-junuub الغرب وديل قعدوا هنا، دا الفرع proceeded to western Itzawwajta (Khadiija Abd

18 Informants in our sample disagreed on the exact year (1951 or 1952) of the exhumation of Sheikh Wad-Hashim from his former tomb. I (Abu-Manga) am inclined to accept the date given by the present informant, as he was able to link it with his return from abroad (which was a distinct event in and of itself).

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 263 بتاعنا الما برطن )سنغي(، Sudan towards Al-Mujlad al-Kariim) fi l-Mujlad sanat خشم بيتهم "همدوروبي". رحت and Babanusa. I married sabaʿa wu khamsiin; hi min الجنوب سنة تالتة وخمسين Khadija Abd al-Karim) in Fallaata Malle tarṭun) إنجليز موجودين. بعدين زول Al-Mujlad in 1957; she be- Fulfulde bas; abbahaatum ما ُّبدوه رخصة إال الناس القدام longs to the Fallaata Malle, zaatum ṭalaʿo maʿa ahalna والخواجات. but she spoke only Fulfulde. min Makka jo masho Her family came out of l-gharib wu deel gaʿado Mecca together with our hina; da al-fareʿ bitaaʿna people and proceeded to l-maa birṭun (Songhai); the West, whereas our peo- khashum beetum ple remained here. So, she ‘Hammaduuruuɓe’. Ruḥta belongs to our branch that j-junuub sanat talaata wu does not speak Songhai; khamsiin Ingliiz mawjuud. her clan is called Baʿdeen zool maa biddu Hammaduuruuɓe. I went to rukhsa illa n-naas al- Southern Sudan in 1953 gudaam wa l-khawaajaat. during the British time. At that time licences were given only to the old traders and the Europeans. واحد خواجة عنده دكان في A European living in the Waaḥid khawaaja ʿindu دار الدينكا أداني ليه شغال Dinka land gave me a shop dukkaan fii Daar ad-Deenka فيه بالشراكة. شوية شوية لغاية in which I worked as a part- addaani leehu shagaal fiihu ما )شغلي بقى كويس(. واحد ner until my business ad- be sh-sharaaka. Shuwayya إغريقى اسمه غرغوري في vanced little by little. It was shuwayya laghaayit maa واو – غوغلاير، برة من المدينة .(a Greek called Garguri (shogholi biga kooyis ستين ميل. أخدت زي ستة based in Wau – i.e., in Go- Waaḥid Igriigi ismu سنة في واو بعد داك مشيت – grial, 60 miles from Wau. I Garguuri fii Waawu حتة اسمها أنزارا – الزاندي. -spent about six years in Googriyaal, barra min al لقينا الطريق ما كويس، زمن .Wau and afterwards I went madiina sittiin meel حرب. المسافة من طمبرة لي to a place called Nzara – Akhadta zey sitta sana fii أنزارا يمكن زي تسعين ميل Zande land. The road was Waaw baʿad daak masheet أخدنا فيها عشرة يوم بالعربات. -not good; the distance be- ḥitta isimaa Anzaara – az جيت لقيت المدينة شوية بدا tween Tambura and Nzara – Zaandi. Ligiina ṭ-ṭariig maa َّ َّ -ca. 90 miles – took us ten kooyis, zaman ḥarb; al َّيصلح أجرت ْلي دكان قعدت، أخدت سنتين أوالدي جوا في days by lorry. I came (to masaafa min Tumbura lee جوبا، بعدين بلد ما كويس قمت Nzara) and found that the Anzaara yimkin zey tisʿiin قفلت الدكان وجيت جوبا. في town had developed, so I meel akhadna fiiha ʿashara جوبا بقيت اشتغل بين يوغندا rented a shop (in that town) yoom be l-ʿarabaat. Jiit والسودان. آخر كايا – كايا and stayed (there). After ligiit al-madiina shuwayya دي عندي فيه دكان، في حدود two years my family ar- bada yiṣṣallaḥ ajjarta ley يوغندا. rived in Juba, and at the dukkaan gaʿadta. Akhadta same time things got worse sanateen awlaadi jo fi Juba,

264 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Malle here. So, I closed the shop baʿdeen balad maa koyiis and moved to Juba, where I gumta gafalta d-dukkaan started trading between wu jiit Juba. Fii Juba bigiit Uganda and Sudan. At last I ishtaghal been Yooghanda acquired a shop in Kaya on wa s-Suudaan. Aakhir the Ugandan border. Kaaya – Kaaya di indi fiihu dukkaan, fii ḥuduud Yooghanda.

س35: ما هي اللغات التي Q35: What languages do تتحدثها؟ ?you speak

بتكلم فلفلدي، بسمع هوسا، I speak Fulfulde, Hausa, Bitkallam Fulfulde, basmaʿ سنغي، بتكلم دينكا، سواحيلي. ,[Songhai, Dinka, and Hausa, Songhe [Songhai Swahili.19 bitkallam Deenka, Sawaaḥiili. أول سوداني جاب شاي من I was the first Sudanese to Awwal Suudaani jaab زائير بي صفة رسمية أنا. import tea from Zaire on an shaay min Zaaʾiir be ṣifa تجارة الحدود ذاتها بتعلم -official basis. Border trade rasmiyya ana. Tijaarat al السواحيلي ألنه الشغالين فيها -itself allows one to learn ḥuduud zaata bitʿallim as كلهم بتفاهموا بيها. -Swahili because all those Sawaaḥiili laʾannu sh involved in this trade shaghaaliin fiiha kullum interact in Swahili. bitfaahamu beeha. أخدت في كايا زي ثمانية سنة. I spent ca. eight years in Akhadta fii Kaaya zey بعدين مشكلتي شنو؟ شغال Kaya. My problem was that tamaniya sana. Baʿdeen في التهريب، بنهرب نودوا I was engaged in smug- mushkilti shinu, shaghaal fi سن الفيل… مرة يصادروه gling. We smuggled ivory t-tahriib; bi naharrib ومرة )يمر(. غايتو شغالين مع to Uganda); sometimes it nawaddu sin al-fiil… marra) السنغاليين. was confiscated and some- yisaadru [= yiṣaadru] wu times it (passed). We were marra (yimur). Ghaytu working with Senegalese. Shaghaaliin maʿa s- Sinigaliyyiin.

س36 )للتجاني(: إو�نت؟ ما ,Q36 (to Tijani): And you عملك؟ ?what is your work تجاني Tijani أنا تعلمت المدرسة: المرحلة :I went to school – the pri- Ana taʿallamta l-madrasa اإلبتدائية والمرحلة الثانوية mary and secondary levels al-marḥala l-ibtidaaʾiyya وبعد داك دراسة فنية في ,and then I did technical wa l-marḥala s-saanawiyya – مجال النسيج، ورحت studies in the field of baʿad daak diraasa fanniyya

19 Günther Schlee continued the interview in Swahili for about five minutes. The informant used to bring tea from Uganda and take soap, salt and fish there.

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 265 السعودية اشتغلت في شركة textiles after which I went fii majaal an-nasiij, wa ruḥta بتاعة مواصالت، شركة to Saudi Arabia. There, I s-Suʿuudiyya ishtaghalta fii بتاعة خدمات "سعودي ببلك ,worked in a company for sharika bitaaʿat muwaṣalaat ترانسبورت كمبني"، اشتغلت transport and services, sharika bitaaʿat khadamaat عشرة سنة وجيت راجع. اآلن Saudi Public Transport’. ‘Saudi Public Transport‘ أنا شوية تاجر في السوق. I worked for ten years and Company’: ishtaghalta came back. Now I am run- ʿashara sana wu jiit raajeʿ. ning a small trade (business) Al-ʾaan ana shuwayyat at the market place. taajir fi s-suug.

س37: من أين تزوجت؟ Q37: What group(s) did you marry (into)?

اتزوجت من الحلة هنا، )التزاوج I got married within this Itzawwajta min al-ḥilla من داخل الحلة( كبير. في village. Intermarriages hina. (At-tazaawuj min عالقة )بيني وبين زوجتي(. within this village) are fre- daakhil al-ḥilla) kabiir. Fi) حبوبتها خالتنا عديل تقريبا، أم quent. There is a kinship ʿalaaqa (beeni wu been أمها شقيقة أمي. relationship (between my zawjati): ḥabboobataa wife and me): her grand- khaalatna ʿadiil taghriiban; mother is my direct mater- um ummuha shagiigat nal aunt; her mother’s ummi. mother is a full sister of my mother.

النهاية End An-nihaaya

266 Interview: Fulani Men Living in Wad Hashim Malle

Bibliography

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Klumpp, Donna, and Corinne Kratz. 1993. ‘Aesthetics, Expertise and Ethnicity: Okiek and Maasai Perspectives on Personal Ornament’, in Thomas Spear and Richard Waller (eds), Being Maasai: Ethnicity and Identity in East Africa. Oxford: James Currey, pp. 195–221.

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Schlee, Günther, and Martine Guichard. 2007. ‘Fulbe und Usbeken im Vergleich’, in Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology Report/ Bericht 2007 (Abteilung I: Integration und Konflikt). Halle/Saale: Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, pp. 11–53.

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Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 271

Index

160 ׀ 158 ׀ A Abu Zabad 156 46 ׀ 42 ׀ 41 ׀ Adaariyel 30 206 ׀ Abanƙuru 15 ׀ 174 ׀ 173 ׀ 158 ׀ 52 ׀ Abdalmoneim Isma’il Abu- Adamawa 14 Bakr al-Qadi/Abdalmoneim 178 ׀ 173 ׀ 139 ׀ adamawa Fulani 93 ׀ 110 ׀ 106 ׀ 102–101 ׀ 89 ׀ 13 178 ׀ 176 ׀ 174 ׀ 139 ׀ 134 ׀ 132 ׀ 131 ׀ 127–126 Adam Bello 42 148 ׀ 142 Abdalrahman Abbakar/ Adam Jibriil 41 Ad-Dabkara 151 88 ׀ 87 ׀ Abdalrahman 69 152 ׀ Ad-Dali 151 202 ׀ 198 ׀ 95 ׀ Abdel Khallag 94 261 ׀ Ad-Di’en 252 232 ׀ 230 ׀ Abdel Mahmoud 229 208 ׀ 205 ׀ 41 ׀ Abdul Aziz Al Saud/Saud 244 Agade 38 205 ׀ Abdullahi Muhammad Sa’id al- Agagir 15 111 ׀ Ahmad al-Badawi 74 ׀ 31 ׀ Qarawi/Abdullahi 14 153–203 Ahmad Idris Wad Um Dam/Ahmad 235–223 ׀ 131 ׀ Abdurahman A.A. Saajo/Saajo 15 ׀ Ahmad Yahya Abdullahi/Tijani 16 220 ׀ 217 ׀ 215 ׀ 209 ׀ 205 ׀ 253 ׀ 251–249 ׀ 247–244 ׀Abdurahman Ali Baabikir Jaafun/ 237 ׀ 259 ׀ 258–256 ׀ 255–254 ׀ 104–89 ׀ Abdurahman 13 266–265 ׀ 263–261 152–128 ׀ 125–115 ׀ 113–106 Ahmar Dallu 26 220–205 ׀ 15 ׀ Abdu Umar 14 A’isha al-Fallaatiyya 145 40 ׀ Abobo 30 179 ׀ Abraamo 22 Aj-Jabalein 170 Abu-Bakr Ahmad Jibriil 43 Akobo 7 Abu-Bakr Ahmad Orabi/Abu-Bakr Al-Amin Ahmad Yousif/Al-Amin ׀ 249–247 ׀ 244–237 ׀ 16 ׀ 124 ׀ 115–113 ׀ 105 ׀ 89 ׀ 13 265–258 ׀ 256–251 ׀ 134 ׀ 133 ׀ 130 ׀ 127 ׀ 126–125 149 ׀ 132 ׀ Al-Amin Bashir 122 143 125 ׀ Al-Amin Kaagu/Kaagu 116 205 ׀ Abu Garib 15 244 ׀ 243 ׀ Abu Gumai 203 Alfa Hashim 241 ׀ 245 ׀ 244 ׀ Abu Hashim 164 Al-Faki Isma’il 243 256 ׀ 254 ׀ 247 209 ׀ Abu Hujar 14 70 ׀ Al-Fiteh 69 252 ׀ Abu Jeili 238 Abu Jibeha 216 Al-Garawat 71 Abu Laban 252 Al-Ghar al-Foog 182 182 ׀ Al-Ghar at-Tihit 180 261 ׀ Abu Matarig 252 Al-Hafira Um Timsah 79 ׀ 18 ׀ 17 ׀ 14 ׀ 7 ׀ 5 ׀ Abu Na’ama 2 Ali Abd al-Latif 132 199 ׀ 31 Abush 22 Ali Dinar 162 Abu Shanina 189 Al-Ilab 73

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 273 205 ׀ Al-Itesh 71 Bangas 15 Bani Halba 166 42 ׀ Ali Umar Saaleh 41 Al-Mujlad 264 Bani Hussein 166 Bani Shangul 67 225 ׀ 129 ׀ Al-Muraffa 110 Bani Shewa 216 71 ׀ Al-Wasliyya 70 225 ׀ Anger 21 Bara 75 253 ׀ Bardab 252 ׀ An-Nour Hassan/An-Nour 105 137 ׀ Barguuɓe (Fulani) 92 141 ׀ 126 ׀ 122 ׀ 116 210 ׀ Barka Umar 205 ׀ 160 ׀ 159 ׀ 156 ׀ 139 ׀ 95 ׀ Ansar 84 Baro 7 ׀ 174 ׀ 170 ׀ 166 ׀ 165 ׀ 164 ׀ 161 62 ׀ 45 ׀ 29 ׀ 28 ׀ 24 ׀ 22 ׀ Begi 2 210 ׀ 195 ׀ 182 ׀ 179 ׀ 175 Anuak 209 Beida 97 Beit al-Mal 261 ׀ 70 ׀ 58 ׀ 57 ׀ 56 ׀ 44 ׀ 8 ׀ 5 ׀ Arabs 2 Benin 56 ׀ 169 ׀ 168 ׀ 166 ׀ 153 ׀ 106 ׀ 75 68 ׀ 67 ׀ 66 ׀ 24 ׀ 20 ׀ Beni Shangul 3 ׀ 199 ׀ 198 ׀ 192 ׀ 188 ׀ 182 ׀ 173 67 ׀ 25 ׀ 22 ׀ Berta 3 261 ׀ 251 ׀ 248 ׀ 239 ׀ 234 ׀ 200 226 ׀ Aradib 227 Bideriyya 107 ׀ 202 ׀ 196 ׀ 169 ׀ 164 ׀ Arakiyyin 76 Bijawi 163 247 ׀ Ar-Rahad 98 238 Ar-Rokab 75 blacksmiths 138 Asalanga 77 Bolilla 97 ׀ 174 ׀ 31 ׀ 26 ׀ Asmara 258 Booɗi (Fulani) 22 210 ׀ Asosa 22 175 As-Suki 76 Boot 31 Aswan 134 Borgu 59 211 ׀ At-Tahir az-Zamakhshari 249 Borno 135 ׀ 95 ׀ 94 ׀ 93 ׀ Borno Fulani 92 ׀ 92 ׀ 91 ׀ 55 ׀ Attahiru/At-Tahir 51 196 ׀ 175 ׀ 174 ׀ 173 ׀ 118 ׀ 101 243 ׀ 241 ׀ 211 ׀ 160 59 ׀ Azaza 76 Bornu 58 ׀ 94 ׀ 93 ׀ 75 ׀ 55 ׀ 54 ׀ 51 ׀ Az-Zahran 146 British 2 ׀ 201 ׀ 185 ׀ 184 ׀ 181 ׀ 160 ׀ 128 246 ׀ 244 ׀ 242 ׀ B 241 231 ׀ 74 ׀ British rule 51 Baabar 26 ׀ 254 ׀ 249 ׀ 223 ׀ 84 ׀ Baajo 61 brotherhood 77 259 61 ׀ Baamaasa 2 Baanshuure 65 (also see ṭariiqa) Baazi (Fulani) 248 Buar 3 Babanusa 264 Buk 208 Ba’en (Fulani) 5 Bunj 42 205 ׀ Burgub 15 261 ׀ 199 ׀ 168 ׀ Baggara 166 ׀ 159 ׀ 158 ׀ 95 ׀ 91 ׀ 82 ׀ Burmi 55 205 ׀ Bagis 15 ׀ 241 ׀ 211 ׀ 179 ׀ 178 ׀ 177 ׀ 160 206 ׀ Bailo 15 261 ׀ 243 206 ׀ 25 ׀ 21 ׀ 20 ׀ Bambesi 15

274 Index ׀ 208 ׀ 71 ׀ 64 ׀ 63 ׀ 62 ׀ 58 ׀ 7 ׀ Dinka 2 215 ׀ 213 ׀ 207 ׀ 44 ׀ 42 ׀ Burun 15 265 ׀ 264 ׀ But 208 209 206 ׀ 198 ׀ 188 ׀ 153 ׀ Disa 15 206 ׀ C Dote 15 ׀ 175 ׀ 174 ׀ 55 ׀ Duga (Fulani) 31 ׀ 93 ׀ 54 ׀ 52 ׀ 14 ׀ 5 ׀ Cameroon 2 210 231 ׀ 176 ׀ 158 ׀ 131 ׀ 123 206 ׀ carpenters 137–138 Dugubele 15 Dukku Fulani 92 ׀ 23 ׀ 22 ׀ 21 ׀ 18 ׀ 14 ׀ 7 ׀ 3 ׀ cattle 2 ׀ 39 ׀ 38 ׀ 34 ׀ 31 ׀ 27 ׀ 26 ׀ 25 ׀ 24 E ׀ 56 ׀ 55 ׀ 52 ׀ 45 ׀ 44 ׀ 42 ׀ 41 ׀ 40 Egypt 108 ׀ 66 ׀ 65 ׀ 64 ׀ 62 ׀ 60 ׀ 59 ׀ 58 ׀ 57 125 ׀ 124 ׀ 123 ׀ 122 ׀ elections 116 ׀ 211 ׀ 210 ׀ 175 ׀ 170 ׀ 135 ׀ 103 elections sedition 121 ׀ 218 ׀ 217 ׀ 215 ׀ 214 ׀ 213 ׀ 212 157 ׀ El Obeid 53 247 ׀ 246 ׀ 245 ׀ 239 ׀ 219 Enekliba 232 5 ׀ Central African Republic 3 ׀ 188 ׀ 187 ׀ 184 ׀ Er-Roseires 161 258 ׀ 251 ׀ 56 ׀ 54 ׀ 52 ׀ 5 ׀ Chad 2 233 ׀ 218 ׀ 203 ׀ 191 ׀ Cha’i 25 189 ׀ 18 ׀ 17 ׀ 15 ׀ 8 ׀ 7 ׀ 5 ׀ 2 ׀ Chanqa 22 Ethiopia vi ׀ 62 ׀ 61 ׀ 44 ׀ 43 ׀ 30 ׀ 27 ׀ 26 ׀ 20 52 ׀ Chari 2 ׀ 206 ׀ 170 ׀ 146 ׀ 145 ׀ 68 ׀ 66 ׀ class (social) 135–152 63 ׀ 259 ׀ 258 ׀ 219 ׀ 216 ׀ 208 ׀ 207 D 263 259 ׀ Daanaja 42 Ethiopians 26 264 ׀ 242 ׀ 184 ׀ 179 ׀ Europeans 155 173 ׀ 136 ׀ 93 ׀ Dagara (Fulani) 26 257–256 ׀ Daharat as-Siddig 154 eye surgery 140 206 ׀ Dajo 15 F ׀ 23 ׀ 17 ׀ 15 ׀ 14 ׀ 5 ׀ 2 ׀ 1 ׀ Damazin vi -Fadl as-Siid Muhammad Fadl as ׀ 61 ׀ 51 ׀ 45 ׀ 44 ׀ 38 ׀ 35 ׀ 30 ׀ 24 ׀ 225 ׀ 223 ׀ Siid/Fadl as-Siid 15 ׀ 213 ׀ 212 ׀ 209 ׀ 198 ׀ 67 ׀ 65 234 ׀ 232–230 ׀ 229 238 ׀ 220 ׀ 219 ׀ 218 ׀ 217 ׀ 214 205 ׀ Fadumiyya 15 226 ׀ Danagla 224 ׀ 120 ׀ 119 ׀ 118 ׀ Faki Bashir 116 210 ׀ 58 ׀ 40 ׀ 26 ׀ Daneeji (Fulani) 5 ׀ 131 ׀ 130 ׀ 129 ׀ 125 ׀ 122 ׀ 121 259 ׀ 256 ׀ 255 ׀ Dar es Salaam 241 228 ׀ 132 229 ׀ 200 ׀ 162 ׀ 139 ׀ Darfur 84 67 ׀ Falaatik 3 213 ׀ 67 ׀ 42 ׀ Dawwala 15 ׀ 23 ׀ 22 ׀ Dem 206 Fallaata Malle (Fulani) 16 ׀ 252 ׀ 248 ׀ 245 ׀ 175 ׀ 55 ׀ 40 ׀ 26 29 ׀ 27 ׀ 25 ׀ 22 ׀ Dembi Dolo 21 264 ׀ 261 ׀ 260 205 ׀ Deral 15 ׀ 137 ׀ 136 ׀ 135 ׀ 96 ׀ 65 ׀ Dindima (Fulani) 210 farmers 3 ׀ 246 ׀ 152 ׀ 144 ׀ 143 ׀ 142 ׀ Dindir 238 140 260 129 ׀ 119 ׀ 116 ׀ Dindir Kawli 115 Fez 255 205 ׀ 45 ׀ 15 ׀ Dindiro 5 261 ׀ 258 ׀ French 8

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 275 264 ׀ Fufur 22 Gogrial 251 241 ׀ 159 ׀ Gombe 158 ׀ 55 ׀ 44 ׀ 26 ׀ 24 ׀ 14 ׀ 7 ׀ 5 ׀ Fulfulde 1 Gondar 146 ׀ 173 ׀ 126 ׀ 106 ׀ 93 ׀ 75 ׀ 70 ׀ 58 Gooja 26 265 ׀ 264 ׀ 240 ׀ 234 ׀ 200 ׀ 174 Gootanko’en (Fulani) 5 168 ׀ 96 ׀ 79 ׀ 71 ׀ 67 ׀ Funj 3 206 ׀ Gosha 15 75 ׀ Funj era 70 67 ׀ Gumuz 3 229 ׀ Funj Sultanate 69 200 ׀ Futa Fulani 84 Futa Toro 244 H Hadendawa (Beja) 258 G Hajj Abdalla 71 ׀ 73 ׀ 72 ׀ 71 ׀ 70 ׀ Gaabah 53 Hajj at-Tahir 69 231 ׀ 230 ׀ 229 ׀ 83 ׀ 80 ׀ 79 ׀ 78 28 ׀ 27 ׀ Gaara Arba 25 203 ׀ Gabbra 42 Hamaj 168 57 ׀ Gabeero (Fulani) 248 Hamar 56 240 ׀ Gadir 179 Hamdullahi 239 Gaidam 211 Hammaduuruuɓe (Fulani) 264 Hanagamba (Fulani) 210 ׀ 189 ׀ 185 ׀ 151 ׀ 96 ׀ 95 ׀ Galgani 94 ׀ 35 ׀ 34 ׀ 31 ׀ 30 ׀ 29 ׀ Harun Bello 27 233 ׀ 201 ׀ 198 ׀ 197 40 ׀ 37 ׀ Galla 62 36 43 ׀ 42 ׀ Gamba 62 Harun Ibrahim Barka 41 Harun (village) 198 55 ׀ 23 ׀ Gamba Fulani 22 Hassan Abu-Bakr Riiri 44 ׀ 29 ׀ 26 ׀ 21 ׀ 20 ׀ 17 ׀ Gambela 15 ׀ 103 ׀ 94 ׀ 93 ׀ 86 ׀ 59 ׀ 44 ׀ Hausa 14 207 ׀ 206 ׀ 62 ׀ 48 ׀ 45 ׀ 30 ׀ 145 ׀ 126 ׀ 125 ׀ 124 ׀ 123 ׀ 122 22 ׀ Gambiranko’en (Fulani) 5 265 ׀ 169 ׀ 146 240 ׀ Gao 239 herders 205 ׀ Gargade 15 (see under herdsmen) 206 ׀ Garsuma 15 246 ׀ 143 ׀ 140 ׀ 136 ׀ Gawaala 3 herdsmen 135 95 ׀ Hijaz 75 141 ׀ 124 ׀ 122 ׀ Gedaref 97 253 ׀ 252 ׀ 248 ׀ Hijerat 73 208 ׀ 31 ׀ 30 ׀ Geissan 26 ׀ 95 ׀ 94 ׀ 93 ׀ 91 ׀ 90 ׀ 89 ׀ 84 ׀ hijra 82 133 ׀ 131 ׀ Germans 17 ׀ 196 ׀ 160 ׀ 131 ׀ 121 ׀ 118 ׀ 96 259 ׀ 258 ׀ 255 ׀ 187 ׀ Gezira 62 ׀ 253 ׀ 243 ׀ 241 ׀ 232 ׀ 231 ׀ Gezira Scheme 262 211 261 ׀ 255 ׀ 254 ׀ 170 ׀ 161 ׀ 155 ׀ Gezira Aba 139 129 ׀ Hillat al-Beer 116 ׀ 184 ׀ 183 ׀ 182 ׀ 181 ׀ 180 ׀ 173 Hillat Baka 98 200 ׀ 194 ׀187 ׀ 186 225 ׀ 80 ׀ 79 ׀ Gidami 25 Hillat Isma’il 78 Gilo 7 I 216 ׀ Girinti 41 ׀ 193 ׀ 191 ׀ 188 ׀ Gishesh 154 Ibrahim Beeli 159 Gobi 21 202 Gobir 51 Ijje (Fulani) 5

276 Index imams 118 Karan 145 Imam Tukur/Moodibbo Tukur/Faki Karari 179 Kashan Karo 26 ׀ 181 ׀ 180 ׀ 179 ׀ 178 ׀ Tukur 177 130 ׀ Kassab 106 183 ׀ 182 101 ׀ 94 ׀ Katsina Fulani 92 213 ׀ 44 ׀ 39 ׀ Ingessana 15 200 ׀ 110 ׀ 109 ׀ Kawahla 72 216 ׀ Ingessana Hills 39 Kaya 265 232 ׀ 140 ׀ 93 ׀ 79 ׀ Irediba 73 Keek 41 226 ׀ Isa (Fulani) 225 169 ׀ 168 ׀ Kenana 166 80 ׀ Isma’il Issa Hajj at-Tahir 78 62 ׀ 41 ׀ 7 ׀ Kenya 2 207 ׀ 48 ׀ Itang 29 ׀ 166 ׀ 158 ׀ Khalifa Abdullahi 157 J 179 ׀ 188 ׀ 187 ׀ 186 ׀ 184 ׀ 81 ׀ khalwa 31 ׀ 55 ׀ 31 ׀ 23 ׀ 22 ׀ 5 ׀ Jaafun (Fulani) 3 193 ׀ 192 ׀ 191 ׀ 190 210 ׀ 175 ׀ 174 (see also Qur’anic school) 62 ׀ Jaasir 2 Kharaba 238 67 ׀ Jabalawiin 3 ׀ 202 ׀ 157 ׀ 123 ׀ 42 ׀ Jabal Faabo 26 Khartoum 32 246 ׀ 243 205 ׀ Jabal Marafa 15 Khartuum be l Leel 26 ׀ 201 ׀ 167 ׀ 107 ׀ 106 ׀ Ja’liyyin 76 Khawajat 208 227 ׀ 226 ׀ 224 Jappanko’en (Fulani) 210 Khor ad-Dahab 26 Khor Bakoori 30 215 ׀ Jarjura 208 Khor Bode 206 207 ׀ 206 ׀ 62 ׀ 15 ׀ Jasira 2 205 ׀ 43 ׀ 31 ׀ Khor Dunya 14 227 ׀ 226 ׀ Jawam’a 224 Khor Yabus 207 210 ׀ Jibiriin Muhammad/Jibo 205 206 ׀ Kikile 15 198 ׀ 196 ׀ Jibril (village) 165 Kirekirra 170 241 ׀ jihad 179 Kisira 52 ׀ 64 ׀ 48 ׀ 40 ׀ 28 ׀ 27 ׀ 26 ׀ Jikaw 15 213 ׀ Koma 15 206 223 ׀ 179 ׀ Jirin 208 Kordofan 56 54 ׀ Kosti 53 265 ׀ 264 ׀ Juba 5 ׀ 206 ׀ 43 ׀ 35 ׀ 29 ׀ Kubri Yabus 15 67 ׀ 42 ׀ Jumjum 3 214 174 ׀ 165 ׀ 161 ׀ 160 ׀ Jurara 159 Kudush 22 ׀ 161 ׀ 159 ׀ Jurara Fulani 158 205 ׀ Kukuli 15 177 ׀ 163 ׀ 162 Kumai 38 ׀ 119 ׀ 45 ׀ 30 ׀ 24 ׀ 14 ׀ K Kurmuk 5 220 ׀ 217 ׀ 205 206 ׀ Kabanga 15 Kuuda Fulani 58 25 ׀ Kake 22 52 ׀ Kuuri 2 203 ׀ 202 ׀ Kamatir 201 160 ׀ 159 ׀ 158 ׀ Kano 52 174 ׀ 163 ׀ Kano Fulani 161 141 ׀ 135 ׀ 133 ׀ 94 ׀ 93 ׀ Kanuri 14

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 277 L Managir 108 Labiib Abdurahman Jirewa/Labiib Manhaza 77 ׀ 157 ׀ 132 ׀ 131 ׀ 121 ׀ Maroua 93 ׀ 199 ׀ 196–195 ׀192 ׀ 153 231 ׀ 179 ׀ 178 ׀ 176 ׀ 158 201–200 231 ׀ 181 ׀ 176 ׀ Marwa Fulani 93 99 ׀ Lake Chad 52 Masarra al-Ajuz 77 206 ׀ Lelel 15 200 ׀ 198 ׀ Libya 56 mawaaliid 188 lorry drivers 144–152 al-Fallaata al-Mawaaliid 106 206 ׀ 47 ׀ Lungushu 41 Mayot 15 209 ׀ 152 ׀ Mazmum 31 ׀ 205 ׀ 23 ׀ M Mbeewe’en (Fulani) 15 210 ׀ 209 ׀ 31 ׀ 30 ׀ 27 ׀ 17 ׀ 8 ׀ Maahi Bello 7 ׀ 8 ׀ 7 ׀ 6 ׀ 5 ׀ 3 ׀ 2 ׀ Mbororo (Fulani) 1 40 ׀ 36 ׀ 35 ׀ 34 ׀ 32 ׀ 22 ׀ 21 ׀ 20 ׀ 19 ׀ 18 ׀ 17 ׀ 15 ׀ Ma’aliya 166 14 ׀ 40 ׀ 38 ׀ 32 ׀ 31 ׀ 27 ׀ 26 ׀ 25 ׀ Maban 220 23 ׀ 59 ׀ 58 ׀ 57 ׀ 55 ׀ 53 ׀ 51 ׀ 42 ׀ Mahas 107 41 ׀ 172 ׀ 171 ׀ 170 ׀ 169 ׀ 64 ׀ 63 ׀ 157 ׀ 155 ׀ 123 ׀ 99 ׀ 95 ׀ Mahdi 73 217 ׀ 210 ׀ 209 ׀ 175 ׀ 173 242 ׀ 210 ׀ 181 ׀ 178 ׀ 176 ׀ 161 ׀ 245 ׀ 244 ׀ 243 ׀ 240 ׀ Mecca 95 223 ׀ 183 ׀ 157 ׀ Mahdism 154 264 ׀ 261 ׀ 253 ׀ 77 ׀ 76 ׀ 75 ׀ 73 ׀ 55 ׀ Mahdiyya 54 Mechara 21 ׀ 176 ׀ 166 ׀ 161 ׀ 156 ׀ 154 ׀ 84 ׀ 244 ׀ 241 ׀ 176 ׀ 75 ׀ 74 ׀ Medina 73 230 ׀ 229 ׀ 227 ׀ 223 245 211 ׀ 52 ׀ Maiduguri 2 Mek Hassan Adlan 96 ׀ 69 ׀ 54 ׀ 53 ׀ 51 ׀ 13 ׀ 5 ׀ Maiurno 3 ׀ 142 ׀ 141 ׀ 140 ׀ 136 ׀ merchants 135 ׀ 92 ׀ 90 ׀ 89 ׀ 87 ׀ 86 ׀ 85 ׀ 79 ׀ 70 150 ׀ 144 ׀ 100 ׀ 98 ׀ 97 ׀ 96 ׀ 95 ׀ 94 ׀ 93 Meridi 251 ׀ 110 ׀ 109 ׀ 108 ׀ 105 ׀ 104 ׀ 102 215 ׀ 41 ׀ 30 ׀ militia 17 ׀ 117 ׀ 116 ׀ 114 ׀ 113 ׀ 112 ׀ 111 Katiibat al Haqq al Mubiin 41 ׀ 125 ׀ 124 ׀ 123 ׀ 122 ׀ 119 ׀ 118 217 ׀ 216 ׀ maa Binuum 215 ׀ 136 ׀ 135 ׀ 134 ׀ 133 ׀ 131 ׀ 130 184 ׀ 183 ׀ 174 ׀ Mirebi’a 163 ׀ 146 ׀ 145 ׀ 142 ׀ 141 ׀ 140 ׀ 138 255 ׀ Morocco 72 ׀ 194 ׀ 173 ׀ 161 ׀ 156 ׀ 152 ׀ 147 Muggi 21 ׀ 230 ׀ 227 ׀ 210 ׀ 201 ׀ 196 ׀ 195 ׀ 118 ׀ Muhammad Tahir/Alhaji 113 260׀ 259 ׀ 234 ׀ 233 ׀ 232 129 ׀ 126 ׀ 121 ׀ 120 ׀ Makwar 134 119 ׀ 74 ׀ Muhammad Tom (the First) 73 64 ׀ 61 ׀ 53 ׀ Malakal 2 ׀ 228 ׀ 227 ׀ 226 ׀ 224 ׀ 83 ׀ 82 ׀ Malanko’en (Fulani) 210 75 231 253 ׀ 241 ׀ 239 ׀ 40 ׀ 22 ׀ Mali 16 ׀ Malians 252 Muhammad Tom (the Second) 74 87 ׀ 81 208 ׀ 47 ׀ Malkan 31 Malolaha 75 Muhammad Tukur 178 43 ׀ Muhammad Zakariya 22–24 208 ׀ Malwal 48 227 ׀ 226 ׀ 224 ׀ Managil canal 262 Musabba’at 107

278 Index Musai 26 Qanqalca 25 45 ׀ 44 ׀ 43 ׀ Musawwa 246 Qashmando 22 Musay 26 Qeeto 25 Qelem 25 ׀ Mustafa al-Makki Ali/Mustafa 13 27 ׀ Qelem Manamo 25 88–69 ׀ 175 ׀ 155 ׀ 99 ׀ 85 ׀ 84 ׀ 5 ׀ Qur’an 3 257 ׀ 245 ׀ 243 ׀ 192 ׀ 184 ׀ N 177 ׀ 183 ׀ 97 ׀ 75 ׀ Qur’anic school 31 ׀ 61 ׀ 48 ׀ 47 ׀ 42 ׀ 41 ׀ 40 ׀ 30 ׀ Nasir 3 184 216 ׀ 208 ׀ 64 (see also khalwa) 52 ׀ N’Djamena 2 ׀ 176 ׀ 175 ׀ 55 ׀ Ngara (Fulani) 22 R 226 ׀ 225 ׀ 210 Raaba 26 240 ׀ Niger 8 Rabeh 99 ׀ 91 ׀ 57 ׀ 54 ׀ 51 ׀ 40 ׀ 5 ׀ Nigeria 2 67 ׀ 42 ׀ Ragaarig 3 241 ׀ 240 ׀ 231 ׀ 158 ׀ 123 North Africa 70 Rendille 42 Renk 208 252 ׀ Nuba Hills 217 41 ׀ Riek Machar 30 209 ׀ 42 ׀ 41 ׀ 40 ׀ 30 ׀ Nuer 27 263 ׀ 252 ׀ 242 ׀ Riwina 239 261 ׀ 252 ׀ 54 ׀ 53 ׀ 3 ׀ Nyala 2 261 ׀ Rizegat 166 206 ׀ Nyiligel 15 201 ׀ 166 ׀ 153 ׀ Nzara 264 Rufa’a (Arabs) 26 Rufa’a (town) 187 O Rumbela 2 87 ׀ Omda al-Awad 86 Omda Faruq 115 S 52 ׀ Omda Garba 130 Saadi 2 41 ׀ Omda Magaji 93 Saaleh Bank 31 Omda Saleh 201 Sabonabi 71 ׀ Omda Shotal 203 Sabun Galadima/Galadima 154 ׀ 175 ׀ 165 ׀ 162 ׀ 161 ׀ 158 ׀ 156 ׀ 157 ׀ 154 ׀ 101 ׀ Omdurman 100 198 ׀ 196 ׀ 180 ׀ 179 ׀ 177 ׀ 243 ׀ 238 ׀ 237 ׀ 181 ׀ 179 ׀ 167 Sa’id Adam 3–5 246 ׀ 244 Salah el-Din Abd el-Gayoum 17 ׀ 27 ׀ 24 ׀ 20 ׀ 19 ׀ 18 ׀ 7 ׀ 3 ׀ Oromo 2 205 ׀ Salbul 15 67 ׀ 66 ׀ 65 ׀ 63 ׀ 62 ׀ 44 ׀ 43 Sambo (Fulani) 225 ׀ Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) 3 25 Sambo (village) 25 Sammaniyya 77 ׀ 176 ׀ 146 ׀ 95 ׀ P Saudi Arabia 75 ׀ 253 ׀ 249 ׀ 245 ׀ 244 ׀ 237 ׀ 193 206 ׀ Pampam 15 266 ׀ Port Sudan 261 261 76 ׀ Sawarda 74 ׀ 181 ׀ 180 ׀ Q Sayyid Abdurahman 161 Qadiriyya 259 182

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 279 231 ׀ 230 ׀ 229 ׀ 226 265 ׀ Senegalese 252 Senegambia 261 Sheikh Umar 225 Sheikh Umar Malle 124 ׀ 114 ׀ 79 ׀ 70 ׀ 69 ׀ 31 ׀ 17 ׀ Sennar 5 ׀ 80 ׀ 78 ׀ Sheikh Wad-Hashim 77 ׀ 148 ׀ 135 ׀ 134 ׀ 133 ׀ 121 ׀ 116 ׀ 224 ׀ 223 ׀ 107 ׀ 106 ׀ 82 ׀ 81 ׀ 229 ׀ 227 ׀ 218 ׀ 154 ׀ 152 ׀ 149 ׀ 231 ׀ 230 ׀ 229 ׀ 227 ׀ 226 ׀ 225 259 ׀ 255 ׀ 247 263 ׀ 262 135 ׀ 74 ׀ old Sennar 69 Sheikh Yahya Abdullahi 255 241 ׀ 135 ׀ Sennar at-Tagatu 134 Sherif Al-Hindi 238 ׀ 237 ׀ 179 ׀ Sennar Dam 154 ׀ Sherif Hussein ibn Ali/Sherif 244 262 261 ׀ Shabal 21 246 76 ׀ Sherif Yousif 75 ׀ 69 ׀ 52 ׀ Shaikh Talha (village) 13 209 ׀ Shilluk 71 ׀ 87 ׀ 86 ׀ 84 ׀ 78 ׀ 77 ׀ 76 ׀ 73 ׀ 71 shoemakers 139–140 ׀ 103 ׀ 102 ׀ 101 ׀ 100 ׀ 99 ׀ 90 ׀ 89 258 ׀ 256 ׀ Shukkaba Taha 255 ׀ 109 ׀ 108 ׀ 107 ׀ 106 ׀ 105 ׀ 104 248 ׀ Sidibe (Fulani) 93 ׀ 230 ׀ 227 ׀ 226 ׀ 150 ׀ 111 ׀ 110 231 Sidu 216 113 ׀ Sifawa 97 206 ׀ 205 ׀ Shali 15 Shallal 229 Sindiga (Fulani) 225 ׀ 148 ׀ 134 ׀ 133 ׀ 96 ׀ 75 ׀ Singa 14 251 ׀ Shaygiyya 85 ׀ 227 ׀ 218 ׀ 182 181 ׀ 154 ׀ Sheele 172 152 232 ׀ 229 259 ׀ Sheikh Ahmad at-Tijani 255 Sinja Nabaag 45 129 ׀ Sheikh al-Khatt 128 198 ׀ Sheikh al-Mukashfi 259 Sirajiyya 196 ׀ 156 ׀ 155 ׀ 154 ׀ 153 ׀ 42 ׀ Sheikh as-Sammani 74 Sireu 14 ׀ 169 ׀ 164 ׀ 163 ׀ 162 ׀ 161 ׀ Sheikh at-Tayyib 108 159 ׀ 183 ׀ 182 ׀ 180 ׀ 176 ׀ 175 ׀ Sheikh at-Tom Wad Bannaga 77 173 ׀ 195 ׀ 194 ׀ 190 ׀ 187 ׀ 186 ׀ Sheikh Baabo Umar/Sheikh Baabo 184 ׀ 206 ׀ 205 ׀ 202 ׀ 198 ׀ 197 ׀ 196 ׀ 68–51 ׀ 32 ׀ 22 ׀ 14 ׀ 6 ׀ 3–2 ׀ 1 220 ׀ 217 ׀ 216 ׀ 214 ׀ 209 217 ׀ 209 ׀ 170 Sisilɓe (Fulani) 116 ׀ 184 ׀ 167 ׀ Sheikh Gadrimari 158 ׀ 94 ׀ 92 ׀ 91 ׀ 55 ׀ 54 ׀ 51 ׀ Sokoto 2 196 ׀ 186 ׀ 211 ׀ 160 ׀ 127 ׀ 118 ׀ 99 ׀ 95 134 ׀ Sheikh Gafar 133 261 ׀ 241 ׀ Sheikh Hayatu/Moodibbo Hayatu 231 173 ׀ 101 ׀ Sokoto Fulani 94 178 ׀ 177 ׀ 176 ׀ 157 ׀ 123 ׀ 99 32 ׀ 21 ׀ 7 ׀ Sheikh Ibrahim Umar Musa/Sheikh Somali 5 Somalia 18 218 ׀ 210 ׀ 207 ׀ Ibrahim 205 265 ׀ 264 ׀ 258 ׀ 253 ׀ Songhai 240 178 ׀ 160 ׀ Sheikh Jibril 159 215 ׀ 213 ׀ 64 ׀ 63 ׀ 15 ׀ Sheikh Muhammad Saaleh Southerners 2 ׀ 71 ׀ 65 ׀ 64 ׀ Muhammad Abu-Bakr 41 Southern Sudan 41 264 ׀ 258 ׀ 251 ׀ 216 ׀ 73 ׀ 72 ׀ 71 ׀ 70 ׀ Sheikh Talha 69 Subat 42 ׀ 99 ׀ 89 ׀ 88 ׀ 87 ׀ 85 ׀ 78 ׀ 77 ׀ 76 ׀ 225 ׀ 200 ׀ 111 ׀ 108 ׀ 107 ׀ 106

280 Index Sudan People’s Liberation Army Um Dom 251 Um Hajar 53 ׀ 40 ׀ 31 ׀ 30 ׀ 23 ׀ 22 ׀ SPLA) 14) Um Jalahaat 64 44 ׀ 43 Um Jibbo (Fulani) 225 44 ׀ Suleymaan Bello 23 Sultan Ahmad Misau/Sultan Ahmad Um Kitir 240 Undu 26 99 ׀ 96 ׀ 95 ׀ 94 30 ׀ 27 ׀ 15 ׀ 7 ׀ Upper Nile 2 ׀ 53 ׀ 52 ׀ 51 ׀ Sultan Mai-Wurno 2 72 ׀ Uqba 70 ׀ 91 ׀ 90 ׀ 89 ׀ 85 ׀ 84 ׀ 83 ׀ 82 ׀ 55 206 ׀ Ura 188 ׀ 101 ׀ 100 ׀ 99 ׀ 97 ׀ 95 ׀ 94 ׀ 92 Usman dan Fodio/ʿUthmaan dan ׀ 118 ׀ 117 ׀ 115 ׀ 113 ׀ 109 ׀ 108 ׀ 157 ׀ 99 ׀ 92 ׀ 83 ׀ 51 ׀ Fodio 2 ׀ 131 ׀ 129 ׀ 127 ׀ 126 ׀ 120 ׀ 119 247 ׀ 227 ׀ 228 ׀ 227 ׀ 211 ׀ 196 ׀ 194 ׀ 146 210 ׀ 58 ׀ Uuda (Fulani) 26 261 ׀ 248 ׀ 247 ׀ 234 ׀ 233 ׀ 231 Surkum 42 W T Wadai 82 Ta’aisha 166 Wad al-Mahi 189 ׀ 32 ׀ 26 ׀ 14 ׀ 8 ׀ 7 ׀ 5 ׀ Tabat 259 Wad an-Nail 2 95 ׀ 61 ׀ 42 ׀ 41 150 ׀ 149 ׀ 144–141 ׀ tailors 138 72 ׀ Takaamul Scheme 30 Wad an-Na’im 71 Tambura 264 Wad Da’ud 77 ׀ 93 ׀ 78 ׀ 77 ׀ 16 ׀ Wad Hashim 15 ׀ 255 ׀ 254 ׀ 229 ׀ 223 ׀ ṭariiqa 77 ׀ 226 ׀ 225 ׀ 224 ׀ 223 ׀ 107 ׀ 105 257 ׀ 256 ׀ 234 ׀ 233 ׀ 232 ׀ 230 ׀ 229 ׀ see also brotherhood) 228) 262 ׀ 259 ׀ 256 ׀ 247 ׀ Tasanai 258 237 ׀ 69 ׀ 16 ׀ wad Hashim Arab 15 206 ׀ Telus 15 262 ׀ 223 ׀ 131 259 ׀ 257 ׀ 255 ׀ 254 ׀ Tijaniyya 244 ׀ 16 ׀ wad Hashim Malle 15 62 ׀ Tirikaaka 2 ׀ 253 ׀ 242 ׀ 240 ׀ 239 ׀ 238 ׀ Tokar 244 237 262 ׀ Torit 31 261 ׀ 146 ׀ 97 ׀ 89 ׀ 85 ׀ Wad Medani 13 252 ׀ Tulus 229 255 ׀ 199 230 ׀ 227 ׀ Turkish era 73 Turks 108 Watawit 189 Wau 264 U weavers 138 ׀ 123 ׀ 106 ׀ 95 ׀ 14 ׀ West Africa 8 215 ׀ 213 ׀ 42 ׀ 29 ׀ Uduk 15 ׀ 210 ׀ 175 ׀ 157 ׀ 156 ׀ 139 ׀ Ufud 190 130 261 ׀ 256 ׀ 251 ׀ 248 ׀ Uganda 265 227 209 ׀ 170 ׀ Ulu 208 White Nile 53 Woɗaaɓe (Fulani) 8 254 ׀ 244 ׀ Umar al-Futi 241 Wollega 20 261 ׀ Um Dafoog 53 262 ׀ Um Dam 223 World War I 133 263 ׀ 145 ׀ Um Dibekrat 179 World War II 133

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 281 ׀ 41 ׀ 31 ׀ 26 ׀ 23 ׀ Woyla (Fulani) 22 210 ׀ 209 ׀ 60 ׀ 59 ׀ 44 ׀ 43 Y ׀ 43 ׀ 42 ׀ 26 ׀ 24 ׀ 22 ׀ 15 ׀ Yabus 5 214 206 ׀ Yabus Ghaba 15 211 ׀ 52 ׀ Yarwa 2 246 ׀ Yemen 245 206 ׀ Yika 15 Yillaga (Fulani) 103 Yoɓanko’en (Fulani) 210 Yousif Wad al-Fallaati 181 Z 265 ׀ Zaire 251 Zalingei 53 Zande 264 Zarruugaab (Fulani) 76 Zubair Mohamed Salih 30

282 Index

OTHER Volumes IN THE SERIES

In the Field Notes and Research Projects Series the following titles have been published so far:

2012 (I) Schlee, Günther (ed.): Pastoralism in Interaction with other Forms of Land Use in the Blue Nile Area of the Sudan: Project Outline and Field Notes 2009–10 (II) Schlee, Isir, Beleysa Hambule, and Günther Schlee: The Moiety Division and the Problem of Rendille Unity: A Discussion among Elders, Korr, 21st January, 2008 / Belel Ichoow Sagi Ren’dille is Liikeeno af Ren’dilleka Kiiye Torro af Ingereza Liilaabe: Tooloo Makhaballe, Korr, Tarehe 21 Januari, 2008

2013 (III) Awad Alkarim, and Günther Schlee (eds): Pastoralism in Interaction with other Forms of Land Use in the Blue Nile Area of the Sudan II: Herbarium and Plant Diversity in the Blue Nile Area, Sudan (IV) Lenart, Severin: The Complexity of the Moment: Picturing an Ethnographic Project in South Africa and Swaziland. Vol. I: Photo Essays and Fieldwork Reports, 2007–11 (V) Lenart, Severin: The Complexity of the Moment: Picturing an Ethnographic Project in South Africa and Swaziland. Vol. II: Photo Essays and Court Cases, 2007–11 (VI) Finke, Peter, and Günther Schlee (eds): CASCA – Centre for Anthropological Studies on Central Asia: Framing the Research, Initial Projects

2014 (VII) Schlee, Günther: The Social and the Belief System of the Rendille – Camel Nomads of Northern Kenya (English Version: Halle 2014/German Original: Berlin 1979) (VIII) Schlee, Günther: Das Glaubens- und Sozialsystem der Rendille – Kamelnomaden Nord-Kenias (German Original of Volume VII, Reprint) (IX) Isir and Günther Schlee: Rendille and Ariaal: A Linguistic and Cultural Affiliation Census I. Logologo: Sabamba, Odoola, Manyatta Juu; Namarei: Ong’eli (Lomorut, Harugura, Ilmongoi); Goob Lengima; Korr: Bosnia, Lorora; Laisamis: Rengumo; Lepindira

284 Published Volumes 2015 (X) Awad Alkarim, Elhadi Ibrahim Osman, Günther Schlee, and Jutta Turner: Pastoralism in Interaction with other Forms of Land Use in the Blue Nile Area of the Sudan III: The Methods of Citizen Science in the Study of Agropastoralism (XI) Schlee, Günther: “Civilisations” (XII) Kohlhagen, Dominik, and IMPRS REMEP (eds): REMEP – Retaliation, Mediation and Punishment: Research Agenda and Projects (XIII) Isir and Günther Schlee: Rendille and Ariaal: A Linguistic and Cultural Affiliation Census II.T he Western Reaches (South Horr, Loiyangalani, Haro, Kulal, Ngurunit)

2016 (XIV) Jiménez Tovar, Soledad: The Anthropologist as a Mushroom: Notes from a PhD Research Project in Central Asia (XV) Köhler, Florian: The Sedentarization of Dwelling: Continuity and Change in the Habitat of Fulɓe Woɗaaɓe Pastoralists and Urban Migrants in Niger (Text and Photo Essays)

For teaching purposes, all volumes are available as online PDFs under www.eth.mpg.de/dept_schlee_series_fieldnotes/index.html

Fulɓe in the Blue Nile Area of Sudan 285 Book Publications

Youssouf Diallo Nomades des espaces interstitiels: pastoralisme, identité, migrations (Burkina Faso – Côte d’Ivoire) (Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2008)

Andreas Dafinger The Economics of Ethnic Conflict: The Case of Burkina Faso (Suffolk: James Currey, 2013)

Elhadi Ibrahim Osman The Pastoral Fulbe in the Sudan Funj Region: A Study of the Interaction between State and Society (Bergen: Chr. Michelsen Institute, 2013)

Ed. by Sandra Calkins, Enrico Ille and Richard Rottenburg Emerging Orders in the Sudans (Mankon Bamenda: Langaa Research & Publishing Common Initiative Group, 2014)

286 Book Publications

ISSN 2193-987X