Thesis?’, T Asked, As We Were Chatting on Facebook an Evening in August, a Few Months Before My Thesis Was Due
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The Reclamation of Sami Identity and the Traces of Swedish Colonialism
THE RECLAMATION OF SAMI IDENTITY AND THE TRACES OF SWEDISH COLONIALISM A qualitative study about the formation of Saminess and Sami identity Master’s Programme in Social Work and Human Rights Degree report 30 higher education credit Spring 2020 Author : Frida Olofsson Supervisor : Adrián Groglopo Abstract Title: The Reclamation of Sami identity and the traces of Swedish colonialism : A qualitative study about the formation of Saminess and Sami identity Author: Frida Olofsson Key words (ENG): Sami identity, Saminess, Sami people, Indigenous People, identity Nyckelord (SWE): Samisk identitet, Samiskhet, Samer, Urfolk, Identitet The purpose of this study was to study identity formation among Sami people. The aim was therefore to investigate how Saminess and Sami identity is formed and specifically the way the Sami community transfers the identity. Semi structured interviews were conducted and the material was analyzed by the use of a thematic analysis. In the analysis of the material, four main themes were : Transfer of Sami heritage over generations, Sami identity, Expressions about being Sami and Sami attributes. The theoretical framework consisted of Postcolonial theory and theoretical concepts of identity. The main findings showed that the traces of colonialism is still present in the identity-formation of the Sami people and that there is a strong silence-culture related to the experiences of colonial events which consequently also have affected the intergenerational transfer of Saminess and Sami identity. Furthermore, the will to reclaim the Sami identity, heritage and the importance of a sense of belonging is strongly expressed by the participants. This can in turn be seen as a crucial step for the decolonization process of the Sami population as a whole. -
[email protected]] Kopi: Sendt: 29.05.2019 09:16:50 Emne: SV: Møtebok Til Godkjenning Vedlegg
Fra: Stein Faleide Malkenes [[email protected]] Til: Monica Åsnes [[email protected]]; Noralv Distad [[email protected]] Kopi: Sendt: 29.05.2019 09:16:50 Emne: SV: Møtebok til godkjenning Vedlegg: Tilsendt møtebok godkjennast. Helsing Stein Malkenes Fra: Monica Åsnes Sendt: tysdag 28. mai 2019 14:38 Til: Noralv Distad <[email protected]>; Stein Faleide Malkenes <[email protected]> Emne: Møtebok til godkjenning Hei, Vedlagt finn du møtebok 28.mai til godkjenning. Frist for tilbakemelding er fredag 31.mai. Med helsing Monica Åsnes førstekonsulent, samferdsleavdelinga Sogn og Fjordane fylkeskommune Askedalen 2, 6863 Leikanger www.sfj.no | [email protected] sentralbord: +47 57638000 | mob: +47 95207751 Side 1 av 1 MØTEINNKALLING Organ: HOVUDUTVAL FOR SAMFERDSLE Møtestad: Sygna, Fylkeshuset på Leikanger Møtedato: 28.05.2019 Tid: 09:00 Medlemene blir med dette kalla inn til møtet. Eventuelt forfall må meldast til utvalssekretæren straks. Varamedlemer møter berre etter særskild innkalling. PROGRAM 09:00-10:00 Orientering frå Sogndal, Leikanger og Balestrand kommune 10:00-10:20 Orientering frå kollektiv v/Øystein Hunvik 10:20-11:30 Handsaming av saker 11:30-12:15 Lunsj 12:15- Handsaming av saker fortset SAKLISTE Saksnr. Arkivsaksnr. / Tittel 14/19 18/8598 Kjøp av rutetenester med båt frå 1. mai 2022 - ekstra utgreiing 15/19 19/2130 Søknad om finansiell deltaking i nytt hurtigbåttilbod mellom Florø Smørhamn Måløy 16/19 15/8734 Ferjeavløysing Ytre Steinsund bru - stadfesting av vedtak 17/19 17/2752 Fv. 303 Seimsdalstunnelen - kostnadsoverslag 18/19 18/8010 Årsrapport 2018 for Sogn og Fjordane fylkeskommune 19/19 19/2134 Tertialrapport 1/2019 20/19 19/746 Skriv og meldingar - hovudutval for samferdsle 28. -
1. Debbie Abrahams, Labour Party, United Kingdom 2
1. Debbie Abrahams, Labour Party, United Kingdom 2. Malik Ben Achour, PS, Belgium 3. Tina Acketoft, Liberal Party, Sweden 4. Senator Fatima Ahallouch, PS, Belgium 5. Lord Nazir Ahmed, Non-affiliated, United Kingdom 6. Senator Alberto Airola, M5S, Italy 7. Hussein al-Taee, Social Democratic Party, Finland 8. Éric Alauzet, La République en Marche, France 9. Patricia Blanquer Alcaraz, Socialist Party, Spain 10. Lord John Alderdice, Liberal Democrats, United Kingdom 11. Felipe Jesús Sicilia Alférez, Socialist Party, Spain 12. Senator Alessandro Alfieri, PD, Italy 13. François Alfonsi, Greens/EFA, European Parliament (France) 14. Amira Mohamed Ali, Chairperson of the Parliamentary Group, Die Linke, Germany 15. Rushanara Ali, Labour Party, United Kingdom 16. Tahir Ali, Labour Party, United Kingdom 17. Mahir Alkaya, Spokesperson for Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation, Socialist Party, the Netherlands 18. Senator Josefina Bueno Alonso, Socialist Party, Spain 19. Lord David Alton of Liverpool, Crossbench, United Kingdom 20. Patxi López Álvarez, Socialist Party, Spain 21. Nacho Sánchez Amor, S&D, European Parliament (Spain) 22. Luise Amtsberg, Green Party, Germany 23. Senator Bert Anciaux, sp.a, Belgium 24. Rt Hon Michael Ancram, the Marquess of Lothian, Former Chairman of the Conservative Party, Conservative Party, United Kingdom 25. Karin Andersen, Socialist Left Party, Norway 26. Kirsten Normann Andersen, Socialist People’s Party (SF), Denmark 27. Theresa Berg Andersen, Socialist People’s Party (SF), Denmark 28. Rasmus Andresen, Greens/EFA, European Parliament (Germany) 29. Lord David Anderson of Ipswich QC, Crossbench, United Kingdom 30. Barry Andrews, Renew Europe, European Parliament (Ireland) 31. Chris Andrews, Sinn Féin, Ireland 32. Eric Andrieu, S&D, European Parliament (France) 33. -
Sami in Finland and Sweden
A baseline study of socio-economic effects of Northland Resources ore establishment in northern Sweden and Finland Indigenous peoples and rights Stefan Ekenberg Luleå University of Technology Department of Human Work Sciences 2008 Universitetstryckeriet, Luleå A baseline study of socio-economic effects of Northland Resources ore establishment in northern Sweden and Finland Indigenous peoples and rights Stefan Ekenberg Department of Human Work Sciences Luleå University of Technology 1 Summary The Sami is considered to be one people with a common homeland, Sápmi, but divided into four national states, Finland, Norway, Russia and Sweden. The indigenous rights therefore differ in each country. Finlands Sami policy may be described as accommodative. The accommodative Sami policy has had two consequences. Firstly, it has made Sami collective issues non-political and has thus change focus from previously political mobilization to present substate administration. Secondly, the depoliticization of the Finnish Sami probably can explain the absent of overt territorial conflicts. However, this has slightly changes due the discussions on implementation of the ILO Convention No 169. Swedish Sami politics can be described by quarrel and distrust. Recently the implementation of ILO Convention No 169 has changed this description slightly and now there is a clear legal demand to consult the Sami in land use issues that may affect the Sami. The Reindeer herding is an important indigenous symbol and business for the Sami especially for the Swedish Sami. Here is the reindeer herding organized in a so called Sameby, which is an economic organisations responsible for the reindeer herding. Only Sami that have parents or grandparents who was a member of a Sameby may become members. -
Kartlegging Av Partienes Toppkandidaters Erfaring Fra Næringslivet Stortingsvalget 2021
Kartlegging av partienes toppkandidaters erfaring fra næringslivet Stortingsvalget 2021 I det videre følger en kartlegging av hvilken erfaring fra næringslivet toppkandidatene fra dagens stortingspartier i hver valgkrets har. Det vil si at i hver valgkrets, har alle de ni stortingspartiene fått oppført minst én kandidat. I tillegg er det kartlagt også for øvrige kandidater som har en relativt stor sjanse for å bli innvalgt på Stortinget, basert på NRKs «supermåling» fra juni 2021. I noen valgkretser er det derfor mange «toppkandidater». Dette skyldes at det er stor usikkerhet knyttet til hvilke partier som vinner de siste distriktsmandatene, og ikke minst utjevningsmandatene. Følgende to spørsmål har vært utgangspunktet for kartleggingen: 1. Har kandidaten drevet egen bedrift? 2. Har kandidaten vært ansatt daglig leder i en bedrift? Videre er kartleggingen basert på følgende kilder: • Biografier på Stortingets nettside. • Offentlig tilgjengelig informasjon på nettsider som Facebook, LinkedIn, Proff.no, Purehelp.no og partienes egne hjemmesider. • Medieoppslag som sier noe om kandidatenes yrkesbakgrunn. Kartleggingen har derfor flere mulige feilkilder. For eksempel kan informasjonen som er offentlig tilgjengelig, være utdatert eller mangelfull. For å begrense sjansen for feil, har kildene blitt kryssjekket. SMB Norge tar derfor forbehold om dette ved offentliggjøring av kartleggingen, eller ved bruk som referanse. Aust-Agder (3+1) Navn Parti Drevet egen bedrift? Vært daglig leder i en bedrift? Svein Harberg H Ja Ja Tellef Inge Mørland Ap Nei Nei Gro-Anita Mykjåland Sp Nei Nei Marius Aron Nilsen FrP Nei Nei Lætif Akber R Nei Nei Mirell Høyer- SV Nei Nei Berntsen Ingvild Wetrhus V Nei Nei Thorsvik Kjell Ingolf Ropstad KrF Nei Nei Oda Sofie Lieng MDG Nei Nei Pettersen 1 Akershus (18+1) Navn Parti Drevet egen bedrift? Vært daglig leder i en bedrift? Jan Tore Sanner H Nei Nei Tone W. -
“Old Dogs, New Tricks”
“Old dogs, new tricks” An exploration of local climate activism in Norway and Denmark Eivind Trædal Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Philosophy in Culture, Environment and Sustainability Centre for Development and the Environment University of Oslo, Blindern, Norway 2.05.2013 I II Acknowledgements Many thanks to Maria, who kept my spirits up, gave good advice, and endured my short crises and long monologues during my writing. Thanks to Karen and Hilde for engaging guidance, to Mom and Dad, and to all the fellow students I’ve had the pleasure to get to know during my two years at SUM. Last, but not least, thanks to all the respondents who gave me their time. III Table of Contents 1.0 Introduction ............................................................................................ 1 1.1 The structure of this thesis ................................................................................. 2 1.2 Climate change – from global to local ............................................................... 4 1.3 What is the environmental movement? ............................................................. 7 1.4 The development of environmentalism ........................................................... 10 2.0 Method ................................................................................................. 15 2.1 Choice of cases ................................................................................................ 15 2.2 Approaching the organizations ....................................................................... -
Norwegian Environmentalism Between State and Local Community: Why Greenpeace Failed in Norway
NORWEGIAN ENVIRONMENTALISM BETWEEN STATE AND LOCAL COMMUNITY: WHY GREENPEACE FAILED IN NORWAY Kristin Strømsnes, Per Selle and Gunnar Grendstad Stein Rokkan Centre for Social Studies / Department of Comparative Politics, University of Bergen Paper presented at the 7th International ISTR Conference, Bangkok, Thailand, July 9-12 2006. NORWEGIAN ENVIRONMENTALISM BETWEEN STATE AND LOCAL COMMUNITY: WHY GREENPEACE FAILED IN NORWAY Kristin Strømsnes, Per Selle and Gunnar Grendstad Why is it that Greenpeace never succeeded in Norway? To answer this question, we have to examine the way organized environmentalism is configured in the Norwegian case. This is a case that does not easily fit into the general assumptions behind the definitions of environmentalism that has been generated by the bulk of ‘continental’ or ‘Anglo-Saxon’ literature (see Grendstad et al. 2006). We argue that the Norwegian case deviates from the mainstream definition of environmentalism due to two anomalies. The roots of the two anomalies are found at different but interrelated levels of analysis. The first anomaly is that the Norwegian political and social system differs when compared to systems in most other countries in that adversary actors or interests are not excluded from national politics, but, in general, are welcomed by the government. We label this anomaly the inclusive polity and the state-friendly society. In short, we refer to it as the state-friendly society. This anomaly, which has a long historical tradition, is primarily found at a structural level. But it also ties in with mainstream attitudes and beliefs that define part of the Norwegian political culture. The other anomaly is more ideological, although this, too, has strong structural ties because national environmental concern is influenced by a notion of social hardship and self-sufficiency as part of local living. -
Arbeiderpartiet Beretning
Beretningen 2011 - 2012 . Arbeiderpartiet Beretning for perioden 01.01.2011 – 31.12.2012 Utarbeidet av partikontoret 1 Beretning for perioden 01.01.2011 – 31.12.2012 INNLEDNING .......................................................................................................................................................... 4 LANDSMØTET 2011 ............................................................................................................................................... 4 KONTROLLKOMITEEN .......................................................................................................................................... 9 LANDSSTYRET ...................................................................................................................................................... 9 ÆRESMEDLEMMER ............................................................................................................................................ 15 22 JULI SATTE ORGANISASJONEN PÅ PRØVE .............................................................................................. 15 SENTRALSTYRET ................................................................................................................................................ 16 SENTRALSTYRETS SAMMENSETNING ........................................................................................................ 16 FASTE UTVALG............................................................................................................................................... -
Colonialism, Peace and Sustainable Social Cohesion in the Barents Region
Colonialism, Peace and Sustainable Social Cohesion in the Barents Region - Creating Theoretical and Conceptual Platforms for Peace Building and Restorative Action by Are Johan Rasmussen Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF EDUCATION in the subject PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA Supervisor: Professor Catherine Odora Hoppers January 2018 Student number: 49131605 I declare that “Colonialism, peace and sustainable social cohesion in the Barents Region: Creating theoretical and conceptual platforms for peace building and restorative action” is my own work and that all sources used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. Are Johan Rasmussen 31 January 2018 1 Table of Contents Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..5 Abstract ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………6 Chapter 1: Introduction .................................................................................................... 8 1.1 The Barents Region and the Sami people ................................................................. 8 1.2 Rivers of conflict and transformation ..................................................................... 13 1.2.1 The Alta River .......................................................................................................... 13 1.2.2 The Tornedal River .................................................................................................. 17 1.2.3 The Pasvik River ..................................................................................................... -
Innst. 235 S (2011–2012) Innstilling Til Stortinget Fra Utenriks- Og Forsvarskomiteen
Innst. 235 S (2011–2012) Innstilling til Stortinget fra utenriks- og forsvarskomiteen Dokument 14 (2011–2012) Innstilling fra utenriks- og forsvarskomiteen om land, Sverige og USA) og Europaparlamentet. Urfol- årsrapport fra Stortingets delegasjon for arktisk kene i Arktis deltar i samarbeidet som faste deltakere parlamentarisk samarbeid for perioden 15. sep- (permanent participants). tember 2010 til 1. oktober 2011 I perioden 15. september 2010 til 1. oktober 2011 avholdt komiteen 4 møter. På møtet 22. februar 2011 overtok Morten Høglund vervet som leder av komi- Til Stortinget teen og er valgt frem til september 2012. Et viktig formål med møtene i Den arktiske par- lamentarikerkomiteen er å ha en dialog med landet 1. Sammendrag som er leder av Arktisk råd. Viktige saker seneste år Den 22. oktober 2009 vedtok Stortinget å opp- har vært utviklingen av Arktisk råd, sjøfart og bered- rette en delegasjon for arktisk parlamentarisk samar- skap mot oljesøl i Arktis. beid. Delegasjonen har 6 medlemmer og 6 varamed- Stortinget har påtatt seg å være vertskap for lemmer. Opprettelsen styrker Stortingets oppmerk- sekretariatsfunksjonen til det arktiske parlamentari- somhet om utviklingen i Arktis. kersamarbeidet. Dette utføres av delegasjonssekretær Stortingets delegasjon for arktisk parlamentra- Bjørn Willy Robstad. risk samarbeid besto i rapporteringsperioden av føl- gende representantter: 1.2 Stortingets delegasjon for arktisk parlamentarisk samarbeid Medlemmer Varamedlemmer Stortingets delegasjon for arktisk parlamentarisk Morten Høglund (FrP), Anne Marit Bjørnflaten samarbeid har i perioden avholdt to delegasjonsmø- leder (A) ter og to delegasjonsreiser. Hele delegasjonen deltok Eirik Sivertsen (A), Arne L. Haugen (A) på møtet i Den arktiske parlamentarikerkomiteen i nestleder Tromsø og den påfølgende parlamentarikerkonferan- Ivar Kristiansen (H) Line Henriette Hjemdal sen om den nordlige dimensjon 22.–23. -
Petroleum Politics: China and Its National Oil Companies
MASTER IN ADVANCED EUROPEAN AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES ANGLOPHONE BRANCH - Academic year 2012/2013 Master Thesis Petroleum Politics: China and Its National Oil Companies By Ellennor Grace M. FRANCISCO 26 June 2013 Supervised by: Dr. Laurent BAECHLER Deputy Director MAEIS To Whom I owe my willing and my running CONTENTS List of Tables and Figures v List of Abbreviations vi Chapter 1. Introduction 1 1.1 Literature Review 2 1.2 Methodologies 4 1.3 Objectives and Scope 4 Chapter 2. Historical Evolution of Chinese National Oil Companies 6 2.1 The Central Government and “Self-Reliance” (1950- 1977) 6 2.2 Breakdown and Corporatization: First Reform (1978- 1991) 7 2.3 Decentralization: Second Reform (1992- 2003) 11 2.4 Government Institutions and NOCs: A Move to Recentralization? (2003- 2010) 13 2.5 Corporate Governance, Ownership and Marketization 15 2.5.1 International Market 16 2.5.2 Domestic Market 17 Chapter 3. Chinese Politics and NOC Governance 19 3.1 CCP’s Controlling Mechanisms 19 3.1.1 State Assets Supervision and Administration Commission (SASAC) 19 3.1.2 Central Organization Department 21 3.2 Transference Between Government and Corporate Positions 23 3.3 Traditional Connections and the Guanxi 26 3.4 Convergence of NOC Politics 29 Chapter 4. The “Big Four”: Overview of the Chinese Banking Sector 30 Preferential Treatment 33 Chapter 5. Oil Security and The Going Out Policy 36 5.1 The Policy Driver: Equity Oil 36 5.2 The Going Out Policy (zou chu qu) 37 5.2.1 The Development of OFDI and NOCs 37 5.2.2 Trends of Outward Foreign Investments 39 5.3 State Financing: The Chinese Policy Banks 42 5.4 Loans for Oil 44 Chapter 6. -
The Politics of Oil, Gas Contract Negotiations in Sub-Saharan Africa
The politics of oil, gas contract negotiations in Sub-Saharan Africa This article is part of DIIS Report 2014:25 “Policies and finance for economic development and trade” Read more at www.diis.dk THE POLITICS OF OIL, GAS CONTRACT NEGOTIATIONS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA By: Rasmus Hundsbæk Pedersen, DIIS, 2014 SUMMARY Much attention has been paid to the management of revenues from petroleum resources in Sub-Saharan Africa. An entire body of literature on the resource curse has developed which points to corruption during the negotiation of contracts, as well as the mismanagement of revenues on the continent. The analyses provide the basis for policy advice for countries as well as donors; transparency and anti- corruption initiatives aimed at lifting the curse flourish. Though this paper is sympathetic to these initiatives, it argues that the analysis may underestimate the inherently political nature of the negotiation of contracts. Based on a review of the existing literature on contract negotiations in Africa, combined with a case study of Tanzania, the paper argues that the resource curse need not hit all countries on the African continent. By focusing on changes in the relative bargaining strength of actors involved in negotiating processes, it points to the choices and trade-offs that invariably affect the terms and conditions of exploration and production activities. Whereas international oil companies are often depicted as being in the driving seat, the last decade’s high oil prices may have shifted power in governments’ favor. Though their influence has declined, donors may still want to influence oil and gas politics under these circumstances.