Towards Integrating Antiracism Into Teaching English As a Second Language Training Programs in Ontario

Towards Integrating Antiracism into Teaching English as a Second Language Training Programs in Ontario

Dulani Suraweera

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto

Towards Integrating Antiracism into Teaching English as a Second Language Training Programs in Ontario

Dulani Suraweera

Doctor of Philosophy

Department of Adult Education and Community Development, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto

2020

Abstract

The adult English language education sector in Canada has gained momentum as a revenue-generating service ostensibly designed for new immigrants and international students.

However, ESL teaching approaches and theories reproduce unequal power structures underpinned by settler-colonial mindsets that devalue and marginalize non-White and non-native speakers in the ESL/TESL sector. In this study, I argued that current ESL curricula, assessment, and classroom management procedures do not adopt antiracist pedagogies even though many

ESL learner and ESL/TESL teacher populations in Canada are racially diverse. Although ample research looks at how ESL curricula and teaching and hiring practices exclude and devalue ESL learners and non-native speaker ESL teachers in Canada, not many critical studies have explored

TESL training programs in the Canadian context. The twofold purpose of this study was therefore to: (a) investigate how three TESL Ontario accredited programs address race, racism, and antiracist praxis in their TESL curricula; and (b) explore how the experiences of TESL

Ontario accredited ESL/TESL practitioners may inform the development of an antiracist TESL curriculum that addresses race and racism more effectively, explicitly, and practically. The qualitative inquiry comprised a content analysis of three TESL curricula, three focus group

discussions with ESL teachers, and eight semi-structured interviews with TESL trainers, curriculum developers, and program coordinators. I used a theoretical framework derived from multiple theories and debates around the issues of race, class, gender, Whiteness/White power, postcoloniality, neoliberalism, culture, cultural difference, and treatment of culture to analyze my data. Study findings identified problems at practical and theoretical levels for ESL teachers,

TESL trainers, and curriculum developers seeking to identify, analyze, and act upon perceived social exclusions related to racism. Through their experiences and analysis, I identified the challenges, strengths, and gaps of current TESL programs in addressing social exclusions, particularly racism. Finally, the pedagogical and theoretical suggestions put forward by ESL teachers, TESL trainers, program coordinators, and curriculum developers can help create an antiracist TESL curriculum that will be pragmatic and effective in explicitly addressing and minimizing existing power hierarchies associated with the process of learning and teaching

English as a second language in multicultural Canada.

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Acknowledgments

“Working hard overcomes a whole lot of other obstacles. You can have unbelievable intelligence, you can have connections, you can have opportunities fall out of the sky. But in the end, hard work is the true, enduring characteristic of successful people.” ― Marsha Evans

Yes, I worked hard to see the light at end of the tunnel, spending more than six years of my life. I call it a collective effort because many people helped me in various ways during this long academic journey to realize my dream—our dream—and I am glad that I have finally arrived at the moment to thank them all. First and foremost, I thank my dear supervisor Prof. Shahrzad Mojab for being my guardian angel throughout this journey. First as an advisor, then as my supervisor, Shahrzad enlightened my path with critical questions, valuable advice, constructive feedback, encouraging words, and most of all, positive vibes. Her guidance helped me throughout the research and writing of this thesis. I could not have imagined having a better advisor and mentor for my PhD study. Besides my advisor, I would like to thank the rest of my thesis committee: It wouldn’t have been possible without Prof. Kiran Mirchandani either, for her prompt reply to my initial email in 2012 was the stepping stone to this journey. From that day onwards, she too was there for me, providing guidance through my proposal stage to the final draft. I thank Prof. Jeff Bale for his academic guidance and encouragement from the bottom of my heart, as well as the late Prof. Nick Elson—a beautiful human being who made this voyage possible for me; I am saddened that he is not here to see how my efforts have materialized at the end, which wouldn’t have happened without his continuous support and inspiration since the completion of my Masterʼs degree. My sincere thanks also goes to all the professors whose courses I took to fulfill my course work requirement. Their input incented me to widen my research from various perspectives. My deep appreciation goes out to the participants who agreed to spend their precious time to take part in this study. I couldn’t have done this without my loving and caring family. They lived every single minute of it, and without them, I would not have had the courage to embark on this journey in the first place. My husband, Chulla Makumbura, has always been very supportive not only in word but also in deed. He undertook a lot of maternal duties and responsibilities to make way for my academic undertakings like attending conferences and spending long hours and weekends at

OISE. He was patient enough to put up with my anxiety tantrums when I was working hard to meet numerous deadlines. Kaveen and Deveen, my precious two sons, took up a lot of household chores to ease their mother from domestic burdens so that their mother could finish her PhD. They said that they are proud of having an educated mom. My mother, Kusuma, travelled all the way from Sri Lanka a few times to visit us knowing that her daughter was too busy with her studies, and I am glad that I could make one of her dreams come true (soon): being there at her second daughter’s doctoral graduation. I remember also my late father, Hemapala Suraweera, who made a lot of sacrifices to provide us with a quality education, and I am sure he would have been overjoyed to see that his second daughter completed a doctorate in a top Canadian university. My two sisters Ravini and Kisani, my parents-in-law Dharmadasa and Anula, and my brothers- and sisters-in-law have always been supportive throughout the crossing. I’ve just realized how lucky I am to have such a wonderful extended family. I cannot forget my friends and colleagues. My OISE friends Diane, Paula, Berivan, Bahar, Daneilla, Erick, Pushpa, Angelica, Christine, Vijay, Valerie, Suwimon, Anjali and many others: Although I got to know them later in life, I felt that we’ve known each other for ages as our similar world views and life interest brought us together. Special thanks goes out to Diane: Diane and I worked together for hours and hours at the lounge and in Room 283 on the 6th floor, OISE library, and in our offices passing many autumns, winters, springs, and summers away. Sharing in each other’s academic and non-academic interests and concerns, debating over controversial issues, challenging each otherʼs standpoints, policing social media use, and uttering encouraging words every time we were feeling down; how much we did! I treasure all the things we did, walking the same path together in the hopes of seeing the light at the end of the tunnel. My long-standing friends in Sri Lanka and Canada—Enoka, Suharshini, Shezana, Bihimini and Lilika—have always been there for me despite the distance and their hectic lives. The long conversations on personal, academic, and work-related issues helped relieve my stress enormously, and no one can do that but friends. My friends and colleagues at the University of Colombo, Sri Lanka especially Shivanee, Nalini, and Gunaruwan, are also remembered with gratitude. Last but not least, I’d like to thank Stephanie Samboo (Associate Dean, Sheridan College) and Violet Funk (ESL Professor, Sheridan College) for their constant collegial support and encouraging words during the completion of this important journey. Yes, we did it. Thank you and love you all!

Table of Contents

Page

Abstract ...... ii Acknowledgments ...... iv List of Tables ...... ix List of Appendices ...... x Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 1 1.1 Background of the study ...... 2 1.2 Problem statement, rationale, and purpose ...... 3 1.3 Research design and context ...... 5 1.4 Theoretical framework ...... 6 1.5 Findings ...... 6 1.6 Overview of chapters ...... 8 Chapter 2: Manifestations of Racism in ESL/TESL Education in Canada ...... 12 2.1 Canada as a White settler nation harbouring overt racism ...... 13 2.2 Covert racism ...... 15 2.3 The role of Canadian neoliberal policies in facilitating covert exclusions ...... 16 2.3.1 Immigration policy...... 16 2.3.2 Language imperialism facilitated by the bilingual policy...... 19 2.3.3 Canadian multiculturalism, acculturation, and culture ...... 22 2.4 Taking a closer look at how racism plays out in the ESL classroom ... 26 2.5 White domination in the ESL industry ...... 29 2.6 Non-Whites discriminating against non-Whites ...... 35 2.7 Linguicism: Another expression of racism...... 38 2.7.1 Language standards ...... 40 2.7.2 Standardized tests...... 43 2.7.3 Accent discrimination ...... 45 2.8 The native–non-native dichotomy of ESL teachers ...... 48 2.9 Gender, patriarchy, sexism, and sexuality in the ESL classroom ...... 49 2.10 Social class and the stakeholders of ESL education ...... 54 2.11 To swim against the tide ...... 56 2.12 Conclusion ...... 62

Chapter 3: The Political Economy of ESL Education in Canada ...... 63 3.1 Adult ESL programs in Canada ...... 63 3.1.1 LINC programs ...... 65 3.1.2 EAP and ESL offered by colleges, universities, and private schools ...... 67 3.2 TESL teacher training in Ontario ...... 68 3.3 ESL/TESL education in a competitive, free market ...... 69 3.4 Understanding racism in the ESL/TESL arena through different theoretical lenses ...... 75

3.4.1 Critical race theory ...... 75 3.4.1.1 CRT and ESL/TESL ...... 78 3.4.2 Antiracist feminist theory ...... 80 3.4.2.1 Implications for ESL/TESL ...... 85 3.4.3 Culture and language through the postcolonial lens ...... 86 3.4.3.1 Implications for ESL/TESL ...... 89 3.5 Conclusion ...... 90 Chapter 4: Methodology ...... 91 4.1 Purpose of the study ...... 91 4.2 Research questions ...... 93 4.3 Research design: Qualitative inquiry as research methodology ...... 93 4.4 Data collection tools informed by qualitative inquiry ...... 97 4.4.1 Curriculum analysis ...... 97 4.4.2 Focus groups ...... 98 4.4.3 Semi-structured interviews ...... 99 4.4.4 Background information questionnaire...... 101 4.5 Sampling, recruitment, and data collection ...... 101 4.5.1 Selection of TESL curriculum material ...... 101 4.5.2 Target population ...... 102 4.5.3 Participant recruitment ...... 103 4.5.4 Who are the participants of my study? ...... 104 4.5.5 Interview and focus group questions ...... 108 4.6 Data analysis ...... 109 4.7 Ethical considerations ...... 111 4.8 Conclusion ...... 112 Chapter 5: Race, Racism, and Antiracism in TESL Curriculum Material ...... 114 5.1 TESL Ontario curriculum and accreditation body ...... 114 5.2 Program structures of the three selected training programs in TESL Ontario ...... 119 5.2.1 Program A ...... 119 5.2.2 Program B ...... 120 5.2.3 Program C ...... 122 5.3 Comparison of the three programs ...... 123 5.4 How do TESL curricula address race and racism? ...... 124 5.4.1 Towards antiracism ...... 125 5.4.2 Devaluing and ignoring the adult ESL learner ...... 133 5.4.3 Use of “culture” as an overarching theme ...... 138 5.4.4 Marginal presence of “race” and “antiracist” discourse ...... 145 5.5 Conclusion ...... 149 Chapter 6: Professionalsʼ Experiences and Perceptions of Race and Racism in the ESL/TESL Context ...... 151 6.1 Experiences and perceptions of racism...... 151 6.1.1 Overt individual racism...... 152 6.1.1.1 Directed at non-Whites by Whites ...... 152 6.1.1.2 Directed at Whites by non-Whites ...... 156

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6.1.1.3 Directed at non-Whites by non-Whites ...... 157 6.1.2 Covert systemic/institutional racism ...... 165 6.1.2.1 Questioning and rejecting non-Whites by non- Whites ...... 165 6.1.2.2 Rejecting non-native accents and promoting accent reduction pedagogy ...... 166 6.1.2.3 Imposing language standards ...... 170 6.1.2.4 A backlash on an antiracist attempt ...... 171 6.1.2.5 Difficulty acknowledging a lack of cultural capital .... 173 6.1.3 Epistemological hegemony/racism in the TESL field ...... 175 6.2 Making sense of different perceptions/experiences of racism to develop an antiracist curriculum ...... 182 6.3 Conclusion ...... 187 Chapter 7: Towards Developing an Antiracist TESL Curriculum...... 189 7.1 Current TESL programs are not adopting an adequate antiracist approach ...... 190 7.2 Challenges in addressing racism in TESL courses ...... 195 7.2.1 The complexity of the topic of racism ...... 195 7.2.2 Resistance to anti-imperialist ELT pedagogies...... 203 7.2.3 Battling against Canadian policy dogma ...... 205 7.2.4 Boundaries inflicted by the accreditation body ...... 210 7.3 Participantsʼ suggestions for improvement ...... 213 7.4 Conclusion ...... 217 Chapter 8: Conclusion ...... 219 8.1 Summary of chapters ...... 219 8.2 The existence of a White, West-centric settler TESL curriculum ...... 223 8.3 White structural power pits non-Whites against each other ...... 226 8.4 The orientation towards antiracist praxis significantly connected to individual experiences of social oppression and critical consciousness ... 229 8.5 Recommendations ...... 230 8.6 Limitations of the study ...... 234 8.7 Implications of the study ...... 235 8.8 Concluding remarks ...... 237 References ...... 238

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List of Tables

Table Page

1: TESL Trainer and Program Coordinator Profiles ...... 106 2: ESL Teacher Profiles ...... 107

List of Appendices

Appendix Page

1: List of Abbreviations ...... 257 2: Participant Information Sheet and Consent Form for ESL Teachers ...... 258 3: Participant Information Sheet and Consent Form for TESL Trainers ...... 260 4: Voluntary Profile Questionnaire for ESL and TESL Practitioners ...... 262 5: Focus Group Interview Questions for ESL Teachers ...... 263 6: Interview Questions for TESL Trainers, TESL Coordinators, and Curriculum Designers ...... 264

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Chapter 1 Introduction

My personal, professional, and academic journey prompted the direction of my study. Born to a middle-class family in Colombo, Sri Lanka, I was privileged to continue my education in an elite school in Colombo with access to the colonizer’s tongue—the English language. I was able to secure a tenure-track position at the University of Colombo in my early 30s. As an academic at the University of Colombo, I enjoyed the power and privilege attached to my appointment. I acknowledge that I was linguistically and racially privileged as a member of the dominant racial group in Sri Lanka. I must also confess that my nuclear and extended families led comfortable lives in Colombo conforming to the middle-class feudalist life styles in postcolonial Sri Lanka. There was a civil war between the Tamil Tigers and the Sri Lankan government, and bombs went off everywhere in Colombo making our lives very hazardous. However, I still cannot say that the war was the reason for our migration; instead, I suppose it was a curiosity to test out a new land, new way of life, and new system. Being an apolitical individual at the time, I thought that everything in Canada would be better than in Sri Lanka. I soon realized that life in Canada was considerably more challenging and less convenient for my family than the comforts we enjoyed in Sri Lanka. I felt that we (non-White people) did not have the necessary social and cultural capital to live a comfortable life. Having completed an MA in Applied Linguistics that investigated effective grammar teaching methods for postsecondary students in Sri Lanka (an approach I later criticized as an imperialist ELT pedagogy), we returned to Sri Lanka to continue the cozy life waiting for us in a third-world country. Later on, in order to further my career as a university academic, I proceeded to pursue a doctoral program in Canada. After returning to Canada, I watched how my racial, economic, class, and linguistic identities took on new values in subtle ways despite the Canadian state policies and laws in place to protect citizens’ rights and freedom. At OISE, I was exposed to many critical social theories, so the way I looked at the world started to change too. Working as an ESL teacher and a TESL trainer, I started to notice and experience hegemony and unfairness in the field of ESL and desired to dig more deeply into it. Having an Applied Linguistics background that endorsed West-centric cultural and linguistic hegemony, I became conscious of the disconnect between my tentative research interest, the Canadian reality, and the teaching philosophy inculcated in me

2 through training and previous education. I took a 180-degree turn in my research direction and carried out doctoral research that would add to the critical literature on ESL and TESL. This chapter provides the background of the study, the problem statement, the purpose of the study and research questions, the research design and context, the theoretical framework, findings, and an overview of chapters. Finally, I must acknowledge that while my hard work has had an immense role to play in the completion of my doctoral degree, the class privilege bestowed from my birth played a significant role in taking me this far.

1.1 Background of the study Toronto is undoubtedly one of the most multicultural cities in the world. The main reason for the highly dense multicultural population is Canada’s immigration policy that has opened up doors to people from all over the world to migrate under various categories. The declining birth rates among Canadians and increasing demands of the capitalist economy compel a dependence upon immigrants for both population and economic needs (Bannerji, 2000; Naidu, 1995). According to the Canadian Census in 2016, 48.1% of the foreign-born population was born in Asia and the Middle East, 27.7% in Europe, and 8.5% in Africa (Statistics Canada, 2017), suggesting that the majority of new immigrants do not speak English or French as their first language. Furthermore, federal and provincial policies of Canada have encouraged international students to select Canada as their study destination (Barbaric, 2018, para. 1), and this has attracted large numbers of international students to college and university programs. In 2017, there were 494,525 international students, and top sending countries are listed as China, India, South Korea, Vietnam, India, Iran, and Bangladesh (Canadian Bureau for International Education (CBIE), 2018; Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada, 2018). Languages Canada’s member institutions run 80% of English and French language programs in Canada and in 2017, 149,379 students were enrolled in programs run by Languages Canada members; most of these students were enrolled in English as a Second Language (ESL) programs, while only 9,402 students were enrolled in French programs (Languages Canada, 2017). Tuition and living expenses paid by language students in 2017 generated $1.6 million in export revenue, excluding the money spent by students on travel and tourism (Languages Canada, 2017). Therefore, the adult language education sector in Canada has taken an important place as one of the main revenue-generating industries in Canada as well as a much needed service sector. By tracing the colonial roots of Canada, Bannerji (2000) posits that Canada has always been a racist, imperialist, colonialist, capitalist nation with well-defined policies to marginalize

3 immigrants as well as First Nations peoples. Multicultural policy was introduced to ensure equal status to all citizens with different identities, maintain social justice, and encourage civic participation (Dewing, 2009; Joshee & Sinfield, 2013; Nakhaie, 2006). However, the state- generated multiculturalism glorifies and reifies the history and culture of two founding settler nations which are predominantly White, thereby creating a division of legitimate Canadians and illegitimate ones, who will thus be tolerated (Bannerji, 2000). Bale (2011) is of the view that In material terms the state initially unified domestic markets to ensure successful capitalist development at the national level. Reaching a domestic market required a certain degree of political unity that could displace feudal or absolutist state mechanisms that had otherwise thwarted economic development. In social terms, one aspect of this unification included marshaling linguistic resources, specifically the invention and imposition of standardized languages. (p. 6) In this manner, certain stakeholders of the adult ESL education sector get devalued, marginalized, exploited, and excluded by the ongoing settler cultural domination, neoliberal agendas, English language hegemony, and language standardization, in which racism, classism, and sexism are inconspicuously present.

1.2 Problem statement, rationale, and purpose Amin (2005) points out that “English Language Teaching is a site where the discourse of colonialism, racism, and sexism intersect to produce and mark men and women from the Third World as permanent others” (p. 3). ESL students and non-White, non-native ESL practitioners have become increasingly susceptible to racism due to their linguistic, racial, and cultural differences (Amin, 2000, 2005; Creese & Kambere, 2003; Jung, 2013; Kubota & Lin, 2006; Taylor, 2006); societal perception of non-native ESL teachers (Faez, 2012b; Ramajattan, 2014); applied linguistics knowledge production and English language ownership (Amin, 2005; MacPherson, 2003; Taylor, 1997a, 1997b), and through ESL teaching methods, curricula, and philosophies (Auerbach & Burgess, 1985; Fleming, 2010; Kubota & Lin, 2006; Taylor, 2006). The problem here is that TESL programs and curricula, which are targeted at training future ESL teachers in Canada, may not adequately incorporate antiracist ideology and praxis in their curricula, assessments, and classroom management procedures. Motha (2014), in her book titled Race, Empire, and English Language Teaching points out that “one challenge faced by those of us working within the English-teaching industry, then, is the task of shifting from unconscious to conscious planes our awareness of the role played by colonialism and Empire in ELT through teaching practice, teacher education, and institutional and national policies” (p. 29). Therefore,

4 my focus is more on TESL curricula in informing and transforming ESL/TESL professionals as agents of change (Elson, 1997) who would fight for structural inequalities. I believe that such change cannot be expected without a commensurate change in worldview(s) of the change agents. Although ample research examines how ESL curricula, ESL teaching practices, and hiring practices exclude and devalue ESL learners and non-native speaker ESL teachers in Canada, little is known about the TESL training programs in Canada, or the impact of how race, racism, and antiracist praxis are addressed in the TESL training curricula. TESL programs have also become a money-making industry in Canada (Thomson, 2004) since they provide quick training packages to TESL trainees to become ESL teachers in Canada and elsewhere. I predicted that TESL teaching methods and philosophies prescribed in TESL Ontario accredited training courses may not encourage antiracist praxis, which is vital for a population who are racialized while their knowledges, languages, and cultures are devalued and excluded. The purpose of this research is to investigate how experiences, opinions, and beliefs of ESL/TESL professionals in Canada inform the development of an antiracist TESL curriculum. In the process, how TESL training programs in Ontario address topics related to race, racism, and antiracist praxis to inform and influence ESL/TESL practitioners challenge the reproduction of unequal social relations in Canada will be investigated. I am also interested in exploring ESL/TESL practitioners’ various perceptions, opinions, and experiences of race and racism in an ESL/TESL environment to identify the depth and intensity of racism in contemporary multicultural ESL classrooms. As a feminist researcher, I believe that with the help of fellow ESL/TESL professionals, we can collectively construct and confirm knowledge and insights that will inform an antiracist TESL curriculum in the future. Accordingly, I developed three research questions: 1. How are ideas related to racism and antiracism presented in TESL curricula across three different TESL training programs in Ontario? 2. What race-, gender-, and class-related problems do ESL/TESL practitioners observe and experience in the context of ESL/TESL? Why do they perceive racism differently? 3. How can an antiracist curriculum be developed based on ESL/TESL practitioners’ experiences and perceptions? Through these inquiries and with the help of fellow ESL/TESL professionals, I intended to surface possible challenges and theoretical and practical gaps in TESL training to address race and racism with the hopes of developing an effective antiracist TESL curricula in the future.

1.3 Research design and context I adopted a qualitative inquiry within an antiracist feminist framework to answer the above research questions while recognizing that knowledge produced in qualitative research is subjective and influenced by researcher bias. According to Bryman, Bell, and Teevan (2012), qualitative research is predominantly characterized by words, descriptions, and the unstructured, with an emphasis that the point of view of the researcher impacts the subject examined. On the other hand, the researcher is very close to the participants of the study in qualitative research, adopting mostly the insider perspective, and this is one of the reasons why I chose it since the participants and I share the same profession. Qualitative studies attempt to formulate new theories by considering rich, deep, descriptive data from natural settings and involve fewer participants in order to investigate in-depth meaning of participant behaviours, perceptions, and beliefs while acknowledging the inability to generalize such findings due to qualitative studies being context dependent (Bryman et al., 2012; Creswell, 2009). Accordingly, three qualitative data collection tools were used to gather data for the study. A content analysis of TESL Ontario accredited topics, domains, and outcomes along with three TESL program curricula in Toronto was conducted to explore the curriculum content related to race and racism. Focus groups helped me explore the nature of the prevalent conceptions, experiences, practices, and beliefs of frontline ESL teachers regarding race, racism, and antiracist praxis in the fields of ESL and TESL. These sessions enabled them to activate, construct, modify, approve, and negate their ideas, beliefs, and knowledge as a group (Bryman et al., 2012). Semi-structured interviews with the TESL trainers, curriculum developers, and program coordinators helped me delve into research areas in which I am interested while promoting the participants’ flexibility to reply. A voluntary profile questionnaire was also given to the participants to mention their demographic, educational, and professional details. I employed the snowball method, emails, and flyers to recruit participants using the wide ESL/TESL community that I am involved with as an ESL and TESL instructor. I was able to collect TESL curriculum documents from three programs run by a university, a college, and a private educational institution in Toronto for content analysis. Online course descriptions, published books, articles, and in-house materials prepared by instructors were used for analysis. I conducted three focus group interviews at OISE, University of Toronto involving ten ESL teachers. I was also able to interview eight TESL trainers/curriculum designers who work in TESL training programs as well

6 as one recent TESL trainee. These interviews were conducted at OISE as well as in locations convenient to the participants.

1.4 Theoretical framework I used a two-tier theoretical framework to analyze the studyʼs data. The theoretical debates that surfaced in the literature review were used to make sense of data at a micro level. Accordingly, I explored racio-linguistics (Flores & Rosa, 2015; Rosa & Flores, 2017), and White studies (Allen, 2001, DiAngelo, 2011; McIntosh, 2015), perspectives on how White privilege and White supremacy are perpetuated through language stigmatization of racialized individuals, White global structures, and the continuation of White fragility. Debates around the issues of culture, cultural difference, and treatment of culture (Ameeriar, 2017; Hier & Bolaria, 2007; Zong, 2007) also helped me discover how the discourse around the word “culture” has been replaced by the term “race” and how it is used to obscure and underrate structural inequalities amongst minority groups. I believe that exploration of all the above debates and theoretical explanations enabled me understand the complexity of how and why individuals and groups perceive, experience, resist, and avoid racism in various ways and how these perceptions and experiences impact their decisions and actions in the age of neoliberalism (Byean, 2015). Furthermore, these theories were important to identify ways in which systemic racism is embedded in the adult education sector and why it is a difficult task to eliminate it. Then the macro-level theoretical framework was used to synthesize the micro level analysis. I predominantly drew on critical race theory (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012), postcolonial theory (Fanon,1967), and antiracist feminist theory (Bannerji, 2000, 2005; Dua & Robertson, 1999; Razack, 1998) to ascertain the historical, social, and material construction of racism in my data.

1.5 Findings The content analysis of TESL curriculum materials, classroom activities, and course outlines suggested that phenomena like racism, linguicism, and classism have been introduced through definitions or by using a colour-blind discourse where cultural diversity or differences have been engaged as an overarching theme to obscure the unequal power structures attached to different races. Delgado and Stefancic (2012) are of the view that “colorblindness can be admirable, as when a governmental decision maker refuses to give in to local prejudices. However, it can be perverse, for example, when it stands in the way of taking account of difference in order to help those in need” (p. 26). Moreover, Razack (1998) points out that

7 emphasis on “difference can lead to the position that all identities have equal validity,” so “objective assessment cannot be made that specific groups of people are oppressed” (p. 160). Furthermore, all three programs have included limited content related to race and racism under “theoretical issues” while those ideas have not been applied to teaching, learning, assessment, and classroom management methods. This also suggests that TESL training programs do not promote antiracist pedagogy to empower adult ESL learners. Therefore, I argue that the current model for TESL training programs in Canada “applauds everyone’s equality of opportunity but resists programs that assure equality of results” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 28). Further, race and racism presented in the TESL curricula “is a social construct created to suit the purposes of the dominant group” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 104) as these groups are not ready to give up the privilege they enjoy by dismantling the existing power structures. The focus group and interview data suggested that instances of covert and overt individual, institutional, and epistemological racism have been experienced or observed by ESL and TESL practitioners individually and collectively. Nevertheless, many participants had difficulty describing and analyzing subtleties of race and racism in focus group discussions and interviews. The participants primarily used their marginalized positions as an entry point to reflect on racism, but normally did not acknowledge their privileged positions that subordinate others. Participants emphasized accent, cultural, and knowledge discrimination, as well as sexism related to their individual experiences and observations. The study suggests that some non-Whites use White language, White culture, and White epistemology as the standard point of reference to include or exclude one another. The interviews and focus groups also exposed many conundrums for developing an antiracist TESL curriculum. The difficulty in identifying racism is one of the issues both ESL teachers and TESL practitioners mentioned, and neither Whites nor non-Whites were comfortable discussing it. Another significant challenge is the misalignment between antiracist theory and practice where antiracist ideology is not incorporated into ELT methods and classroom practices despite theoretically discussing race and racism at a topical level. The participants presented a number of suggestions to create an antiracist TESL course: adding activities to reflect on personal biases; incorporating theoretical and practical antiracist approaches to TESL curriculum; considering cognitive factors adequately in ELT methods; aligning and revising the Canadian ESL/TESL accreditation bodies; and focusing on current critical applied linguistics research trends both in the Western and non-Western worlds.

1.6 Overview of chapters Chapter two delves into how racism evolved in Canada since its confederation, and how it exists as a covert mechanism in the ESL education sector. The chapter also explains how immigration and bilingual and multicultural policies collectively construct ESL learners as culturally, linguistically, and cognitively deficient and unskilled individuals. The chapter also illustrates how these social constructions reinforced by Canadian social policies provide a strong platform for hegemonic settler-colonial teaching practices to prevail within the ESL education sector. Moreover, the covert racist mechanisms that devalue, exclude, and exploit ESL/TESL stakeholders are also unveiled. The White domination in the ESL industry (Amin, 2005; Canagarajah, 1999b; Kubota & Lin, 2006; Solomona, Portelli, Daniel, & Campbell, 2005) with regards to the ownership of the English language and Applied Linguistics research is discussed at length relating to ideas around White privilege (Leonardo, 2004; McIntosh, 2015; Strmic-Pawl, 2015), White fragility (DiAngelo, 2011), and the occurrence of the globalization of White supremacy (Allen, 2001). Covert systemic racist mechanisms such as linguicism extending to accent discrimination, language standardization, and the creation of a native and non-native dichotomy of ESL teachers are investigated. Next, the interplay of gender, sexism, patriarchy, and social class in ESL education sector is explored. I used these theoretical conceptions and debates to analyze the findings at a micro level. Finally, I explored the ways in which antiracist education is carried out in language teacher training programs. The literature review exposes a gap in scholarly literature, where a significant paucity of research on TESL training programs in Canada, especially, with regards to how sociopolitical issues are addressed in the curricula. This gap paved the way for the research question on how current TESL programs address covert racist mechanisms embedded in ESL curricula and teaching practices. Chapter three investigates the political economy of ESL and TESL programs in relation to program classification, logistics, stakeholders, and geographical distribution of ESL/TESL programs in Canada. The literature review helped me identify the importance of the ESL education as a service sector; however, its fiscal, administrative, and pedagogical policies and practices are being shaped to accommodate neoliberal ideology suggesting ESL education to be more a profitable business than a social service. The principal theoretical framework used to dissect and analyze the data of the study is also discussed in Chapter three. I articulate my interpretation of critical race theory (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012), antiracist feminist theory (Bakan & Dua, 2014; Bannerji, 2000, 2001; Razack, 1998), and postcolonial theory (Fanon,

1967), and then I review studies done in ESL and TESL fields underpinning the above theories. These theories provided me with a set of analytical tools to synthesize the emerging patterns of my data as well as to construct new meaning from the emerging data. In Chapter four, the methodology used for the study is described and justified. I explain why I preferred constructivism and qualitative inquiry to answer my research questions. In the process, I rationalize the research paradigm in which I situated the study in relation to the purpose of the study, my worldview as a researcher, and data collection tools adopted. I also present details of the research site, recruitment, participant sample, data collection process, ethical considerations, and data analysis. In Chapter five, I discuss the findings for the first research question: how ideas related to race and racism are presented in the selected TESL curricula. The chapter first critically explores the TESL Ontario accredited curriculum and guidelines, and the structural differences and content variations of the three TESL programs with regard to sociopolitical issues, most specifically themes, activities, and discussions related to race, racism, and antiracism. The chapter concludes with the selection of curriculum content related to sociopolitical issues and the depth of discussions of such topics which varied across the three programs. The use of reductionist colour-blind discourse, which oversimplifies and avoids complex and controversial issues like race and racism, could be seen in the TESL domain as well. Chapter six discusses the findings of the second research question: What race-, gender-, and class-related problems do ESL/TESL practitioners observe and experience in the context of ESL/TESL? The participants present examples of covert and overt individual, systemic, and epistemological racism that they experienced or observed between ESL/TESL teachers, teachers and administrators, students, or teachers and students. Their narratives suggest that their understanding of race and racism varies due to their own life experiences stemming from place of birth, race, class, gender, and language. Participants frequently used their subordinate and marginalized positions to enter the discussions of racism and rarely mentioned the privileged positions that they occupy in the power hierarchy. One of the main findings discussed in the chapter is how non-Whites discriminate against other non-Whites due to global White power structures facilitated by neoliberalism and patriarchy. This phenomenon was described by participants as having taken place between non-White TESL trainees and a non-White TESL trainer as well as between non-White ESL teachers and students.

In Chapter seven, I inquire into how ESL/TESL practitioners’ experiences and perceptions inform the development of an antiracist TESL curriculum that addresses racism more effectively and practically. Their life experiences and political standpoints, privileged or subordinate status in the social power hierarchy, and critical consciousness have significant implications for developing an antiracist TESL curriculum. The participants who have experienced marginalization and subordination based on their skin colour and subsequently developed critical consciousness through education and social praxis are more resourceful in presenting ideas towards an antiracist TESL curriculum. The participants highlighted a number of challenges that stood in the way, and the difficulty in identifying and discussing instances of racism is one of the common themes that came up in the study. In addition, a lack of time allocation for sociopolitical issues and the misalignment between antiracist theory and practice at TESL Ontario accreditation level was another barrier towards an antiracist TESL praxis. Chapter eight, the final chapter of this thesis, first summarizes the study and then examines and theorizes the relationship between the findings of the three research questions to make three main claims, which can also be considered the research contributions of this study. The findings of the TESL content analysis, focus group, and semi-structured interviews unanimously suggest that Canadian settler-colonial ideology has taken an active role in deciding the themes, activities, teaching methods, and assessment procedures that should be included in TESL curricula to maintain the interests of the dominant group. Secondly, the occurrence and pattern of racism was not only seen as a phenomenon directed at non-Whites by Whites but also at non-Whites by other non-Whites. This particular finding unexpectedly stood out in the data, and this phenomenon was theoretically analyzed as an important conclusion to the study. Triggered by neoliberalism, postcolonial affiliations, and cultural imperialism, it suggests that White structural power makes a substantial impact on non-Whites living inside and outside the West. Thirdly, it claims that the orientation towards antiracist praxis is significantly connected to individual experiences of social oppression and critical consciousness. Subsequently, the final chapter presents a number of recommendations in terms of developing an antiracist TESL curriculum where race and racism are critically and effectively addressed to suit the multicultural nature of contemporary Canada and the transnational era of migration. The main recommendations further suggest incorporating activities to develop TESL trainer critical consciousness, including antiracist pedagogy, involving non-White and non-native speaker TESL professionals in preparation of TESL Ontario guidelines and curricula. This process is

11 theorized as decolonization of adult education and lifelong learning practices (Maitra & Guo, 2019). Less time allocation for data collection, not having been able to include a non-native speaker TESL trainer voice, and a lack of probing when discussing race with participants are mentioned as the main limitations of the study. The study has implications for theory, research, and practice. The findings of the study hint at a quantitative survey to determine the composition of non-White, non-native speaker ESL teachers and TESL trainers to explore the current ownership of ESL/TESL education realm in a given geographical area in Canada. Qualitative research to explain how adult ESL learners’ various cultural, linguistic, and racial differences advantage or disadvantage them will also be useful to eliminate an essentialist ideology in ELT methods. A mixed method research study exploring how frontline ESL teachers employ antiracist teaching methods at an individual level and investigating why they do so will also help antiracist TESL curriculum design. An important theoretical gap was surfaced in my study as there can be other conceptual explanations for why non-Whites confirm and strengthen White power in multicultural societies. The practical implications of the study revolve around the quandaries of moving towards antiracist TESL praxis in an era when pluralism and global immigration are viewed negatively by nationalist sentiments of nation states around the world, including Canada.

Chapter 2 Manifestations of Racism in ESL/TESL Education in Canada

As an immigrant, non-White, female scholar and an adult ESL instructor, I have personally experienced and witnessed racism, classism, sexism, White privilege, and the notion of White supremacy within contemporary Canadian society, which is still strongly linked to White settler colonialism. I constantly hear both international and ESL students who are permanent residents blame themselves for their lack of English proficiency. They complain that certain standardized language tests prevent them from entering their professions, and they also describe how they are not welcome in so-called Canadian social circles. I am also aware of the efforts made in educational curricula and education institutions to acculturate them, a concept somewhat similar to the assimilation process carried out in First Nations residential schools. This chapter is an inquiry about the historical trails of overt racism in Canada and its present racist constructions in the field of ESL/TESL. I first historicized the context of the study to identify the social environment in history and then I investigated how Canadian public policies, which have clearly been influenced by neoliberal propensities, contribute to covert exclusionary mechanisms that marginalize and disadvantage certain groups in Canada. Specifically, I highlighted how new immigrants are marked as “deficient subjects” who need to be trained, taught, and acculturated to blend in with the “civilized,” “educated,” “modern,” and “egalitarian” Canadian society. The rhetoric as well as the surreptitious exclusionary and disparaging principles of these policies were explored to understand how they have impacted ESL education in terms of teaching philosophy, program administration, teacher training, curriculum development, and classroom practices of both learners and teachers. Then I investigated how covert domineering forces are discreetly present in the adult second language classroom as various manifestations of racism devalue, exclude and marginalize adult ESL learners and teachers, some of whom also have migrated with their own baggage of bigoted attitudes and ideologies. In order to gain a nuanced understanding about the issues at hand, debates around the issues of racism, linguicism, culture, cultural difference, and treatment of culture have been discussed. Most importantly, I paid special attention to how the discourse around the word “culture” has been used to obscure structural inequalities amongst minority groups or ESL stakeholders. I have analyzed these situations using the theorizations of various antiracist, critical applied linguists and White studies scholars who described how

13 racism, ethnocentricity, linguicism, mutual racism, White privilege, and White dominance are manifested in a globalized world. In addition, I use the term “Whites” to identify Caucasians and “non-Whites” to categorize non-Caucasians in my analysis. The origination of the theoretical framework of the study, which consists of a micro and a macro level, takes place in this chapter. At the micro level, I drew on debates around the issues of culture, cultural difference, and treatment of culture, and how the discourse around the word “culture” has been replaced by the term “race” and how it is used to obscure and underrate structural inequalities amongst minority groups. I also explored racio-linguistics and White studies perspectives of how White privilege and White supremacy are perpetuated through the language stigmatization of racialized individuals, White global structures, and the continuation of White dominance. The exploration of all the above theoretical debates and explanations enabled me to understand the complexity of how and why individuals and groups perceive and experience racism in various ways and how these perceptions and experiences impact their decisions and actions in the age of neoliberalism. At the macro level, critical race theory, postcolonial theory, and antiracist feminist theory helped me synthesize my micro analysis by focusing on the historical, social, and material construction of racism, which I discuss in Chapter three.

2.1 Canada as a White settler nation harbouring overt racism In this section, I look at the trajectory of racism in Canada from its colonization to the present day explaining what historical circumstances led up to the situation that I am discussing in the study. Patel (2007) is of the view that “Canada is a child of European colonialism, which rationalized the domination, enslavement, and exploitation of other, overwhelmingly non-White people with the ideology of racial superiority” (p. 258). According to The Indian Act Explained (2018), before the formation of the Dominion of Canada in 1867, lands were forcibly taken by the British and French settlers from First Nations peoples who were mercilessly killed and tortured to get control of the land. In 1876, the Indian Act imposed numerous restrictions for First Nations and denied them their basic human rights. Children were forcibly taken away from their parents and detained in residential schools in forced assimilation to a West-centric way of life. They were given European names and their native languages were forbidden. A large number of First Nations children died in residential schools due to brutal punishments they received. This group of people were outlawed from forming political groups, did not have voting rights until 1961, and the settlers imposed band council systems on them. Their farming products

14 were controlled and they were constrained to First Nations reserves which continue to this date (The Indian Act Explained, 2018). Western thinking is inclined to be scientific and direct, so Indigenous peoples’ culture, tradition, history, and knowledge, in which spirituality is an important component, are perceived negatively (Talaga, 2018). The cultural and linguistic genocide of First Nations peoples continues to this date, and Talaga (2018) asserts that the repercussions of cultural genocide have a strong relationship to Indigenous youths’ suicide rates in Canada. Hence, Smylie (2015) declares that in the process of reconciliation, the Indigenous peoples’ ways of being have to be respected and should not be belittled: We must challenge and transform the foundational disrespect for Indigenous ways of knowing and doing that was used to justify colonial policies and is persistently embedded in our laws, schools, health systems and unconscious minds. Clearly there is no simple or singular approach to showing respect. (p. 261) While torturing, plundering, and displacing the First Nations people in Canada, the White settlers were also using Black enslavement for their economic benefit. It is essential to look into the under-reported Black history of Canada to examine the extent of White dominance that engulfed the world through colonialism and slavery. Social Darwinism was very much in place during this time, and the Caucasian race was believed to be “genetically and physically superior to other races and was characterised by an inherent capacity for freedom and the ability to create democratic institutions, capacities which they could impose on many other parts of the world” (Zong, 2007, p. 122). The enslavement of African peoples dates back to the 1600s when French settlers introduced it to Canada. Riddell (1920) reported that Negro slaves were found in Halifax even before the establishment of the province, and they were suspected to have migrated with the White settlers from Europe. In 1751, an advertisement was found in The Halifax Gazette of May 15, which reads as follows: “Just imported and to be sold by Joshua Mauger at Major Lockman’s store in Halifax, several Negro slaves as follows: A woman aged 35, two boys aged 12 and 13 respectively, two of 18 and a man aged 30” (Riddell, 1920, p. 360). Cooper (2007) states that “both French and English laws defined slaves as chattel, and under the full authority of their owners” (p. 8). Using the story of Angelique, a slave girl who was hung from a gallows in Montreal, Cooper (2006) vividly illustrates how slavery was legally, socially, and culturally accepted in early Canada. She used transcripts of Angelique’s brutal interrogation and trial to reconstruct the story of the Black slave girl who set fire to a building in Montreal and who was later legally tortured and murdered in 1734. Through this narrative, she attempts to reveal the dark secrets of the legal transatlantic slave trade in early Canada before the

15 formation of the Dominion of Canada in 1867. In addition, the story depicts Angelique’s act of arson as an act of resistance to slavery, which was demonstrated by many Black slaves during the time. Moreover, Cooper (2007) examined how enslaved Africans in Upper Canada contributed to the Slavery Abolition Act in 1833 in British North America through the catalytic case of Chole Cooley, a Black slave girl sold to a New Yorker in 1793, and Peter Martin, a Black revolutionary war veteran. Then, Mathieu (2010) documents the ways in which Black railway workers were severely exploited, excluded, and victimized by White supremacist and capitalist acts of railway companies, Canadian settler policies, and White railway worker trade unions between 1880−1920. She highlights the contribution of Black Canadians to the Canadian railway, which is underestimated in the dominant narrative. The Black railway worker union named the Order of Sleeping Car Porters is an example of Black resistance towards overt racial discrimination in Canada. Furthermore, Howard and Smith (2011) disclose the “historical amnesia” (p. 64) of Black segregation in Canada by discussing an interview they conducted with Sylvia Hamilton, a female Black film producer. According to them, the last racially segregated school was closed in 1983, and these schools were found in Nova Scotia and Ontario until the end of the 20th century. Hamilton has produced the film The Little Black School House based on her personal experiences in Black segregated schools and experiences of Black students in the current education system to show the racial, social, and economic barriers and Black resilience. These historical accounts and stories presented by Black authors reveal the suffering endured by Black people in early Canada. In this way, Canada’s initial settlers provided a strong ground to build up White dominance within the state and, as a result, the other non-Whites who later immigrated to Canada were also excluded from certain social and economic spheres and overtly treated as inferior during the time before World War II (Zong, 2007). This exclusionary practice was openly enacted through government and institutional polices as well as in social practices.

2.2 Covert racism The legitimacy attached to overt racism changed after World War II, predominantly due to the United Nationsʼ Universal Declaration of Human Rights, decolonization movements around the world, as well as the rise of Japan as a developed nation (Patel, 2007). In contemporary Canadian society, discrimination against dark skin colours appears as “covert racism” that “usually disguises racist attitudes through behaviors that appear non-prejudiced or

16 discriminatory on the surface” (Zong, 2007, p. 123). Instead, the cultures have substituted the skin colour, so negative attitudes of the Eurocentric populations towards minority cultures have become the new racism in Canada. Interestingly, “these negative attitudes and expressions can go undetected by convention measures” (Zong, 2007, p. 122) since traditional racism is premised on biological factors such as skin colour and racial hierarchies while new racism is based on non- biological factors of culture. Furthermore, “to avoid embarrassing situations or possible physical or legal retaliation, racism now is usually expressed in somewhat more muted or polite tones that are less likely to provoke outrage or indignation” (Zong, 2007, p. 123). I argue that covert racism prevails in the ESL industry, and I discuss next how it is taking place via various social mechanisms backed up by policies.

2.3 The role of Canadian neoliberal policies in facilitating covert exclusions 2.3.1 Immigration policy The immigration policy attracts immigrants to Canada under various categories but covertly contributes to constructing them as linguistically, educationally, and vocationally deficient subjects in the contemporary market-driven society. This mechanism provides a market for the ESL industry in private language schools, colleges, and universities while it also demarcates the boundary between “others” and “us,” the legitimate Canadians. In this section, I explore the historical evolution of the immigration policy and how its contemporary form characterizes ESL learners and creates a market need for the ESL industry.

By the latter quarter of the 20th century, immigration was recognized as the only way forward for Canada’s social and economic survival. As a result, the overt racist immigration policies favouring only the White populations were replaced with seemingly antiracist policies to conform to human rights as well as satisfy the needs of the nation. The introduction of the point system for skilled migrants in 1967 is an important milestone reflected in the demography of Canada which started to change rapidly. The new immigration policy encourages internationally educated professionals, investors, postsecondary students, refugees, and family members to migrate to Canada in order to address the problem of decreasing population, satisfy the persistent “skill shortage of Canada” (Mirchandani, 2004, p. 61), produce international revenue, and maintain a humanitarian image of the great nation. After the changes to the immigration policy in 2002, the policy encourages young economic migrants while discouraging refugee and family reunification categories, a marked shift from a “humanitarian” focus (Haque, 2014) to a neoliberal focus.

It is estimated that more and more immigrants will be from non-English/French speaking countries while most of them will be adults (Fleming, 2007; Guo, 2015). Out of the recent 1.2 million new immigrants to Canada, the majority are from “outer circle” and “expanding circle countries” (Kachru, 1992) like the Phillipines, India, China, Iran, Pakistan, Syria, and South Korea (Statistics Canada, 2016a, 2016b). New immigrants prefer to settle down in Ontario, more so in Toronto, and 42% of the total population is known to be new immigrants making Toronto one of the most diverse cities in the world (People for Education, as cited in Faez, 2012a). According to Canadian population growth statistics, the migratory increase has significantly overtaken the natural increase from 1991 to 2013, and it is further projected that by 2041, the future population growth of Canada will solely rely on immigrants (Statistics Canada, 2016c). Therefore, the new immigration trends also suggest the current need and the importance of adult English as a Second Language (ESL) education in Canada. With a decreasing amount of state funding allocated to the higher education sector in Canada, higher education institutions have targeted ESL programs as an important revenue generating mechanism for their institutions. International students pay three times more than the permanent residents of Canada, so higher- education institutions also play a role in screening potential applicants who come as international students, temporary workers, or skilled migrants after the revisions made to the immigration policy in 2012 (Bhuyan, Jeyapal, Ku, Sakamoto, & Chou, 2017). In addition, LINC programs are delivered by various community agencies both for profit and non-profit and community colleges funded by Citizenship and Immigration Canada (Fleming, 2007; Guo, 2015). In the meantime, this unprecedented influx of non-Whites to the country has resulted in demographic changes and the conditions for racism, which “takes ground when the characteristics that justify discrimination are held to be inherent in the oppressed groups” (McLaren & Torres 1999, p. 54). The issue of racism became more complex in Canada given a growing diverse population and how this diversity is addressed by government neoliberal policies. Jakubowski (1997) is of the view that policy discourse does not explicitly make any references to racist or racial categories although their functioning has racist effects (as cited in Bhuyan et al., 2017). According to Davis (2007), Under neoliberal racism the relevance of the raced subject, racial identity and racism is subsumed under the auspices of meritocracy. For in a neoliberal society, individuals are supposedly freed from identity and operate under the limiting assumptions that hard work will be rewarded if the game is played according to the rules. Consequently, any impediments to success are attributed to personal flaws. This attribution affirms notions of neutrality and silences claims of racializing and racism. (p. 350)

Through the mechanism of devaluation and exclusion, which Guo (2013) presents through the skill deficit model, the new immigrants are seen as educationally, professionally, culturally, and morally deficient subjects who need to be trained and acculturated to fit into the socially, economically, and morally superior Canadian society, which is driven by capitalist needs and settler colonialist ideology. For instance, the highly educated newcomers seem to find difficulties in integrating into the job market, ostensibly due to inadequacies in soft skills, language skills, and intercultural competency. However, “the construction of Canadian Experience for skilled immigrants requires English or French language proficiency” (Bhuyan et al., 2017, p. 51) to enter as skilled immigrants, so this situation suggests a presence of an exclusionary mechanism in the immigration system. By carrying out a critical discourse analysis around federal policies, reports, media releases, and scholarly literature related to immigration and settlement, labour market integration, and training initiatives, Chatterjee (2016) shows “how the nation state continues to be an exclusive space where immigrant welcome is contingent and conditional on their ability to approximate an amorphous and contested Canadianess” (p. 3). Similarly, Wingard (2013) emphasizes that “branding” carried out in immigration policy attributes meaning and values to bodies and identities with an imagined national identity (as cited in Bhuyan et al., 2017, p. 51). Maitra (2015) examined the training/learning experiences of highly educated South Asian women trying to enter the Canadian labour market and points out that emphasis on soft skills, a neoliberal concept based on a “skill deficit” model (Guo, 2013), conforms to assimilationist ideology, to which many immigrant ESL learners have fallen victim. In view of that, language and cultural deficiency are used to legitimately exclude immigrants from professional and social circles and this apparatus is used to construct the notion of deficient ESL learners as well. Immigrant TESL/ESL practitioners too have to train and retrain themselves to qualify to continue their professions while some of them face more challenges than others. This was also apparent in my data as many participants mentioned that their international experience was not counted towards the provincial accreditation. Mirchandani (2004) states that “localism—a widely held assumption that workers with Canadian experience are superior to those with experience outside Canada” (p. 6) is also a barrier that is linked to soft skills deficiency. Some participants had repeated graduate degrees in Canada in order to gain recognition in the ESL job market. I myself had to repeat a Master’s degree and Certificates in Higher Education three times in Canada in spite of the postgraduate qualifications I obtained in Sri Lanka. The immigration

19 policy is therefore actively involved in importing immigrants and constructing them as deficient subjects who need to be educationally, culturally, and linguistically assimilated to fit into the White, settler nation. ESL students for that reason are expected to master the tool kit given in state-sanctioned spaces called ESL classes. The construction of immigrants as linguistically and culturally deficient subjects provides a market for the ESL industry in private language schools, colleges, and universities as well as a justification for launching assimilationist ideologies in teaching methods and lesson materials.

2.3.2 Language imperialism facilitated by the bilingual policy Bilingual policy in Canada is partly responsible for the elimination of ESL students’ first languages and cultures in the second language learning process and the promotion of monolingual, monocultural teaching approaches and native speakersim. Because ESL students experience the power of the English language in Canada, they are forced to renounce their first languages given a constructed notion that relinquishing first languages will aid learning a second language better. The widely used teaching and testing methods in Canada, namely Communicative Language Teaching (CLT) and testing approaches, promote the exposure to and maximum use of target language similarly as the previously used methods like Direct Method. According to Hymes (1972), “communicative competence as that aspect of our competence that enables us to convey and interpret messages and to negotiate meanings interpersonally within specific contexts” (as cited in Brown, 2004, p. 206). The use of learnersʼ first language (L1) by the teacher or learners is not mentioned in CLT and “the only times that the L1 is mentioned is when advice is given on how to minimize its use” (Cook, 2001, p. 404) and “most descriptions of methods portray the ideal classroom as having as little of the LI as possible, essentially by omitting any reference to it” (Cook, 2001, p. 404). In addition, CLT theoretically bases its principles on the authentic use of language by monolingual learners, not multilingual learners. It does not adequately consider that many second language (L2) learners have bilingual or multilingual brains. I recall what one of my advanced students told me while taking notes during a 20-minute long English lecture, she told me that they understood and took notes using four steps. They first listened, understood, and processed information in their first language, wrote notes in their first language and finally translated them to English. She told me that they required more time to take notes as the four-step process cannot be carried out within the time specified in the tests that were meant for students who thought in English. I was totally speechless at that moment, for I perfectly understood what she meant. Bartolotti and Marian (2013) posit that

20 translation methods used by bilinguals do not hinder lexical access: Bilingualism results in language specific access to words in both languages during production, but this parallel access does not interfere with lexical selection. Instead, difficulties in bilingual lexical axes during production seem to be caused by knowing more words than monolinguals and using them less frequently. (p. 22) Some students questioned the legitimacy of imposing limitations of monolingual speakers on them, as students like her possessed a bilingual system that works differently to complete the same task. Interestingly, another student tried to convince her, saying how important it is for them to think and function only in English to be “better”—a notion constantly promoted in CLT. The adult L2 learners differ from children who acquire an L2 and L1 as adults rely more on the rules and features of their first language as well as problem-solving abilities to learn a second language by identifying differences and similarities between the L1 and L2 (Bley-Vroman, 1989). However, this phenomenon is grossly ignored in current ELT methods. When students’ first languages are used in the second language process by teachers, some students may question the validity of such methodology as the reality outside the class does not value any other language but English and French. Students know that they have to improve their English to pass tests, obtain well-paid jobs, and gain social acceptance, all in which inner circle monolingualism or only English and French bilingualism is valued. Cook (2001) says that an “anti-L1 attitude was clearly a mainstream element in 20th century language teaching methods” (p. 405). I argue that the bilingual policy in Canada also covertly contributes to this erroneous and unfair pedagogical conception and behaviour. The new official Canadian Multiculturalism Act, which came into effect in 1988 following the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism (RCBB), offers equal constitutional rights only to English and French languages. The policy declares minority language rights within Canada, referring to English and French languages as minority languages depending on the province. Accordingly, both French and English speakers have access to education in their first language within any province of Canada. Francophones and Anglophones can also prefer to educate their children in the second language through immersion programs. In doing so, “federal legislation covers official languages for those who speak an official language already: no federal legislation even suggests that speakers of neither English nor French have the right to support in learning one of those languages” (Burnaby, 1997, p.153). The policy does not offer constitutional rights for any other languages including the Aboriginal languages and heritage languages of immigrants. The RCBB excluded Aboriginal language rights based on the

21 fact that their language rights are considered in the National Indian Brotherhood (1972) and policy on Aboriginal peoples (1996) (Burnaby, 2007). However, nine Aboriginal languages together with French and English are made official languages in the Northwest Territories at the provincial level. In Nunavit, both Inuktitut and Inuinaqtun, as well as English and French are considered official languages (Burnaby, 2007). The support for the non-official languages or heritage languages of immigrants are provided in the Cultural Enrichment Program (1977) within the Canadian multicultural policy despite mainstream resistance for running these heritage language programs with taxpayers’ money (Burnaby, 1997). The Canadian Multiculturalism Act claims that two official languages in Canada “neither abrogates nor derogates from any rights or privileges acquired or enjoyed with respect to any other language” (Government of Canada, 1988, Preamble section, para. 4). However, this claim is only limited to policy rhetoric while the language policy in Canada stealthily calls for a melting pot simply by implementing legislated French and English bilingualism and disregarding the importance and existence of all other languages. The policy conveniently overlooks the intrinsic relationship between language and culture and seems to discount the fact that legislating only two languages as the official languages of Canada leads to demarcating the boundaries of legitimate cultures and communities as well. As Shohamy (2006) notes, Language policy falls in the midst of major ideological debates about uniformity and diversity, purity and variations, nativity and foreign-ness as manifested in policy documents stating officiality, language laws, standards, etc. in an effort to affect actual language practices in accordance with these ideological agendas. (p. xv) Haque’s (2012) critique of the RCBB states that the hegemony of the dominant White race has been employed through the Canadian bilingual policy. This is suggested in superordination of French and English languages, so the minorities lose their voice. Haque (2012) critiques the bilingual policy of Canada, pointing that it should go hand in hand with multiculturalism and multilingualism to acknowledge diversity. She explains how multicultural and bilingual policies instead work together towards linguistic assimilation of the linguistic minorities. In consequence, an asymmetrical power relationship has been deliberately built up through the bilingual policy in order to maintain the imperial power, which has been legitimatized on the ground that the Anglophones and the Francophones founded Canada, so they are the legitimate citizens. By making English and French the two official languages, the other languages in Canada are gradually being eliminated and made irrelevant. The value of other languages is played down to domestic and speech community spheres, not affiliating any

22 currency value to those languages. Under these conditions, Indigenous people wrestle between preserving their endangered languages and gaining political and economic rights (Burnaby, 1997), likewise ESL learners become discouraged affecting the maintenance of their heritage or first languages in and for learning.

2.3.3 Canadian multiculturalism, acculturation, and culture Adult ESL education in Canada adopts a neoliberal version of multiculturalism just as in other Canadian institutional and societal practices. I see multiculturalism practised in the ESL classroom as a mere celebration of different cultural food types, festivals, and costumes ignoring unequal power relations attached to ESL teaching practices and philosophy. There is a lot of prominence given to how ESL teachers should develop multicultural values and intercultural competence in ESL students (Thomson & Derwing, 2004). Almost all the employment advertisements for ESL teachers often mention respecting and accommodating students’ diverse cultural and educational backgrounds as a required skill. However, ESL curricula, classroom management procedures, and pedagogies seem to lack intercultural bearing as they seem to promote cultural and linguistic practices atrributed to White, Eurocentric-settler Canada. This section will discuss the Canadian multicultural policy and how it relates to adult ESL education with regard to the construction of ideas such as cultural/social hierarchies, mainstream culture, acculturation, and cultural interchange. At present, Canada is theoretically and liberally formulated to maintain the interests of two founding nations through the mechanism of multiculturalism, which is mainly maneuvered through political discursivities. The Canadian Law of multiculturalism was passed in 1988 as a response to decade-long minority requests for equal status to counter racism, its obligation to listen to land claims made by the First Nations peoples, as well as a political strategy to manage Quebec nationalism (Naidu, 1995; Ramcharan, 1995). Furthermore, “[m]ulticulturalism can refer to a demographic reality, to a government policy, as well as to a national ethos and identity” (Winter, 2014, p. 130). Being a complex prodigy, the Canadian multicultural policy is seen in different perspectives as: a way of managing diversity, a democratic participation by minority groups, a concept running counter to the interests of the coherent nation-state, or a notion functioning to perpetuate dominant interests disguised (Gunew, 2004). There is literature generated by the government and in-house researchers admiring it, scholars carrying out theoretical and ideological debates critiquing it, and communities and researchers coming together to gather empirical information about the experience of marginalized communities

23 experiencing it (Kobayashi, 2006). The literature generated within the government, politicians, and the in-house researchers admire the multicultural policy (Kobayashi, 2014). I looked at an optimistic and a state-desired definition of multiculturalism provided by Dewing (2009), through descriptive, prescriptive, political, and group dynamic perspectives: Multiculturalism in Canada refers to the presence and persistence of diverse racial and ethnic minorities who define themselves as different and who wish to remain so. Ideologically, multiculturalism consists of a relatively coherent set of ideas and ideal pertaining to the celebration of Canada’s cultural diversity. Multiculturalism at the policy level is structured around the management of diversity through formal initiatives in the federal, provincial and municipal domains. Finally, multiculturalism is the process by which racial, and ethnic minorities compete to obtain support from central authorities for the achievement of certain goals and aspirations. (p. 1) The careful selection of words suggests the cautiousness and craftiness the state is adhering to when dealing with multiculturalism. This is what Bannerji (2000) calls a “linguistic maneuver” (p. 36). Interestingly, the above definition seems to construct ethnic minorities as scapegoats, one of many accusations to which the policy is subject. According to the above description, it is the choice of the minorities to be different and not that they are perceived as different. This version of “multiculturalism from above” is problematic due to a number of reasons. The policy obscures class and gender issues within minority communities (Abu-Laban & Gabriel, 2008; Bannerji, 2000) while cultural interchange happens in one direction, from the dominant to the minority. In addition, the state-generated multiculturalism glorifies and reifies the history and culture of two founding settler nations, which are predominantly White, thereby creating a division of legitimate Canadians and illegitimate ones, who will thus be tolerated. By tracing the colonial roots of Canada, Bannerji (2000) posits that Canada has always been a racist, imperialist, colonialist, capitalist nation with well-defined policies to marginalize immigrants as well as First Nations peoples. Furthermore, she recognizes two ideologies about multiculturalism: elite or multiculturalism from above; and culture of resistance or multiculturalism from below, which has yet to be achieved. Multiculturalism in Canada is a fascist use of culture, which is an elite construction whereby culture has been defined with authoritarian and nationalistic right-wing sentiments. As Bannerji (2000) remarks, If we consider this official or elite multiculturalism as an ideological state apparatus we can see it as a device for constructing and ascribing political subjectivities and agencies for those who are seen as legitimate and full citizens and others who are peripheral to this in many senses. (p. 6)

Through this ethnicization process, the non-Whites are given fixed political, cultural, and religious identities that ignore class, sex, and gender dimensions; thus making them all “pre- modern” and “backward” political agents, and “in the mansion of the state small backrooms were accorded to these new political players on the scene” (Bannerji, 2000, p. 105). Being a proponent of Marxist feminism and antiracism, Bannerji is very conscious of the class, race, and gender dimensions in constructing socio-economic realities and how they are absent in the articulation of equality in the Canadian multicultural policy. Bannerji considers ethnicization as a mechanism that allows the Western elites to ignore class struggles of new immigrants in the name of “culture” and keep the acts of state ignorance justified. In addition, the absence of the dimension of gender in ethnicization makes gender issues related to patriarchy within a particular community subsumed under culture issues. Thus, women of such communities may continue to be victims of domestic abuse and male dominance in the name of the culture of the particular ethnicity. Therefore, Bannerji (2000) argues that multiculturalism should be articulated through antiracist, feminist class politics since “The elimination of concepts of class, gender and racialization as the construct of multicultural communities from above is particularly felicitous for all ruling classes and the states which express their ideological and socio-economic interests” (p. 7). Another important area Bannerji (1996) contests is the reductionist discursive practice of the state concerning multiculturalism to keep people in place. While Anglo–French nationalities or “we” are being accommodated and celebrated through the discourse, the people who are outside these two cultures and believed to be less than “we” are thus tolerated. Their primary role in the society is to help out this nation in the way that it wants them to contribute, and “non- European others are made to lend support to the enterprise by their existence as a tolerated, managed difference” (Bannerji, 1996, p. 112). Then, the question of difference is looked at closely, and she exerts that “differences in the Canadian context are not culturally intrinsic but constructed through race, class, gender and other relations of power” (Bannerji, 1996, p. 113). Multicultural ideology has strong implications for ESL education. Linguistic maneuvering is obviously deployed in policy documents to camouflage assimilation, so words like acculturation and integration are widespread in the government documents, government settlement processes, and societal practices at large. This subtle discriminatory mechanism related to cultural domination, which is a concept called acculturation, is a phenomenon relentlessly promoted in ELT approaches with the belief that “proficiency in the target language and adaptation to the

25 target language culture are directly interrelated” (Rafieyan, Orang, Bijami, Nejad, & Eng, 2014, p. 114). This notion forces ESL students to embrace North American cultural norms (Kubota & Lin, 2009b; Taylor, 1997b) devaluing their own cultures. The need for acculturation also creates power hierarchy which facilitates the restoration of Western cultural superiority. According to Berry’s (2001) acculturation theory, acculturation is “the contact of two different cultural groups and the numerous changes that can occur in both groups due to the contact” (p. 444). Thus, acculturation is driven by the attitudes of ethnocultural and dominant receiving group strategies. According to his theory, strategies such as separation and segregation are employed by the ethnocultural groups when they are forefronted by exclusion and marginalization by the dominant groups. Furthermore, integration, which is the desired outcome, takes place when the dominant group has multicultural attitudes towards the ethnocultural groups. Therefore, acculturation has to be a reciprocal process in which both dominant groups and the minority groups get influenced by one another. According to the theory, minority groups do not have to adopt the culture of the dominant groups to rectify themselves or to fit into exciting social structures. However, the acculturation practised in multicultural Canada is a one- way process where minorities are always expected to learn the ways of two founding nations. The multicultural policy of Canada has versed this as “cultural interchange” and in my view, only newcomers are laden with this responsibility of cultural interchange. The Canadians by birth are not ready for this cultural interchange except for visiting an ethnic restaurant or cultural dance in Toronto. The awareness of the Canadian public about the notion of multiculturalism is questionable as the many people I spoke to are of the view that it is something to do with the new immigrants. I looked for studies done in this regard but was not able to find any that were conducted to measure or evaluate the Canadian born populations’ awareness of multiculturalism. However, Li (2000) claims that the descriptions of the 1987 House of Commons Standing Committee on Multiculturalism “suggests that European ethno-cultural groups had different expectations from the multiculturalism policy than the visible minority” (p. 11). Interestingly, the Oxford Dictionary defines assimilation as “The absorption and integration of people, ideas, or culture into a wider society or culture” (“Assimilation,” 2019, para. 2). Jedwab (2006) is of the view that integration “means various things to various people in varying situations” (p. 97) while in the Canadian context, it could also mean adaptation and acculturation. According to Berry’s (2001) acculturation theory, acculturation is “the contact of two different cultural groups and the numerous changes that can occur in both groups due to the

26 contact” (p. 444). However, the acculturation practised in multicultural Canada, let alone in the ESL classrooms, is mostly a one-way process in which the ESL students are expected to conform to the imaginary monolithic cultural framework.

2.4 Taking a closer look at how racism plays out in the ESL classroom ESL students, who are non-native speakers of English, are subject to discrimination in mainstream society due to their skin colour, place of origin, native language, economic status, gender, and sexual orientation (Creese & Kambere, 2003; Kubota & Lin, 2006; Taylor, 2006). While some are aware of these systematic barriers, many ESL students are not aware of the socio-political context of Canada, let alone the context of English language learning. The field of adult ESL education, which most of the time functions as an industry in Canada, harbours unequal power structures entrenched in the society due to the colonial grounding of the ESL pedagogical approaches and Eurocentric teaching philosophy. Some critical scholars in Canada (e.g., Amin, 1997, 2000; Kubota & Lin, 2006, 2009b; Taylor, 2006) have identified and emphasized the importance of conducting more critical research in the fields of TESL and ESL to identify the phenomenon of racism in depth. In Canada, adult ESL classrooms are spaces where Eurocentric cultural domination and linguistic imperialism are practised with ostensible justifications based on Eurocentric English language teaching pedagogies and national policies (Kubota & Lin, 2006, 2009b; Taylor, 2006). Although ESL classrooms are micro-societal units, they are sometimes the very first encounters of newcomers and for this reason, their Canadian reality. It does not mean that these students are free of racist, classist, and sexist sentiments since they bring their own baggage from the countries of origin. Nevertheless, they all seem to get devalued and excluded in an ESL classroom due to Eurocentric cultural domination, neo-liberal agendas, and English language hegemony in which racism, classism, and sexism are inconspicuously present. When such spaces accommodate and reproduce linguistic hegemony, racism, classism, and sexism, newcomers may develop antisocial attitudes, or they may reinforce racist, classist, and sexist attitudes that they have already brought from their countries of origin. Kubota and Lin (2006) categorize three types of racism present in the context of TESL as individual, institutional/structural racism, and epistemological racism. In considering institutional racism, the ESL students will always be treated as cultural others who need to be acculturated into the dominant culture in order to speed up the language acquisition process as well as to succeed in the society. In addition, “racial difference has increasingly been replaced by the notion of cultural difference, a more benign and acceptable signifier than race yet used as

27 means to exclude experience of certain racial and ethnic groups” (Kubota & Lin, 2006, p. 476). In the process, ESL students who are students of colour are “labeled as lacking culturally, socially, linguistically and academically” (Kubota & Lin, 2006, p. 479). They are always expected to reach the standards imposed by the dominant group who are in the disguise of teachers, curriculum, institutional policies, and government policies while the ESL students never seem to achieve that language and cultural attainment thereby constantly remaining as the “other.” Racism is not only experienced by the ESL students in the field but also by teachers as “the field of Teaching English as a Second Language brings people from various racialized backgrounds together in teaching, learning and research” (Kubota & Lin, 2006, p. 471). Thus, ways in which social practices and discourse play out to inferiorize the ESL learners and non-White TESL teachers can be considered as the institutional/structural racism in ESL/TESL context. In addition, the knowledge produced in the West is considered as legitimate scholarship in the fields of music, art, history, humanities, education and sciences. Kubota (2019) posits that epistemological racism is widespread not only in the West but also in the East: The Eurocentrism of knowledge often excludes research focused on non-Euro-American issues produced in non-Euro-American locations or utilizing alternative orientations, especially when it is produced by non-Euro-American scholars of color. (pp. 7–8) The exclusion of non-Western knowledge is a subtle but rampant process that has been active for many years. Kubota (2019) describes the ways in which the rightfulness of knowledge is linked to the geographical setting of knowledge production by looking at three incidents linked to publication attempts in academic journals. Using an experience of researchers in Brazil, she argues that scholarship from the geographical global south is perceived as not global enough by the West-centric editorial boards. She also uses two of her personal experiences to show how research done on educational issues in non-West settings was not considered as appropriate to be included in Western academic journals and how non-Western names of the authors impact the acceptance rate. She says that race and ethnicity are projected in individual names, so non- Western names can have a significant impact on publication and professional opportunities. Most importantly, she describes how epistemological racism impacts non-White scholars around the world: The epistemological hegemony of white Euro-American centrism often compels many of us to believe that the white Euro-American knowledge system is normal and natural. Thus, we try to mold our ways of thinking into this framework. The racial/ethnic/gender/ linguistic biases that exist in our academic activities, as implied in the three episodes, further compels us to conform to the white hegemonic system to increase our perceived legitimacy. In other words, we strive to become white in our thinking and doing.

However, continuing to seek membership in the white Euro-American club of knowledge would simply reinforce the existing unequal system and hierarchy; it will not transform the oppressive status quo. (Kubota, 2019, pp. 12–13) In continuing the inquiry into how racism is unfolded in ESL classrooms, Taylor’s (2006) study proved important. She conducted a qualitative study based on a Freirean-styled antidiscrimination leadership camp using 30 high school ESL learners. Students were introduced to critical concepts of sociological analysis to reflect on various forms of discrimination rampant in Canadian society such as racism, linguicism, and xenophobia. In the discussions, 19 of 30 students identified themselves as being considered less intelligent, less credible, less valued, and less visible as ESL speakers. Jung (2013) defines this construction as “infantilization” of the ESL learner and describes how they are mistreated and devalued as “young children, mentally retarded or emotionally disturbed” (Shuck, 2006, as cited in Jung, 2013, p. 262) both in and outside the classroom. Some students of Taylor’s study thought that language anxiety is self- inflicted and normal although second language anxiety is connected to racially inflected linguicism. One student had claimed that lack of antiracist education constituted racism. Reflecting on her findings, Taylor points out essentializing images of ESL students as cultural others (Kubota and Lin, 2006) and preparing ESL learners to be compliant workers who lack critical thinking so that they could be exploited in blue collar jobs is racism. She also mentions the power blindness of the multicultural policy that necessitates TESL teachers to be aware of critical multicultural debates, the asymmetrical power relationship between languages in Canada, and the effectiveness of the multicultural policy within a bilingual framework (Haque, 2012). According to Anthias and Yuval-Davis (1992), racism is “a discourse and practice of inferiorizing ethnic groups. ...Racism can also use the notion of the undesirability of groups ... [and] this may lead to attempts to assimilate, exterminate or exclude” (as cited in Kubota & Lin, 2009a, p. 12). Exploring along these lines, Ameeriar (2017) conducted an ethnographic study to examine how professional Pakistani women experience downward mobility in multicultural Toronto and how their bodily embodiment, such as smell, appearance, and clothes has been considered as the reason for their failure to find suitable jobs; as a result, they are made to undergo “sanitized sensorium” (p. 3) to fix their dress and hygiene practices to be included in the mainstream of Toronto which is increasingly multicultural. Ameeriar argues: The Canadian nation-state relinquishes cultural imperialism and celebrates multi-ness through cultural festivals or state-sanctioned forms of difference, yet uses semi- governmental agencies to impose a particular mode of bodily comportment of new immigrants. (p. 3)

Ameeriar (2017) also points out that certain differences are celebrated at certain situations like cultural festivals, cooking shows, and ethnic cuisine, while the same celebrated differences may not be tolerated at job interviews and workplaces. To maintain the political coherence of nations that were founded through settler colonialism, new racial ideology and hierarchies must proliferate constantly. In the end, the race (or gender, or cultural difference) of aggrieved people is used to scapegoat them for the failure of neoliberal program. (p. 5) Ameeriar (2017) further asserts that a “commodified form of culture” (p. 2) is used for the majority to enjoy the exotic, but the same differences are used to exclude the culturally different individuals from accessing material benefits like jobs and upper social circles. Ameeriar’s concept of sanitized sensorium is closely linked to the concept of acculturation imposed on ESL students in order to achieve success in the Canadian society. The students are given explicit instructions on how to acculturate themselves while TESL training programs educate future TESL teachers on the importance of acculturating ESL students. The fact that many TESL trainees are immigrants makes this process messy. This unrealistic acculturation process may take years with nobody attaining full acculturation, and once again, the immigrants are blamed for their poor motivation or passivity. Through this process, non-Western immigrants are channeled for cheap labour in Canada claiming that they are unable to acculturate effectively to suit Canadian culture. The subjugation (and therefore covert racism) is justified through the phenomenon of acculturation. In the next section, I examine how White domination is intertwined in covert racism as marginalization, devaluation, and legitimizing mechanisms in the ESL/TESL settings.

2.5 White domination in the ESL industry Whiteness scholars define racism as a phenomenon “encompassing economic, political, social, and cultural structures, actions, and beliefs that systematize and perpetuate an unequal distribution of privileges, resources and power between White people and people of color” (Hilliard, 1992, as cited in DiAngelo, 2011, p. 56). White privilege is an important concept that can be traced in my personal experiences although I am not at the beneficiary end of it, and it emerged in my research data as well. In order to understand the role played by Whiteness and White privilege in the context of ESL/TESL, I carried out a literature review looking at a number of seminal pieces written around White privilege. Then, I tried to understand how White domination and racism are entangled in the field of teaching and learning of English as a second language. Whiteness has been investigated in critical White studies concerning how Whiteness is

30 constructed socially so as to how White dominance and White privilege come into effect. I looked at the following definition as an entry point to my inquiry. Solomona et al. (2005) point out that “those in positions of power and authority—for example, educators—construct discourses that are often academically and emotionally debilitating to the ‘racial other.’ Such construction and related action are informed by White, race privileged position” (p. 147). Amin (2005) contributes to the discussion of White privilege by raising her concern of who gets to be the valid authority to make pedagogical decisions and research in the field of Applied Linguistics. This was a claim made by other non-White scholars relating to epistemology racism (Canagarajah, 1996, 1999; Kubota & Lin, 2006; Kubota, 2019), revealing yet another White domination prevalent in the TESL sector which needs to be challenged through antiracist research and practices. Amin (2005) points out that “Eurocentric theories embedded in the imperialist worldview that White people from the predominantly English-speaking countries of the first world have more ownership of English than non-White people from the Third World inform the theories and research conducted in the field” (p. 183). Thus, her argument is grounded in the fallacy of the native speaker construct, in which racism and sexism are embedded, marginalizing non-White immigrant women TESL professionals and keeping them perpetually in the periphery of the TESL field. McIntosh (2015) in her phenomenal piece “White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack” discusses how White privilege can affect people of colour and how it is conveniently not seen by the Whites and how the Whites are automatically rewarded with many social, economic, political, as well as cultural advantages in the society while they inherit these advantages with or without their will just by being born as a White. She explains that “White privilege is an invisible package of unearned assets which I can count on cashing in each day but about which I was meant to remain oblivious” (p. 74). She eloquently describes 26 White privileges that she experiences on a daily basis as a White person. Amongst them, I found a few relevant to the notions of cultural and linguistic capitals that White Canadians have access to: • I can swear, or dress in second hand clothes, or not answer letters, without having people attribute these choices to the bad morals, the poverty, or the illiteracy of my race; • I can remain oblivious to the language and customs of persons of color who constitute the world’s majority without feeling in my culture and penalty for such oblivion; and • I can criticize our government and talk about how much I fear its policies and behavior without being seen as a cultural outsider (pp. 75–76). I can ascribe these ideas to the concept of acculturation promoted in ESL classrooms. ESL students constantly have to learn the White culture and White English to be seen and heard

31 in a White settler nation. Racially and linguistically privileged individuals know less about the acculturative stress, and the agony of one’s effort to colour wash themselves only to get rejected again. Native speakers of English learn a second language for various reasons but they can afford to function only in English due to the power and recognition attached to English. Whites don’t have to look like non-Whites or imitate them because their Whiteness is an asset for them. This privilege is a realization that many Whites need to attain as many of them seem to feel that being White is beyond their control, especially when they are not actively and consciously involved in acts of overt racism. In personal encounters with Whites, I have been told that “I can’t help myself being White.” McIntosh (2015) challenges this sentiment by elaborating on the relationship between earned or conferred privilege and conferred dominance; she says that “power from unearned privilege can look like strength when it is in fact permission to escape or dominate” (p. 71). All the 26 privileges she has identified can make Whites more comfortable and make their lives easier while the same White privileges may make the non-White lives more difficult and uncomfortable. The White oblivion is what she is attacking while she attributes it to the schooling system which molded Whites to “think that their lives are morally neutral, normative, average, and also ideal, so that when we work to benefit others, this is seen as work which allows them to be more like us” (p. 75). While making an effort to articulate how unfair the White privilege is, she also makes the claim that if any White is morally sound, it is her responsibility not only to be aware of it, but also to be prepared to eradicate such injustice. As a strategy, she draws in a parallel, the male privilege, to compare the situation of White privilege: As we in women studies work to reveal male privilege and ask men to give up some of their power, so no one who writes about having White privilege must ask, “having describe it, what will I do to lesson it or end it?” (p. 74) Likewise, Wihak (2004) identifies White privilege as a product of “invisible systems of racial dominance” (p. 110) and shows the mismatch between the equality brought about through Canadian public policies at an ideological level and the true demographic picture of the extent of inequality experienced by Aboriginal people. As a White ESL teacher, she calls for systematic change and emphasizes that Whites becoming aware of their privileged position as a starting point. Based on her personal experiences in Nunavut Arctic College, she describes how she became aware of her White privilege with the help of personal stories of First Nations peoples about their experiences of subjugation. She also acknowledges that it is a difficult process to accept the privileged position that Whites possess. She asserts that it is important for White ESL teachers to be aware of the “Whiteness” and the “insidious” nature of White privilege to help

32 non-White minority students construct “a positive minority identity that is not warped and distorted by the invisible weight of Whiteness” (p. 115). Similarly, Liggett (2014) investigates the role of the White racial identity of six White ESL teachers in their teaching. Using interview and observations, she argues that the White ESL teachers’ lack of self-racial awareness is problematic for student evaluation and student identity construction. The reluctance to identify Whiteness as a racial identity may have been culturally conditioned in Whites, a claim supported by McIntosh (2015) as well. In my focus groups and individual interviews, only two White individuals acknowledged the privilege they enjoy due to their skin colour and non-Whites refrained from discussing it. When I did my TESL course a few years back, none of the TESL students or staff brought up topics such as racial discrimination, let alone racial privilege. The trainers did not address these topics for sociolinguistics course in spite of the fact that an articles related to White privilege was simply distributed, yet not discussed. It looks as if privileged individuals are uncomfortable in exposing the power they have. DiAngelo (2011) explains how White people in North America live in an “insulated” (p. 55) environment where they are protected resourcefully from any psycho-social discomfort arising from race related issues, confrontations, discussions, or encounters about racism, White privilege, and White supremacy. Defining this phenomenon as “White fragility,” she moves on to demonstrate that White people build up “lack of psychosocial stamina” (p. 55) due to the racially protective setup that they live in, and therefore, the least amount of race related discomfort can trigger a number of defensive mechanisms, “such as anger, fear, and guilt, and behaviors such as argumentation, silence, and leaving the stress- inducing situation. These behaviors, in turn, function to reinstate “White racial equilibrium” (DiAngelo, 2011, p. 54). According to DiAngelo (2011), racial equilibrium can be disrupted by challenging the following constructs:

1. Objectivity 2. White racial codes 3. White racial expectations 4. Colonialist relations 5. White solidarity 6. White liberalism 7. Individualism 8. White authority

9. White centrality DiAngelo shows that in cultural training programs, the use of racially coded language, such as “urban,” “inner city,” and “disadvantaged,” perpetuates racist ideology while the absence of “White,” “over-advantaged,” or “privileged” suggests that “Whiteness refers to a set of practices that are usually unmarked and un-named” (Frankenberg, 1993, as cited in DiAngelo, 2011, p. 56). This claim is similar to the words like “visible minorities” versus “majority” (Bannerji, 2000; Hier & Bolaria, 2007). Therefore, the issues discourse in training will be issues of “them” not “us.” She further points out that probable reasons for not including the mechanisms and beneficiaries of racism in cultural training programs may be due to three reasons. First and foremost, the White facilitators may not be able to come up with a valid analysis of racism. Secondly, the facilitators of colour may be reluctant to address and analyze racism in depth as a survival and economic strategy. Finally, the administration may put pressure on the curriculum developers and trainers to avoid such topics “to keep the content comfortable and palatable for Whites” (DiAngelo, 2011, p. 55). The writer also points out that in the event that racism and White privilege is addressed at any point in such programs, there is a possibility that Whites will show various above-mentioned forms of resistance. TESL training programs maintain a similar status quo in terms of the use of racially coded language to avoid focus on White privilege and White dominance. I have never seen or heard those words being used in TESL or ESL context although very rarely a talk about racial discrimination is brought in. It seems that racial privilege is a more forbidden topic than racial discrimination in TESL training programs. Since the White domination is rooted in world histories, state policies, individual and group acts, and people’s consciousness, it is not surprising to see it being purposefully hidden in colonial language teacher training programs, language teaching methods, philosophies, and classroom management procedures. I assert that not discussing racial privilege in a context where one’s skin colour is responsible for their material and social success is racism. The ability to maintain such a status quo is White dominance. Leonardo (2004) is of the view that it is vital to inquire about the processes that maintain White domination by closely analyzing policies, acts, and decisions that are “dressed up as universals, of the White race speaking for the human race” (p. 139). He further says that domination is a process and a material pre-condition that leads to the dominance, which is a state of being or a social condition. Interestingly, he believes that “White domination is not solely the domination of White supremacist groups. It is rather the domain of average, tolerant people, of

34 lovers of diversity, and believers in justice” (p. 143). He elaborates on how Whites today continue to maintain White supremacy by refusing interracial marriages, housing integration, desegregated schools, and functioning through colour blind policies and school curricula. He also points out that Whites always try to show consciously or unconsciously that the racists are always the other Whites and herself/himself is an exception. In addition, White cultural capital in the West invariably affects the global culture by creating cultural imperialism “where culture of the White race is consolidated into a dominant frame of reference for civilization, moral development and rationality” (p. 146). He says that White investment is mechanized by teaching White supremacy to White students through colour-blind policies and the hidden education curricula of Whiteness. Strmic- Pawl (2015) elaborates on the relationship of White privilege and White supremacy and says that we need to articulate White privilege as the benefits given to Whites, but its White supremacy that makes those benefits possible while also providing the infrastructure for the oppression of people of color. It is White supremacy which makes White privilege a reality. (p. 193) Thus, in order to reduce White privilege, Strmic-Pawl says that we need to challenge White supremacy. Whiteness scholar Allen (2001) looks at the occurrence of the globalization of White supremacy and stipulates five arguments to explain ways in which White privilege and White supremacy prevails world-wide via globalization. First and foremost, he believes that Whiteness outmaneuvers capitalism when formulating opportunities world-wide and thus, European ethnicity is at the forefront in receiving global opportunities. Allen asserts that Within this global White feudalism called “capitalism,” European ethnics have thrived relative to people of color through the creation of the White race, the legalization of Whiteness as property, and the establishment of a system of nation-states to territorialize it all. The global society became based on the nearly universal and racist practice of civil “justice” where to be White is to be “more equal” and to be a person of color is to be “less equal.” (p. 477) Secondly, referring to the history of European imperialism, he states that the global White identity is constructed on the fallacious idea in which civilized self is attached to Whiteness and un-civilized-ness is attached to non-Whiteness and this dichotomous identity is maintained and perpetuated in the globalized world. He says that this separation continues to steer exchanges between Europeans and non-European “others” from Africa, Asia, Australia, and the Americas while non-Whites having to constantly carry the memory of the times when they or their predecessors were uncivilized. Next Allen (2001) critically looks at how global White territoriality is constructed and re-constructed. I note that this is exemplified in how the World Bank and IMF policies impose rules and restrictions on under-developed nations without urging

35 the past colonizers like England, France, the USA, and Spain to repay for the exploitation they carried out during the European colonization. For instance, 14 African countries are obliged to pay France a colonial tax even in the present day but the World Bank and other humanitarian organizations keep quiet about the injustice (World Bulletin, 2016). The fourth argument he makes is that the global White supremacy is also structured through White governmentality or localized practices of White territoriality by White agents creating “psychosocial spaces for trauma and alienation” (Allen, 2001, p. 480). For an example, non-Whites are surveilled by White surveillance in schools, neighborhoods, shops and streets suggesting that non-White presence is regarded as suspicious for Whites. Finally, he posits that the White group membership is globally constructed to be oblivious to the White supremacy by producing scientific knowledge and through school curricula mainly to White audience. This could also be true to media, technology and entertainment. Carmichael (1970/2007) points the finger at non- Whites for perpetuating the White supremacy as “supporting the structure of White supremacy does not need to be a White” as “black lackeys of capitalism can be lackeys of White supremacy too” (as cited in Strmic-Pawl, 2015, p. 195). I note that there is a possibility for former British/French post-colonial subjects to support Eurocentric cultural assimilation in their own way due to their postcolonial history of mimicry (Bhabha, 1994), and therefore, nourish White supremacy. Allen’s (2001) conceptions have strong implications for the concept of acculturation in the Canadian context where “uncivilized” immigrants and international students are encouraged to adopt the Canadian dominant culture, which is the civilized White culture, as it is seen as the desired mechanism in White settler Canada to be linguistically, socially, and financially successful.

2.6 Non-Whites discriminating against non-Whites Immigrants do bring their historical, cultural, and political baggage with them into the new country that they occupy. In addition to the Black and White binary in North America, there can be other forms of hostilities amongst them due to racial, socio-political, cultural, and economic trajectories. Ramjattan (2014) conducted a qualitative study that investigated micro- aggressions that racialized teachers experience in private language schools in Toronto. Private language schools run as a lucrative business and are neither scrutinized nor regulated by the government authorities. In these schools, international students are promised an authentic Canadian language experience in learning and culture. They come to Canada for short stays to

36 learn English and they “don’t perceive racialized people to be teachers of English or citizens of English-speaking countries” (Ramjattan, 2014, p. 89). Their perception of an authentic Canadian is a White native English speaker, who is also the imaginary Canadian. Therefore, there is a high expectation for a White native speaker teacher as their teacher to teach them authentic Canadian English. In this context, through the personal narratives of ten racialized teachers, Ramjattan (2014) tries to describe how institutional racism is deployed through micro-aggressions, which Solorzano and Perez Huber (2012) define as “layered assaults based on a person of color’s race, gender, class, sexuality, language , immigration status, phenotype, accent or surname” (as cited in Ramjattan, 2014, p. 77). Accordingly, he identifies several types of micro-aggressions deployed in interactions between the institution, students, and fellow teachers in the process of entering the profession, and navigating in the profession. Institutional racism is a prominent finding in his study as his participants experienced barriers to entering the profession since employers seem to assume that non-Whites are not suitable to teach English in these schools. Those who managed to gain access to the profession continued to face microaggressions as students seem to be reluctant to accept non-native accents. The students seemed to avoid these teachers and doubted racialized teachers’ knowledge although they were more respectful towards White non-native speaker-teachers. The use of backhand compliments when non-White teachers were mistaken as students was another finding of this study. He acknowledges that there are multiple factors such as race, age, gender, and accent that played a part in this. He also discusses the adverse effects of these micro-aggressions on racialized teachers as they may experience mental agony for the inferiorizing they go through, and this may affect their professional identity by separating their personal selves from professional lives. Ramjattan (2014) asserts that “positioning students as customers and being lax on diversity issues” (p. 157) may facilitate microaggressions. Ramjattan’s study revealed two important insights: the lack of critical consciuosness about White superiority in non-White students and voluntary perpetuation of cultural hegemony imposed on them through global power structures. This is a common occurance in universities, colleges, and private language schools where I worked. Similar to Ramajattan’s experiences, I have at times felt that a handfull of students didn’t like me merely due to the fact that I am a non- White with a non-North American accent. Regardless of my teaching skills, knowledge, preparation, and cultural sensitivity, and the progress they demonstrated in class, a very few of them were reluctant to accept me going beyond their biases. While some students showed

37 sceptism at the start, they trusted me gradually over time and when they experienced their progress. My student surveys depicted that students were happy with me and my teaching. However, one or two students in my entire teaching history in Canada were extremely racist about my identity and they were not ready to accept me as a qualified teacher. One student constantly questioned my materials and interrupted me constantly during my lectures as if she wanted to make me uneasy. She was openly hostile to me in classroom interactions as well. While she was a student who developed during the course significantly, she never acknowledged that she learned anything from my class. In the student survey, she said that she did not learn anything and also said that “[I have] has a horrible accent!” and all her other comments rallied around her individual biases against my identity. I always felt that this student was disappointed about the fact that I was not a “Canadian” ESL teacher. A number of focus group participants like Zara and Semini too alluded to similar situations through their personal experiences, and Zara mentioned that she lost her job in one situation. Some participants described how their non- White colleagues too were involved in discriminating against their culural background, country of origin, skin colour, and accent. According to Sugunasiri (2001), racism has undergone a few transitional stages and there now exists something called “mutual racism” which he considers as an unhealthy outcome of multiculturalism. Mutual racism is therefore A sense of superiority on the part of some or most individuals of every community, against every other group on the basis of one’s skin color, religion, values, culture, language, nationality, history or geography, and a behavior based in such thinking, making judgements attaching negative attributes to others, even though there may be no visible or overt action directed at anyone or more individuals or a group directly. (p. 70) In this light, he argues the fact that racism has become a mutual phenomenon, not necessarily a linear process of Whites discriminating against non-Whites. It has come to a situation where everybody has a sense of superiority about themselves and tends to look down on others. Sugunasiri (2001) gives detailed descriptions of the power struggles between Koreans and Chinese, Sikhs and Hindus, and Blacks and Browns. Kobayashi (2006) conducted a mixed methods study involving 232 Japanese students to investigate their interethnic relationships inside and outside an ESL classroom. A questionnaire gathered studentsʼ demographics, gender, age, and perceptions of English proficiency, and uncovered some interesting facts about interethnic behaviour. It was found that 45.3% of Japanese students have made friends with Korean students while giving generalized positive statements about Korean students.

Furthermore, 6% claimed that friendship was built on individuality but not nationality. The most common reasons for these friendships were similar cultural backgrounds, physical appearance, and languages. In-depth interviews with nine Japanese students revealed that “combination of quantity and quality contact can cause the formation and consolidation of bonding between Japanese and Korean students” (Kobayashi, 2006, p. 189). Observations carried out during breaks and orientation sessions revealed that students tend to keep the friends they found at the orientation later on, and they form cliques. While some students are capable of crossing the ethnic boundaries, one student seemed to stay exclusively with the Japanese due to the hostile histories between the Japanese and Koreans. Some even indicated instances where they were accused of historical incidents between two countries. This once again is a common occurrence I personally experienced as an ESL teacher. While ESL students have a strong tendency to group within their own ethnicities, some students even go to the extent of complaining about other ethnic student groups. Some show their strong dislike towards other ethnicities openly, saying that others lack civilization and resist taking part in group work. Hall (2003) is of the view that “Power is associated with those sovereignties characterized by light-skinned populations. Those characterized by dark skin are denigrated and assumed less qualified to negotiate global issues as equals'” (p. 41). This suggests the idea that the experiences of racial privilege and oppression amongst the non-White populations vary based on the degree of darkness or lightness of their skin color. Therefore, the idea of racism has many shades and intensities, and cannot be restricted and analyzed through the lenses that explain Black and White racism. My individual experiences, Ramajattan’s research, the and participants’ stories raise issues of cultural hegemony and White domination facilitated by the non-Whites and their lack of crtitical consciousness.

2.7 Linguicism: Another expression of racism Linguicism is one of the major types of social discrimination faced by non-native English-language speakers around the world, and therefore, by English as a second language learners. Skutnabb-Kangas (1988) defines linguicism as “ideologies, structures, and practices which are used to legitimate, effectuate, regulate, and reproduce an unequal division of power and resources both material and immaterial between groups which are defined on the basis of language” (as cited in Austin, 2009, p. 13). Linguicism takes place in local communities, educational institutions, workplaces, across national and international boundaries impacting ESL learners as well. I maintain that racism, White dominance, as well as cultural and linguistic

39 imperialism produce linguicism, and ESL students are directly imperiled as they are in an unattainable quest to master White English and White culture. I name it White English since White “inner circle” (Kachru, 1992) Englishes are considered as the standard form of English to be taught and tested in ESL classes. The hidden focus is on how to make the ESL learners sound like the dominant speakers—behave like them and look like them. I term it an unattainable quest as students will never be considered as standard speakers of English due to the differences in their language output and racialization of their bodies and cultures (Rosa & Flores, 2017). In addition, non-English speakers are not encouraged to use their mother tongue in the process of learning a second language. On the other hand, native English speakers do not have to worry about learning other cultures or languages as English is a language of ultimate social, political, and material power. As a result, they do not have to go through the difficulty of learning a second language as adults, after passing the critical period of language learning. They do not need to bear the burden of articulating unfamiliar sounds that are absent in one’s mother tongue, remember various grammar rules that are arbitrary and illogical, or go through the anxiety one has to experience in making mistakes due to the high stakes consequences of not mastering and reproducing the highly esteemed inner circle English language varieties. The imperial powers of the English language create asymmetrical power relations in political, educational, social, economic, and cultural domains by ascribing to the ideology that English is the language of modernity, technological progress, and national unity (Phillipson, 2009). Interestingly, the English language itself has hierarchies depending on who and where it is spoken and written. Phillipson (2009) exclaims that unequal treatment is given to postcolonial varieties of English although they are considered as global varieties of Englishes, and he also points out that since the English language came into the U.S. as the settlers’ language but to India as the colonizers’ language, the treatment given to the varieties emerged afterwards is not equal. He also finds strong traces of racism embedded in linguistic imperialism by means of self- exaltation by the dominant groups; devaluation/suppression of the subordinate groups and their cultures; and systematic rationalization of the relationships between both groups (Preiswerk, 1980, as cited in Phillipson, 2009). Thus, what is taking place in linguicism is that it “has taken over from racism as a subtle way of hierarchizing social groups in the contemporary world” (Phillipson, 1992, p. 241) through the mechanisms such as White dominance, English language hegemony, monolingualism, native speakerism, and the notion of a standard language. In the next sections, I investigate how English language hegemony in the means of monolingualism,

40 native speakerism, White dominance, and the notion of standard language are packed in linguicism, oppressing and victimizing ESL learners and non-White non-native speaker ESL teachers.

2.7.1 Language standards The manner of second language speaking and some of its aspects are constructed as non- standard and eventually lead to possible negative evaluation of overall personality and professional skills of the English as a Second Language speakers. Language standards, which is interconnected to native-speakerism and therefore racism, relate to both “code of a language” (grammar, vocabulary) and “manner of its speaking” (Scassa, 1994, p. 106); and thus, linguicism can take place when the factors above are not within the accepted standards of the powerful dominant groups or inner circle English. The notion of standardization “perpetuates beliefs about one, stable, correct language variety that is a superior and, therefore, common sense dialect for school, business and public settings” (Davila, 2016, p. 128). Quirk and Widdowson (1985) have categorized English varieties into three circles representing “the type of spread, the patterns of acquisition and the functional domains in which English is used across cultures and languages” (as cited in Kachru, 1992, p. 38). Accordingly, countries where English is acquired in the childhood as the mother tongue are considered as inner circle countries, such as the U.K., U.S., Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa. Many former British and American colonies where English is spoken as the second language or used as the medium of instruction in educational institutions are categorized as outer circle countries, namely India, Pakistan, and Nigeria. Thirdly, the expanding circle is where English is studied as a foreign language (China, the Middle East, Brazil). Interestingly, Jamaica is not considered an inner circle country although English is spoken as the mother tongue by Jamaicans. Furthermore, Jamaican English is not considered a standardized variety. This exception can be attributed to the fact that the Jamaican “accentedness and language variety are deeply racialized and related to coloniality” (Motha, 2014, p. 116) while socially constructing it as a less correct, less creative, and non-standard variety which cannot be on par with the other White varieties. In order to be a standard variety of English, which is worthy of learning, the English language should originate from one of the “inner circle countries” (Kachru, 1992), which happen to be countries of White colonizers and settlers. Motha (2014) argues that “Standard English is a construction ...that contributes unwittingly to inequitable relations of power among former empires and colonized nations and that continues to play an important role in the persistence of a

41 particular international status quo” (p. 110). Accordingly, the world Englishes that do not belong to inner circle varieties have been clearly devalued, excluded, and racialized (Motha, 2014) when considering the history of English language, its evolution and standardization. Taking a linguistic anthropological stance, Phillips (2004) denotes that dialects which are seen as off shoots of standard forms are devalued based on social identity, and the Blackness and the Whiteness of the speaker becomes a factor in placing value on the dialect. Furthermore, the fact that there are native speakers of English in former colonies of Britain and the U.S. has also been disregarded when deciding the boundaries of three circles. Thus, Kachru (1992) himself problematized that boundaries between circles are blurred, grey, and fuzzy. This grey area may have a strong link with the racialization of English language which Kachru (1992) did not comment on but Phillipson (1992) referred to as “linguicism which has taken over from racism as a subtler way of hierarchizing social groups in the contemporary world” (p. 241). Creese and Kambere (2003) consider that the English language has a colour, thus it has been racialized and devalued based on the place of origin and the skin colour of the speakers. Founded on the linguistic imperialist ideology, Western nations such as the U.K., U.S., Canada, and Australia continue to dominate the countries in the periphery through their English Language Teaching (ELT) materials and West-centric pedagogical approaches making the ESL/TESL industry a money-spinning business as well as a way to retain the non-Western countries dependent on the West, exemplifying neocolonization. In his strong opposition to “inner circle” (Kachru, 1992) monolingualism that is constantly advocated in West-centric ELT pedagogy, Phillipson (1992) states that English speaking groups haven’t been able to realize the positive impact of cultural and linguistic diversity for the society while turning a blind eye to multicultural and multilingual realities. In the attempt to replace indigenous and heritage languages with English, MacPherson (2003) warns that valuable bodies of knowledge will also disappear as different ways of understanding the world cannot always be interpreted in English. Similarly, Phillipson (1992) asserts that “English needs to be seen as one language in a multilingual framework, both internationally and within each core” (p. 23). To make my inquiry more exhaustive, I looked into the works of Rosa and Flores (2017). They theorize five principles of racio-linguistic perspectives that analyze ways in which linguistic practices of racialized individuals are “systematically stigmatized regardless of the extent to which these practices might seem to correspond to standardized norms” (p. 623). They situate institutional, national and historical settings in their analysis. Historically analyzing the

42 role of colonialism in shaping perceptions of language and race, they argue that “the positioning of Europeans as superior to non-Europeans was part of a broader process of nation-state/ colonial governmentality” (Flores, 2013, as cited in Rosa & Flores, 2017, p. 623) and therefore, European languages are considered to be higher in the language hierarchy. They further illustrate how hegemonically positioned listening or perceiving subjects such as individuals, institutions, and technology identify the speaking practices of racialized populations as inadequate and deficient. In addition, they claim that people of colour can function as hegemonic listening subjects based on their institution and historical positions. They allude that this process can be linked to the processes called racio-linguistics en-registerment in which language and race get bundled together as perceived sets. Taking long-term English language learners, heritage language learners, and standard language learners as examples, they showed how these categories are institutionalized and how long-term English language learners’ communication practices are considered as deficient in spite of their conformity to standard language practices. There will always be one more thing for them to correct and adapt to before they are considered standard language users. They also argue that certain appropriate communication practices of long-term English language learners such as code switching and language mixing are considered as deficient while such practices of standard “inner circle” (Kachru, 1992) language users are seen as creative and innovative. Finally, as a theory of change, they suggest dismantling White supremacy rather than modifying the linguistic behaviour of the racialized populations. They emphasize that it is important to legitimize the language practices of marginalized populations’ language practices since language codes do not have power in isolation as power is associated with capitalism, race, and class. In order to do that, they recommend challenging racio-linguistic ideologies in education by re-imagining the following: • The places where learning happens • Participants in learning process • Pedagogies through which learning takes place • Practices associated with learners • Paradigms that structure ideas of learning Rosa and Floresʼs (2017) theorization informed my analysis of the data by illustrating instances where racialized individuals are systematically stigmatized based on their language production, and how this practice is expedited in ELT teaching methods. Their analysis also helped me understand how changes influencing the English language are viewed differently.

Historically speaking, English language itself is a syntactic, semantic, morphological, and phonological amalgamation of languages such as Germanic, Latin, French, Italian, and Greek. In modern times, it has borrowed many more words from other languages such as Hindi, Persian, Turkish, et cetera. Therefore, any language cannot be considered as a static, homogeneous, and unitary entity that may not change over time. When English language was introduced to other inner circle countries (U.S., Australia, South Africa, New Zealand) from Britain as the settlers’ language, the English language did change over time and as a result different settler varieties evolved. These varieties have been validated as standard Englishes, which Motha (2014) calls “inventions.” Changes made to the British variety of English by the Americans are an example. In addition, these changes, such as linking and omissions are taught to ESL learners in ESL programs while differences of Indian and Jamaican English varieties are looked at negatively. World Englishes that evolved as varieties of the colonized never gained the same recognition around the world. It is clear that certain varieties that come from certain geographical, social, cultural, and racial locations are considered standard varieties and used for standardized testing around the world. While Kachru’s classification is not the basis for standardization practices around the world, it provides us with a map to understand how “Codes associated with the economically advantaged, or dominant, flourish and expand in interaction” (Phillips, 2004, p. 483).

2.7.2 Standardized tests In addition, dominant speakers make use of language standards as gatekeepers to maintain exclusivity in their positions and roles in society while controlling access to standard language acquisition by non-standard speakers (Scassa, 1994). In a study conducted to explore the economic integration of Chinese immigrants in Calgary, 83% out of a pool of 225 participants claimed that language difficulty is the major barrier for their economic integration (Guo, 2013). Many foreign trained professionals, some of whom have even completed their educational and professional certifications in English language in their countries, find it hard to reach the English proficiency score required to enter their professions. Many of them take and re- take the prescribed standardized language tests, sometimes getting very close to the required score but not quite making it. As a result, the language programs that provide exam practice for these standardized language tests are in high demand while a single test currently costs around $300 (Canadian currency), an amount newcomers may not be able to afford multiple times in their early years in Canada. The gate keeping role of standardized language tests becomes a major barrier for successful labour market integration.

Standardized English language proficiency tests are examples of how inner circle English language and Anglo cultural imperialism are imposed on people in Canada for the purpose of gate keeping. The standardized tests, such as IELTS and TOFEL recognize and validate British and American varieties of English and do not consider the fact that English is now a global language that may have different varieties based on various social, cultural, and geographical factors. In order to successfully complete the IELTS test, candidates have to possess Anglo cultural competence, inner circle English proficiency, higher order cognitive skills to process incoming information fast, and test taking skills. It is highly doubtful whether native speakers of English are able to score 100% or high scores in these tests, especially in listening, reading, and writing modules. Standardized tests are used by employers and educational institutions in Canada to take a snapshot of someone’s English proficiency to enter a profession or a study program. Individuals with high school diplomas and degrees in certain countries such as the U.S., Australia, the U.K., South Africa, and New Zealand get exempted from the language proficiency requirement while individuals who come from the outer or expanding circles who have completed their education in English medium still have to prove their proficiency by taking standardized tests. Furthermore, in some IELTS examination centers, the examiners are carefully chosen by giving preferences to native speakers of “inner circle” (Kachru, 1985) countries as examiners of standardized tests. Their native speaker intuition is desired in the entire language teaching and assessment process to teach and test “correct” English. Therefore, in subjective components of proficiency tests, such as writing and speaking, candidates are tested against the British and American language standards and the candidates who can mimic the native speakers of these two standard varieties are rewarded more than others. The speakers who may be very proficient in other varieties of English such as Indian, African American, and Nigerian Englishes can be perceived as less proficient due to phonological, semantic, and usage differences that are endemic to different geographical, social, and cultural locations. Pragmatic and strategic competence are also taught in ESL programs and evaluated in standardized tests. ESL students and second language speakers of English are judged unfairly due to their lack of pragmatic and strategic competencies in the second language. Pragmatic and strategic competencies are very much associated with the speaker’s culture, and they change from country to country, region to region, and ethnicity to ethnicity. These two types of competencies consist of knowledge of contextual clues including speech acts of the interlocutors.

The danger in making pragmatic errors is that although it seems to be less visible, it can create prejudices or misinterpretation of one’s personality. When someone experiences language anxiety, it can obstruct the fluency of the speaker and portray the speaker as an unintelligible and incompetent person. Bigdeli (2007) describes second language anxiety as a negative emotion, a state of an unwanted uneasiness and apprehension, uncertainty, and fear caused by anticipating a threat to one’s identity. It mostly arises from the psychological and social influences of the second language and the host society. ESL anxiety is related to different aspects of the second language and one’s status in the new society. (p. 52) In a qualitative study done by Bigdeli (2007) about ESL anxiety of educated Iranian women, she points out that some of her female university educated participants who had good English language proficiency scores felt incompetent and anxious about their proficiency level in English after arriving in Canada, so they refrained from social interaction. She also states that the participants’ language anxiety seems to limit their linguistic proficiency, which may block immigrants’ opportunities for acculturation and social mobility. She further states that “ESL anxiety is a paradox: in some cases, it acts as an incentive for the immigrant sufferer to move forward, but in many other cases it holds them back” (p. 154). Another reason for this anxiety could be the asymmetrical power relationship built up between native/expert speakers of English and second language speakers in different contexts. As an ESL teacher, and a second language speaker of English, I personally understand how disempowering these constructs are for one’s identity formation and self-confidence.

2.7.3 Accent discrimination Another common expression of linguicism is accent discrimination in which different values are associated with diverse accents. White dominance is clearly ingrained in accent discrimination. Native speakers and second language speakers from “outer circles” (India, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Caribbean, Bangladesh) and “expanding circles” (China, the Middle East, South America) experience accent discrimination as their accent may not conform to the standard accent of a particular region or country, due to the phonemic interference of their dominant language or variety of English. While accents of World Englishes have clear phonemic differences (Canadian English, Australian English, Indian English, Caribbean English), it seems that only White or “inner circle” (Amin, 2000, 2005; Kachru, 1992) varieties, namely the English spoken in the U.S., the U.K., Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, are recognized as being

46 standard inspite of their differences to one another, and therefore, they are the legitimate varieties to be taught and tested. Many scholars admit that accent-based discrimination is very common in countries where immigrants from different countries are in abundance (Amin, 2000; Creese, 2009). Creese (2009) further points out that social construction of skills, experience, and accents, as well as language proficiency, create systematic advantages to the native speaker. In addition, Hansen, Rakic, and Steffens (2014) state that non-native accented speakers are stigmatized as less intelligent, incompetent, and less attractive in comparison to speakers with standard accents. Therefore, the accent can be a decisive factor in English-dominant countries in assigning institution roles to employees who speak English as a second or foreign language. Nguyen (1993) posits that those with non-standard accents are discriminated against in workplaces more so than a speaker’s appearance as accent diffuses social information about the speaker. Creese and Kambere (2003) carried out a qualitative study involving five professional African immigrant women who possess master’s degrees to investigate their issues in Vancouver. In the process, the women highlighted the issue of African accent as a major concern and a barrier to their life in Vancouver, Canada. The experience of getting ignored and corrected without paying attention to the content of the message has been experienced by all women at different times. This has led the participants to develop resistant strategies to retain their African identity. Using their experiences as the point of analysis, the study concluded that in Canada, imagined community is discursively patrolled through accents that have material and figurative consequences. Foreign accent denying employment can be considered as a material cost while figuratively “daily accent policing makes it clear that African women do not belong to this imagined Canadian nation” (Creese & Kambere, 2003, p. 569). Furthermore, through their title “What Colour Is Your English?” and the analysis of findings, the writers have shed light on the connection between foreign accents, especially accents of non-Whites, and the process of racialization in Canada. Using a sample of ordinary American White and non-White participants in the U.S., Myers and Williamson (2001) carried out a project to investigate how racist discourse is rooted in everyday conversations and how race talks facilitate and perpetuate racist structures prevalent in the current society. The study shows an extensive level of racism at micro-level that assists in the reproduction of racism structurally and ideologically. They pointed out that racism is harboured and preserved in daily conversations through three significant mechanisms

“legitimizing the racist acts of gate keepers that affect public policy, opportunity structures, and means of achievements” (Collins ,1998, as cited in Myers & Williamson, 2001, p. 23). Predominantly, accent and dialects of Ebonics, Asians, and Latinos are ridiculed while their bodily smells, looks, and clothes are dehumanized to construct racial boundaries demarcating “us” and “them.” Then the racial boundaries are policed when dominants use language that suggest “people of color were gaining on them” (p. 13). Finally, using findings from their study, they demonstrate that racial boundaries are maintained by both the Whites and non-Whites to stay safe from attacks although the nature of attacks may look different between Whites and non- Whites. It is interesting to see how the standard accents are situated in ESL and TESL context in Canada. According to Lenneberg (1967) and Patkowski (1990), it is difficult for individuals to learn a new language without an accent after the period of puberty. Nevertheless, futile efforts are taken to fix learners’ accents in some ESL programs making adult ESL learners very uncomfortable. The reality is that many non-native ESL teachers do not speak these standard accents, although they are expected to teach “Canadian” English. While the standardized tests and class room materials use inner circle varieties, the teacher talk can take place in outer circle varieties. In speaking activities, the assessment rubrics usually allocate a weight for pronunciation with emphasis given to the intelligibility of speech based on correct stress, intonation patterns, and linking. However, intelligibility becomes a subjective element as it involves the hearers willingness to understand the speaker. In addition, speakers who come from similar linguistic backgrounds may understand their English accents better while others may not. One can just say that a speaker is not intelligible when one has to strain their ears. This applies both for non-native ESL teachers and adult ESL learners. Asking them to change the way they speak makes learning a language an oppressive experience especially when ESL teachers are excused for mispronouncing students’ names. Ironically some students change their names to make them easily pronounced. In the TESL training courses, the theoretical assumption is that all ESL teachers are inner circle native speakers of English, and they are taught phonology and phonemics with the purpose of correcting student utterances. However, the reality is that many ESL teachers in Toronto could be non-native speakers of English who cannot mimic standard accents.

2.8 The native–non-native dichotomy of ESL teachers The native/non-native dichotomy of teachers of English language is an area widely discussed by many scholars around the world (Braine, 2010; Mahoob, Uhrig, & Newman, 2004; Medgyes, 1992) and here in Canada (Amin, 1999; Faez, 2011a, 2011b; Ramjattan, 2014). The validity of this dichotomy is debated and analyzed in various perspectives such as inferiorizing non-Native ESL/TESL Teachers (NNETs; Braine,1999; Kubota & Lin, 2006; Mahoob et al., 2004; Ramjattan, 2014), examining the linguistic competence of NNETs (Medgyes, 1992), and pedagogical perspective of NNETs (Faez, 2012a). Native-speakerism, a practice in place to exalt and validate the English language varieties used by the speakers of “inner circle countries” (Kachru, 1992) has implications for both linguicism and racism. The inferior status given to NNETs due to the differences in their accents and language use is yet another aspect of institutional racism prevalent in the field of ESL/TESL due to the fact that “Native speakers of English have a privileged status in employment, a privilege that is increased by having White skin” (Kubota & Lin, 2006, p. 479). Taking a liberal attitude towards this debate, Medgyes (1992) conducts a broad survey including 220 native and non-native English speaking language practitioners in ten countries. In the questionnaire, he includes questions that inquire into the practitioners’ proficiency of the English language and their teaching practices. Based on the responses, Medgyes claims that “native, non-native distinction not only exists but that it plays a key role in determining their teaching practice” (p. 343), and the question of who is the better teacher of English language does not only depend on the language proficiency of the teacher. To clarify, he posits that if the teachers’ language competence is the only variable that affects the teaching and learning the process, Native English Speaker Teachers (NESTs) will obviously be the “superior” thereby any native speaker without training or experience becoming an ideal teacher of English. Thus, he says this assumption is only correct if the other important variables, such as training, experience, motivation, charisma, attitude, age, and sex, remain equal in both native and non-native teachers. And just as the NESTs have an advantageous position over NNESTs due to their English language proficiency, Medgyes (1992) argues that NNETs too have a number of advantages that NESTs do not possess. He says that NNETs can serve as a realistic model for language learners as native speaker proficiency is an unattainable, unrealistic target for adult language learners. Moreover, as NNESTs have been language learners themselves, they are better informants of the English language and learning strategies. They can better anticipate learner difficulties while

49 being empathetic. He further points out that language teachers need to make an active effort to learn other languages and debunk the statement “the more proficient in language, the more efficient in the classroom” (p. 345) and replaces it by the statement “the more proficient in the learners mother tongue, the more efficient in the classroom” (p. 346). All things considered, what he tries to say is “NETs and NNETs can be equally effective because their respective weakness balance each other out and the route they take can be different” (p. 347). For that reason, he is of the opinion that there should be a good balance of NESTs and NNESTs in language institutions to complement each other. Nevertheless, his recommendation doesn’t seem to have impacted the hiring processes of ESL industry as there is a clear indication of native English speaker preference. Mahoob et al. (2004) carried out a large-scale survey of 122 English language programs in the U.S. and collected details of their hiring criteria, teacher demographics, and student demographics. They found that the native speakers of English consisted of 92% of the teaching pool while only 7.86% of teachers belong to a non-native category. Furthermore, the statistics show that only 3.8% of full-time staff consists of non-native speaker teachers, and it is evident that native speaker status is given priority over the teachers’ professional background in the hiring process of these colleges. In such a backdrop, in order to get a teaching placement in these programs, non-native teachers who are considered as “children of a lesser English” (Mahoob et al., 2004) need to be highly qualified both academically and professionally through a strong recommendation also plays a pivotal part. It is equally important that the program administrator’s stance on the native–non-native dichotomy be neutral. Thus, they argue that college-level English language programs in the U.S. do not have equal representation of non-native and native speaker teachers of English in spite of the fact that 80% of the English language teachers in the world are non-native speakers of English.

2.9 Gender, patriarchy, sexism, and sexuality in the ESL classroom Feminist critiques believe that the English language maintains patriarchy socio- linguistically in a number of ways. Predominantly, the “semantic structure of English derogates women” (Phillips, 2004, p. 481) as there is more vulgar language referring to women. Furthermore, the use of pronouns “he,” “him,” and “his” is more common in generic references to people in texts. In addition, women’s style of language is considered powerless and polite while this is considered as a strategy carried out to silence women. Women being interrupted more than men in conversations and exclusion of women speech genres in public domains are

50 other interconnected instances where the English language accommodates sexism in terms of proficient users. In such a socio-linguistic backdrop, it is important to explore the issues of gender in relation to sexuality, femininity, masculinity, patriarchy, race, and class in the context of learning English as the second language in Canada. As an ESL instructor who has worked both in college and settlement contexts, I assert that the ESL education sector is mostly a female space in which disproportionate power relationships are built up between the stakeholders. I have encountered more female ESL learners than male ESL learners. Also, I often see more women of colour in settlement programs than in colleges. Interestingly, many ESL instructors and coordinators also happen to be female since the precarity of ESL teaching has driven many females to this job to balance their home and work (Amin, 2000) which seem to be true even for North American White ESL teachers. It is also interesting to see that there is a power play between male students and female ESL teachers as I found in evidence within my data. While I haven’t personally experienced this in my teaching career in Canada, several participants alluded to sexism directed at them by male ESL students. In addition, the First World/Second World/Third World power imbalance can manifest between learners and learners, teachers and teachers, as well as teachers and learners as a phenomemnon described by some participants in my study. In addition, the gender roles they play in their home spheres can impact their learning and teaching roles, too. Amin (2005) points out that “English Language Teaching is a site where the discourse of colonialism, racism, and sexism intersect to produce and mark men and women from the Third World as permanent others” (p. 3). Therefore, understanding the complex relationship between gender, patriarchy, sexism, sexuality, race, and class is required. My brief experience at a non-profit organization for women in Toronto suggested the patronizing and essentialized thinking of the First World White feminists about the immigrant women of colour. This non-profit organization has been founded with the intention of changing lives of marginalized women in Toronto considering principles of anti-oppression while encouraging women of all races, colour, ethnic origins, religion, abilities, and sexual orientations into active participation. This place can also be considered as a “public space” for women since it is believed “to provide access” to all types of women while “inspiring feelings of belonging and safety” (Gonzalez & Merraro, 2011, as cited in Galanakis, 2013, p. 75). The immigrant women who go to settlement organizations seem to have various reasons to attend ESL and other skill training classes with access to the job market is the predominant motivation, followed by

51 the need for socialization, and access to social services such as welfare (Mojab, 1999). The atmosphere of the centre provides ample support for this claim. There were numerous notices informing women of menial job opportunities, social support, help lines for domestic violence, second career programs, counseling services, and womenʼs rights. The manifestation of these notices implies that the language learners of the centre are uneducated, victimized, poor, oppressed, timid, and linguistically constrained, an essentialized notion derived from the First World feminism. These notices become another attempt of empowerment by the allies of immigrant women as immigrant women are seen as “politically immature who need to be versed and schooled in the ethos of western feminism” (Mohanty, 1991, p. 338). It is also clear that this center is set up with the idea that women who come here are a “group who shares identical interests and desires regardless of class and ethnicity” (Mohanty, 1991, p. 339). Therefore, it is common practice that immigrant women of colour, who come to these centers either for language learning or other services, are constructed as uneducated, victimized, poor, oppressed, timid, and linguistically constrained women. My personal experience as a client at the centre contradicted this essentialized notion of Third World women. When I went to a consultation services to obtain career guidance for myself as I was unemployed at the time, the career counselor told me that my needs were complex, and their structure had very little capability to help people like myself, especially academics, doctors, and other highly educated professionals. This is a common experience of many of my fellow educated female friends of colour, and also a situation where our education became a barrier to tapping into social services. It seems that our hybrid selves are so complex and unacceptable as we do not fall into the stereotypical construction of Third World women. Nor can we navigate in the system parallel to the White Canadian born women with similar educational and professional backgrounds due to the fact that we are Third World women who do not look right, who do not sound right, and who do not know right. The policy-makers seem to recycle and entertain the White first world feminist idea that women of colour are uneducated, poor, voiceless, and politically immature, considering gender as the main oppressive barrier they have to wrestle with after arriving in Canada. Thus, colonialism, imperialism, linguicism, classism, and racism (Amin, 2000, 2005; Bannerji, 2000; Mohanty, 1991; Razack, 1998) that women of colour face in Canada is either completely ignored or not openly discussed. Due to the lack of women of colour in the decision-making process, this gap is not examined nor addressed, and all the oppressive factors faced by women of colour are not taken into consideration when deciding the types of

52 services needed in such organizations. Consequently, people like myself, who do not fall into the traditional definition of Third World women, are either excluded or “sanitized” (Ameeriar, 2017) by possible settlement services while less privileged women of colour are “tokenized” (Goonewardana & Kipfer, 2005, as cited in Galanakis, 2013, p. 75) and “sanitized” (Ameeriar, 2017). Furthermore, the exercise of power and control over the women of colour takes place overtly and covertly in contemporary Canada at interpersonal or policy levels. Confirming this, in a review of the literature on skilled female migrants, Kofman (2004) concludes that women are discriminated in the skills and knowledge economy based on the sector that they participate in (as cited in Gibb & Hamdon, 2010). In a study done by Mojab (1999), a young immigrant Peruvian woman, a biologist and an ESL learner states that “for immigrants in Canada, I get the message that you should use your hands, not your minds” (p. 125). The interviewees indicated that their intellectual capacity had been undermined in Canada and, consequently, they were seen as a potential source of manual labour. In addition to being oppressed as women, they are also oppressed by their caste, class, ethnicity and races (Bannerji, 2000; Mohanty, 1991); a significant fact which is not acknowledged by White First World feminists. As believed by the First World feminists, many Third World women do come with the domestic burden, and they are continually oppressed by the patriarchal power structures within their home spheres. Immigrant women of colour are also seen as “politically immature who need to be versed and schooled in the ethos of Western feminism” (Mohanty, 1991, p. 338). Thus, it is believed that they need to be helped out to make their voices heard as they are identified as a dependent group (Mohanty, 1991). Women of colour have been transformed into subjects mostly by “control and dependency” (Foucault, 1982, p. 331) while they can also be oppressed by their own identity, which is not recognized in the new country. Therefore, the construction of females from the Third World as weak and uneducated can be attributed to Bannerji’s argument of class reduction of the women of colour through racism, linguicism, and sexism (Bannerji, 2000). According to Bannerji (2005), race, class, and gender occur in a particular location at a specific time intersect, and generate differential power relations. The experiences of race, class, and gender that happen “simultaneously and instantaneously” (Bannerji, 2005, p. 145) cannot be separated serially as they are interlocked and interrelated. Bannerji’s (2005) concept of intersectionality allows me to understand the complex relationship of race, class, and gender in a capitalist society similar to contemporary Canada. She is highly critical of modernism overseeing the class associations

53 about racial, gender, and patriarchal issues and states that this deliberate separation of social spheres facilitates liberal ideology that gives rise to individualism and fictitious democracy. This ideology may result in essentialized thinking of the First World White feminists about the immigrant women of colour. She also points out that conceptualizing class and capital as separate entities from race has reduced racism into a cultural issue thereby “marginalizing the most dispossessed sectors of people, the expendable ingredients for capital in the West and elsewhere” (p. 155). However, I agree to a certain extent with First World feminism’s depiction of Third World women as victimized and oppressed due to my personal observations. I have personally heard several stories about female oppression from my female ESL students who come from patriarchal societies in the Middle East and South Asia. They sometimes voluntarily tell me about their life struggles of balancing between their studies and their responsibilities as mothers and wives. One female ESL student who was an engineer in her home country asked me how I was balancing my work, study, and family and I told her that my family helped me a lot as they had their assigned house chores. She then said that their culture required women to be more responsible for work related to the home front and therefore, she finds it difficult to manage both. Once we finished a class, another pregnant student was still sitting in her chair, and I asked her why she wasn’t leaving and whether she was feeling ok. Then, she said that she didn’t want to go home because she had to carry out all the domestic work despite the fact that she was pregnant. She voluntarily went on describing how her husband refused to cook and do the house work although she was not feeling fit to do all that due to her pregnancy; she even described how she had to finish classes late and go home and cook as her husband had turned down her request to cook for them. Although there were two other students in the class at the time, she didn’t feel uncomfortable revealing her personal oppression. I simply listened to her while collecting my belongings as I felt that she needed someone to listen. In addition, in many other occasions, many female students from the East have described their house chores and responsibilities, which stand in the way to realize their professional and educational goals. When we had class debates on marriage, feminism, and womenʼs rights, some female students from the East were reluctant to argue against the traditional patriarchal structures. Thus, I agree with the First World feminist representation of Third World women as being oppressed by patriarchy that is imposed on them by their culture to some extent, but it cannot be generalized to all the women from developing countries as religion, class, personality, education, and their personal choices may

54 play key factors in succumbing to or resisting patriarchy. It is also interesting how many women used “culture” to shield patriarchy which may have been justified in their societies given religion or tradition. This also raises the question whether their attitudes and perceptions change after migrating to a capitalist White settler nation where gender equality is openly discussed. Interestingly, I recall a friendly classroom discussion that we had in one of the classes about “female dominance” in Canada. A few men jokingly said that the men have been placed as third- class citizens in Canada as women, and children are prioritized in the Canadian system. I felt that some of them were worried about losing their traditionally appointed dominant position at home and society. Another important consideration of gender is sexuality and how it is addressed in the context of ESL/TESL. Using a survey study and semi-structured interviews with LINC teachers in Alberta, Dumas (2014) carried out a research project to investigate teachers’ perceptions of sexual diversity in relation to their teaching. The primary finding of the study was that sexual diversity is absent from the LINC curriculum and teachers also avoided generating discussion on such topics due to lack of information and uneasiness. Some had indicated that they did not feel comfortable to bring up the topics as some students may find gay and lesbian relationships offensive as sexuality is seen differently from country to country. Some teachers had mentioned that students do not have the required complex language proficiency to grapple with such complex topics. Some teachers have acknowledged the importance of these topics being discussed with students and have mentioned the need for textbooks with content on sexual diversity. Dumas (2014) recommends inclusion of sexual diversity in LINC curriculum to reflect the overall diversity in Canada and to prepare new immigrants to the Canadian reality. She also points out that immigrant queer, gay, and lesbian students who would shy away from these issues in their countries of origin will learn to be open about their sexuality in Canada.

2.10 Social class and the stakeholders of ESL education The English language is indeed a global class marker. Those who have access to the English language get a better recognition in the society than those who don’t. They can, in turn, access better jobs, quality education, and social/professional circles. Furthermore, class distinctions are drawn further by considering the variety of English, dialect, style, and the manner in which it is spoken (Rampton, 2006). Grammar is an indication of class and cultural background in the U.S. (Wolfram, 2014). Savaga et al. (2013) define “social class as a multidimensional construct ... [and] that classes are not merely economic phenomena but are also

55 profoundly concerned with forms of social reproduction and cultural distinction” (as cited in Block, 2015, p. 4). Thus, as inferred in the definition, the existence of social class cannot be understood or analyzed in isolation without considering interrelated inequalities such as unequal material distribution, racism, sexism, and linguicism. Fraser (2008) emphasizes the distribution and redistribution of materials in understanding class relations while acknowledging that class is also “about a wide range of experiences in the day-to-day lives of people” (as cited in Block, 2015, p. 3). Kubota and Lin (2006) state that social class is addressed inadequately in TESL training and scholarly literature, while Block (2015) is of the view that there is a social class “denial” and “erasure” (p. 1) in the field of Applied Linguistics. As an ESL practitioner who has worked both with less privileged LINC learners and more privileged college learners in Toronto, I realize the importance of looking into class relations when understanding the ESL learners and the sociopolitical issues ESL stakeholders face. I also see the interconnected nature of the structural social inequalities simply by observing my ESL learners. Predominantly, I see ESL learners who belong to different social classes in Canada occupy different ESL programs. For instance, new immigrants and refugees usually depend on government funded ESL programs due to their restricted financial capacities. Many of them belong to lower income category in Canada and are visible minority women. Amongst these new immigrants, there are people who had belonged to middle social classes in their countries of origin, but currently have been placed in the working class due to their newcomer or immigrant status in Canada. According to my ESL learners, those who can afford the costs of the immigration process and meet the language requirement are usually the middle-class people in their countries, and thus working-class people of the third world may never come to Canada as skilled immigrants although there is possibility for them to come as political or war refugees. Therefore, I have personally witnessed and experienced the classist Canadian immigration policies at play, bringing down middle classes of other less powerful countries and then reducing their class to working class through a “skill deficit model” (Guo, 2013) activated through racism, linguicism, and sexism (Bannerji, 2000). Wealthy immigrants who have lived in Canada for a considerable time and immigrants who have been professionals or affluent people in their countries of origin can be seen in continuing education and ESL departments of community colleges and universities in Canada. This may be due to the fact that they have realized that government classes offer rudimentary level ESL courses that do not address their proficiency level and needs (Amin, 2000). Also, new

56 wealthy immigrants who migrate with higher education degrees and business visas may feel uncomfortable to be identified with the learners in LINC classes where they may meet “lesser class” people from their countries. Amongst the segment who prefer private colleges and universities, are the “students of the new global elite” (Vandrick, 2011, p. 160) and these students have traveled and lived in different countries, carry more than one visa while their parents are wealthy professionals or politicians in their countries of origin. Unlike other ESL students who are marginalized in many ways, the oppression of these students can be limited to racism and linguicism and xenophobia while “these students are not usually affected by racism, because they were secure in their own sense of belonging part of a privileged class” (Vandrick, 2011, p. 162). Interestingly, Shin (2014) notes that groups of privileged international students have “constructed themselves as new transnational subjects who are wealthy, modern, and cosmopolitan, distinguishing themselves from both long-term immigrants in local Korean diasporic communities and Canadians” (as cited in Block, 2015, p. 11). Vandrick (2011) has also mentioned how ESL teachers themselves feel underprivileged in front of these rich students. These ESL learners are more interested in experiencing and witnessing the ideological White Canadianess for a shorter period. Thus, private ESL providers are eager to cater to the needs of this wealthy group and would prefer recruiting White ESL teachers (Ramajattan, 2014) as wealthy ESL learners demand to learn from White native speaker English teachers.

2.11 To swim against the tide As we have seen in the literature review so far, “second or foreign language education is located in a pedagogical space where linguistic, racial, cultural, and class differences meet” (Kubota, 2010, p. 99), and therefore, it is also a space for racism, sexism, and classism to unfold. Many have advocated incorporating critical pedagogy and critical multicultural education into ESL education to develop ESL students’ critical awareness to fight against racism through practices like explicit intervention, antiracist camps, critical scrutiny of teaching materials in order to transform institutional practices, and construction of plural systems of knowledge (Kubota, 2010, 2015; Maitra & Guo, 2019; Taylor, 2006). Nevertheless, this transformation is seen neither in adult education nor in lifelong learning practices in Ontario. I argue that it is vital to transform TESL education first to make an impact on ESL education since future ESL teachers, TESL trainers, curriculum designers, and program coordinators are initially trained in TESL courses. Thus, I carried out an inquiry into existing literature on how antiracist and

57 anticolonial approaches are carried out in adult education programs globally to “decolonize, de- essentalize, de-simplify, and de-silence antiracism” (Kubota, 2015, p. 3). Maitra and Guo (2019) presented four decolonization processes in the context of lifelong learning in the age of transnational migration. I identify both the ESL and TESL fields as sectors of lifelong learning since learning and teaching English as a second language is a lifetime process for learners. The liberal ideology prevailing in Canada requires new immigrants and international students in Canada to continuously acquire language skills in English or French, Canadian cultural competence, soft skills, and legitimate Canadian knowledge to compete in the Canadian labour market as well as to integrate into the Canadian society. Owing to this reason, adult learners ranging from their early 20s to middle age can be commonly seen in ESL classes. On the other hand, TESL professionals also have to train and retrain themselves to meet the needs of the changing educational, social, and cultural demands of the adult ESL student population. Maitra and Guo (2019) stress that lifelong learning practices in Canada are buttressed and dominated by colonialism and racism since racialized immigrants’ knowledge and skills are underestimated and devalued. They noted how the definition of lifelong learning changed overtime as a result of “globalization and neo-liberal structuring” (p. 6) and recognized the importance of “equitable and increased access to quality technical and vocational education and training” for everyone and the “recognition, validation and accreditation of the knowledge, skills and competence acquired through non-formal and informal education” (UNESCO, 2015, p. vi as cited in Maitra and Guo, 2019, p. 8). Furthermore, in order to decolonize lifelong learning practices, Maitra and Guo (2019) emphasize an initial examination of the connection between knowledge and “the process of domination and exploitation by the capitalist/patriarchal/imperial Western Metropolis over the rest of the world” (p. 15), which is a task that I carried out in this study. Secondly, they insist that lifelong learning practices should incorporate and validate “plural systems of knowledge production” (p. 13) and such practices should also challenge the Western epistemological hegemony. They also show that these two processes will necessitate the planning and designing of curricula and pedagogies that value and construct diverse bodies of knowledge from non- Western origins. They encourage anti-racist, feminist critical pedagogical approaches in terms of teaching methodologies. Finally, they advocate for the decolonization of the minds of learners, teachers, and policy makers “in order to challenge the passivity, colonization, and marginalization of learners both in classrooms and work places” (p. 15). These ideas provided a

58 framework for my exploration of antiracist and anticolonial approaches to adult education and lifelong learning in order to swim against the tide. I identified the aforementioned decolonization processes in the following instructional methodologies. Raising the critical consciousness of learners, teachers, and policy makers I argue, is an effective way to decolonize one’s mind as Maitra and Guo (2019) recommend. Critical consciousness is defined as “the ability to recognize and analyze systems of inequality and the commitment to take action against these systems” (Amin et al., 2017, p. 18). Incorporating Freire’s (1993) basic principles of critical pedagogy with the hopes of empowering NNESTs as ELT professionals, Brutt‐Griffler and Samimy (1999) carried out a 10-week graduate seminar for NNESTs in which they explored nativeness: their findings suggest that while the empowerment of NNESTs is a complex process, it can be “generated within and by teachers engag[ing] …in critical praxis” (p. 413). Similarly, Munro, Derwing, and Sato (2006) suggest that critical consciousness of accents should be incorporated into teacher training programs of second language teachers as mainstream teachers “may subconsciously hold prejudicial reactions to certain accents” (p. 67). Álvarez, Calvete, and Sarasa (2012) described a TESL program run in Argentina showing how certain activities incorporated in the program raised student teachers’ critical awareness of “concepts related to race, ethnicity, class, religion, education, and language to unveil the political, economic, and social issues underlying the teaching and learning of English” (p. 61). The activities included critical analysis of the film Slumdog Millionaire (2008) and Salman Rushdieʼs (1994) “The Free Radio.” The listening activities carried English voices from non-imperialist nations while the topics of discussion included oppression, exclusion, and illiteracy. They concluded that this endeavour is an example of how critical pedagogy can be incorporated into TESL programs in order to re-conceptualize the fields of ESL/TESL. It is important to note how this approach will play out in a context where both oppressors and the oppressed are among TESL graduates. Although not directly related to TESL education, some studies done in schools were relevant for my inquiry as the process these studies described can be applied to TESL programs. Using five U.S, urban schools where mostly Black students attend, Amin et al. (2017) carried out a study to investigate how schools can improve Black students’ critical consciousness. Their longitudinal mixed methods study in which critical consciousness development was incorporated looked at “the role schools can play in preparing youth of color to analyze, navigate, and challenge oppressive conditions in our society” (p. 20). The study suggested that Black high

59 school teenagers’ critical consciousness can help them identify racist structures and institutions in order to explain what they experience. It is believed that “oppression is easiest to sustain when the disenfranchised ignore it, miss it, or support it rather than resist it” (Watts et al., 1999, as cited in Amin et al., 2017, p. 21). Three strategies developed from their study: introducing The Three I’s framework (in which interpersonal, institutional, and internalized racism are described), creating space to interrogate racism through seminars and workshops, and taking action against racism. Similarly, Mitchell, Hinueber, and Edwards (2017) indicate that “Schools that successfully address issues of race tend to discuss those issues explicitly” (p. 27). Looking at the Manhood Development Program for Black male youths implemented in Oakland, California in 17 schools that effectively teach Black youths, it is demonstrated that these schools spent significant professional development time on areas such as implicit bias, the school experience of Black youth, and culturally responsive instruction. This adult learning helped educators identify and reflect on their own experiences with racial issues and how they perpetuate the existing state of affairs. Singletop and Linton (2006) are of the view that “[a]greeing as a staff to abide by the four agreements of courageous conversations can foster productive conversation about race” (as cited Mitchell et al., 2017, p. 27). The accord emphasizes that educators should remain involved and resilient expecting to undergo uneasiness when discussing race. It also specifies that educators need to be sincere about their perspectives while being ready for non-conclusiveness, and that “facing our shared past and collective responsibility for crafting a better future requires us to understand race, culture, class and power” (Mitchell et al., 2017, p. 27). Moreover, Rogers, Mosley, and Flokes (2009), a group of social justice teacher-activists, describe how they successfully addressed and analyzed class struggles using tools of critical literacy education and “curricula that are responsive and engaging in taking up issues of class struggles” (p. 127) in an adult ESL class. They stress the importance of inclusion of innovative types of professional development such as study circles, teacher inquiry, and teacher-activist groups in teacher training programs to train teachers to understand class-related issues of ESL learners. Freire (2000) cautions that One of the basic elements of the relationship between oppressor and oppressed is the prescription. Every prescription represents the imposition of one individual choice upon another, transforming the consciousness of the person prescribed to into one that conforms with the prescriber’s consciousness. Thus, the behavior of the oppressed is a prescribed behavior, following as it does the guidelines of the oppressor. (p. 47)

Canagarajah (1999b) demonstrates how linguistic imperialism is resisted by the learners and teachers of English in postcolonial countries through what he calls “constructive resistance” by appropriation of the language and ELT methods to suit their context and needs. Using a series of classroom ethnographic studies, Canagarajah (1999b) pointed out that “if we are to appropriate the language for our purposes, the oppressive history and hegemonic values associated with English have to be kept very much in mind and engaged judiciously” (p. 2). His major arguments centre on the idea that the powerless second language learners and teachers in postcolonial communities should not reject English as a hegemonic force, but rather should “reconstruct it in more inclusive, ethical and democratic terms” (p. 2) to challenge and negotiate with the hegemonic structures in place. He also recommends incorporating plurilingual and multilingual writing practices in second language writing as “social negotiations in fluid communicative contexts” (Canagarajah, 2007, p. 923). Moreover, Canagarajah’s (2014) theorization of English language norms resonates with both the equality and inclusivity aspects of multiculturalism while attaching a critical perspective to the practice. Acknowledging the complex nature of social relations and interactions in the era of globalization, he points out how inadequate, unrealistic, and outdated the homogeneous native speaker norms are for multilinguals within and the across national borders. He defines English as “constituting socially constructed situational norms in specific contexts of interactions” (p. 767), and thereby paying attention to pragmatics and social context rather than grammar and cognition. This transference calls for a change in the English language learning and teaching context where more focus needs to be paid on “awareness of genres, conventions and contexts that motivate one to choose the type of English to be used, but also to subtly change the accepted norms for one’s own voice and interest” (p. 773). In addition to being viewed as a decolonizing move, plurilingual and multilingual approaches to second language teaching (Cenoz & Gorter, 2013; Cummins, 2009; Lin, 2013) have been explored by many language scholars “to address the challenges of English language and academic development” (Cummins, 2009, p. 317). Galante (2019) adds that “plurilingual instruction enhances EAP students’ sense of their plurilingual identities, from the recognition of the multiple languages and cultures within their repertoires to their creative representations of their linguistic and cultural resources” (pp. 24–25). In addition, she says that translanguaging practices involved in plurilingual approaches promote meaning- making, clarification, learning new concepts, and emotional connections.

In addition to pedagogical approaches, inclusive and antiracist administrative procedures and curriculum content and planning need to be demonstrated to TESL students in order to liberate their ESL learners. Taylor (1997a) also cautions the ESL teachers when attempting to teach cultural content to ESL students by pointing out how such efforts can impose societal hierarchies through “exclusions, normalizations and attempts to fix” (p. 72). Thus, trying to teach mainstream culture can also be seen as attempts to fix ESL studentsʼ race, colour, gender, class, nation of origin, religion, accent, et cetera. She also states that “we should not follow a structural or economic model of stable, coherent subjects acquiring quantities of universal cultural knowledge” (p. 73). Taylor (1997a) contends that “Canadians are articulating notions of Canadian culture framed by their goals of conservation” (p. 70), which is predominantly Anglo- Saxon settler society. Furthermore, the need to adapt to mainstream culture may not be an instance where the cultural interchange is supported but hindered. The ESL students are constantly reminded of their in-competencies and distance from the mainstream culture, which may lead to denial of their legitimacy and belonging in Canada. Following another study, Taylor (2006) recommended that TESL practitioners should attend to the sociocultural and sociopolitical context of English language training as there are racialized power dynamics of English language learning, and it is important for students to recognize instances of sexism, racism, and classism to become critical thinkers. She also encourages more research for antiracist ESL pedagogy. Realizing the lack of engagement of the TESL field with the concept of multiculturalism, Turner et al. (2004) lay out a plan as to how TESL profession can contribute to ensuring multiculturalism in ESL classrooms. They are of the view that ESL education should encourage intercultural practices, which are seen as “participation in two or more cultures and the ability to move between and across them effectively and some degree of intention” (p. 8). Further, Turner and colleagues suggest that the use of multicultural materials, curriculum planning, teachers’ agency in considering multicultural needs, and the emphasis on hiring more culturally and linguistically diverse teachers to teach ESL. Likewise, using a multicultural ESL classroom as the research site, Li and Girvan (2004) conducted a qualitative study to explore the dynamics, complexities, and diversity of the creation of inter-culture. They suggest that learning an additional language other than the first language of the learner’s entails not only learning about the target culture but also creating a new culture, which is an amalgamation of the dominant culture and multiculture of the learners. This amalgamation is considered as the third-place or the interculture that needs to be the target culture of a classroom. They further point out that “this

62 conception of the goal of language teaching and learning would acknowledge the language learner as a multicompetent individual who has the potential to be more than simply the sum of two cultures” (p. 13).

2.12 Conclusion While Canada has moved away from its blatant racist policies and systems, surreptitious systemic racism is still in place via interconnected mechanisms that feed into each other. Settler colonialism, White dominance, cultural hierarchization, language imperialism, patriarchy, and capitalism have seeped into the TESL/ESL fields to reproduce and perpetuate covert systemic racism, and ESL/TESL stakeholders seem to be susceptible to hostility, alienation, devaluation, and exclusion in various ways based on their racial, cultural, class, gender, and linguistic locations and differences. Furthermore, ESL teaching philosophy is attuned to address cultural diversity as a simple occurance where differences are tolerated and sometimes celebrated while disregarding the structural inequalities attached to various cultures, languages, and races. This practice resonates with the ideology of Canadian multiculturalism, which is seen to be imposed on immigrants by dominant people without adressing the inherent systemic racism (Apple, 1993; Bannerji, 2000). Therefore, the literature review carried out in this chapter illustrates how various exclusionary mechanisms—which stem mostly from imperialism and settler colonialism—play out in ESL and TESL classrooms in different ways suggesting the importance of an antiracist and decolonized TESL curriculum. I will be using these theoretical debates to analyze the data of my study at a micro level. In the next chapter, I examine the political economy of ESL/TESL education with the hopes of understanding different structures and policies of ESL and TESL programs in Canada. I will conclude the next chapter by discussing the theoretical framework used at a macro level to analyze the data of my study.

Chapter 3 The Political Economy of ESL Education in Canada

Teaching ESL functions both as a compulsory social service for new immigrants as well as a money-generating business for the economy. Non-English speakers are instrumentally, integratively, and extrinsically motivated (Gardner & Lambert, 1972) to master the language due to the neoliberal focus placed on acquiring English language competence. While my primary focus is on understanding exclusions and marginalizations in ESL settings and exploring possibilities to incorporate antiracist approaches TESL training programs in Canada, I realized that I needed to acquire an understanding of how TESL and ESL programs are organized in Canada in the milieu of neoliberal thinking to gauge the feasibility of my research endeavour. Therefore, my intention here is to investigate the progression of adult language learning programs, the different program categorizations, the logistics of ESL/TESL program administration, and such programsʼ geographical distribution. I explored some studies on ESL and TESL curricula to obtain an understanding of content and pedagogical and philosophical focus, which suggest exclusion of certain groups. Then I looked at the political and economic factors underpinning the ESL industry in Canada. In the process, I was able to map neoliberal ideology across the fiscal, administrative, and pedagogical practices of the ESL industry. Moreover, having completed the literature review at this point, I considered this chapter as a good location to discuss the theoretical framework of the study. Thus, I describe the conceptual framework, which is capable of acknowledging and making sense of the data emerging from the study as well as my life experiences as a TESL/ESL professional and South Asian immigrant woman in Canada. I present a comprehensive discussion of three abstract theories and how they are related to ESL/TESL education. I also identify the particular theoretical framework at a macro level.

3.1 Adult ESL programs in Canada The history of language training programs in Canada goes back a few decades, and they have had different structures and jurisdictions. One drawback of those programs was their overt adherence to British culture (Mukherjee, 1997, as cited in Fleming, 2007; Young, 1984), which facilitated linguistic and cultural assimilation. In addition, some programs lost their popularity and efficacy as they did not cater to the needs of certain immigrant populations, such as women and immigrants with low educational levels (Fleming, 2007), or to Canadaʼs changing

64 demographic landscape. In the early 1990s, responding to the current needs and critiques of previous adult language programs, the federal government mandate was to develop adult ESL education. Two programs were developed: (a) Labour Market Language Training (LMLT), which targeted for higher proficiency levels, and (b) Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada (LINC), aimed at developing basic proficiency of new immigrants irrespective of their gender and education levels (Fleming, 2007; Guo, 2015). LINC prevailed, as LMLT could not survive due to differences in the programsʼ popularity levels and funding structures. The need for adult language education in Canada intensified as the number of immigrants increased over time. Statistics Canada (2016a) reports that one out of every five persons in Canada is an immigrant and they mostly come from non-Western countries like the Philippines, India, China, Iran, Pakistan, Syria, and Korea; in Ontario alone, 29% of the total population is made up of immigrants and 1.5% have non-residency status. Various types of immigrants— namely skilled migrants—have entered the country as professionals with moderate to advanced language skills, including spouses or relatives of skilled professionals who may wish to develop language skills, as well as international students who come to college and university programs after satisfying the language requirement or with the condition that the language requirement will be met before starting diploma or degree programs. Other people enter Canada as refugees whose language proficiency is not screened. These statistics suggest that the current need of adult language education within Canada has taken centre stage amongst immigrants. In order to facilitate non English speaking immigrants’ English language proficiency, various types of adult ESL programs in Ontario are designed according to adult ESL students’ needs (TESL Ontario, 2019f). The ESL course length may vary from 2 weeks to 1 year or more (Languages Canada, n.d.). These programs include: • Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada (LINC) • Adult ESL—offered by school boards • Citizenship and Language (CL) • Specialized Language Training (SLT) • Enhanced Language Training (ELT) • Occupation Specific Language Training (OSLT) • English for Academic Purposes (EAP) and ESL—offered by colleges, universities, and private schools • English Language Proficiency (ELP) Test Preparation (TOEFL, IELTS, etc.)

• English as a Foreign Language (EFL)

Languages Canada (n.d.) is the Canadian national language education association, which represents more than 210 private and public members that offer accredited English and French programs. Languages Canadaʼs main purpose is to be the voice of the Canadian language education sector. Many language programs run by universities, colleges, and private language schools are members of Languages Canada, but LINC programs run by immigration and settlement agencies are not under Languages Canadaʼs jurisdiction. Most of the Languages Canada members are from Ontario. In the next sections, I will look at the primary adult ESL programs in Canada, particularly in Ontario.

3.1.1 LINC programs Funded by Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC), LINC programs are delivered by various community agencies and both for profit and non-profit and community colleges (Fleming, 2007; Guo, 2015). These programs are run in different institutions using different modes of instruction. For example, according to the Government of Canadaʼs (2011) Evaluation of the Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada (LINC) Program, community agencies (64.5%), district school boards (15.5%), community colleges (13.5%), Young Menʼs Christian Association (YMCA), and Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA) are the main service providers, offering different modes such as full-time, part-time, and LINC home study programs. The duration of language training may vary based on the learner’s language proficiency and motivation. A typical LINC class meets 15.5 hours per week for 32.5 weeks (Government of Canada, 2011). The LINC curriculum undergoes periodic changes based on the current needs of adult ESL students and research findings presented by the second-language training field in Canada as well as the government. As a result, Portfolio Based Language Assessment (PBLA) currently is used as the main teaching, learning, and assessment approach in LINC programs. This change occurred due to an intergovernmental study of settlement language training across Canada, which advised CIC at the time to implement a language portfolio assessment system nationally (Canadian Centre for Language Benchmarks, 2019). In 2018, there were 21,964 registered LINC students, 1,265 instructors, and 191 supervisors and lead instructors in Canada (Government of Canada, 2011). The countries of origin of LINC students primarily are China, India, Colombia, Iraq, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iran, with fewer LINC students hailing from Russia, Albania, and Eritrea

(Government of Canada, 2011). This suggests that many LINC learners are non-Whites. Seventy-one percent of LINC students were females, while 28.6% were males; the most common age group of LINC learners was 25-44 years (65%), and 38.5% of LINC learners declared that they had university level education; skilled workers comprised almost 50% of LINC learners followed by family class immigrants, refugees, and other economic immigrants; and there is also a 25% drop-out rate (Government of Canada, 2011). In addition, as far as their proficiency levels are concerned, the majority of LINC learners fall into CLB Level 3 (Levels 1 to 7). Beiser and Hou (2000) maintain that many refugees do not possess the basic proficiency in either English or French, as linguistic knowledge is not required in the process of refugee selection. The recent influx of Syrian refugees in Ontario has once again emphasized the importance of the LINC program, as refugees are able to access LINC programs in order to speed up their settlement process. Beiser and Hou (2000) also note that the Ontario government has spent $390 million per year on language training for adult newcomers. While adult ESL programs ostensibly were established to empower the newcomers, it is also believed that “English language education at once facilitates and undermines equity” (Turner, Hingley, MacPherson, & Khan, 2004, p. 4). There seems to be some recurring administrative, ideological, and methodological issues concerning these LINC programs. Frequent change of instructors, limited access to computer-assisted language learning, unilingual instruction, and continuous enrollment prove to be problematic. While some programs are offered in libraries, basements, and secondary schools, others are run in designated buildings with better facilities. Furthermore, LINC curriculum and study culture tend to promote individualism and personal achievement in the learners as the LINC programs aim to facilitate the integration of new immigrants while improving their proficiency levels (Turner et al., 2004). Furthermore, Ricento and Cervatiuc (2012) found that the ideological messages embedded in the hidden curriculum resulting from LINC teachers’ curriculum meta-orientations suggest that, in light of Freire’s (2005) philosophical distinction between integration and adaptation, newcomers to Canada are encouraged to adapt rather than integrate. An adaptation-oriented hidden curriculum leads to submission, adjustment, and an authoritarian and uncritical frame of mind. (p. 28) Fleming (2010) conducted a qualitative study involving 25 Panjabi-speaking adult ESL learners in a LINC centre in a Vancouver suburb to gain insights about their perception of Canadian citizenship in the context of immigration challenges in multicultural Canada. In the same study, Fleming carried out an in-depth document analysis to investigate how curriculum

67 documents and official national assessment procedures cater to the notion of Canadian citizenship. Apparently, these documents predominantly portray the ESL learner as a “powerless and passive” agent through its texts, and tasks, which is contrary to the idea of Canadian citizenship in which the citizens are people who have active agency. Thus, Fleming (2010) states that the ESL program documents seem to racialize and trivialize the ESL learners regarding their capabilities and citizenship rights, and questions the aims and objectives of adult ESL programs in Canada. This study reconfirms the fact that ESL “texts often prepare students for subservient social roles and reinforce hierarchical relations within the classroom by precluding the creating of meaning and the development of critical thinking skills” (Auberbach & Burgess, 1985, p. 475).

3.1.2 EAP and ESL offered by colleges, universities, and private schools Canadian policies at federal and provincial levels have placed a higher significance “on attracting and retaining international students to boost the Canadian economy” (Barbaric, 2018, para. 1). Due to these policy changes, there is an obvious influx of international students in colleges and university programs. According to Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (2018) and the CBIE (2018), in 2017 there were 494,525 international students, which is a 119% increase between 2010–2017. Top sending countries are listed as China (28%), India (25%), and South Korea (5%). In 2017, countries with the fastest growing number of international students are Vietnam (89%), India (63%), Iran (45%), and Bangladesh (41%). It is also estimated that 75% of international students are at postsecondary level. Furthermore, it is estimated that international students make up 11% of the postsecondary student population, while 48% of international students are in Ontario. These large numbers of international students generated $445 million in government revenue while creating 81,000 jobs. A general Google search of ESL program fees in 2019 in Ontario indicated that college and university ESL courses charge from $5,000 to $7,000 CAD per semester while international students have to pay twice or thrice this amount (Centennial College, 2019; Seneca, Office of the Registrar, 2019; University of Toronto, School of Continuing Studies, 2018; York University, School of Continuing Studies, n.d.). Full- time domestic students, protected persons, and refugees are able to apply for the Ontario Student Assistance Program (OSAP) to fund these programs. On the other hand, private language schools charge around $5,000-$6,000 per term and the students are mostly international (Canadian College of English Language, 2019; ILSC Language Schools, n.d.). Private schools are more popular amongst international students who come to Canada for short stays. In addition,

Canadaʼs quality of education and its status as a non-discriminatory and safe country are the main reasons why students have chosen Canada as a study destination (CBIE, 2018). In spite of such studentsʼ claim that Canada is an inclusive, non-discriminatory nation, some studies have explored students’ negative experiences navigating their experience in universities. Houshmand et al. (2014) conducted a qualitative study of 12 international students from East and South Asian backgrounds to look into experiences of micro-aggressions at a Canadian university. Nine students claimed that they were excluded and avoided, while five East Asian students felt they were being laughed at because of their accents. Two East Asian students also reported that their White peers were insensitive to their cultural perspective; according to one student, “White people do not care what you think about the world. They are just focused on their own culture and I don’t feel very comfortable with that” (Houshmand et al., 2014, p. 382). These references were about both White students and professors. These findings initiate the discussion of White dominance in the realm of higher and adult education, and I discussed it in the context of ESL/TESL in Chapter two.

3.2 TESL teacher training in Ontario Teacher training is an important part in moulding a teacher to be an effective knowledge disseminator as well as a moral and change agent. TESL programs should have the capability to empower ESL teachers to face the intricacies of multicultural classrooms, and equip them with anti-imperialist and decolonizing pedagogies to in turn empower their ESL learners. In this section, using the available literature and my personal reflections, I discuss the TESL training programs in Canada with respect to their structure, content, standards, and practices. To teach ESL to adults in Canada, individuals need to be professionally qualified through a nationally or provincially recognized TESL training program. In Canada, TESL programs are accredited by provincial accreditation bodies as well as the TESL Canada professional organization. TESL Canada is the teaching certification needed to teach ESL within Canada; currently, there are 87 TESL Canada accredited programs across Canada, including 33 in Ontario and 26 in British Columbia (TESL Canada, 2015). However, to teach in different Canadian provinces, different certification standards have been set up by provincial accreditation bodies. As for Ontario, teachers need to follow a slightly different process than the TESL Canada route and require higher standards to obtain TESL Ontario certification. The institutions running ESL programs in Ontario generally ask teachers for TESL Ontario accreditation to teach in their ESL programs. Nevertheless, private language schools do not adhere to this requirement and still

69 employ native English speakers without adequate training. There are 26 TESL training programs in Ontario with TESL Ontario accreditation, although all of them do not have TESL Canada approval (TESL Ontario, 2019a).

3.3 ESL/TESL education in a competitive, free market Neoliberalism is a popular and widespread economic mechanism, which emerged from classical liberalism, and it is considered by many as mandatory for the economic and social development of a country. Neoliberalism believes in the power of the market forces, deregulates the economy to limit involvement, cuts expenditures allocated to social welfare, encourages privatization to increase economic efficiency, ideologically attacks collectivism, and supports individualism (Aguiar & Herod, 2006). Neoliberalism has transformed education into a commodity that can be “measured, prescribed, bought and sold like any other product” (Rogers, Mosley, & Flokes, 2009, p. 128) to stimulate economic efficacy. Kubota (2011) posits that ongoing linguistic instrumentalization in learning English as a language is linked to the notion of human capital. Elson (1997) argues that “corporatism,” which is directed at making profits, is infatuated with the ESL education sector across educational settings in North America. He points out that the current reductionist view of education makes already trivialized and marginalized ESL education more vulnerable mainly due to a popular discourse such as “remedial,” “service,” “immigration,” and “refugees” attributed to it. Referring to some of the discourse widely used in the Canadian education sector—namely, “downsizing,” “restructuring,” “accountability,” and “outcome based”—Elson (1997) shows the influence of the business agenda as it has crept into the education sector. Furthermore, he says that ESL has “no immunity to the upheavals taking place in education” (p. 57) as it is a field which is “trivialized and marginalized” (p. 57) due to undesired words such as “service,” “remedial training,” “immigrants,” and “refugees” associated with the sector. These words surely don’t have a place in the neoliberal fabric as they do not mark profit. As a result, the government-sponsored language programs in Canada are underfunded, understaffed, and volunteer dependent. On the other hand, ESL education in Canada functions as a lucrative industry, and more than a service provided to empower people towards a more equitable society. In 2014, according to the Canada Fact Sheet 2015, the Languages Canada members have generated $1.44 billion in revenue while 40% of the students who study in Languages Canada programs study in Ontario, more specifically in Toronto (Languages Canada, n.d.). Its members consist of public sector (26%) and private sector (62%) institutions. The top countries who study in programs recognized

70 by Languages Canada are from Brazil, Japan, China, and South Korea. Comparing these statistics with the statistics provided by Immigration Canada and CBIE suggests that there are many international students engaging in “educational tourism” (Languages Canada, n.d.) and thus come to Canada for short English language courses that are mainly provided by private language schools. These statistics once again show how paramount the adult ESL education programs are for the purpose of generating revenue and employment rather than for the social justice purpose of empowering non-English speaking immigrants to live, work, and study in Canada. This observation does not come as a surprise considering the neoliberal spell cast upon the entire nation. I often feel that ESL learners are made to feel deficient when their differences, be they cultural, linguistic, academic, or geographical, and their incompetence in English are emphasized. Considering the neoliberal mechanism, the economic agenda behind the emphasis on deficiency creates a market need for ESL so that the industry will continue to have consumers. The more incompetent the ESL learners are, the better it is for the ESL industry. Course outlines and curricula are directed at relentless linguistic construction “asking students to memorize the rules without asking who makes the rules, who benefits from the rules, who uses the rules to keep some in and some out” (Christensen, 1990, p. 40), despite the learners’ inability to attain the unrealistic standards prescribed. The level that learners acquire is never adequate so that students continue the wild goose chase hoping that they will be recognized and included in the desired social and economic circles. Furthermore, never attaining partial proficiency becomes a good ground for legitimizing the marginalization and exclusion of immigrants whose first language is not English. As a result, students have been held hostage in college and university programs where they have to complete many months of ESL before graduation. Theoretically speaking, Cummins (2008) is of the view that bilingual students may require 5−10 years of second language exposure to attain Cognitive Academic Language Proficiency (CALP) while the Basic Interpersonal Communicative System (BICS) can be attained within 2 years. Accordingly, it is questionable whether spending a year or two in an EAP program really helps ESL students to master CALP and continue their studies in an English medium academic environment successfully. However, in terms of generating revenue, ESL becomes a social good that is in high demand in the competitive market, and individuals have the freedom to choose the best place to buy it (Cooper, 2008; Harvey, 2005; Kumashiro, 2008, as cited in Rogers et al., 2009). The learners are also constantly encouraged to see the link between

English language proficiency and economic return using neoliberal discourse in the language teaching process (Kubota, 2011), hiding the exclusionary practices that are in place based on race, accent, class, and culture. Pennycook (2007) affirms that “this thing called English colludes with many of the pernicious processes of globalisation, deludes many learners through the false promises it holds out for social and material gain and excludes many people by operating as an exclusionary class dialect, favouring particular people, countries, cultures and forms of knowledge” (p. 101). This situation is very true for standardized tests like TOEFEL and IELTS, and in Chapter two, I discussed how standardized tests victimize second language learners of English. Byean (2015) describes how neoliberal policies in South Korea have provoked “the marketization of education via intensified competition among students, teachers, and schools, imbuing them with the meritocratic tenet of neoliberal capitalism, where individual subjects should shoulder the burden of their own self-development” (p. 869). He says that in South Korea, “the English language serves as a direct index of elite schools and track placements” (p. 870). At the same time, Byean demonstrates how the English language is celebrating the “neoliberal social order, obscuring mounting social and spatial inequalities” (p. 869) while justifying the policies and practices in place using neoliberal discourse including native-speakerism. As Byean notes, it is worth pinpointing the ambivalence of native-speakerism in Korean contexts. While legitimating native speakers as ideal teachers with authentic linguistic expertise, native- speakerism has also contributed to commodifying their authenticity in accordance with nation, race, ethnicity, gender, and accent (Cho, 2012; Kubota & Lin, 2009). The commodification of authenticity, in this sense, has normalized a misrecognition which associates “good” English with a specific race and ethnicity from specific geographical locations, ideally White people from the Inner Circle countries (Kachru, 1992). It is the ideology of authenticity surrounding English that prompted some Korean parents to subject their children to oral surgery in the hope of ameliorating accented English (Demick, 2002). Other somewhat less drastic measures that Korean parents have taken include enrolling their children in English kindergartens or sending them abroad to obtain “native-like” English pronunciation (Kang, 2012; Park & Bae, 2009; Shin, 2012; Song, 2011). (Byean, 2015, p. 875, citations in original) Not only students but also ESL practitioners are entangled in these free market forces related to ESL. Precarious employment is yet another neoliberal tentacle stretched out in the direction of ESL education. In neoliberal terms, “the pursuit of economic productivity by reducing labor is demonstrated in the plethora of outsourcing and part-time employment” (Kubota, 2011, p. 249). The adult education sector, especially the ESL field, is a good example

72 of this practice as most of the ESL practitioners are precarious workers employed as part-time, sessional, or on contract. The precarious nature of employment negatively impacts the professional identity of ESL teachers as well as the quality of service provided, for ESL practitioners constantly have to work in more than one institution without benefits, job security, and professional development (Sun, 2010). The underlying message is that ESL is a field which can be bent and tweaked towards the neoliberal needs because it is a service, which is not needed by the dominant and powerful groups. In spite of being a precarious, racialized, and gendered field, ESL schools in Canada prefer to hire White females as ESL teachers (Amin, 2000; Taylor, 2006) as they can attract more consumers who are blinded by the false belief that the ideal English teacher is a White native speaker from an inner circle country. Due to the precarious nature of ESL employment, even the small numbers of racialized ESL teachers are reluctant to engage in critical antiracist practices, as such practices may jeopardize their hard-earned jobs (Baizar, 2015). Due to the commodification of ESL education that can be bought and sold to customers, the teacher–student relationship in postsecondary institutions in Canada has also been affected. ESL students are seen as customers who bring money to postsecondary institutions, which have been underfunded by the state. The institutions have to look after their economic survival and ESL departments have become one of the most lucrative departments thanks to international and Canadian non-English speaking students. The ESL programs cost each student several thousand dollars and students expect maximum benefit for what they pay. As a result, some ESL students tend to be very aggressive and irrationally demanding and the professors fall victim to their demands. I have experienced a few such incidents in which students were overly demanding: “You have to provide us with an immediate solution for our language problems because we pay a lot.” They seem to misunderstand the notion that language learning requires time and effort from the learners, while language proficiency cannot be bought instantly as a commodity. Students are reluctant to go through the uncomfortable learning curve and expect the learning to be an entertaining and effortless experience, because they pay a lot of money for language courses. Part of the problem is the way that postsecondary institutions advertise their programs to attract students. A few ESL teachers from different institutions also have told me stories how current ESL students have become very powerful and aggressive to the point that they do not respect authority in class. They regard teachers as customer care personnel whose teaching needs to be

73 geared towards studentsʼ personal preferences. These teachers are of the view that the administration too tends to please the customers by accommodating them and isolating ESL educators. The consequences of the financial and social pressure are finally on the shoulders of the frontline ESL teachers to accommodate, manage, and please the learners while meeting the learning outcomes. These trends identify how neoliberalism is actualized in the ESL education sector by treating ESL students as consumers who have the freedom to buy the best service from competitive ESL markets. These markets may not be successful if they do not cater to customer needs, including easy and quick program completion, obtaining a certificate that opens up an employment or education pathways, acquiring a Hollywood accent, and acquiring required language skills with the least effort made. Haque and Cray (2007) discuss the marginalization and trivialization of the TESL profession in their qualitative study investigating teachers’ understanding of LINC requirements among 25 LINC teachers in a midsized Canadian city. Eventually, the researchers were able to come up with additional findings that indicated the shortfalls of LINC policies and practices. Apart from acknowledging the importance of LINC curricula in delivering effective language instruction, the teachers have been highly critical of teaching conditions and teacher constraints. Teacher isolation, lack of job security, lack of professional development, underfunded programs, low wages, continuous intake of students, and issues with professional accreditation were amongst the main issues that concerned teachers in Haque and Crayʼs study. Furthermore, some teachers indicated that the places where they had classes, especially off-site classes, did not have access to books and they had to make use of photocopies instead, which impacted their planning and teaching. They were highly worried about the precarity of their jobs and being underpaid with only a few teachers being unionized. Furthermore, Haque and Cray found that the policies related to LINC programs limit the agency of LINC teachers while they often tend to reinterpret policies to accommodate certain classroom priorities and practices. MacPherson, Kouritzin, and Kim (2005) in turn add that “As a strongly female-dominated profession, TESLʼs discrimination as a profession can be considered as part of a broader problem with gender discrimination in pay and in the workplace” (p. 7). TESL programs also have become a money-making industry due to the global demand for ESL and TESL. As Thomson (2004) elaborates, some TESL training programs in Canada do not maintain the minimum required standards for teacher training but instead put together a curriculum to satisfy the high demand for TESL training in Canada and elsewhere in the world;

74 he further cautions “buyers to be aware” as TESL trainees can easily get misguided by those programs. Although TESL Ontario requires an ESL teacher to have an undergraduate degree, some TESL programs simply enroll high school graduates to follow the TESL program (Thomson, 2004). In addition, these training programs recruit many non-native speakers of English without the language proficiency requirement, and the barriers they face when finding employment are considered the trainees’ problem. It seems that such training programs are only interested in selling the training package without considering the employability of their graduates, just as the ESL and EAP programs are not really interested in realistic outcomes of their courses. Thompson (2004) shows that there are significant differences in standards of TESL programs across Canada as their content and course durations vary while the accreditation bodies like TESL Canada have not been successful in differentiating the standards. In addition, Thomson (2004) explains that the various TESL programs have different entry requirements, ranging from a university degree to a high school diploma. Thomson notes that many programs make “inflated claims” (p. 14) about their standards, trying to deceive less informed “buyers,” and concludes that the minimal acceptable standards were maintained only by four programs from the total number of ten programs that were included in his study. Similarly, MacPherson et al. (2005) show that “The free-market international context of the field is pressuring TESL to function as an industry, a role that can be in conflict with its goals as a profession” (p. 1); they explain that the TESL field faces a number of challenges becoming a recognized profession like other regulated professions as “market demands for ESL teachers in Canada and around the world increase exponentially” (p. 17). They emphasize that the absence of a regulated code of conduct and the inability of the accreditation bodies to legally and politically sanction individuals who teach ESL/TESL without proper qualifications and who commit professional misconduct are some challenges. Research findings like these illustrate another layer of financial exploitation taking place in the TESL/ESL industry, this time submitting the intended ESL teachers to the neoliberal agenda. My own TESL training experience reinforces the claim above as there were TESL trainees without sufficient language proficiency or academic background aspiring to become ESL teachers simply because a two-tier tire program had different entry requirements. The institution was only interested in selling the course, and the students were given the responsibility to fulfill the accreditation requirements later on.

3.4 Undestanding racism in the ESL/TESL arena through different theoretical lenses I noticed that certain themes and concepts were recurrent in my literature review, and I expected these themes to come up in my field data as well. As expected, similar themes came up in the pool of data, and there were new themes concerning personal beliefs, preferences, experiences, conceptions, and challenges. I wanted to use a conceptual framework capable of making sense of my data and my life experiences as a TESL/ESL professional and South Asian immigrant woman in Canada. I also wanted to make sure that this study’s theoretical framework agreed with my philosophy of life and extended my existing knowledge of the world, particularly in relation to the hegemonic constructions of the ESL/TESL field. My instant realization was that a single abstract theory would not help me capture the complexity of the phenomena of which I sought to make sense. This section presents the theoretical framework underpinning the core concepts of my study and the analysis of the relationship(s) between them. I drew upon critical race theory, postcolonial theory, and antiracist feminist theory to understand the historical, social, and material construction of racism—a connection that repeatedly occurred in my data as well as in my literature review. Exploring all the aforementioned debates and theoretical explanations together with their underlying assumptions helped me understand how and why individuals and groups perceive and experience racism in various ways and how these perceptions and experiences impact their decisions and actions. With the use of multiple frameworks of analysis, my study captures the complex interplay between Whiteness, non- Whiteness, class, culture, language, and gender and reveals how exclusionary mechanisms derive from such interchanges in the processes of teaching ESL students, training TESL trainees, and developing antiracist TESL curricula. In this chapter, I explain each theory in general and then apply them in the context of TESL/ESL to understand, predict, and analyze the phenomena in which I am interested.

3.4.1 Critical race theory For this study, I adopted the framework for critical race theory (CRT) developed by bell hooks, Derrick Bell, Richard Delgado, and Jean Stefancic. CRT stems from the work undertaken by civil rights activists and scholars who were interested in understanding social reality and eliminating social and economic inequalities amongst people of colour and Whites based on skin colour. Derrick Bell (1995) defines CRT as follows: As to the what it is, critical race theory is a body of legal scholarship, now about a decade old, a majority whose numbers are both existentially people of colour and ideologically

committed to the stage struggle against racism, particularly as institutionalized in and by law. Those critical race theorists who are white are usually cognizant of and committed to the overthrow of their own racial privilege. (p. 898) Bell (1995) emphasizes that in CRT, “racial problems should be viewed from the perspective of minority groups, rather than a white perspective” (p. 907). CRT thus derived from critical legal studies and radical feminism that considered realities such as legal indeterminacy, unseen patterns of domination, and consequences of legal and social theories, which together questioned “liberal order, equality theory, legal reasoning, enlightenment rationalism and the constitutional law” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 2). I incorporated basic principles of CRT during the data analysis stage of my study. CRT mainly views racism as an everyday phenomenon that is difficult to change due to deep-rooted social practices and superficial concepts of formal equality rules. Bell (1995) is of the view that CRT work can be unsettling because CRT scholarship and activism surpass “civil rights, integration, affirmative action and other liberal measures” (p. 899). Delgado and Stefancic (2012) assert that “‘color-blind,’ or ʻformal,ʼ conceptions of equality, expressed in rules that insist only on treatment that is the same across the board, can thus remedy only the most blatant forms of discrimination” (p. 8). Secondly, CRT posits that racism is beneficial to both White elites and White working class people, so there is no genuine effort made by them to eliminate it. In addition, because race is a social construct, there is no relationship between humansʼ physical features (e.g., skin colour) and their intelligence level, morality, and personality. Another strong principle of CRT is its vehement rejection of social Darwinism propagating the idea that Caucasians are at the top of the intelligence hierarchy. Bell (1995) exemplifies such ideology in the book titled The Bell Curve (Herrnstein & Murray, 1996) and denounces it as a “pervasion of truth and a provocation for racial stereotyping” (p. 898). CRT also questions differential racialization and its many consequences; for example, the manner in which immigrants are treated inconsistently based on capitalist labour-market needs. Furthermore, the premise that “no person has a single, easily stated, unitary identity” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 10) leads to the idea of intersectionality and anti-essentialism, which is another important tenet of CRT. Intersectionality is the “examination of race, sex, class, national origin, and sexual orientation, and how their combination plays out in various ways” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 57) that ultimately determine who has power and who doesn’t. It is also important to understand that people see and experience the world in different ways, suggesting the existence of multiple consciousnesses. Finally, CRT underscores the importance of the voice

77 of people of colour “to recount their expressions with racism and the legal system and to apply their unique perspective to assess law’s master narratives” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 10). Another important perspective of CRT is the ways in which different theorists incorporate the above-mentioned tenets. For example, idealists believe that since race is socially constructed, it can be changed by altering the attitudes of people and systems through speech codes, diversity seminars, and upholding individualsʼ rights, as “racism and discrimination are matters of things, mental categories, attitudes and discourses” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 17). On the other hand, realists are of the view that “racism is a means by which society allocates privilege and status” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 17) and racial hierarchies determine who gets tangible benefits such as jobs, housing, and invitations to parties, while reminding us also that “prejudice sprang up with slavery” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 17). Materialists working within the ideals of CRT in turn argue that people of colour are exploited by an emphasis on their differences, which then often creates an inferiority complex in them. The most concrete outcomes of this phenomenon are seen in union struggles and immigration quotas. bell hooks (2000) contributes to the movement by incorporating Black women’s perspectives and asserts that middle class White women in the U.S. maintained a “patronizing” attitude with regard to the ownership of the feminist movement in which race and class implications were missing. While criticizing the liberal individualism rooted in White feminism, hooks (2000) declares that absence or limitation of choice is the main decisive factor in deciding between the oppressed and the oppressor: White women who dominate feminist discourse, who for the most part make and articulate feminist theory, have little or no understanding of white supremacy as a racial politic, of the psychological impact of class, of their political status within a racist sexist capitalist state. (p. 4) hooks (2000) also states that capitalist states construct patriarchy in such a way that women are allowed to experience “freedom from limitations” (p. 5) in some contexts so that the limitations imposed on them are not always felt. Therefore, the critique of liberalism for its colour-blindness is another important concern of CRT. Liberal ideology, which does not eliminate the problem of racism due to its superficial and incomplete policies, is highly criticized by CRT scholars who suggest that “only aggressive, color conscious efforts to change the way things are will do much to ameliorate misery” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 17). Furthermore, CRT does not cling to the generic notion of rights as it believes that “moral and legal rights are apt to do the right holder much less good than we may like to think” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012,

78 p. 23) since such rights are curtailed by the dominant groups when they prove to be disadvantageous for them. Individual rights make people solitary and alienated. CRT theorists also are critical of structural determinism and suggest that “our system, by reason of its structure and vocabulary, cannot redress certain types of wrong” (p. 26). CRT writings and lectures are characterized by story-telling, narratives, allegory, unapologetic use of creativity, and the use of first person (Bell, 1995). Legal and counter- storytelling that opens a window onto ignored or alternative realities of victims of racial discrimination by “challenging, displacing or mocking pernicious narratives and beliefs” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 43). CRT welcomes critics on the basis that criticisms are a clear indication of people of colour are being heard (Bell, 1995). In considering all the doctrines mentioned above, it can be presumed that CRT is capable of analyzing social inequalities through multiple lenses. Nevertheless, CRT hasn’t been able to develop a comprehensive ideology on race and class.

3.4.1.1 CRT and ESL/TESL In my attempt to connect CRT with the field of TESL, I came across a number of scholars (e.g., Amin, 1997, 2000; Kubota, 2015, 2019; Kubota & Lin, 2006, 2009b; Liggett, 2014) who use CRT for their critical analyses. Liggett (2014) theoretically explains how the field of TESOL and CRT intersect when language becomes the factor for discrimination and points out that racial difference is often couched in discussions of the cultural difference in the contemporary discourse of race. In this sense, critical investigations of cultural difference could reveal the machinations that underlie theoretical frameworks of race in relation to English Language Learning. (p. 113) Liggett points out that English language learners or non-native speakers of English are dominated on the ground of language proficiency and accent, which is an outcome of a long, complicated process that can be traced down to racism. Liggett concurs with Pennycookʼs (1998) research which found that native speakers were placed at the top of the social hierarchy while the non-native speakers and non-Whites were placed at the bottom, proliferating the social order in place. Therefore, “public discourse surrounding the use of non-standard varieties of English is racialized” (Ligget, 2014, p. 114). This is a finding that resonates with Creese and Kambere’s (2003) findings in their study based on accent discrimination in Canada. According to Liggett (2014), CTR intersects with TESOL in three ways. First, the normalization of racism as a commonplace, unremitting phenomenon (Delgado & Stefancic,

2012) runs parallel to the notion that linguicism is an ordinary, permanent fixture of life for English language learners and non-native speakers of English. Many prevalent social practices that benefit native English language speakers, as well as proficient speakers of English, are viewed an unchangeable status quo. In such a context, any discrimination based on English language learners’ race, accent, and country of origin is connected to their language proficiency. In my view, the situation of native speakers of English in the outer circle countries is also important to explore as their privilege changes based on the geographical location. They are in a privileged position in their countries of origin compared to non-speakers of English, who most of the time belong to working or lesser classes. Thus, they try to maintain their privileged position by demarcating standards between local varieties of English. When they locate themselves in inner circle countries, they lose their privileged position but may still be in a more linguistically advantageous position than other non-native speakers of English coming from expanding circles. Second, the colonial practices rooted in ELT methods and curricula relate to CRT as English language methodology courses do not try to minimize the effects of European colonialism embedded in the process of English language learning that alienates English learners. For instance, the highly recommended English-only policy in the classroom, supported by a monolingual and monocultural ideology, may result in dire effects on multicultural societies as “the binary native–non-native categories that emerge from this monolingual model not only frame social hierarchies of race, class, and ethnicity, they also inform existing cultural models of educational and political systems” (Shuck, 2001; Urciuoli, 1996, as cited in Ligget, 2014, p. 114). Furthermore, standardized tests that ESL learners must pass to gain admission into college/university courses could be another example of how access to social mobility is restricted for second language learners. The fact that the proficiency in English is more valued than their content knowledge becomes an instance where intelligence is (erroneously) linked to the English language, and thus becomes an inquiry of subjectivity and social justice. Third, Liggett (2014) emphasizes the importance of narratives and storytelling in informing and validating the experiences of oppression that second language speakers’ experience—an idea that resonates with CRT. Kubota and Lin (2006, 2009b) use CRT as a theoretical orientation to explain how learner/teacher identity construction, curriculum development, teacher hiring processes, state policies, and scholarship are impacted by racial inequalities and power relations. While considering CRT as an important analytical tool, they acknowledge the limitations of CRT for its

80 inability to explain the relationship between racism and material conditions such as poverty and wealth. In addition, they also critique CRT’s overemphasis on the marginalized and the dominant, which paves the way for liberal discourse to creep in as individualism. Thus, Kubota and Lin (2006) claim that “these criticism address a need for TESOL professionals to be cognizant of the conceptual diversity, complexity, and potential problems in critical inquiries such as CRT and CWS despite their radical thrust for anti-racism and social justice” (p. 485). While CRT provides a foundation upon which we can understand the role played by individuals’ phenotype in experiencing the world differently, more attention is given to racial superiority or inferiority as the main factors deciding one’s fate. Through findings in the literature review undertaken for my study and based on my individual experiences, I identified many other historical, material, behavioural, and philosophical factors that impact social inequality and the perpetuation of it.

3.4.2 Antiracist feminist theory In order to fill in the theoretical gaps created by CRT, I continued my quest in search of a more comprehensive theoretical framework that encompasses racial, gender, and class issues in TESL. Antiracist feminist theory was developed to explain the effects of gender, race, and class in the racialization of society. In antiracist feminist theory, racism is viewed as the entry point to oppression, while classism and sexism are seen as other interconnected constituents of female oppression. One of the main foci of antiracist feminist theory are the differences amongst women of colour, and amongst White women. The antiracist feminist movement has several objectives, namely: formulating epistemological and ontological approaches to the study of gender and race; introducing an antiracist feminist ideology to the public; considering gender and race as equally problematic; and developing an integrative feminist theory in which race, gender, and class become main analytical tools (Dua & Robertson, 1999). The ways in which antiracist feminists analyze racialization is clearly different from other feminist theorizations; for example, antiracist feminist theory recognizes that racialization produces differences among women while common experiences with gender do not exist (Dua & Robertson, 1999). Thus, antiracist feminists are interested in articulating the dynamics of racism related to the nation state, economy, and society, as well as through racial, gender and class lenses. As Dua and Robertson (1999) summarize, “Both the historical and contemporary locations that women of colour occupy in Canadian society have been shaped by multifaceted, racialized, classed, and gendered processes that made Canada into a white settler society” (p. 7).

The antiracist feminist movement dates back to the mid-19th century, at a time of increased European immigration to Canada and the first wave of the antiracist feminist movement when First Nations women fought against the marginalization of First Nations peoples (Dua & Robertson, 1999). The struggles of Black women and Asian women against racist, exclusionary immigration and legal policies as well as employment practices have also been identified by historians, although such womenʼs writings remain obscure. The feminist struggles of the early and mid-20th century were mainly recorded through White women’s theorizing, and “the exclusion of women of color from the pages of mainstream and Canadian feminist history reflects the process by which racism is denied, the process by which a past is hidden” (Bristow, 1994, p. 3). The second wave of Canadian antiracist feminist movement (between 1970−1990) “has been primarily concerned with using the personal to analyze the political-particularly the workings of the Canadian state and economy” (Dua & Robertson, 1999, p. 15). This period was an important juncture of this movement since antifeminist scholars and activists who were mostly women of colour rallied against discriminatory legal, employment, and immigration policies, and fought for a safe space free from male violence and racism. The third wave of Canadian antiracist feminism, which continued to question mainstream feminism for its confirmation of racial inequalities between women, is demarcated from 1990−1999 and theorizing the intersectionality of race, class, and gender continued. The need to develop methodologies to study how race and gender emerged, which resulted in two distinct epistemologies. The Canadian political and economic framework “allowed for an epistemology which would focus on the inevitable intrusions of capitalists relations within the construction of intersecting forms of oppression” (Stasiulis, 1990, p. 294). On the other hand, standpoint epistemology argues that “by tracing how women of color are positioned within Canadian society, we can simultaneously trace how race, class, and gender have been constituted in Canadian history” (Dua & Robertson, 1999, p. 19). Himani Bannerji (1996, 2000, 2005) is also a strong proponent of the antiracist feminist approach, and she uses experiences of women of colour as a starting point in her analysis of multifaceted racialization in Canada. She is of the view that the working class is perpetuated through racist immigration policies, so it is paramount to track down and challenge the historical roots of sexist, racist, and classist social structures and ideologies that have created the contemporary Canadian society. According to Bannerji (2005), race, class, and gender occur in a particular location at a specific time intersect and generate differential power relations; the

82 experiences of race, class, and gender that happen “simultaneously and instantaneously” (p. 145) cannot be separated serially as they are interlocked and interrelated. Bannerji is highly critical of modernism overseeing the class associations about racial, gender, and patriarchal issues and states that this deliberate separation of social spheres facilitates liberal ideology that gives rise to individualism and fictitious democracy. She also points out that conceptualizing class and capital as separate entities from race has reduced racism into a cultural issue, thereby “marginalizing the most dispossessed sectors of people, the expendable ingredients for capital in the West and elsewhere” (Bannerji, 2005, p. 155). With regard to the discourse concerning non-Whites, Bannerji (2000) opposes non-White immigrants being lumped into a homogenous “visible minority” category, thus ignoring their class, sex, and racial differences, and believes that location of these so-called visible minorities is somewhere between culture and economy. The creation of “others/them” amongst “we” can easily restrain the “demands for anti-racism and political equals” (Bannerji, 2000, p. 111), while these non-European “others” will always be tolerated by the nation. In addition, this irreversible difference created through the discourse of “visible minority” makes non-White populations in Canada eternal immigrants who will never be able to assimilate and become an “invisible majority.” Bannerji (2000) is also critical about how immigrant women have been integrated into the language of visibility, with terminology such as “women of colour” and the somewhat pejorative term “third world women.” She asserts that such discourse has been constructed in racist and imperialistic contexts while identity and political agency of women of colour remain sketchy. In her book The Dark Side of the Nation, Bannerji analyzes the situation in the U.S. and the U.K. regarding similar terminology (particularly “Black women”), and shows that women from different ethnicities have trouble accepting “Black” as a ubiquitous term for all minoritized “women of colour.” This premise also connects to the Black feminist standpoint view suggesting the importance of social ontology, which plays a pivotal role in Bannerji’s antiracist feminist standpoint theory. Moreover, the term “women of colour,” which may be seen as an “agreed upon” term by all oppressed women groups in Canada, is problematic for Bannerji. She argues that this type of discourse can be problematic to women outside North America because of its “racist seggregational nature” (2000, p. 28) and relates to her confusion and reluctance in accepting the term during her early years in Canada. Bannerji claims that such discourse is problematic because of nation states’ political and civil administration ideologies as well as in

83 terms of social values and practices; in other words, the language of colour coding surely justifies the state policies and practices concerning people of colour. Through the language of visibility, the state carefully appointed minor players of the state, thus accommodating race ideology into the context. With this, the dimension of the class of non-White people has disappeared, making them “de-socialized and apolitical” agents of Canada. The discourse related to women of colour brought both race and gender “vaguely and pleasantly” into the picture and kept up with the Eurocentric historical construction of modernity associated with Whiteness and non-Whiteness. Furthermore, from the state’s point of view, such discourse seems to provide a positive diversity aspect whereby different colours ostensibly are celebrated although the discourse covertly signals the necessity to manage diversity. Furthermore, the political identities created by the state considering only colour (i.e., race) may not realistically portray the agency of these women of colour as gender has completely subordinated class in regards to the construction of identity. Bannerji considers this whole process as a state apparatus that runs in the name of multiculturalism. As far as the civil society is concerned, the naturalized political language and colour coding can generate the idea of a colour hierarchy, with the lowest rungs of such a social order viewed as the most uncivilized, and therefore needing to be managed. As Bannerji (2000) puts it, “color, the cognate of race, refracted into indirect notions of multi-culture and ethnicity, was much on the mind of the Canadian state, just as much as in the nineteenth or early twentieth centuries” (p. 30). In this context, Bannerji (2000) challenges the epistemology and ideology of diversity of liberal pluralism for erasing actual social relations and realities. She proposes the use of the term “non-White women” instead of “women of colour” when referring to women of non- Caucasian origin, as “the negative prefix” (p. 3) reminds us of the notion of White supremacy and issues and concerns related to it. While the concept of diversity is being used to manage people, globalization on the other hand is also seen as economic and cultural imperialism, a mechanism through which cultural stereotyping takes place when “a strong nexus is created between imperialism, and these seemingly oppositional nation states” (Bannerji, 2000, p. 3). In her book Looking White People in the Eye: Gender, Race, and Culture in Courtrooms and Classrooms, Razack (1998) reveals how the essentialism embedded in liberal discourse hides power relations in Canadian society using classroom and courtroom encounters. Using her personal experiences in academia, the community, and trade unions, she theorizes how the dominant segments of society deny the existing oppression in Canada. Razack identifies “rights thinking, essential women and the culturalization of difference” (p. 17) as the main mechanisms.

In addition, she has constructed an analytical framework to reflect the “simultaneity of systems of domination” (p. 11) in which she considers capitalism, patriarchy, and White supremacy as “interlocking systems of domination” (p. 12) and emphasizes the importance of exploring the meaning of race, class, disability, sexuality, and gender historically and contextually. For instance, she believes that racist ideas are facilitated by essentialist views on gender. She opposes the cultural approach of difference and claims that such discourse encourages the continuation of differential power relations between the dominant and the subordinate in a number of ways. In the education context, educators are encouraged to develop their cultural sensitivity so that they can intervene in the learning process being culturally strategic. These strategies do not necessarily help teachers, let alone White teachers, to have the insider perspective of racism and view and assess non-White students’ behaviours and achievements. Furthermore, she confirms the White supremacy prevalent in Canadian society by noting that many influential spaces such as education and law are predominantly White and shows how essentialist discourses and mechanisms such as cultural sensitization, a theory developed by Whites for the assumed betterment of non-Whites, maintains White supremacy in the educational context: Cultural sensitivity, to be acquired and practiced by dominant groups, replaces, for example, any concrete attempt to diversify the teacher population. If white teachers can learn the appropriate cultural rules, we need not hire Black teachers, and we need not address racism (Razack, 1998, p. 10) Razackʼs (1998) arguments about White women from the so-called first world countries considered as the liberated saviours of their third-world oppressed sisters is a relevant concept for my inquiry, considering that many stakeholders in the ESL industry are females. This idea of essentialized and liberated White females trying to help the essentialized oppressed third-world women is very much played out in the LINC centres I discussed earlier. Razack advises and cautions educators to raise critical awareness by stepping away from the position of “innocence” (p. 22) and becoming aware of systems of domination in a context-specific way and to take action to bring about social justice and social change. Razack points out that her analysis of interlocking systems differs from the concept of intersectionality (p. 13) as the latter is about how racism, classism, and sexism intersect and create multilayered oppression, whereas the idea of interlocking dominant systems is about the ways in which capitalism, White supremacy, and patriarchy collaborate to create multilayered oppression. Razack asserts that “interlocking systems need one another, and in tracing the complex ways in which they help secure one another, we learn how women are produced into positions that exist symbiotically but hierachically” (p. 13).

Arat-Koç (2014) firmly believes that it is crucial to historicize and contextualize race-like thinking in the era of neoliberal capitalist globalism, as Whiteness is globally constructed beyond racial lines through transnational bourgeois identities. As such, culturalism is used as a mechanism to simplify, generalize, stigmatize, and devalue global subordinate classes as cultural others while normalizing the forms of culture and lifestyles of global middle classes. Therefore, Arat-Koç contends that “culturalism is not the only but perhaps, increasingly, the most popular contemporary form of racism” (p. 313), in which Whiteness is a narrow racial category. However, Arat-Koç upholds that “the new formations involve a continuation, and even further entrenchment of the links of whiteness to a Euro-American capitalist modernity” (p. 311).

3.4.2.1 Implications for ESL/TESL Such theorizations helped me understand how privilege and power go beyond ESL/TESL stakeholdersʼ skin colour as there can be various power dynamics at play between students, ESL teachers, and the administrators based on their class, which is also connected to the colonial capitalist past and the neoliberal globalized present. Antiracist feminist theorization can be applied to analyze the different experiences of ESL/TESL professionals and also to identify how their different experiences impact their perceptions about racism and antiracism, as well as the need for an antiracist TESL curriculum. ESL/TESL professionals experience differential power relations stemming from the intersections of class, race, and gender; hence, non-White, non- native speaker ESL/TESL professionals experience more limitations of choice, and therefore oppression, than White ESL professionals do. In addition, non-White, non-native speaker ESL/TESL professionals are further oppressed by interlocking systems such as White domination, patriarchy, capitalism, and cultural and linguistic imperialism. White dominance is entrenched in the ESL/TESL field in the disguise of institutional culture, curricula, ESL/TESL scholarship, and in the constructed image of an ideal ESL teacher. As seen in the literature review, ESL teachers who are non-Whites and non- native speakers of inner-circle English experience linguicism through accent discrimination and devaluation of their variety of English by students and colleagues, both White and non-White. This is related to Byean’s (2015) idea of global commodification of native speakerism, which associates “good English” with the White race from a specific geographic location. Non-White, non-native English-speaking ESL teachersʼ phenotype also acts to their disadvantage when ESL students prefer White ESL teachers. Non-White native speaker teachers too sometimes face this problem when students expect to learn from Canadian teachers who are White (Ramjattan,

2014). Cultural hegemony is another repressive force that they constantly battle together with their students since many non-White ESL teachers are new immigrants from non-Western countries. As Bannerji (2000) argues, the epistemology and ideology of diversity of liberal pluralism obliterate social realities, and the class of non-White people has disappeared, making them de-socialized and apolitical agents of Canada, which immigrant ESL/TESL practitioners also experience. I argue that their everyday personal experiences as non-White immigrant women develop their “critical consciousness—the ability to recognize and analyze systems of inequality and the commitment to take action against these systems” (Amin et al., 2017, p. 180). Capitalism hinders both White and non-Whites when catering to the needs of the competitive ESL industry in terms of students and institutional demands, and the precariousness of the profession is most commonly experienced by all ESL practitioners. However, due to the commodification of native speakerism, White ESL teachers stand a better chance in terms of employability and retaining their jobs in the field, and they do not experience any exclusions or marginalization based on their racial, linguistic, or cultural locations as their accent, dress, and skin colour conform to the standards constructed by the settler colonial society and global capitalist structures. They benefit from the White dominance prevalent in the sector in terms of curriculum design, scholarship, administration, teaching methods, and the target language taught and tested. Thus, different experiences ESL/TESL professionals go through due to intersection of their race, class, and gender as well as interwoven systems of power impact their ideas about racism and their attitude towards antiracism. While some of them have the insider perspective of marginalization, exploitation, devaluation, and alienation just as their learners do, some others lack it. Therefore, they do not realize the need of addressing these oppressive forces in the curricula, while some also may not want to let go of their privileged positions. In the ESL context, ESL teachers are encouraged to develop their intercultural competence and cultural strategies, so absence of student insider perspectives of oppression is seen as resolvable by completing a sociocultural module in TESL programs where real oppressive issues are sugar coated and simplified to maintain participants’ comfort level.

3.4.3 Culture and language through the postcolonial lens I have always felt that Whites alone do not maintain global White dominance, as I have seen and heard many non-Whites actively supporting it. Interestingly, my casual debates on racism with my own South Asian, non-White ethnic community members have shown me how the sense of self-inferiority in relation to Whites is harboured willingly by the non-White

87 immigrants due to their colonial histories and liberal discourses that they are constantly exposed to in Canada. Most people affirmed and reaffirmed the fact that Whites are superior by attributing success stories of entrepreneurship and scholarship to the White systems of developed Western nations and by adhering to discourses related to meritocracy, individualism, social Darwinism, and White supremacy, while blaming non-Whites for not being able to develop in a system where everyone has equal rights. My South Asian community members also pointed out that certain postcolonial countries were not able to prosper after freeing themselves from their colonial rulers. These discussions showed me the difficulty in changing an oppressive system when the victims or the subalterns (Spivak, 1988) are not aware or do not want to be aware of the histories and power relations surrounding them. Postcolonial theories try to expose and analyze the power and continued hegemony of west-centric political, cultural, and social practices. Various postcolonial theorists have contributed to the particular canon of literature in which efforts have been to focus on various mechanisms and outcomes of the unequal power relationship between the western colonizers and the eastern colonized. As Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin (2002) note in The Empire Writes Back, We use the term “post-colonial,” however, to cover all the culture affected by the imperial process from the moment of colonization to the present day. This is because there is a continuity of preoccupations throughout the historical process initiated by European imperial aggression. (p. 20) Here I present the arguments put forward by Fanon (1967) as his views provide substantial analysis to my data. Fanon is one of the pioneer postcolonial scholars who envisioned a world in which individuals are not viewed and judged through their skin colour; rather, he wanted to present “objective evidence that expresses reality” (p. 17). Fanon recognized the psychological effects of colonized populations and wanted to liberate them through his writing and ideology. Fanon sought to “help the black man to free himself of the arsenal of complexes that has been developed by the colonial environment” (p. 30) and to dismantle the “juxtaposition of the white and black races [that] has created a massive psycho-existential complex” (p. 12). In the first few chapters of his book Black Skin, White Masks, Fanon (1967) describes and analyzes the Negro as how the world perceives him in contrast to who he really is. In the process, he alludes to beliefs of social Darwinism that tried to prove that Blacks are cognitively and behaviourally inferior to Whites: “No one would dream of doubting that its major artery is fed from the heart of those various theories that have tried to prove that the Negro is a stage in the slow evolution of monkey into man” (p. 17). According to Fanon, the White man treats the Black

88 man as a child, as the latter is believed to be cognitively deficient: “A White man addressing a Negro behaves exactly like an adult with a child and starts smirking, whispering, patronizing, cozening” (p. 31). Still, while Fanon believes this behaviour can be seen in many White men irrespective of their class, he acknowledges there are White men who do not belong to this category. Fanon (1967) also talks about the dual personality of the Black man as a result of colonial subjugation and how he behaves differently with fellow Black men and supposedly superior White men. Another important aspect Fanon emphasizes is the power of language of the colonizer. He recognizes the importance of mastering the language of the colonizer to gain voice: “to speak a language is to take on a world, a culture. The Antilles Negro who wants to be white will be the whiter as he gains greater mastery of the cultural tool that language is” (p. 38). The trouble the colonized go through to acquire the tongue of the colonizer is immense and Fanon is well aware of it. Thus, he acknowledges how the learner or the colonized should pay attention to different elements of the language such as pronunciation and grammar since the repercussion of making mistakes will be very decisive, as the Black man “will come closer to being a real human being in direct ratio to his mastery of the French language” (p. 18).While identifying himself as a fluent speaker of French, he wants to show that through the language of the oppressor, he can challenge and throw light on the existing oppressive systems. Nevertheless, the same man with a high proficiency of the colonized language can be feared by the colonizer as dangerous since “he talks like a book” (Fanon, 1967, p. 21). Fanon (1967) further explains how the languages and cultures of the colonized are devalued by the colonizer mercilessly. According to Fanon, monolingual practices are in place to avoid children using Creole in the Antilles while creating an inferiority complex in them for living in an uncivilized culture. The Black man is made to believe “he becomes whiter as he renounces his blackness” (p. 18). The Blacks were expected to act like the Whites in order to be accepted into the mainstream, which perpetuates the idea that White culture is superior in the era of decolonization. In addition, Fanon vividly describes the pressure and insecurity of an educated Black man mimicking a White man: “the Negro is appraised in terms of the extent of his assimilation” (p. 36). Fanon also describes the inferiority complex created in the colonized subject through the process of colonialism and how the colonized try to gain close resemblance to White colonizers:

The wearing of European clothes, whether rags or most up to date style; using European furniture and European forms of social intercourse; adoring the Native language with European expressions; using bombastic phrases in speaking or writing a European Language; all these contribute a feeling of equality with the European and his achievements. (p. 25) This attitude is permanently internalized in many postcolonial subjects, either consciously or subconsciously to various degrees, and Fanon is of the view that it may be mostly visible in the most educated colonized subjects.

3.4.3.1 Implications for ESL/TESL I purposefully contextualized my study through a postcolonial lens, primarily due to my postcolonial affiliation. I always felt that I have lived through what Fanon (1967) theorized, and I see his conceptualizations being actualized in ESL classrooms, curricula, teaching philosophy, administration, and stakeholder interactions. As discussed in my previous chapters, I see cultural hegemony and linguistic imperialism working in tandem to assimilate ESL learners, at times treating them as “cognitively deficient” individuals. In this White settler colony, ESL students and non-White immigrant ESL teachers’ cultures, languages, knowledges, skills, and bodies are devalued and ostracized in teaching philosophies, curricula, assessments, and teaching methods so that the compulsion for assimilation is in place. I also see how desperately ESL learners try to master the hegemonic language, which keeps them away from their professions, higher education, and elite social circles. Many students go through a lot of trouble to mimic the ideal White, inner-circle English speakers by following their dress styles, phonemic patterns, customs, and names, hoping that they will be included in the circles that socially dominant individuals occupy. They sometimes actively reject non-Whites who try to teach them the language of the White colonizer. Unlike the times when colonizers conquered the colonized lands, this time around, new subjects were brought into the settler colony through neocolonial and neoliberal apparatus promoting and validating meritocracy. While some of them who have White skin are able to become mimics of the settler colonizer through linguistic and cultural assimilation, others who do not possess White skin by birth will never be able to renounce their colonized status. In this context, I see myself as a subaltern attempting to speak for other subalterns, a group of people who are marginalized due to various reasons, and I must confess that I am well aware of the difficulty in dismantling the established structures.

3.5 Conclusion The extensive literature review that I conducted on the political economy of TESL/ESL education enabled me to better identify the different structures and the jurisdictions of TESL/ESL programs. I also noticed some of the potential struggles and obstacles that impeded attempts to make the fields of ESL/TESL education inclusive and antiracist. I maintain that TESL/ESL education in Canada functions as a thriving industry and maintains interests of certain groups although it claims to empower people who do not speak English as their first language. I see an interplay between many forces, such as imperialism, social justice energies, and capitalism drawing TESL education in different directions. Most significantly, the market forces are holding hands with imperialist ideology and practices to satisfy the needs of capitalism. Looking at racism in ESL/TESL settings through critical race, antiracist feminist, and postcolonial lenses helped me identify nuances of various hegemonic power structures rooted within the ESL/TESL fields in terms of curricula, classroom management procedures, human interactions, behaviours, and course administration. This theoretical exploration also helped me clearly see that the West-centric hegemony in the ESL/TESL field is not only constructed through bolstering White dominance but also by adhering to colonial histories, hierarchized world cultures and global social classes, gender stereotypes, language imperialism, and demands of neoliberalism and globalization. I predominantly used concepts and arguments presented in three theories in combination with theorizations on cultural and linguistic hegemony, White dominance, White fragility, capitalism, and globalization—which were presented in my extensive literature review—to analyze my data. This multilayered theoretical framework enabled me to gain insight into how to approach an antiracist TESL curriculum that takes into account “intersectionality” of racism, classism, linguicism, and sexism as well as interlocking dominant systems of power, namely capitalism, White supremacy, and patriarchy. In the next chapter, I discuss and justify the studyʼs methodology by carefully examining the purpose of the study, research questions, research design, data collection methods, and data analysis.

Chapter 4 Methodology

Through an extensive review of the literature, I sought to shed some light on how the ESL industry systematically creates and sustains discrimination through different state, institutional, social, and economic mechanisms, including covert and overt racism, language and cultural imperialism, neoliberalism, White dominance, and capitalism. I argue that there is a dire need to incorporate antiracist practices in the ESL sector but TESL programs may not provide the necessary antiracist training for TESL trainees. Thus, in this study, I strived to ascertain the current attempts made towards antiracism in existing TESL curriculum materials and especially by TESL/ESL practitioners occupying various positions in the field of ESL and TESL. In this chapter, I first elaborate on the purpose of my study by describing and justifying the methodology that I used to find answers to my research questions. Then I move onto the systematic description of the research design, and data collection process. Finally, I explain their relevance in addressing this study’s research problem.

4.1 Purpose of the study In my literature review, I investigated how ESL learners’ differences are constructed as racial, sexual, cultural, linguistic and intellectual inferiorities and deficiencies by the Eurocentric and monolingual ideology prevailing in Canada (Bigdeli, 2007; Creese, 2009; Hansen, Rakic, & Steffens, 2014; Kubota, 2019; Kubota & Lin, 2006; Mojab, 1999). Through the literature review, I highlighted the multidimensional nature of the processes that produce exclusion and reinforce inequalities in the ESL classroom by focusing on language, class, race, and gender, but also drew attention to how relations of power and privilege are intertwined with the intersections among these factors. The literature review reveals how the core dynamics play out not simply as discrete elements of race, class, gender, but also through intersections that play out in complex ways across different levels and types of ESL programs. Using an analysis of public policies in place to eliminated discrimination, particularly the Canadian multicultural policy, I have argued such attempts have so far been unsuccessful, the main reasons being the misconception, misconstruction and mistreatment of the phenomenon of diversity, which conveniently obscures its racial, class, and gender underpinnings. Many antiracist scholars have affirmed that the ESL sector is a racialized field (Amin, 2005; Kubota & Lin, 2006, 2009b; Taylor, 2006). The body of critical research (Amin, 1997,

2000; Baizar, 2015; Canagarajah, 1999; Elson, 1997; Taylor, 1997a, 1997b, 2006) on ESL curricula, TESL training, and TESL methodology discusses the importance of inclusion of multicultural/multilingual pedagogy, transformative pedagogy, critical thinking, and antiracist education in ESL and TESL curricula to prepare ESL teachers and ESL students to challenge discrimination through antiracist, transformative, or multilingual/multicultural/intercultural praxis. Although I value the inclusion of antiracist, transformative pedagogy in ESL curricula as an important step towards student empowerment, my focus is more on TESL curricula in informing and transforming TESL professionals as “agents of change” (Elson, 1997) who would fight for structural inequalities. Therefore, examining how the ideas related to diversity, equality, inclusion, and socio-political issues of teaching and learning of ESL are presented in curricula across TESL training programs in Ontario proves to be important. Furthermore, based on my personal experience, I have observed that some TESL programs construct diversity as a celebratory phenomenon at a level where ethnic food, clothes, and festivals are celebrated for indulgence while asymmetrical power hierarchies attached to different ethnicities, languages, and cultures are reproduced using the TESL curriculum content and delivery. Thus, based on the findings of my literature review, and my personal experiences as a TESL trainee as well as a trainer, I problematize and argue that present TESL training programs in Ontario may not adequately and critically address the sociopolitical context related to teaching and learning of a second language, racism in particular, to enable ESL practitioners to challenge the unequal power relations rooted in a multicultural society at the classroom and institutional level. While there is a significant volume of critical research done on ESL curricula in Canada, there is a clear gap in critical research on Canadian TESL curricula. As such, the purpose of my research study is twofold. First, I examined whether TESL training programs in Ontario adequately and critically address the sociopolitical context related to teaching and learning of a second language, racism in particular, to enable ESL practitioners to challenge the unequal power relations rooted in a multicultural society at the classroom and institutional level. Second, I investigated how the experiences of ESL practitioners inform developing an antiracist TESL curriculum that addresses race relations more effectively and pragmatically. In the process, I sought to understand what problems lie at practical and theoretical levels for ESL teachers, TESL trainers, and curriculum developers to identify, analyze, and act on perceived social exclusions related to racism. I also looked into the uptake of sociopolitical issues of TESL training content by ESL teachers to gain insight into the strengths and gaps of current TESL programs in addressing social exclusions,

93 particularly racism. In addition, I believe in making a collective effort through dialogue where various opinions and wide array of life experiences of ESL practitioners are gathered to confront with difficult issues as racism that may come up in the ESL classroom context.

4.2 Research questions The following research questions guided me through my inquiry: • How are ideas related to racism and antiracism presented in TESL curricula across three different TESL training programs in Ontario? • How do ESL/TESL practitioners experience and perceive race-, gender-, and class- related problems in the context of ESL/TESL? Why do they perceive racism differently? • How do ESL/TESL practitioners’ experiences and perceptions inform attempts to develop an antiracist TESL curriculum that addresses racism more effectively and pragmatically? 4.3 Research design: Qualitative inquiry as research methodology My research study encompasses the multidisciplinary fields of sociolinguistics, adult education, and community development. TESL is a broad field in which interrelated disciplines such as sociolinguistics, psycholinguistics, applied linguistics, historical linguistics, and syntax/semantics and morphology are entrenched. The field of sociolinguistics “signals an effort to change the practice of linguistics and their disciplines, because their present practice perpetuates a fragmented, incomplete understanding of humanity” (Hymes, 2003, p.7). The overall aim of my research project was to investigate how ESL practitionersʼ experiences inform the development of antiracist TESL curricula that addresses race relations at a deeper level. Accordingly, the focus on politics of English language learning and teaching underpins the sociolinguistic, adult education, and community development aspects of my research. Because the meaning or perceived truth(s) are constantly negotiated socially, culturally, and historically by participants and the researcher alike, such meaning cannot be determined by adopting a post- positivist and an objective stance since quantitative data would not allow me to look into an in- depth study of “pattern of meaning” (Creswell, 2009, p. 8) associated with participants’ experiences, observations, and opinions regarding race and antiracism. Thus, constructivism enabled me to combine and consider participantsʼ as well as my social, cultural, and historical experiences and beliefs into the creation of meaning. Creswell (2009) describes the strength of constructivism as follows: Individuals develop subjective meaning of their experiences-meaning directed toward certain objects or things. These meanings are varied and multiple, leading the researcher

to look for the complexity of views rather than narrowing meaning into a few categories or ideas. (p. 8) My research project solicits and incorporates different understandings of the concept of racism and antiracism in the context of teaching and learning ESL from ESL instructors, TESL trainers, and TESL course coordinators. Therefore, I adopted a qualitative inquiry approach as the study’s research methodology as such a research design allowed me to investigate the issue in depth while incorporating and acknowledging my personal values to the study guided by the theory. According to Bryman et al. (2012), qualitative research is predominantly characterized by words, descriptions, and an “unstructured” approach, while the most evident features of quantitative research are numbers, figures, and structure. The emphasis on the researcher’s point of view is considered very important in quantitative methods, while the researcher is distant from the subjects in a quantitative study. The researcher is very close to participants in qualitative research studies that adopt an insider perspective, and therefore, one of the reasons why I chose it as my methodology is because the participants in this study and I share the same profession. Furthermore, qualitative studies attempt to formulate new theories by considering rich, deep, descriptive data from natural settings and involve fewer participants in order to investigate in depth meaning of participant behaviours, perceptions, and beliefs while acknowledging the inability to generalize these findings due to contextual limitations. One very important feature of qualitative research that aligns with my research objective is the prominent role of the participants in meaning making with regard to the problem or issue at hand, as “the key idea behind qualitative research is to learn about the problem or issue from participants and to address the research to obtain that information” (Creswell, 2009, p. 176). The descriptive details inherent in qualitative studies provide me with the contextual information that were important in understanding participantsʼ respective behaviour under study. This connection with social anthropology helped me understand certain social practices in their historical, cultural, and socio-economic context. Furthermore, the “flexibility and limited structure” (Bryman et al., 2012, p. 142) of a qualitative inquiry allowed me to use my predetermined set of assumptions only as a starting point without limiting my thoughts so as to “see the world through the eyes of people under study” (Bryman et al., 2012, p. 142). Furthermore, these descriptions show how “events and patters unfold over time” (Bryman et al., 2012, p. 141), focusing on social life in terms of process—an important aspect of qualitative research. In addition, the equally important role of the qualitative researcher provided me with a space to be creative and autonomous as an upcoming researcher. The interpretive nature of qualitative research allowed

95 me to interpret the data in multiple perspectives according to my world view, while allowing room for readers and the participants to construct the data based on their histories, cultures, and knowledge. The fact that qualitative research is conducted within participantsʼ natural settings is yet another characteristic that benefited my inquiry, as seeing participants within their normal routine and physical surroundings (Bryman et al., 2012) helped me ascertain various connections between individuals and their respective backgrounds. Moreover, the inductive data analysis process inherent to qualitative inquiry enabled me to “work back and forth between the themes and the data base” (Creswell, 2009, p. 175) while adopting a bottom-up approach to construct abstract themes and identify recurrent patterns. This flexibility and limited structure (Bryman et al., 2012) as well as the holistic picture that qualitative studies create was very important for my research as it investigates a social phenomenon, namely racism, embedded in a settler-colonial, multicultural society. As a constructivist researcher, I am well aware of the characteristics of qualitative inquiry, including both its advantages and disadvantages. Qualitative research often is criticized due to its non-quantitative nature, which paradoxically can be considered as its very strength. Subjectivity is one of the most criticized aspects of qualitative methods. The entire process involved in qualitative research—starting with the selection of natural research sites and participants; less emphasis placed on predetermined theory; and collection and interpretation of data—suggest an unstructured nature that may lead to subjectivity. The highly interpretive nature of and potential researcher bias associated with qualitative research may raise questions about the credibility of such studies’ findings, especially by critics who adopt a more positivist stance. In addition, irrelevant details or “descriptive excess” (Lofland & Lofland, 1995, as cited in Bryman et al., 2012, p. 76) can easily distract the research focus and puzzle the researcher when analyzing data. Due to the close relationship between the researcher and participants, there is a higher chance of participants being affected by researcher characteristics such as race, age, gender, and social class. While this makes qualitative research difficult to replicate and thus externally unreliable, I see this as a strength of qualitative research as it captures the complex and unpredictable nature of human activities, and the fact that human beings are behaviourally different from one another depending on their social, economic, and gender locations as well as histories. This intricacy can be captured and conveyed only through qualitative studies. Moreover, although findings of qualitative studies cannot be replicated by another researcher even if he or she tries to adopt the same social role of the original researcher, working as a research team may improve internal reliability (Bryman et al., 2012) to a certain extent provided the team consists of homogenous researchers in terms of age, gender, race,

96 and socioeconomic status. Although generalization is believed to be problematic with the qualitative design, as discussed above, the objective of the qualitative research is not such generalization and hypothesis testing; instead, qualitative research is directed more at studying human phenomena—“viewing meaning as more context and time specific” (Lapan, Quartaroli, & Riemer, 2012, p. 3)—that cannot and should not be generalizable. I inquired how similar research studies to mine were carried out in the ESL/TESL field to understand the efficacy and appropriacy of the research tools in arriving at findings. For example, Aminʼs (2000) qualitative study investigated how the concept of a native speaker is manifested in the context of ESL in Canada and how visible minority, immigrant women ESL teachers negotiate this linguistic manifestation of nativism. Amin used feminist ethnography, critical ethnography, and antiracist philosophy in constructing her methodological framework. Aminʼs (2000) study inspired me to consider my research question from a feminist standpoint in addition to antiracist, postcolonial, and critical multicultural perspectives. One of the guiding principles of feminist qualitative research is the acknowledgment of knowledge generated through research as subjective—and therefore not neutral—because such knowledge is generated through researcher bias reflecting her (i.e., the researcherʼs) theoretical context, social location, training, and life experiences (Bailey, 2012). Feminist researchers also work on the premise that gender intersects with race, ethnicity, and class (Fanon, 1967). Amin (2000) had predominantly used 2- to 2.5-hour open-ended interviews with each of 10 immigrant ESL teachers as her main data collection method. She used snowball sampling to choose participants for her study. She opted to use open- ended interviews as the sole data collection method because feminist social scientists recommend their use to restore a non-hierarchical relationship between the researcher and informants in order to bring in all participantsʼ shared experiences, social equality, and natural involvement with the research problem (Essed, 1991, as cited in Amin, 2000). Moreover, Amin believed it is very important to give free voice to a group that has been marginalized and suppressed in order to conduct interviews using egalitarian principles. Because she sought to understand non-native immigrant ESL teachers’ interpretations about how they negotiate the concept of nativism in Toronto, Amin (2000) used open-ended interviews in order to give her respondents a free hand; however, Amin mentions that her interviews somehow contained semi-structured features that may have restricted the participants in different ways (p. 89). Thus, I presume that the fundamental objective of carrying out open-ended interviews was not met. In addition, I suggest that relying on a single data-collection methods restricted Aminʼs (2000) ability to study different perspective of the research question. Classroom observations

97 would have enabled her to witness how teachers confront, mitigate, or give up on issues pertaining to native-speaker constructs in the ESL classroom. Furthermore, to investigate how the concept of native speakerism is manifested in the ESL context in Canada, Amin could have moved beyond the ESL classroom and connected with administrators, teaching instructors, certification bodies and organizations, and hiring agencies as all these agents contribute to the issue at hand. Thus, in my view, Amin did not study the research question in sufficient depth solely due to deficiencies in the data collection method, despite her promising methodological approaches. Aminʼs study was an eye opener for me, as I discovered the limitations of sticking to a single data collection method; it also reminded me to be thoughtful and logical about my data collection methods and further convinced me to deploy multiple data collection methods in order to investigate my research questions in greater depth. Consequently, I gathered data for my research study through curriculum analysis, focus group interviews, semi-structured individual interviews, and a profile questionnaire.

4.4 Data collection tools informed by qualitative inquiry 4.4.1 Curriculum analysis I decided to carry out a qualitative, abductive, rhetorical analysis on TESL related content and documents at two levels. At the first level, I analyzed TESL Ontario accredited training topics, domains and outcomes. Secondly, I examined three TESL program curricula accredited by TESL Ontario to understand how TESL curriculum materials such as published books, articles, class notes, and class discussions relate either to racism and antiracism or anti- imperialist, anticolonial endeavours. I was also interested in identifying any structural, conceptual, and content differences between the three programs. According to Krippendorff (2004), “content analysis examines data, printed matter, images, or sounds—texts—in order to understand what they mean to people, what they enable or prevent, and what the information conveyed by them does” (p. xviii). Krippendorff also notes that content analysis, “which is a research technique for making replicable and valid inference from texts to the context of the use” (p. 18), “involves the re-articulation (interpretation) of given texts into new (analytical, deconstructive, emancipatory, or critical) narrative” (p. 17). My analysis is abductive because I attempt to infer “across logically distinct domains from particulars of one kind to particulars of another kind” (Krippendorff, 2004, p. 36). Nonetheless, I acknowledge that my observations may be incomplete in the absence of the full range of curriculum materials due to practical and ethical limitations to access them.

In my study, I predominantly focused on publicly available TESL Ontario accreditation information, TESL program websites, online course descriptions, program leaflets, and course readings. For course readings, I primarily looked at published articles and books recommended by the three TESL courses. I obtained some course reading lists of Program A through a friend of mine who had completed the TESL course. Some readings of Program B were obtained by going through the course descriptions/course codes and locating the readings in the particular university’s bookstore and the library. Program C course readings and some notes were also provided by a friend who completed the course previously. I acknowledge that access to all the course readings were restricted to a certain extent and therefore the full range of readings was not used for the analysis.

4.4.2 Focus groups While there are many qualitative data collection methods, I chose focus group interviews as one of the three qualitative tools in my study to collect data as they catered to my research needs. I used focus group interviews for frontline ESL teachers to tap into their knowledge and experiences of everyday teaching, classroom management and administrative issues that are related to race and racism. I trust that having a focus group interview provides them with a collective social space for ideas to emerge and to be reflected and debated upon. According to Wilkinson (1998), “focus groups reflect the process through which meaning is constructed in everyday life, which allows them to be more naturalistic than individual interviews” (as cited in Bryman et al., 2012, p. 174). Kambereis and Dimitriadis (2005) discuss in detail how focus group interviews benefit researchers; for example, interviews may narrow down the critical interaction dynamics that constitute much of social practice and collective meaning-making in one-to-one iterations. On the other hand, observations alone may not catch the focus activity in which researchers are interested as they cannot probe into ongoing occurrences. Therefore, focus groups can be used strategically to cultivate new kinds of interactional dynamics that give access to new kinds of knowledge. With the use of focus groups, I also explored the nature and effects of ongoing social discourse. While participants reflect on, and perhaps modify their views and perceptions, they also may challenge each others’ views (Bryman et al., 2012) with minimal intervention from the researcher, an occurrence I witnessed in my focus groups as well. Focus groups are an integral part of feminist-based research inquiries. According to Kambereis and Dimitriadis (2005), some of the advantages of focus groups for feminist researchers include focus groupsʼ ability to: elicit and validate collective testimonies and group

99 resistance narratives; aid in the production of voice; act as sites for collective identity as strategic political practice; and mitigate against moral dilemmas facing feminist researchers by creating a “safe place” for dialogue in the company of others who have similar experiences. I made use of pre-existing groups (Kitzinger, 1994) because they provide a collective social space for ideas to emerge, be reflect upon, debated, ratified or rejected as this particular group may have a common context and histories. Creating the collective space for ideas to generate was beneficial to me when they were reflecting on their TESL courses as there were multiple participants who have completed the same TESL courses in two focus group sessions. While some of the participants of my study have experience in the TESL training programs that I chose to analyze, most of them could not remember finer details of their TESL training as they had completed the training a significant while ago. In focus groups, participants were seen “taking over” and “owning” (Kambereis & Dimitriadis, 2005) the interview space, promoting participant synergy to unearth individual memory, facilitating the exploration of collective memory and sharing stocks of knowledge that might seem trivial but important to my research. In this manner, without probing, important but conflicting and controversial themes came into surface. The relatively shy participants loosened up when taking a stance with their like-minded peers. Focus groups can also be considered as social places that decrease the influence of the researcher, which makes them an ideal tool for my research study as the participants and I work in the same field. I did not want to use words like racism and antiracism in the initial interview questions as I felt doing so would reveal my standpoint so that participant responses would be affected by researcher bias. However, as the discussions developed, I used terminology related to race, racism, and antiracism.

4.4.3 Semi-structured interviews Semi-structured interviews were used to collect data from TESL professionals who are not necessarily engaged in frontline ESL teaching but are engaged with training TESL trainees, designing TESL curricula, and running TESL courses. I predominantly aspired to understand different types of thinking that go into training TESL teachers, designing TESL, and running TESL programs as well to map various experiences and perceptions of TESL professionals who have more authority and legitimacy in ESL/TESL fields. The main reason for using individual interviews is the practical difficulty to gather TESL trainers, coordinators, and curriculum designers in one place. Also, I wanted to create a personal space for participants who have more power in the TESL realm to freely express their individual views without being influenced by others. I aspired to identify independent ideas coming from more authoritative

100 voices in the TESL field. Bryman et al. (2012) note that qualitative researchers view face-to- face interaction as being most conducive to participating in research pertaining to human subjects. Hence, I collected data at the individual level through one-on-one interviews that captured nuances and details that may not have been detected through observation alone (Bryman et al., 2012) and allowed access to a wider variety of people and situations. According to Creswell (2009), “qualitative interviews involve unstructured and generally open-ended questions that are few in number and intend to elicit views and opinion from the participants” (p. 181), and both open-ended and semi-structured interviews fall under this category (Bryman et al., 2012). In unstructured interviews, using memory aids or prompts, the researcher usually asks very few questions to allow the participant to respond freely. This way, the interviews can diverge and can take up the form of unplanned conversations. I recognized the need to adopt such approach for my data collection; based on the nature of my research questions, I required the “freedom to modify and add research ideas once the investigation has begun” (Bryman et al., 2012, p. 165), an allowance afforded by qualitative research or open-ended interviews. In addition, the opportunity given to participants in maneuvering the interview according to their preferences, experiences, and perceptions was a definite asset as such data provided new insights to my study. I view qualitative research as an ongoing process that facilitates data emergence. However, I also realized that the unstructured nature of the unstructured interview process might not fully reveal the topics I intended to investigate if the participants were to have less interest in the same topics as me. For this reason, I approached semi-structured interviews in the sense that “in a semi-structured interview the researcher has a list of questions or fairly specific topics to be covered, but the interviewee still has a lot of leeway in deciding how to reply” (Bryman et al., 2012, p. 166). Semi-structured interviews can be used to understand perceptions of an issue by a certain community while the researcher is taking an emic perspective, as well “to identify intra- group differences in expressions” (Schensul, 2012, p. 94). In addition, the low cost involved in this particular data collection procedure fit my budget as a graduate student. I also adopted a feminist interviewing framework as defined by Bryman et al. (2012) as it provides “a high level of rapport between interviewer and interviewee, a high degree of reciprocity on the part of the interviewer, the perspective of the woman being interviewed, and a non-hierarchical relationship” (p. 181). Another reason for adopting a feminist interviewing framework was because the participants and stakeholders involved in the study were expected to be mainly

101 females. Mack, Woodsong, MacQueen, Guest, and Namey (2005) emphasize that “a productive interview is one in which participants relate a richly detailed, sincere account of how the research issues occur in their daily activities” (p. 36). Therefore, using an interview protocol or a guide (Bryman et al., 2012), I carried out one-time, in-depth semi-structured interviews (Schensul, 2012) with TESL trainers, TESL program coordinators, and TESL curriculum developers, each taking 1 to 2 hours to complete.

4.4.4 Background information questionnaire With a questionnaire consisting of 12 items (see Appendix 4), I was able to obtain an impression of the personal background of each ESL/TESL practitioner in terms of their age, gender, ethnicity, years lived in Canada, languages spoken, education, and professional training. This information helped me gain insights into each participant’s social location that may have links to their ideologies of racial, gender, and class issues in contemporary Canadian society. Although my primary investigation was to inquire how their TESL training plays a part in understanding racial, class, and gender issues in the ESL classroom, I also wanted to determine if there are differences in their perceptions on these structural issues based on their social location and life experiences. Thus, the purpose of this questionnaire was not to generalize preferences, opinions, and behaviours of a certain population using numeric descriptions but rather to understand how an individual’s perceptions and attitudes are shaped by her educational, cultural, racial, gender, economic, and linguistic experiences. I provided this questionnaire to the participants before starting the interview. The background information questionnaire provided me with significant information about the participants regarding their personal history and their educational, linguistic, ethnic, and demographic backgrounds.

4.5 Sampling, recruitment, and data collection 4.5.1 Selection of TESL curriculum material To start with, I accessed the TESL Ontario website to obtain information about the accredited topics, domains, and outcomes. Also, I collected TESL curriculum documents from three institutions for qualitative, rhetorical, abductive content analysis. The course descriptions were available as booklets in some institutions (Program A and B), and they were freely accessible online to anyone. Using the references provided for the required and optional readings in course descriptions, I looked for the course textbooks and articles in the University of Toronto libraries. In this manner, I accessed most of the published course books recommended by the TESL course run by Program B. One of the participants voluntarily provided me with the list of course materials

102 corresponding to the TESL Diploma of Program A; many of the materials that she provided were published books and articles, and she also showed me her hand-written class notes and handouts. I obtained the textbooks and articles from the University of Toronto library. Program C materials were also given to me by a friend who completed it. These materials include published articles, books, and in-house materials prepared by instructors, and I used these materials for content analysis. Also, one of the participants provided me with reference lists used in some activities of Program C, and I located them in the University of Toronto library and using Google scholar. It is important to note that I paid more attention to books and articles that have been specified to teach sociocultural issues of TESL. Nevertheless, I eventually looked at the textbooks that have been used in methodology and linguistics courses as well. I also acknowledge that I may have missed some materials used in these programs as some course materials were not specified in the publicly available course outlines. I also made sure that I maintained the anonymity of the institutions where these materials are used in their TESL training programs. I provide a more detailed description about the quality and quantity of the sources used in Chapter five.

4.5.2 Target population ESL teachers, TESL trainers, and TESL curriculum developers / program coordinators who work in universities, community colleges, school boards, and private language schools were my target population. The participants required to be accredited with TESL Ontario instructor certificate. ESL teachers were the intended participants for focus groups while TESL trainers, curriculum developers and course coordinators were targeted for semi-structured interviews. The main reason for selecting participants across a broader institutional landscape was that I expected to gather various perspectives of teachers who have worked in various sites having significant differences in socio-economic status of learners. Based on my personal observations, the ESL learners who come to government-sponsored ESL classes are usually new immigrants while ESL learners in college and university settings are from a more affluent social stratum, as they consist of many international students. Having arrived recently, ESL learners in government-funded programs may still be struggling and living with the memories of their countries of origin. Likewise, having lived in Canada for a short period, they may experience feelings of culture shock, alienation, and solitude. Regardless of their education level and pre-immigration social class, with a more optimistic spirit, some ESL learners resort to ESL classes as places to make new connections. Most importantly, the ESL learners who enroll in government-funded adult ESL classes are more economically disadvantaged than those who opt to take college- and

103 university-based ESL courses. Based on my personal experience working as an ESL instructor in a womenʼs centre, I observed that many women attending this particular centre belonged to visible minority groups from less economically developed countries. Thus, I believed that ESL teachers who teach adult ESL classes sponsored by the government or nongovernment organizations would provide me with data to look into the racial, class, and gender issues that such teachers encounter in micro-societal units like ESL classrooms. Although I did not look for participants along racial, gender, and class lines, I wanted a mixed sample in which there are racialized, naturalized, Canadian-born, White, and female/male ESL/ TESL practitioners. I believed that the participants’ social, racial, and gender locations would provide me with important insights as to how their personal locations influence their opinions and perceptions of race and antiracism within the context of ESL/TESL. I wanted to see whether there were differences in their perceptions on these structural issues based on their social location and life experiences as these various positionalities can influence their teaching philosophies, choice of ELT methods, and classroom management procedures. Furthermore, when participants happen to be TESL trainers, material developers, and program coordinators, their orientation towards race and racism may influence TESL curricula and program structures. Thus, I tried to map their opinions, perceptions, and experiences using the theoretical debates that I discuss in Chapter two and three.

4.5.3 Participant recruitment I recruited participants for focus groups and semi-structured individual interviews by sending out emails to colleagues who have connections with ESL practitioners. Being a TESL Ontario/TESL Canada member, a practicing ESL teacher in a community college in Ontario, and a supply ESL instructor at a school board in the Greater Toronto Area, I used my personal connections with the TESL/ESL community to spread the word about and generate interest about my research project. When I attended TESL-related conferences and workshops, I made contacts with the other attendees and casually mentioned my research intentions before exchanging contact information for further details. I also displayed posters at OISE, University of Toronto since there are many ESL practitioners there pursuing graduate studies. I also visited ESL schools that I previously worked in to distribute recruitment flyers. However, I did not want to proceed any further with participant recruitment at that time because school boards often have very rigorous ethics protocol systems in place.

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Using a convenient snowball sampling method, I ultimately recruited 10 TESL Ontario accredited ESL Instructors, three TESL trainers, three TESL course coordinators, and two TESL curriculum designers who work in universities, colleges, school boards, language schools, and government-funded language programs or other nongovernmental charity organizations. After a casual conversation with a TESL trainee from one of the institutions that I carried out the content analysis on, I realized that her detailed descriptions about the TESL course and incidents that took place during her training would be very important to my study, and I sent out an invitation to her. By that time, I had already completed my focus group sessions, but I interviewed her individually although individual interviews with TESL trainees had not been defined in my original plan. When formulating focus groups, I tried my best to include homogeneous (Greenbaum, 1998) groups considering a particular criterion: I looked for TESL Ontario accredited ESL teachers who have experience teaching ESL in Ontario. My fellow PhD students, work colleagues, and friends extended their support in finding eligible participants. It was quite challenging to find participants for focus group interviews since finding a convenient time and a place for everyone became a barrier. People who initially showed interest in the study subsequently withdrew from further participation by the time I came up with a mutually agreed upon time for everyone. I conducted the interviews in a private room at OISE as many participants preferred it as the most convenient location for everyone. However, coming to OISE was a problem for some of the participants who showed interest as they lived outside of Toronto. Contrary to the difficulty I faced when finding participants for focus group interviews, I was able to interview eight TESL trainers/curriculum designers who work in TESL training programs through a snowballing method (see Table 1). The interviews were conducted in various locations convenient to the participants. Although I sent out invitations to a number of non- White trainers, they did not wish to be interviewed for some reason. In places where I found non- White trainers, I did not have access for interviewing. Two interview participants followed up with emails extending their input, which I incorporated into the individual transcripts.

4.5.4 Who are the participants of my study? I ended up obtaining a sample of 11 ESL teachers (see Table 2) who predominantly belong to visual minority groups; most of them were recent non-White immigrants from East and South Asia. To be exact, 10 of the 11 ESL teachers were non-Whites, and there was only one White, female ESL teacher: Cathy. There were only two Canadian-born teachers, namely Varun and Cathy. Interestingly, only three teachers (Varun, Cathy, and Lin) identified English as their

105 first language and while the other teacher participants identified Urdu (2), Vietnamese (2), and Sinhalese (4) as their first languages. An important characteristic about the ESL teachers, as I expected, is that 9 of 11 participants were females. In terms of their educational background, 10 of the 11 ESL teachers have master’s degrees while three of them (Eromi, Lin, Varun) were PhD candidates in education related fields. Nine of 11 participants had more than 10 years of ESL teaching experience both internationally and in Canada while Amani and Shwetha had only 3 years of ESL teaching experience. As expected, they had worked in school boards, colleges, universities and non-governmental organizations as ESL instructors. All the ESL teachers were TESL Ontario accredited except for Lin and Semini. Semini was awaiting her accreditation while Lin did not complete her TESL training. Eventually, I conducted three focus group interviews in total. Cathy, Eromi, Zara and Lalani took part in the very first interview while Varun, Lin and Tuyen were the participants of the second. Shwetha, Amani and Hung were the ESL teachers who did the final focus group interview. Semini, the only TESL trainee was interviewed in isolation as she expressed her interest to take part in my study. Since she was trained very recently, her reflections on the TESL program she completed was very helpful in understanding the nature of current TESL courses, especially Program A. On the other hand, six of the eight participants who were curriculum developers, program coordinators, and TESL trainers were born in Canada while two of them were born in the U.S. or the U.K. There were four female participants and four male participants, and three males (Charles, Earnest, and Andy) were program coordinators and curriculum developers at the university level. There was one female curriculum developer (Daisy) and a program coordinator who functions as the owner of a private educational organization. As far as their educational credentials are considered, Charles, Earnest, and Daisy hold PhDs while Varun is also a PhD candidate. Seven out of eight participants have master’s degrees in education and applied linguistics related fields. Interestingly, all the participants of the individual interviews specified that English is their first language. Seven out of eight interview participants were of Caucasian origin while Varun, who was also a participant in one of the focus groups, was the only non- White TESL trainer. This observation may allude to Amin’s (2005) concern of who gets to be the valid authority to make pedagogical decisions and research in the field of Applied Linguistics. In addition, when trainers and curriculum designers are predominantly White, they lack the insider perspective of racism and this may impact their perspective.

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Table 1 TESL Trainer and Program Coordinator Profiles

No. No. years No. of years teaching years teaching ESL in lived in First Other Country Pseudonym Role Qualifications ESL Canada Canada Gender Ethnicity language languages of birth

Varun TESL trainer MA, MEd, CTESOL, 8-10 8-10 34 Male Indo- English n/a Canada TESL ON, PhD Trinidadian Candidate

Charles Professor, PhD, MA, BA 10.5 10.5 10.5 Male Transnational English French, U.K. Program coordinator Diploma in TESL, Thai PGCE

Daisy Curriculum developer PhD, MA,MBA, 26 20 43 Female British/ English French, Canada BPHE, TESL ON Canadian Japanese, Spanish

Stella TESL trainer BA, TESOL/ 11 11 47 Female British/ English - Canada CERTESL Lebanese TESL ON Earnest Professor PhD 13 13 40 Male American English - U.S.A.

Andy Professor/ Curriculum MA, TESL ON - 15 - Male Canadian English English Canada developer

Maggie Program coordinator BA, MEd, 4 2 33 Female Caucasian English French, Canada OCELT,TESL ON Spanish

Kim TESL trainer BA, MEd, TESL ON, 8 8 51 Female Caucasian/ English French, Canada PBLA lead instructor European German

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Table 2 ESL Teacher Profiles

No. No. years No. of years teaching years teaching ESL in lived in First Other Country Pseudonym Role Qualifications ESL Canada Canada Gender Ethnicity language languages of birth

Lin ESL private tutor MA, BEd, OCT 11 11 15 Female Chinese- English Cantonese U.S.A. American- No TESL ON Canadian

Shwetha ESL teacher, MA, BEd, TESL ON, 3 3 3 Female Unidentified Urdu English India private language OTC school

Amani ESL volunteer BA, TESL ON 3 3 40 Female South East Urdu English, Pakistan Indian Hindi

Hung ESL college MEd, TESL ON 15 15 27 Male Vietnamese- Vietnamese English Vietnam Canadian

Cathy ESL teacher BA, MA, 14 10 30 Female Canadian English Polish Canada TESL ON

Zara ESL/ MA, BA, 12 3 8 Female Muslim Sinhala/ Tamil Sri Lanka school board TESL ON English

Eromi ESL/ university MA, PhD Candidate, 14 2 4 Female Sinhalese Sinhala English Sri Lanka preparation TESL ON

Lalani ESL volunteer MA,TESL ON 10 1.5 3.5 Female Sinhalese Sinhala English Sri Lanka

Tuyen ESL private school MA, TESL ON ------

Varun ESL college MA, PhD Candidate, 8-10 8-10 34 Male Indo- English n/a Canada TESL ON Trinidadian

Semini TESL trainee MA, PGDE,OCT, 22 - 7 Female Sinhalese Sinhalese/ - Sri Lanka RE-CE English

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4.5.5 Interview and focus group questions According to Longhurst (2016), “semi structured interviews and focus groups are about talking with people but in ways that are self-conscious, orderly and partially structured” (p. 143). Therefore, I made sure that the interview questions were formulated embedding the key concepts of the research questions of my study so that participants had direction as well as freedom to answer and elicit their responses. I wanted my interview questions to evoke responses consisting of novelty, originality, and depth to minimize the chances of me arriving at predetermined concepts and ideas. For both focus group and face-to-face individual semi-structured interviews, I used open ended questions keeping in mind that doing so would maximize the richness of my data. The questions I used enabled the participants to freely select themes and areas that they wanted to comment and elaborate on individually as well as a group. They also prompted unusual responses thereby allowing me to explore new and changing areas (Bryman et al., 2012, p. 83) related to my research questions. I formulated a set of preliminary impartial probing questions avoiding direct and specific questions to ensure the participants’ voice and personal judgments would not be affected by researcher bias. At times when participants’ responses were not clear and adequate, I used more unbiased follow-up open-ended questions. In addition, follow-up questions were used to delve into participant responses when I found them interesting, recurrent, relevant, and innovative. Finally, an exit question was used to capture anything that participants perceived to be important. I adhered to the “interview protocol” suggested by Creswell (2009, p. 183) when formulating and conducting focus group and semi-structured interviews. I used seven open-ended preliminary questions in three focus group sessions (see Appendix 4). While I made sure that I used the same probing questions in all three focus group sessions, the follow-up questions were used based on the direction, depth, intensity, recurrence, and the themes of the participant responses. The first question was directed at extracting the factual demographic, professional, and educational background of the participants, and responses given to this question complemented the data of profile questionnaire. My focus group questions did not use the words racism and antiracism as I wanted to see how participants make meaning of and relate to “race related issues” based on their individual and professional experiences, knowledge, and disposition. I also wanted to make participants feel comfortable to freely share their responses and opinion with the group. I aspired tap into their consciousness and schemata minimizing my influence. Questions 2−7 targeted eliciting of participant perceptions, attitudes, beliefs, personal and professional experiences, and knowledge regarding race and racism in

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ESL/TESL context. I made sure that I used direct and clear language in relatively short questions so that these questions did not confuse the participants nor did the questions suggest answers allowing free flow of ideas from the participants. I followed a similar approach as far as interview questions for TESL trainers, curriculum developers, and program coordinators were concerned. However, I included the phrase “race related issues” only in the seventh probing question for I wanted to allow participants to freely generate topics according to their social, pedagogical, and philosophical priorities. Knowing that this group of participants are responsible for instructional, curriculum, and administrative decisions in the TESL field, I wanted to tap into their knowledge, positionalities, attitudes, and beliefs. I felt comfortable probing some participants, but with some there was an unseen barrier. One female interview participant made me uncomfortable as she maintained a very formal relationship with me while requesting me to repeat some questions that I asked. This made me conscious of my accent and I was extra careful to be clearer in my speech. Again, in some instances, I should have probed more deeply into certain areas, but I was not sure if the participants were feeling comfortable enough to be more specific. Particularly, I felt uncomfortable and uneasy following up with the concepts of “race and racism” after noticing participantsʼ body language, choice of words, and chosen topics. I noticed that some participants were careful in choosing words when discussing issues such as racism and antiracism; some preferred to use the terms “ethnocentricity” and “cultural issues” when referring to incidents that have racial implications. This may suggest the degree of sensitivity the topic of racism entails, and how some find it difficult to address it directly. There were times when I too subconsciously used “culture” in the place of “race” and “cultural hierarchies” when referring to racism due to the climate created between myself and participants. I felt powerless as a researcher to probe more into the topic of my interest. In one of the interviews, a participant was noticeably hesitant when certain practices were questioned and I felt that I should not intervene. Data recording was done by audio taping the interview and making interviewer reflections. All the interviews were audio recorded and transcribed to accurately capture different meanings deriving from long and fragmented responses.

4.6 Data analysis Qualitative data analysis is a continuous, reflective process that takes place concurrently with gathering data (Creswell, 2009). Certain data are time sensitive and can be best interpreted within the social context(s) they occurred. Accordingly, I started my data analysis process while

110 collecting data by making memos, reports, and narratives. Acknowledging the multiple levels of analysis, I followed the general qualitative data analysis procedure recommended by Creswell (2009). First, the raw data were transcribed and sorted into a preliminary classification based on the data collection method. Then, the data were read through, and marginal notes (level 1) were made. Detailed analysis started as the third step when I looked for themes that emerged through data. Coding is “analysis of qualitative data processes through classification of ideas, themes, topics, activities, types of people, and other categories relevant to study” (Lapan et al., 2012, p. 98). In order to employ thematic coding, I adhered to the eight-step process recommended by Tesch (1990) and an alternative conceptualization proposed by Bogan and Biklen (1992) in Creswell (2009). I thus looked for themes linked to my micro and macro conceptual framework, and my own personal experiences and perceptions, as well any themes that were surprising or unusual. In other words, I essentially allowed themes to emerge from data but also used predetermined themes based on my literature review and conceptual framework. I also used a few analytic summaries that were “interim write-ups of the results of close examination of a specific coding category” (Lapan et al., 2012, p. 99) with the hope that they would eventually help the overall analysis. Once the preliminary thematic codes were developed, I generated descriptions and themes based on the particular codes and then a new set of themes subsequently developed. These themes were expected to “display multiple perspectives from individuals and be supported by diverse quotations and specific evidence” (Creswell, 2009, p. 189). Then, the interpretation of data was derived from my conceptual framework, literature review, values, beliefs, and real-life experiences. To determine if data derived from interviews, focus groups, and curriculum analysis complemented each other, I triangulated the three types of data when interpretation was done. In order to maintain the trustworthiness of my analysis, I made sure that all the interviews were transcribed verbatim so that I would not miss any verbal sounds, hesitations, words, phrases, and incomplete utterances that still create significant meaning. I tried to minimize my bias in qualitative inquiry by constantly reflecting on how my personal bias could influence the research process and made notes of those thoughts and reflections (Schensul, 2012, p. 86). At times, I wrote down my first impressions of the participants, my prejudices, and assumptions. These notes helped me to be reflective of my possible researcher bias at the analysis stage. I did not spend a lot of time on note taking since I needed to highly engage in what the participants were saying.

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4.7 Ethical considerations Ethical considerations are pivotal in every aspect of the social science research process involving human subjects/participants (Bryman et al., 2012). In keeping up with the core principles of the Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans (TCPS2, 2010), I clearly explained to participants, both verbally and in writing, everything the study entailed so that participants’ consent was both freely given and fully informed. I also was well aware that people should not be treated as objects and that they are competent enough to make decisions, although they might not behave as naturally during the research process as they do in their everyday lives. To protect the welfare of individuals and groups, I sought a favourable balance between the risks and benefits by clearly explaining the nature and the process of my research and participantsʼ involvement in the study. On two occasions, two participants verified with me whether their names and places of employment would be kept anonymous. In these particular situations, I explained in detail the data collection, storage, analysis, and publication processes, emphasizing how their privacy and confidentiality would be respected and how the participantsʼ identities remain anonymous using pseudonyms when the findings are published. I was also cognizant of the fact that people be treated equally and fairly and “vulnerable people should not be treated as guinea pigs for the benefit of others” (Bryman et al., 2012, p. 2010), even though my study did not involve any vulnerable populations. Since almost all the participants shared the same professional and educational background, I did not have instances where participants were under the influence of researcher superiority. I carefully worded the focus group and interview questions in order to eliminate any possibility of participants experiencing discomfort, loss of self-esteem, stress, and/or a sense of shame. I also made clear that they were free to decline any question or withdraw from the study prior to the data analysis stage of the study. I also decided to provide refreshments at some focus group sessions considering the time of participants’ arrival to make them comfortable. For those who were not given refreshments, I provided them with gift cards from popular coffee shops. I did not pay my participants, as doing so may have obligated the participants to take part in the study. I took measures to maintain the confidentiality of my data. As noted above, I used pseudonyms for participantsʼ names and institutions corresponding to content analysis, and pseudonyms appear on the transcripts and in the final research project. Once the audio tapes of the focus groups were transcribed, the original or raw data were stored under lock and key in a cabinet and on a password-protected computer. Where transcripts were kept digitally outside a

112 secure server environment, they were encrypted. Only my supervisor and I had access to the raw data while the identifying codes that could connect participants or their organization with pseudonyms provided were also kept under lock and key in my home office. The timing for the destruction of the tapes and/or raw data is 3 years from the date of collection. I told my participants that I would share a summary of my focus group and interview findings if they so desired. Focus group members were asked to respect the confidentiality of others; however, because I could not guarantee that other members of the group would respect this request, I repeatedly reminded them of the importance of maintaining confidentiality regarding the discussions that took place. As Creswell (2009) reminds us, the qualitative researcher should identify strategic and ethical issues while being aware of her possible biases, values, and personal background. Based on this principle, I reflected on my background as a researcher to minimize any researcher bias. My social location as a South Asian immigrant woman may have impacted my data collection and analysis process in a number of ways. Perhaps due to my less powerful professional, gender, and racial locations, the access to data collection sites was difficult, and convincing the so-called gatekeepers about the significance of my research was a bit daunting. On the other hand, having participants who hailed from my own ethnic and linguistics background may have endorsed my own stance towards the issues being discussed. Another ethical quandary that I encountered was my hesitation to be critical of certain ideas put forth by participants. I struggled with the extent of my criticality but later decided that keeping away from critical discussions would mitigate the value of my study.

4.8 Conclusion Different ontological beliefs take on different research paradigms and epistemologies, while certain types of epistemologies are popular in each discipline. Being a constructivist and sociolinguist, I designed my research methodology with the understanding that “social phenomena are multilayered, and deserve multiple interpretations” (Ma, 2015, p. 567) as I was interested in heterogeneous individuals’ diverse ideas, conceptions, opinions about racism and antiracism in the field of ESL/TESL, as well as in the textual representation of the particular topics in curricula. I yearned for socially, culturally, and historically constructed meanings surrounding the ideas of racism and antiracism articulated by curriculum documents, participants, and the researcher. Hence, I looked for research tools that acknowledge personal bias, allow new theories to emerge, and validate individuals’ experiences—including the

113 researcher’s. Qualitative research tools proved to be the most effective approach for my study as they captured and assembled participants’ and my social, cultural, and historical experiences and beliefs into meaning construction.

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Chapter 5 Race, Racism, and Antiracism in TESL Curriculum Material

In order to find answers to my first research question, I explored how ideas related to race, racism, and antiracism are presented in TESL curricula across three TESL training programs. In this chapter, I systematically analyze topics, domains, and outcomes outlined by the TESL Ontario accreditation body and the curricula of the three selected TESL programs that I chose in the Greater Toronto Area and suburbs. In order to carry out the analysis, I used three sources of data: websites and program leaflets, online course descriptions, and available readings and classroom materials. I first look at TESL training topics, domains, and outcomes for programs accredited by TESL Ontario. Then, I study program structures by exploring entry requirements, course fees, and program duration using course websites and course information booklets. Then, I closely look at various courses that possibly address the topics of racism, antiracism, and sociocultural issues using online course descriptions and course booklets. Thirdly, I analyze the relevance, breadth and depth of the content related to racism by tapping into required and optional readings and available classroom materials, including English language teaching and assessment methods. By systematically looking at the program structure, different courses, available readings related to racism and antiracism, and recommended classroom pedagogies, I discovered important similarities and differences between the three programs. Finally, I present four compelling arguments about the ways in which race, racism, antiracism culture, and language are approached in the three curricula.

5.1 TESL Ontario curriculum and accreditation In order to obtain a nuanced understanding of the TESL Ontario curriculum, I consulted the TESL Ontario website multiple times during my study. I noticed that the site was periodically updated to suit the emerging needs, and I too had to change my analysis at times based on such updates. As of March 2019, the TESL Ontario curriculum specifies that a total of 300 training hours are required for any TESL training program; 250 hours should be allotted to theory and methods while 50 hours should be set aside for the practicum (TESL Ontario, 2019a). The practicum consists of 20 teaching hours and 30 observation hours. In order to get TESL Ontario accreditation, any TESL program should satisfy these requirements. The TESL Ontario requires institutions to prepare a curriculum using TESL Ontario topical guidelines and claims that “TESL Training Domains and Outcomes provide the benchmark for the development of the

115 curriculum and the outcomes of each TESL course” (TESL Ontario, 2019b, para. 2). Since my focus is on socio-political issues, I examined the TESL and Canadian Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages (CTESOL) training Domains and Outcomes specified for culture and diversity, the only areas that can be relevant to race, class, and gender issues. TESL training Domains and Outcomes stipulate the following domains and outcomes: The TESL graduate appreciates the diverse cultures and the range of socio-cultural and economic communities that constitute the class, and recognizes the potential effect of these factors on adult language learning. She/he creates, with the learners, an inclusive, accommodating, yet suitably challenging learning environment that enables all learners to meet their needs and goals. (TESL training domains and outcomes, 2019b, para. 4) On the other hand, CTESOL Training Domains and Outcomes target training programs that deliver training for the teachers from the private sector in Ontario, the private and the publicly funded sectors in the other Canadian provinces, and international institutions. It lists domains and outcome of culture as follows: • CTESOL graduates understand what culture is, what the role of culture in instruction is, and that language and culture are inseparable. • CTESOL graduates understand and apply knowledge of world cultures and how the cultures of ELLs in any specific context affects instruction. • CTESOL graduates understand and apply knowledge about cultural values and beliefs in the context of teaching and learning. • CTESOL graduates understand and apply concepts about the interrelationship of language and culture to instruction. (Canadian TESOL [CTESOL] training domains and outcomes, 2019a, para. 4) The TESL training programs run by school boards, universities, community colleges, and private career colleges should obtain TESL Ontario accreditation by sending a very detailed application package, and these institutions should be registered with either the provincial Ministry of Education (school boards) or any Canadian Provincial Ministry of Training, College, and Universities (MTCU). The application guidelines specify how institutions should provide their program description paying close attention to program structure, outcomes, curriculum materials, a list of core materials and resources, process of selecting materials, delivery modes, and assessment tasks. The following sections are taken from the application guide on the TESL Ontario (2019c, Program Description section) website: 4. Program Description 4.1. Program Structure and Content 4.1.1. Describe the program structure and content: duration of the program, program components, course names and codes, course descriptions, detailed course outlines, duration of each course, course types (compulsory, optional, elective, online), and course sequence.

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Indicate how the program structure and content reflect the “essential” and “optional” TESL training topics recognized by TESL Ontario. 4.3. Program Coherence 4.3.1. Explain how the program goals and course outcomes fulfill the TESL training “Domains and Outcomes” recognized by TESL Ontario. 4.3.2. Explain how the achievement of program goals is monitored. 4.4. Curriculum and Modes of Delivery 4.4.1. Describe the primary teaching methods and delivery modes used in the program. 4.4.2. Elaborate on how these teaching methods and delivery modes relate to and help to meet the program learning outcomes. Describe all other delivery modes being considered as a way to improve the attainment of the program goals. 4.4.3. Provide a list of core teaching materials and resources (textbooks, online resources, libraries, journals, etc.). 4.4.4. Describe the criteria and process for selecting teaching materials. 4.4.5. Comment on how the current and emerging trends and developments in the field of TESL are incorporated into the program curriculum. The curriculum topics provided are predominantly divided into four sections, namely theory, methodology, professionalism, and practicum. The theory section has once again been divided into three subsections such as theoretical issues, linguistics and language structure, and skills while there are topics prescribed under each of these subsections. Some of these topics are labeled as essential while some are optional. Likewise, methods, professionalism, and practicum sections have also been divided into numerous subsections. There are 76 essential topics and 41 optional topics in total. Diversity, in which socio-cultural, political, racial, and gender issues are included, come under theoretical issues and to my satisfaction, is an essential topical area which should be covered by TESL programs (TESL Ontario, 2019a). Many prescribed topics are directed at delivery modes, pedagogical intervention, lesson and curriculum planning, pragmatics, skills development, assessment, and professional development. The racial, gender, and political issues have been listed as essential topics in TESL curriculum but I argue that it is a situation of making a symbolic effort due to a number of reasons. Most importantly, institutions must justify how their curriculum topics and activities address TESL Domains and Outcomes. In spite of the robust accreditation process, there is a possibility for the TESL curriculum developers to interpret their justifications to be aligned with program Domains and Outcomes as they are generically and broadly articulated. The curriculum is a particular group’s “vision of legitimate knowledge” (Apple, 1993, p. 1) while it can be used by the dominant societies to enact colonialism by silencing others and depriving their knowledge

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(Battiste, 1998). Who gets to decide the content both at institutional and accreditation level also comes into question (Amin, 2005). It is important to inquire whether curriculum decision-makers have in-depth knowledge and lived experiences of oppression stemming from their race, class, and gender so that they consider them as important and relevant issues to address. The vague topical outline allows the institutions to select topics that they assume are related to racial, gender, and political issues. I also question these topics being included under diversity—a slippery reductionist term that evades the real situation of structural barriers of ESL learners and the power relations of language learning and teaching (Amin, 2005; Elson, 1997; McLaren & Torres, 2005; Taylor, 2006). The phenomenon of diversity in the context of Canadian multiculturalism is critiqued by many antiracist scholars (Amin, 2005; Bannerji, 2000). The inclusion of racial, gender, and political issues in whatever form in the TESL curriculum imply that curriculum designers are aware of the critical political arguments (Amin, 2005; Canagarajah, 1999b; Kubota & Lin, 2006, 2009a, 2009b; Taylor, 2006) going on in the field of adult second language teaching and learning, but their awareness may not go very far other than making a symbolic effort. Moreover, TESL Ontario curriculum essentially prescribes TESL trainees to identify theoretical issues of intercultural communication and adopt intercultural attitudes and skills in teaching (TESL Ontario, 2019a) without giving specificities. This provides curriculum developers some leeway to justify the relevance of their content in terms that suit the context. The pedagogical approaches that can be aligned with decolonizing and anti-imperialist approaches have clearly been given less importance in the list of TESL topics. The Applied linguists have widely discussed the importance of bilingualism (Cummins, 2005), multilingualism (Canagarajah, 2007; Cummins, 2005), plurilingualism (Canagarajah, 2006), and translanguaging (Canagarajah, 2006, 2013) in second language learning. There is a shift in the desired outcome of language learning as monolingualism to plurilingualism in Europe (Flores, 2013) but this shift still cannot be seen in the conceptualization of language learning in Ontarioʼs TESL curriculum, ironically, Ontario having one of the most multicultural populations in the world. In addition, curriculum frameworks such as the Common European Framework of Reference (CEFR) that addresses plurilingual and multilingual competencies (North & Piccardo, 2018) have been specified as optional in TESL Ontario curriculum. The relationship between the bilingual brain and cognition in learning have grossly been ignored by content-based and bilingual approaches being specified as optional. With an increasing number of international

118 students registering in EAP courses, it is vital that TESL graduates have a good grasp of content- based language teaching skills in which a bilingual approach is used. Recommendation of global Englishes as an optional topic also suggests the marginalization of “outer circle” and promotion of “inner circle” English (Kachru, 1992). The teaching approaches prescribed in the curriculum assume an idealized monolithic version of English (Wolfram, 2014) while the “Sociolinguistic reality of monolithic version of standard English is a myth, idealistic and non-existent in any context” (Wolfram, 2014, p. 16). The curriculum also mandates Communicative Language Teaching, Audio Lingual, and Direct Methods as essential approaches to be taught in ESL classes while Dogme and Flipped Classrooms are listed as optional. Finally, under topic teaching skills, the teachersʼ intercultural attitudes and skills and individualization within class with diverse learner types and abilities are listed. The specification and not provided and diversity can be interpreted and justified by the curriculum developer to suit the status quo. Relating to my personal experiences as a teacher trainee, I can reflect on the sociocultural course that I took in the TESL diploma program. It was a 2-week course in which we talked about different customs and lifestyles of ethnicities under the topic of diversity. A lot of stereotyping of different ethnicities and celebration of ethnic diversity went into the course content in a seemingly unharmed manner. For instance, we learned that the Spanish like to live in their extended families while the Indians like to perform pooja. We also talked extensively about how different ethnicities eat, dress, and dance while explaining and exhibiting our cultural artifacts to each other in an assignment. I remember choosing cultural pluralism as my final topic, which I wrote about uncritically without touching on critical issues such as cultural hierarchies, racism, classism, White dominance, and ethnocentrism for the simple reason of not having sufficient knowledge about those issues. The classroom climate that was created for the teacher trainees did not encourage us to be critical or analytical. When one of my friends touched on racism as an issue within a pluralist society, she was given a lower mark with the comment “too sensitive.” When I was recently going through the materials, I found notes on cultural pluralism and White privilege. Although the article on White privilege was distributed to keep in line with the curricula guidelines, there were no lectures, classroom discussions, or reflective essays based on the topic White privilege. I never noticed this topic back then, when I was expected to be an “apolitical” TESL trainee although the teaching of English as a second language is very politically inclined towards the westrinsic ways of thinking and doing.

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Furthermore, I as a TESL trainee never dealt with any topics related to intercultural competence, global Englishes, or intercultural skills either. With this type of avoidance and tokenism practised in TESL programs, the ESL teachers may become uncritical automatons in ESL classrooms trying to help students only with their linguistic needs while harbouring their own racist, classist, and sexist attitudes. Clearly, social and economic interests have shaped the ESL and TESL curricula, classroom practices, and administrative procedures to devalue, exclude, and marginalize its stakeholders, mostly adult ESL learners and non-White, non-native English speaker ESL teachers. In the next section, I analyze the program structures of the three selected TESL programs and investigate how they employ the guidelines stipulated by the TESL Ontario accreditation body in terms of diversity.

5.2 Program structures of the three TESL training programs in Ontario 5.2.1 Program A According to the information available on the program website, Program A is offered by an Ontario Community College in Toronto on both a part-time and full-time basis. It costs $4,200 for domestic students and $6,300 for international students. The entry requirement to enroll in the program is a bachelor’s degree and the proof of English language requirement, which is the overall International English Language Testing System (IELTS) score of 7.5. The two-tier program encompasses 250 hours of classroom instruction, 30 hours of classroom observation, and 20 hours of supervised teaching practice. The faculty who teach the course have postgraduate qualifications in the field of Applied Linguistics and are certified by the TESL Ontario accreditation body as TESL theory and methodology instructors. The website specifies exit competencies as identifying and applying principles of teaching and learning, preparing effective lesson plans, applying teaching methods, describing the language–culture relationship and explaining its impact on L2 learning. The Program A website does not specify any exit competency related to sociopolitical issues, a very important proficiency an ESL teacher should possess in order to walk into a multicultural classroom filled with adult students who possess various religious, racial, political, and social orientations. In order to use the best practices of language teaching, the classroom climate has to be a safe and conducive place for both the teacher and students. The teacher’s ability to maintain a good rapport between students depends significantly on the teacher’s ability to handle matters arising from cultural, racial, religious, and political differences. The online course outline includes topics related to first and second language acquisition, lesson planning, classroom management, teaching

120 of four skills, assessment techniques, current and emerging models of second language learning, student-centered learning, the effects of culture on language and learning, and sociopolitical and sociocultural considerations in language teaching and learning. These topics are disseminated using published books, journal articles, and in-house materials. For analysis purposes, I located required and optional readings for the course on sociopolitical and sociocultural considerations in language teaching and learning at the University of Toronto library. McKay and Hornberger’s (1996) Sociolinguistics and Language Teaching, in which the main purpose is to “help language teachers and teachers of linguistically diverse and multicultural classes gain an understanding of the many ways in which language and society interact” (p. ix), is a required textbook in this program. This book, prescribed in Program B as well, contains macro and micro level sociolinguistic analyses related to the topics of language and society, language and variation, language and interaction, and language and culture. The discussions under the broader topic of language and society include language attitudes, motivation, language standards, societal multilingualism (McGroarty, 1996), World Englishes (Kachru & Nelson, 1996), and language planning and policy (Wiley, 1996). Teaching ESL in Canada (Li, Myles, & Robinson, 2012) addresses a number of theoretical and practical issues related to teaching ESL in the Canadian context. The book consists of twelve chapters in total and eleven chapters focus on teaching and assessment methods. One chapter deals with sociopolitical issues related to teaching ESL in Canada. Principles of Language Learning and Teaching (Brown, 2014) is another prescribed textbook for the course, which once again addresses a wide array of learning, teaching, and assessment theories and practical quandaries related to teaching ESL. This book is one of the books recommended in many TESL programs in Ontario, and it consists of 10 chapters; the seventh chapter focuses on language, culture, and identity. Furthermore, Brown and Eisterholdʼs (2004) Topics in Language and Culture for Teachers is the prescribed book for the Culture and Society—Social Foundations in ESL course. The newly updated subject outline specifies that materials for TESL 2 will be distributed in class.

5.2.2 Program B Program B, which is one of the first programs approved by TESL Ontario, is an elite TESOL program offered by one of the leading universities in Ontario. The cost of this 8-month long TESOL Certificate program is relatively higher than other TESL/TESOL programs in Ontario. The duration of the program is 300 hours, including 30 hours of observation and 20

121 hours of teaching practicum. According to the program website, the total cost for a domestic full- time student in the 2018−2019 academic year is $6,646 CAD while an international student is required to pay $38,538 CAD if completed within 8 months. The online application process seems to be detailed and competitive, and it requires applicants to comment on their life experiences related to the program, challenges they’ve encountered in the field, interpersonal conflicts they’ve experienced, and how they intend to create conducive learning environments for their students. Furthermore, the particular programʼs admission criteria require an oral score of 8 including overall band of 7.5 in IELTS or a total score of 103 in TOEFL as “proof of English language facility if their mother tongue is not English” (program booklet, p. 7). The information provided for potential applicants creates a sense of importance, implying that this particular program is unique and difficult to get in. There are eight required courses spread out over 8 months. According to the program booklet, the required courses are Introduction to Linguistics; TESOL Methodology: Teaching Listening, Speaking, Reading, and Writing; Theoretical Issues in Second Language Teaching and Learning; Transition to the Classroom; Pedagogical Grammar; Planning ESOL Courses; and TESOL Practicum. Program Bʼs course on Introduction to Linguistics focuses on language acquisition and structure, language history and change, as well as sociocultural and psychological aspects of language. This course is also a university degree credit course, and Linguistics for Dummies by Strang Burton, Rose-Marie Déchaine, and Eric Vatikiotis-Bateson (2012) is the prescribed book for the course. This book scientifically and objectively inquires into different domains of linguistics by looking into pattern formation of languages including syntax, semantics, phonetics, phonology, and morphology. The book also looks at the historical context of language evolution, brain and language processing in psycholinguistics, neurolinguistics, as well as sociolinguistics. Two TESOL methodology courses examine the current methods pertaining to teaching speaking, pronunciation, listening, reading, and writing skills to adult speakers of other languages or English as a second or other language. These courses recommend Principles of Language Learning and Learning by Douglas Brown (2014), Teaching ESL in Canada by Li et al. (2012), The Practice of English Language Teaching by Jeremy Harmer (1991), and Teaching Unplugged by Meddings and Thornbury (2009), a book that challenges traditional teaching methods by introducing some ELT methods corresponding to materials, learner focus, and teaching techniques. Harmer predominantly looks at the theoretical underpinnings of teaching

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ESL, teaching materials, and techniques that are mostly based on traditional Eurocentric teaching philosophy and classroom management. The course on the theoretical issues in second language teaching and learning examines adult language learning theories, communicative language teaching, and “the research base around topics relevant to second language learning and the implications to the classroom” (Program B information booklet). The course kit for the respective course could not be found. Another hands-on course is set aside to explore ESOL classroom conditions in the means of classroom observations, discussions, peer and volunteer teaching, and reflections. According to the course information booklet, the course titled Transition to the Classroom provides students with real-life classroom experience by spending 4−15 hours in the field to discover principles and best practices of adult language teaching by giving them opportunities to observe language classes both online and onsite. Once again, the focus is mostly on best practices but the booklet does not mention that this exposure may allow students to understand the classroom dynamics arising from racial, linguistic, social, economic, and cultural differences. In the observation process, sociocultural issues seem to be completely ignored and students aren’t instructed to examine this in online and onsite ESL classes. Instead, the focus is on correcting and coaching ESL students but the discourse is not on understanding the ESL adult learners and their difficulties. This course also provides the students with an opportunity to discover their career choices and networking possibilities. The description can be very appealing to potential TESL trainees. In the course titled Pedagogical Grammar, the prescribed book Grammar for ELT Teachers by Martin Parrot “encourages teachers to appreciate the complexity (and where relevant, the ambiguity) of grammatical description and to recognize the limitation of the ‘rule of thumb’ presented to learners in course materials” (Ridge, 2011, p. 2). There is also a section that looks at typical difficulties for learners and states that “mistakes and errors invite interest rather than disparagement” (Ridge, 2011, p. 2).

5.2.3 Program C TESL Program C is run by a private institution approved by the Ontario Ministry of Training, Colleges and Universities. The program offers 300 hours of classroom instruction, 30 hours of classroom observation, and 20 hours of supervised teaching practicum. The diploma can be completed full-time (14 weeks/4 months) or part-time (30 weeks/8 months). In order to register in the program, the candidates need to have at least a high school diploma although it is

123 stated that TESL Ontario and TESL Canada accreditation require them to have a bachelor’s degree and English language proficiency scores for the non-native speakers of English. Domestic students are charged $3,750 for the course while international students must pay $5,500. The courses offered are theoretical issues (20 hours), linguistics (40 hours), language structure and skills (40 hours), TESL methodology (60 hours), teaching the skills (80 hours), and assessment (20 hours). This course is predominantly based on instructor-developed in-house materials followed by occasional published articles. Therefore, the website did not present a comprehensive list of readings.

5.3 Comparison of the three programs There clearly are structural differences between the three programs in terms of course duration, tuition, entry requirements, the type of curriculum materials, and curriculum content. Program B, offered by one of the leading universities in Ontario, is the most expensive program requiring the highest language proficiency score as an entry requirement. The international student fee of $38,538 CAD and the required IELTS oral band score of 8 suggest that the program draws from an economically privileged class of people from around the world. The particular TESL program is a foreign-revenue generating device for the prestigious university, which is underfunded by the government. Thus, Program B stands as a good example of how TESL education is commodified in the global marketplace, attracting rich foreign customers. The esteemed university affiliation and the geographical location both within Canada and in the Western world may have implications for the global popularity of the program. Interestingly, three participants graduated from this program: Varun, Tuyen, and Hung took the course as domestic students. There is no significant difference between the domestic and international student fees for Program A and Program C, but Program C is the cheapest of all three. However, Program C has the most flexible criteria for admission. While the program website indicates that a bachelor’s degree and English language proficiency scores are needed for TESL Ontario accreditation, applicants needed only a high school diploma and “fluency” in English to register. In contrast, Program B demands an IELTS oral score of 8 and a bachelor’s degree for admission while Program A asks for a bachelor’s degree; those who have a marginally lower language proficiency score are asked to contact the program administrators, and the language proficiency score is needed later for the students to get TESL Ontario accreditation. Furthermore, Program C has the most convenient model of completion as it can be completed in 4 months as opposed to 8 months in the other two programs. Programs A and B have

124 recommended many published books and articles as course materials, but Program C uses a combination of program-specific materials and published articles. The main reason for material difference may be due to the resourcefulness across the three institutions. Programs A and B have library databases, and therefore, it is viable for the two programs to provide a list of published books and journal articles. However, Program C is run by a private institution without library facilities and thus, it has provided in-house lesson materials for the students’ convenience. Regardless of these differences, all three programsʼ descriptions used expressions like “market demands,” “industry standards” (Program A), “competitive,” “employability” (Program B), “high demand employability skills,” and “competitive edge” (Program C)—all favouring free market capitalism. The aforementioned characteristics allude to the situation described by Thomson (2004) and Macpherson et al, (2005) more than 14 years ago: Free market forces demand various TESL programs to have different entry requirements and program structures to attract different buyers, thus compromising professionalism in the TESL field. On the other hand, some programs create intensified competition to satisfy the meritocratic values of neoliberal capitalism (Byean, 2015). The selection of these three TESL programs therefore enabled me to see the nuances between the political, social, and economic orientations of TESL programs.

5.4 How do TESL curricula address race and racism? The selection of curriculum content related to sociopolitical issues, and elaboration of these topics, too, varies across the three different programs. The three programs used different approaches to address racism. Some programs address the topic of racism in a wider breadth while others address it lacking depth. Looking at the themes, discussions, and activities in textbooks and published articles used by the three particular TESL programs, it was also clear to me that discourse around racism or antiracism is restrained in three curricula. Yet, I acknowledge that there are openings and critical readings in place in all three programs, although how these readings are used is questionable. The programs have specified some of these readings as required while some are identified as optional. In addition, while these critical readings and activities are included under sociocultural or theoretical issues, the ideology behind these readings are not apparent in most of the methodologies (which comprise most of the TESL content) recommended in the three programs. After analyzing the three curricula, I see three common trends across all three programs that I argue as problematic in any antiracist endeavour: devaluing and ignoring the ESL learner in ELT methods, using “culture” as an overarching

125 theme to capture and hide issues related to race and racism, and the limited presence of race and antiracist discourse in discussions.

5.4.1 Towards antiracism Some materials introduced in TESL curricula have prospects for antiracist practice although the three programs use different approaches. The use of case studies and scenarios is one important approach that two programs have taken towards antiracism. In one of the required textbooks of Programs A and B, there are sections posing practical problems of possible misunderstandings arising from cultural differences. Li et al. (2012) provide scenarios accompanied by questions prompting the trainees’ reaction and perception to certain culturally sensitive situations. Students are expected to reflect on the given situations and come up with ideas and solutions. These activities highlight the instances of prejudice, such as cultural sensitivity, stereotyping, practices, and beliefs without using the more uncomfortable word “racism.” For example, Li et al. present the following scenario: An Iranian man, Hassan offered his lock to Alexo, a friend of Greek origin, upon transferring his locker to the latter. Alexo declined although Hassan insisted. Alexo said he’d pay for it or he would not have it. This statement upset Hassan, so he tossed the lock into the garbage can, saying “I don’t have any other use for this lock. If you don’t take it, it’s wasted.” Seeing this, Alexo picked up the lock and thanked Hassan. Later when they talked about this matter on a friendly occasion, Hassan said “you know, it is my culture to give things to friends and it was an insult when you offered to pay me.” However, Alexo retorted jokingly, “I have a culture too. In Greek culture, we don’t take things for free.” They then broke into laughter. Questions: 1. Do you think Hassan and Alexo’s interaction regarding the lock represents their perspective cultural practices? 2. What is socially appropriate behavior in terms of gift giving and receiving practices in different cultures? (p. 25) This is a scenario that very effectively portrays the fine line between what is culturally appropriate and how different cultural practices are perceived by cultural others. The content discussed here may reflect diversity training material. In Program C, some classroom activities are employed in understanding world cultures. For instance, the trainees have to guess which world culture is linked to “arriving 30 minutes late to dinner, and it’s not customary to show up on time” (Program C material). Trainees are also made aware of how different cultures communicate with different gestures as “it is very important for teachers to understand how the gestures they use unconsciously may be misunderstood by English language learners” (Program C material). These scenarios, readings, and activities are helpful in initiating discussions around

126 cultural differences, but they do not effectively unearth the power differentials between cultures, races, languages, and knowledges. Razack (1998) points out that “emphasis on cultural diversity too often descends, in a multicultural spiral, to a superficial reading of differences that makes power relations invisible and keeps dominant cultural norms in place” (p. 9). Thus, cultural sensitivity training will only scratch the surface of the issue of racism that has become an integral part of multicultural societies. Razack (1998) questions the management of diversity through cross “cultural strategies” and “variety of pedagogical tricks” (p. 9). She is of the view that educators who go through cultural sensitivity training may not find it helpful when they lack the insider perspective of racism. In my view, this is also the case for non-White teachers given the diversity in a classroom, and the non-White status of a teacher will not make him or her a better teacher as there are infinite differences arising from students’ and teachersʼ various social, racial, class, and linguistic differences. In a context where diversity is encouraged, the diverse views may not be tolerated. Inclusion of debates and discussions around histories of race, racism, and antiracism movements may allow TESL trainees who lack the insider perspective of racism to learn about it, but such discussions are absent in the materials that I analyzed. In addition, Program B includes the alternative English Language Methodology (ELT) or a dialogic pedagogy called Dogme ELT philosophy discussed in Meddings and Thornburyʼs (2009) Teaching Unplugged, a recommended book; this has an anti-imperialist approach as it recognizes the non-native speaker teacher’s ability “to scaffold, or supplement the learner’s ability” (p. 84). Also, when Semini showed me some of the printed PowerPoint presentations used in the Program A course titled Sociocultural Issues, I took notes of the references. One of the references was Linda Steinman’s (2003) “Cultural Collisions in L2 Academic Writing” which discusses a Western approach to writing and how it may overlook and underestimate other writing styles by perceiving them as “irrelevant,” “incoherent,” and “illogical” (p. 85). Steinman posits that “awareness of and use of strategies to address some of the cultural collisions occur in 2nd language academic writing seems a fine place to start” (p. 85). However, the ELT methods recommended in the curricula do not acknowledge the impact of cultural differences in the learning process but instead anticipate ideal and identical second language learners who are supposed to function similarly, irrespective of their different histories, cultures, linguistic backgrounds, experiences, knowledges, and races. Discussions of language standards and native-speaker constructs are another significant step towards antiracism. As seen in the literature review, debates around native and non-native

127 dichotomy, language standardization, and accent discrimination bring to light certain exclusionary practices such as devaluation, alienation, and marginalization of ESL learners. The validity of this dichotomy is debated and analyzed in various perspectives, such as inferiorizing NNETs (Amin, 1997; Braine,1999; Kubota & Lin, 2006; Mahoob et al., 2004; Ramajattan, 2014) and examining the linguistic competence of NNETs (Medgyes, 1992) and pedagogical perspectives of NNETs (Faez, 2012a). Amin’s (1997) account on race and identity of non-native English ESL teachers discusses the connection between non-native speaker status and race, and how non-White teachers are perceived as inadequate and inauthentic in the eyes of ESL students. Unlike many writers who avoid affixing race in the discussion of the native–non-native speaker dichotomy, Amin (1997) points out the connection between race, ownership of the English language, and non-native speaker status. It is evident that all three programs bring out these themes in various degrees for discussion as “theoretical issues,” which can also be labeled as implicit antiracist attempts, but the principles are not incorporated into English language teaching or assessments methods. In Program A, the section on Language and Society addresses critical debates around the topic of language standardization that leads to “overt or covert domination of one group by another” as well as the importance of “developing sensitivity towards varieties of language rather than pedantic linguistic enforces” (McKay & Hornberger, 1996, p. 25). The chapter also shows how Kachru and Nelson (1996) critically analyze the sociopolitical underpinnings of world Englishes, referring to the native–non-native dichotomy, attitude towards non-native varieties of English, and speaker identity. Sridhar’s (1996) discussion on the patterns and characters of multilingual societies, and implications of them for language teaching, indicates that “ignoring the existence of learner’s other languages and or negating their values by insisting on a maximal or inclusive use of English even in the home domain runs contrary to the dynamics of multilingualism and is detrimental to the learner’s self-respect and cultural identity” (as cited in McKay & Hornberger, 1996, p. 63). Although these readings point to some critical discussions, it is difficult to discern the output without observing how these readings are used in class activities. In Program B, Chapter nine of Burton et al.ʼs (2012) Linguistics for Dummies addresses the topic “Living with Language Variation: Sociolinguistics” and describes how the languages maintain “top dog” (p. 154) status as well how a language is used as a “social tool” for power and upward social mobility by various speech communities who belong to upper and lower

128 social strata. These ideas address the relationship between class and language standards. Furthermore, the chapter objectively comments on the validity of standard forms as follows: For linguists, the term standard and non-standard carry no value judgements about quality. A standard variety of a language isn’t better than a non-standard variety—they’re just different. What determines whether a variety is selected as the standard? A combination of social, economic, and historical factors-and these can all change over time. (Burton et al., 2012, p. 154) These social, economic, and historical factors have been analyzed somewhat in detail but there is a lack of analysis on how race or minority culture of the speakers affects the power play. For instance, the chapter attempts to outline how language is used for social mobility without placing a subjective judgment on inequitable standard language domination while normalizing its occurrence: Whenever you meet a new person, you make judgements about the kind of person they are the minute they open their mouth. Your judgements are often unconscious and automatic—you can’t stop yourself from doing this. (Even if you’re a trained linguist.) This judgement is something that all language users do: They assign a positive or negative social value to a language variety (or a language), which transforms language into a powerful social tool. This is something that humans do to language. And after humans’ shape language into a social tool, they then cleverly use it to position themselves in the social pecking order. (Burton et al., 2012, p. 156) Motha (2014) argues that Standard English is a discriminatory and hegemonic creation that is in place to maintain the power of past empires over their former colonized nations and that “continues to play an important role in the persistence of a particular international status quo” (p. 110). Accordingly, the world Englishes that do not belong to inner-circle varieties have been clearly devalued, excluded, and “racialized” (Motha, 2014) when considering the history of English language, its evolution, and standardization. Proving Motha’s observation, Burton et al.ʼs (2012) Linguistics for Dummies shows phonetic and phonological variations using only the inner-circle varieties (British, Australian, and North American) and does not mention the existence of other outer-circle varieties of world Englishes. For instance, when differentiating the language communities and perks of standard and non-standard varieties, the given descriptions clearly show the superior status apportioned to the speakers of standard varieties, which have been exemplified as standard and non-standard British English. The existence of standard and non-standard varieties in non-Western outer-circle countries like India, Jamaica, and Sri Lanka countries is not mentioned at all. These objective descriptions of how a certain value is attached to Western standard varieties create a sense of urgency to learn and teach the standard variety as “the education system is based on the belief that teaching the standard variety or dominant

129 language levels the playing field” (Burton et al., 2012, p. 156). This implicit support towards standard languages puts class distinction on a normal footing amongst speakers and hints that there is a language standard that learners and teachers should adhere to. It further implies that teaching or learning the standard variety may enable social mobility lessening the discrimination directed at non-standard speakers. Nevertheless, Flores and Rosa (2015) argue that simply adding “codes of power or other appropriate forms of language to the linguistic repertoires of language minoritized students will not lead to social transformation” without “challenging the underlying racism and monoglossic language ideologies of the white listening subjects” (p. 167) since the non-native speakers are always perceived as deficient. In some prescribed books, the native-speaker construct is sometimes challenged briefly. Program B specifies Teaching Unplugged (Meddings & Thornbury, 2009) as an optional book, which introduces alternative English Language Methodology (ELT) or a dialogic pedagogy called Dogme ELT philosophy. The thinking behind the methodology is that “beliefs and practices, in turn, draw on a rich tradition of alternative, progressive, critical and humanist educational theory” (Meddings & Thornbury, 2009, p. 7). Unlike the other prescribed books that assume the facilitator of their suggested methods is an imaginary native-speaker ESL/ESOL teacher, this book briefly addresses the existence of non-native speaker ESL teachers while suggesting how the particular approach can be executed by them: Language teaching is about exploring and extending the learner’s existing language capacity. The teacher’s role is to scaffold, or supplement the learner’s ability not by providing native like models but by nudging it towards greater intelligence and fluency. (Meddings & Thornbury, 2009, p. 84) This description acknowledges, motivates, and strengthens non-native English speaker ESL teachers by mentioning that they “develop an ability to see the target language through the learner eyes” (Meddings & Thornbury, 2009, p. 84). I can easily connect with this notion as a non-native speaker ESL teacher due to the fact that I easily get the insider perspective of their problems, anxieties, and dilemmas. This insight and understanding can easily be used to create a non-threatening climate for second language learners. Since this book is on the recommended list and not on the required list because it is an optional TESL Ontario topic, there is a good chance that the TESL trainees may get by without noticing this content. Also, it is up to the TESL trainer to provide the trainees with an opportunity to discuss the content in depth. The trainers who are positioned in the monolingual language teaching framework may overlook and ignore some of the recommendations given to “exploit class bilingualism by using technology involving

130 translation, such as community language learning” (Meddings & Thornbury, 2009, p. 85). Positionality of the educator may facilitate or hinder knowledge construction. This approach also suggests the inclusion of critical feminist pedagogy in which inclusion dialogue, dialogic engagement in a democratic way, and solidarity for social transformation are present (Kennan, Solsken, & Willet, 2000, as cited in Austin, 2009). In Program C, the Foundations in Linguistics course (40 hours) covers some themes related to sociolinguistics and historical linguistics in which native speaker and non-native speaker dichotomy, English as a global language, and linguistic imperialism have been discussed. These topics were covered through a teaching/learning activity in which two groups debate on the following topics: (a) Native speakers of English are better speakers of English than non-native speakers, and (b) it is good that English is a global language. In order to prepare with the content for the debate, students are required to read certain prescribed articles from three reference lists. Amongst the references in List 1, 47 entries ranging from 1965 to 2005 were included; there were articles that discuss the discriminatory recruitment practices and perceptions against non-native ESL teachers (Braine, 1999; Flynn & Gulikers, 2001; Mahoob et al., 2004; Medgeys, 1999), the political economy of the native speaker fallacy (Canagarajah, 1999a), and joint native and non-native identity for ESL teachers. In addition to Braine (1999) and Mahoob et al. (2004), Flynn and Gulikers (2001) also discuss issues including discriminatory practices that NNES face when finding employment and possible factors attributed to employment difficulties. The authors also present certain guidelines program administrators and NNES can follow to improve job opportunities for NNES. While intending to discuss discriminatory practices the NNES face, the article does not mention racist practices concerned with hiring NNES, but it seeks to address “issues related to attitudes concerning fluency-accuracy and cultural authority” (Flynn & Gulikers, 2001, p. 152). The article also suggests that NNES should try to understand American culture as well as to be more aware of their differences that can hinder their opportunities to succeed: “Newly-hired NNES teachers may need to be aware if some aspect of their body language seems non-American to students, or if they need to work on accent reduction. Dress can sometimes set a teacher apart” (Flynn & Gulikers, 2001, p. 156). The article also recommends that NNES should try to prepare for interviews by paying more attention to their dress, accent, and body language: NNESs, even more than other job candidates, should practice the interview process before going to the actual interview. They should make up a list of questions and then ask professors and fellow students to suggest more; they should also have classmates or

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colleagues ask them the questions several times. NNES job candidates may wish to audiotape themselves and listen to their answers. If they are brave, they could have a colleague give them feedback on the tape. If job applicants are concerned that their body language makes them appear foreign, they could have their practice interview videotaped. Videotaping may make them more nervous and would certainly involve more effort than setting up an audio-cassette recorder but could be worth the extra effort. (Flynn & Gulikers, 2001, pp. 157-158) And just as the NESTs have an advantage over NNESTs due to their English language proficiency, Medgyes (1992) argues that NNETs too have a number of advantages that NESTs do not possess. He says that NNETs can serve as a realistic model for language learners as native-speaker proficiency is an unattainable, unrealistic target for language learners. Moreover, as NNESTs have been language learners themselves, they are better informants of the English language and learning strategies. All things considered, what Medgyes tries to say is “NETs and NNETs can be equally effective because their respective weakness balance each other out and the route they take can be different” (p. 347). Canagarajah’s (1999a) “Interrogating the ʻNative Speaker Fallacyʼ” is a very analytical piece challenging the native-speaker construct by examining linguistics and the political economy of the native-speaker fallacy. He points out that Chomsky’s concepts keep the native speaker in a superior state as an “idealized construction” (p. 79). On the other hand, he asserts that the “native-speaker fallacy creates a global demand for center teachers” (p. 82) in the centre and also “monopolizes the ESL teaching jobs in the periphery” (p. 82). He further points out that “such undue emphasis on the linguistic status/proficiency of the teachers excuse them from understanding the local languages, cultures, and social conditions of the communities where they are teaching” (p. 84). A class discussion based on the contents of this article can unearth critical debates on the native-speaker construct. In another prescribed article, Brutt-Griffler and Samimy (2001) emphasize the importance of using ESL classrooms as a space to transform the “dichotomous discourses of nativeness” (p. 418) to “counter discourse” (p. 418) in order to maintain a joined identity for all ESL teachers regardless of their native–non-native speaker status. It is recommended to achieve such joint identity through critical praxis where non-native speakers identify and analyze their powerlessness as well as oppressive systemic forces to act individually and collectively to change the situation through engaging in dialogues with ESL students. The reference List 2, which deals with “English as a Global Language,” consists of 29 entries from 1992-2008. In the article “So English Is Taking Over the Globe. So What,” Cohen

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(2006) asserts the importance of the emergence of a simpler global form of English that can be accessed and used by non-native speakers around the world as a tool “to get the job done” (para. 9), although it does not necessarily contribute to literature and culture due to its limited ability to express complex thoughts. These ideas rally around the neoliberal idea of language as a tool that can be used for business to make profits. Using a quote from another researcher named Levy, Cohen notes that “the global English world is not a world where Anglophone people speak the same as they would at home” (para. 10), and argues that native speakers need to prepare themselves to be understood and to understand others as “in the future, if there are two billion people who can speak English, the English speaker without knowledge of another language will be at a disadvantage” (para. 10). In the book English as a Global Language, Crystal (1997) is believed to have objectively discussed the progression of world English while stating his personal standpoint, which values multilingualism as a resource to “foster historical identity and promote a climate of mutual respect” (p. xiv) and fluency in a world language to “foster cultural opportunity and promote a climate of international intelligibility” (p. xiv). It is also evident that most of the published materials presented in the reference list support the spread of global Englishes. Reference List 3, “Linguistic Imperialism,” somewhat overlaps with reference List 2 and presents a large number of references (22) including published books and articles from world- renowned writers on the subject, such as Suresh Canagarajah, Robert Phillipson, Alastair Pennycook, David Crystal, and Alan Davies. The publication dates vary from 1993−2001, suggesting a limitation in more current and updated materials. While some of the articles could be freely accessed on the internet, access to some articles was restricted and required access through an institutional library system. However, I could not find some of the articles on the University of Toronto library database. As far as the content of some of these articles is concerned, many articles describe the ways in which the English language is dominating the world epistemologically, politically, economically, culturally, and socially (Canagarajah 1999b, Phillipson, 1992; Pennycook, 2007). However, the review article titled “Ironising the Myth of Linguicism” by Davies (1996) predominantly critiques Phillipson’s book on Linguistic Imperialism, claiming that it is “a Rousseau-like desire to return to nature and to innocence” (p. 485). He further emphasizes two mistakes that Phillipson (1992) has made referring to his ideas: (1) The book is insular, looking neither at the interaction of English with other languages nor at the role of other imperial languages. (2) The deterministic insistence of the author means that his judgements are impervious to the facts, thereby trivializing history in favor of myth. (Davies, 1996, p. 495)

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As seen above, the TESL curricula discuss the topics such as the native–non-native dichotomy of English language speakers, the recognition of outer-circle varieties of Englishes, accent discrimination, but antiracist and decolonizing ideology is not seen in the ELT methods sections that comprise the majority of the TESL courses. Instead, ELT methodology based on communicative language teaching that values monolingualism and standard native speakerism has been predominantly prescribed, instead of comprising a few exceptions. As discussed in Chapter two, standardized tests and construction of standard English are mechanisms that covertly perpetuate the language hierarchies and ignore violations of personal rights and democracy, which is not seen by the “public who have been indoctrinated into perceiving language as a closed, correct, standard and pure system, an agenda moved by politicians, linguists, and educationalists” (Shohamy, 2006, p. xviii). They maintain the status quo by including sections on IELTS, TOEFEL, and other high-stakes languages assessment methods as well as monolingual teaching approaches. The next sections will provide a detailed analysis of the most problematic ways in which race, racism, culture, and language are approached in the three TESL curricula.

5.4.2 Devaluing and ignoring the adult ESL learner The statistics presented in Chapter three indicate the number of international students enrolled in college and university English language programs have increased steadily, and immigrants who are skilled professionals with higher English language proficiency skills also get enrolled in advanced English language courses tailored for academic purposes and specialized professions. A close examination of TESL Ontario curriculum guidelines and TESL curricula materials of the three TESL programs suggest that the pedagogical emphasis is placed on identifying and applying West-centric, monolingual, mono-cultural English language teaching methodologies, ignoring the significance of adult ESL learners’ native languages, depth of life experiences, and intellectual needs. The Communicative Language Teaching (CLT) approach is predominantly used in the majority of English language teaching and assessment approaches in TESL curricula as per the recommendations of the TESL Ontario accreditation body. Therefore, both Program A and B had specified methodology textbooks that were grounded in this approach. Principles of Language Learning and Teaching by Douglas Brown is a required book to cover teaching of listening, speaking, reading, and writing skills in both Program A and B. Brown (2014) describes the popularity and the acceptance of the CLT approach as follows:

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Today, many of the pedagogical springs and rivers of the last few decades are appropriately captured in the term communicative language teaching (CLT), now a catchphrase for language teachers. CLT… is an eclectic blend of previous methods into the best of what a teacher can provide in authentic uses of the L2 in the classroom. (p. 18) In addition, Program B uses The Practice of English Language Methods by J. Harmer (1991), in which communicative activities are systematically introduced (e.g., teaching the productive skills, pp. 46-54; communicative activities, pp. 122-151; receptive skills, pp.181- 233). This approach focuses on communicative competence, and “it is not so much an intrapersonal developmental process, as we saw in Chomsky’s early writings, but rather a dynamic, interpersonal, construct that can be examined only by means of the overt performance of two or more individuals engaging in communication” (Brown, 2014, p. 206). Furthermore, according to Hymes (1972), the CLT approach “enables us to convey and interpret messages and to negotiate meanings interpersonally within specific contexts” (as cited in Brown, 2014, p. 206). However, I argue that the CLT approach works well with achieving Basic Interpersonal Communication Skills (BICS) due its “context- embedded” (Cummins, 1981, p.11) nature but does less so with CALP as it is “context-reduced” (Cummins, 1981, p.11). The objective of the ELT courses aimed at adult learners should be to develop their BICS as well as Cognitive Academic Language Proficiency (CALP) as adult students come in with various degrees of proficiency levels in English and depth of prior knowledge; however, the methods recommended by the TESL Ontario framework, such as CLT, focus more on improving their BICS and less on their CALP. One of the main reasons for this shortcoming is because the current TESL Ontario training programs offer teaching approaches such as content- and competency-based instruction and bilingual approaches, which facilitate CALP, only as recommended topics in accordance with the TESL Ontario accreditation mandate. For instance, Program B includes Dogme ELT philosophy in Meddings and Thornburyʼs (2009) Teaching Unplugged, as a recommended book but not as a required one. The need in the change of current teaching methodology to develop CALP is not effectively addressed by the provincial accreditation body despite the fact that topical outlines include English for academic purposes as an essential area. As such, I argue that alternative ELT approaches are projected as less important in the TESL curricula without adequately reflecting on the backgrounds and needs of the target adult ESL student population. English for academic purposes programs require students’ cognitive skills as much as their language skills, and Jung (2013) defines this inconsiderate construction as “infantilization” of the

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ESL learner and describes how adult ESL students are mistreated and devalued as “young children, mentally retarded or emotionally disturbed” (Shuck, 2006, as cited in Jung, 2013, p. 262) both in and outside the classroom contexts. The current ESL programsʼ negligence in considering immigrants’ intellectual needs is also similar to the situation Amin (2000) observed almost 20 years ago when she noted that many LINC classes offer “rudimentary” level ESL courses that do not address their proficiency level and needs. In addition, CLT does not acknowledge the use of learners’ first language skills (Cook, 2001) as a useful tool, and puts an excessive onus on exposure to the target language and authenticity of the language tasks. However, adult learners use their first language and their prior knowledge in subject-specific knowledge to engage in higher-order, cognitively demanding activities. This was evident to me when some of my adult students make essay outlines in their native language as the first step in essay writing. Some students use first language phrases when taking notes while listening to academic lectures in English. Thus, activities prescribed through the traditional framework of CLT do not allow adult learners to make use of their L1 and prior knowledge to achieve learning outcomes. One textbook prescribed by Program A discusses the use of mother tongue as follows: One of the biggest problems in the use of pair work and group work is the use of the mother tongue by students in monolingual groups. It sometimes seems that they are unable or unwilling to take part in activities in English. How can a teacher try to discourage the use of mother tongue? Should a teacher always discourage it? ... They are concentrating exclusively on English, and if a bit of their own language helps them to do this in a relaxed way that is all to the good. (Harmer, 1991, p. 247) This makes reference to Cook’s (2001) critique that L1 is seen as a pedagogical and classroom management problem, which has to be handled effectively by the teachers to minimize its use. Moreover, Chapter three of Harmerʼs (1991) The Practice of English Language Teaching comes to the important question of pronunciation and grammar. Harmer starts his argument by stating that “when we teach English, we need to be sure that our students can be understood when they speak. They need to be able to say what they want to say. This means that their pronunciation should be adequate for that purpose” (p. 21). This idea validates the fact that racialized students have to modify their speech for the benefit of “white perceiving subjects” (Rosa & Flores, 2017, p. 629). In the same book, three factors are considered important in the discussion of which variety of English to teach: The first is the variety of English which is the teacher uses. That will surely be the one which the students become most accustomed to. The second is which variety is most

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appropriate for the students. If they are going to study in the United States, for example, American English may be preferable to other varieties. The third factor concerns what variety of English is dealt with by the materials which the teacher and students are using. (Harmer, 1991, p. 28) I argue that the fallacy of White native speaker Canada is embedded in this quote. It is interesting to inquire how feasible and authentic this method is in ESL classrooms in Toronto, where there are many non-native speaker ESL teachers teaching students who live in their own community circles or ghettos. They understand their own varieties of English more than they understand an ideal native Canadian accent. However, Brown (2014) presents a line of arguments by empirically proving that achieving native accent for adult learners is not possible and “acquisition of the communicative and functional purposes of language is far more important than a perfect native accent-unless of course you’re planning to be an undercover spy in a foreign country” (p. 59). However, all three programs have included phonetics and phonology as essential linguistic components conforming to TESL Ontario linguistics requirements. Amongst 76 essential TESL Ontario topics, pronunciation is also included. Program Aʼs website specifies pronunciation as a component taught under ELT methods. Program Bʼs program details, too, state that their teaching listening and speaking course will examine pronunciation. Program C also addresses teaching pronunciation in an 80 hour teaching skills course. Therefore, there is a clear disconnect between theory taught (Brown, 2014) and recommended ELT practices in TESL curricula, which works against the learners. Furthermore, the curriculum content has theoretically addressed the affective factor (Brown, 2014) which denotes the importance of an anxiety-free environment for second language reception and production. Nevertheless, the methods curretly prescribed in the TESL curricula continue to maintain the superior status of standard inner-circle English language varieties, and ESL teachers are trained to expect their learners to follow phonological patterns of inner-circle English. While the recommended teaching methods emphasize the authenticity or the real-life application of learning and assessment tasks, the currently used standard assessments and time-sensitive language tests do not reflect authenticity. They impose unrealistic time constraints that students may not experience in real-life reading, listening, speaking, and writing activities. Practically speaking, the emphasis given to monolingual and monocultural teaching and standard assessment methods may not provide the ESL students with cognitive and affective support but increase their anxiety. Creating a conducive and safe environment for learners to reduce anxiety is seen as

137 being less significant as opposed to employing methods that effectively correct and marshal the students. I argue that the continuation of imperialistic methods, such as insistence on native-like pronunciation, emphasis on monolingualism and language standards, and ignoring the importance of students’ native language in activating higher-order thinking suggest that TESL approaches used in these programs are covertly racist. As discussed in the literature review, use of imperialist methods can devalue, marginalize, and exclude English language learners’ prior knowledge, cognition, identity, first language, and culture. Guo (2013) holds a similar view that through the skill deficit model, new immigrants are devalued educationally, professionally, culturally, and morally compared to individuals who live in capitalist, neoliberal, individualist, and imaginary White and settler colonial Canada. Therefore, by ignoring the need of a teaching methodology that addresses and facilitates the linguistic, affective, and cognitive demands of adult ESL learners, the TESL system in place has been racist. It seems to follow the idea that deficient subjects need to be trained and managed to fit into the socially, economically, and morally superior Canadian society, thus discounting their cognitive capabilities. One may argue that TESL training is packaged as a means to train ESL teachers to prepare ESL students to successfully battle workplace/social discrimination by providing them with necessary tools. However, the language produced by the racialized or cultural other still will be perceived as deficient, substandard, or less sophisticated by White, white-washed non-White, and middle class recipients (Arat-Koç, 2014; Flores & Rosa, 2015) due to many exclusionary mechanisms in place to maintain the racial, class, and material privilege. Therefore, it is clear that the situation Amin (2000, 2005), Taylor (1997a, 1997b), and Kubota & Lin (2006) brought to light some time ago still hasn’t significantly changed regardless of certain decolonizing (Canagarajah, 1999b), pluralist (Galante, 2019), and multilingual (Cummins, 2009) ELT methods recommended by recent researchers and critical language scholars to address immigrantsʼ cognitive, affective, and linguistic needs. Thus I argue that the ELT approaches recommended in TESL programs reproduce settler colonialism, coloniality, linguicism, racism, and classism, sometimes even going against the discussions presented in sociopolitical issues of the same course. I believe that TESL curricula function as an institution to reproduce coloniality and racism. When the teaching and assessing methods continue to be linguistically, cognitively, culturally, and socially advantageous to Western ways of living and thinking, the ESL students are also obliged to conform and to reject

138 any decolonized and anti-imperialist endeavours forwarded by solitary ESL teachers who are interested in social justice. Students realize that such learning or teaching methods are not aligned with standardized tests and the thinking of imagined White Canadian society at large. They try to fit into the existing power structures created by settler colonialism, White domination, White global structures, transnational middle classes, and neoliberalism. As it stands, textbooks and associated activities may not necessarily be effective to raise awareness about the wounds of the present in the hopes of eliminating discrimination since political power that supports settler coloniality is rooted in institutions and people, and therefore in educational curricula.

5.4.3 Use of “culture” as an overarching theme The concept of culture has been used as an overarching theme in the course outlines and recommended and required readings to discuss diversity issues encompassing sociocultural, political, economic, racial, and gender concerns as essentially recommended by the TESL Ontario accreditation committee. The careful selection of broad, sugarcoated, and tactical words and concepts like “culture,” “acculturation,” and “diversity” could be seen in the course descriptions, prescribed readings, and recommended ELT methods to replace situations arising from racial, class, and gender power hierarchies. The reductionist discourse used in course websites of the three programs suggests the idea that in order to maintain the comfort level for both Whites and non-Whites, “racial difference is often couched in discussions of the cultural difference in the contemporary discourse of race” (Ligget, 2014, p. 113). Moreover, embodiment of neoliberal and neoconservative discourse in policy documents can also be seen in course descriptions, which can be considered as problematic especially when the emphasis is laid on diversity as a business, equality as sameness that is desired by all, and the role of the government as helping in fitting the less equals into existing structures of the society. As discussed previously in this chapter, the TESL Ontario website has included racial, sociocultural, political, economic, and gender issues under diversity, an essential theoretical component. Accordingly, the Program A website (at the time of this inquiry in 2016) describes the contents of their theoretical course to be the effects of culture on language teaching/learning and sociocultural and sociopolitical considerations in language teaching and learning. Program B has a course called “Introduction to Language” that examines language and culture. Program Cʼs website (2016) describes multiculturalism in Canada, language and identity, integrating into Canadian society, stages of culture shock, stereotypes, acculturation, antiracist education, culture

139 in the classroom, race relations, and immigration policy as the topics covered under theoretical issues. However, the latest website (2019) has used “Intercultural Communication and Diversity” to include all the aforementioned topics but added First and Second Language Acquisition, Issues in Language Learning, Principles of Adult Education, Factors Affecting Adult Learning, Learning Styles, and Models of Communicative Competence to the list. These observations of program websites primarily suggest that the concept of culture has been used as an all- encompassing theme to capture diversity issues including race and racism. Secondly, the reductionist and strategic discourse used in TESL course websites of the three programs reflects the approach taken by Canadian multicultural policy as merely symbolic and ineffective in transforming power relations (Abu-Laban & Gabriel, 2008, p.108) since the policy obscures class and gender issues within minority communities (Abu-Laban & Gabriel, 2008; Bannerji, 2000). When looking at the reading materials used to address diversity, the discussions around culture vary from definitions of culture to descriptions of cultural obscuries that arise from cross- cultural relationships in a multicultural society. Various books that were prescribed by TESL courses presented diverse definitions to understand culture and cultural differences, and some of them acknowledge the intricacies around cultural beliefs, values, practices, and principles. Chapter two of Brown and Eisterholdʼs (2004) Topics in Language and Culture for Teachers, a book prescribed by Program A, includes extended discussions on nature and language, language and dialect, the nature of culture, culture transmitted, culture negotiated, the relationship between culture and language, culture and identity, and cultural universals. The same section presents various definitions of culture to illustrate how culture can be understood in “intellectually active” (Brown & Eisterhold, 2004, p. 21) ways, and some theories (Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis) are explained and debated to illustrate the complex relationship between different languages and cultures. According to Wallace (1961), culture is the organization of diversity, and “the important thing is not the uniformity of the behavior of members of a given culture but rather the members’ capacity for mutual prediction” (as cited in Brown & Eisterhold, 2004, p. 3). The same book prescribed in Program A elaborates culture as follows: We are talking about the culture that is a way of life of a people, including the shared behaviors, beliefs, values, traditions, language, and knowledge that are passed on through written or oral communication from generation to generation. (Brown & Eisterhold, 2004, p. 23)

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In Programs A and B, Chapter two of Li et al.ʼs (2012) textbook is titled “Cultural Considerations,” and is 15 pages in length. The chapter discusses topics such as culture and cultural stereotypes, examples of cultural practices, and provides scenarios accompanied by questions prompting the trainees’ reaction and perception to certain culturally sensitive situations. These discussions may have been able to reveal what various perceptions and behaviours exist in a multicultural society, but these details do not adequately analyze the connection between prevailing exclusionary mechanisms and people’s race. In Li et al.ʼs (2012) view, “Culture is shared and mutually constructed” (p. 23). These various definitions of culture provided in the books speak to the obscurity of understanding the conundrum around culture but do not make any references to the relationship between culture, race, and racism. Likewise, references to racial discrimination have been contained and hidden in discussions related to cultural differences, cultural stereotyping, cultural misunderstanding, cultural sensitivity, and cultural hierarchies. For example, in Program C, classroom activities are employed to identify cultural differences. The trainees have to guess which world culture is linked to arriving 30 minutes late to dinner, and it’s not customary to show up on time. Trainees are also made aware of how different cultures communicate with different gestures. The discourse around culture at times extends to discuss the power differentials between the cultures by claiming that “there is no superiority or inferiority of any language or culture, there are only differences” (Li et al., 2012, p. 38). The book, which is a required reading of Program A and B, also confesses the fact that the equality propagated in Canadian multiculturalism is still in the making as “all seems to look good at face value, but there is still work to do” (Li et al., 2012, p. 38) acknowledging the gap between the ideology and reality of multiculturalism in Canada. Cultural parameters that build up asymmetry within a society are also briefly discussed together with stereotyping defined as oversimplification of a person from a certain ethnicity or a group “based on superficial views of diversity” (Kubota, 2004, as cited in Brown, 2014, p. 179) while critical multiculturalism is also touched on. In Program C, an article written by Bissoondath (1998) is recommended as a reading; the article is a critique of multiculturalism and the writer considers the multicultural policy as “disastrous for the country and for immigrants themselves” (p. 1) and implies the message that the policy hinders effective integration of immigrants to the country as “people regardless of their origin, do not emigrate to preserve their culture and nature their ethnic distinctiveness” (Khan, as cited in Bissoondath, 1998, p. 2). This is a clear instance where cultural hegemony or cultural imperialism is

141 normalized and endorsed. Although, these readings provide an opportunity to generate discussion on cultural hegemony, it is questionable how these readings are used in TESL classes. As TESL students of Program C, we never discussed this article in class. It is also questionable if the TESL trainer is willing to take a risk as discussions around power and cultural hegemony prove to be difficult topics according to the participants of the study. Brown and Eisterhold (2004), a book recommended in Program A, also touched on the vagueness and nuances of cultural differences by pointing out the difficulties of generalizing a group such as Westerners who include both North Americans and Europeans. Most importantly, the same chapter briefly discusses how differences are seen as deficits, particularly differences in languages like African American English. Various ways of distinguishing cultures such as urban–rural, feudalist–capitalist, high context and low context, as well as research tools used for analysis—namely, universalism–particularism; individualism–communitarianism; specificity– diffuseness; achieved status–ascribed status; inner direction–outer direction; sequential time– synchronized time—are also listed. While giving contextual examples for each of these constructs, the book identifies them as descriptors, not value judgments, and claims that a combination of different constructs makes different cultures. The chapter concludes with a discussion on the impact of globalization and technology on different cultures. At the end of the chapter, there are activities to check and apply knowledge as well as to reflect on the concepts learned. For example, readers are asked to reflect on the meaning and implication of the definition of culture given by Wallace. The suggestions for further readings are also included as Beyond Culture by Edward Hall (1976). In Program A, the power of the English language is explained in the section on “Language Death and Endangered Languages” (Brown & Eisterhold, 2004, p. 105) where a discussion is warranted on how language hegemony leads to cultural genocide as in the example of First Nations peoples in Canada. These discussions may become contradictory to the policy practice in Canada as the Canadain bilingual policy legislates only English and French as the official languages of Canada, thus delineating the boundaries of legitimate cultures, languages, and communities. Similarly, having discussions on the value of ESL students’ heritage languages may become meaningless to ESL students when their languages including Aboriginal languages are not valued both in the second language learning process and in the society at large. As seen in the examples given above, limiting the content of sociopolitical issues to discussions around culture and cultural differences may relate to the idea that “racial difference has increasingly

142 been replaced by the notion of cultural difference, a more benign and acceptable signifier than race yet used as means to exclude experience of certain racial and ethnic groups” (Kubota & Lin, 2006, p. 476). The strategic use of discourse around culture to discuss race and racism can be linked to the discussions on how new racism is strategically constructed and veiled using liberal and politically correct colour-blind discourse. In Chapter two, I discussed how the liberal discourse such as “integration” and “acculturation” stealthily work together to replace “assimilation” in policy documents and government websites. Similarly, the concept of acculturation is yet another weighted idea that could be seen in many prescribed books and teaching materials which addressed diversity or sociocultural issues across all three programs. Acculturation is overly emphasized as an element of success in Canada by subtly endorsing linguistic and cultural assimilation in TESL materials. This aligns well with the argument that Canadian multiculturalism is a superficial apparatus to manage but not accept diversity. Textbooks and nation states are linked, and thus the imperial English language teaching methods currently in use serve the purpose of managing, correcting, and assimilating ESL learners while encouraging them to imitate Western native speakers of English, with a final goal of becoming obedient, neoliberal workers who will never replicate the more powerful, confident, prestigious, and creative Western English speaker. Furthermore, the idea of acculturation is not presented synonymously across Programs A, B, and C. In a textbook prescribed in Program A and B, Li et al. (2012) define acculturation as “the exchange of cultural features when groups of people come into close contact, learning and absorbing from each other’s cultures while keeping their culture in tact” (p. 37). According to this definition, acculturation is a choice of the newcomer to the host culture. Another definition given to acculturation is “the creation of a new identity is at the heart of culture learning” (Brown, 2014, p. 187), a slightly different meaning from the definition given by the previous authors, and this definition encourages “creating of a new” identity through acculturation. As Brown and Eisterhold (2004) note in a text book recommended by Program A, Acculturation is one kind of diffusion. Two cultures come in contact with each other. Depending on circumstances, there can be changes in one culture and not the other or changes in both cultures. The change can be voluntary or involuntary depending on the circumstances. (p. 105) While the unexplained “circumstances” could be the power associated to different cultures, cultural integration can also be conditional based on the individual. White Europeans can easily be integrated and become the imaginary White Canadians while the non-White

143 immigrants will remain “others” regardless of their extent of integration over a number of generations. It is believed that those who are outside moral and cultural whiteness or “European/North American physical origin” become “targets of assimilation and toleration” (Bannerji, 2000, p. 42). Although the topic is included in Program C, it does not include any materials discussing acculturation in detail other than the stages of acculturation. Program C looks at the stages of acculturation—namely: euphoria, culture shock, acceptance of reality, and integration normalizing the trauma and disconnect people experience in a hierarchical society— and prescribes integration, which is highly contested in Chapter two. Furthermore, the vagueness of the definitions and the lack of discussions may create difficulties for TESL trainees to make meaning of the concept, let alone being critical of the term. This indirect biased mechanism called acculturation is promoted in many ELT textbooks as seen in this study with the belief that proficiency in the English language and adaptation to the imagined Canadian culture have a strong relationship (Rafieyan et al., 2014). This impetus makes ESL students adopt a North American way of thinking, behaving, and communicating (Kubota & Lin, 2009b; Taylor, 1997a), abandoning their own cultures and sanctioning cultural hierarchies in which Western cultural superiority is re-established. According to Ameeriar (2017), the unemployment and underemployment of Pakistani women in Toronto is seen as a problem of their culture but not a systemic one, as Canada “relinquishes cultural imperialism” (p. 3). As discussed in the literature review previously, acculturation should be driven by the attitudes of both ethnocultural and dominant receiving group strategies (Berry, 2001). Interestingly, the host or the dominant culture in Toronto is changing fast from the Eurocentric to multicultural while the dominant culture in each geographical area may be highly influenced by the communities occupied in the area. Another powerful way how acculturation is strategically played out in TESL curricula is through ELT methodology. As I discussed in the section on “Devaluing students,” TESL courses have included approaches to teach pronunciation for students to sound like native Canadian speakers. It is a top-down decision taken by the TESL accreditation body to include pronunciation methodology in TESL training topics, and all three curricula address pronunciation in their ELT methodology. In addition, TESL curricula consist of articulatory phonetics and phonology as essential linguistics components. While some books (Brown, 2014) prescribed in the same programs explain the impossibility of adult learners to acquire native-like pronunciation, pronunciation methodology is still an essential component in all three curricula,

144 and I see this as an attempt of assimilation-acculturation. As discussed before, Taylor (1997a) is of the view that the TESL teachers attempting to teach Anglo-Saxon settler cultural content to ESL students impose societal hierarchies through “exclusions, normalizations and attempts to fix” (p. 72). Learner identity is reduced to ESL learners ignoring their previous experiences, languages, and different identities that are not recognized but tolerated. This can also be seen as intolerance towards different cultural groups, a form of racism since the attempts to assimilate and acculturate suggest the undesirability of certain groups (Anthias & Yuval-Davis, 1992, as cited in Kubota & Lin, 2009b, p. 12). However, after more than 20 years, the TESL programs seem to still encourage acculturation, a word I perceive as a synonym for assimilation. It looks as if “conquered nations generally demonize their subjects to feel better about exploiting them” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 21) and “when social conditions call for a genuine concession, such as affirmation action, the costs of that concession are always placed on minorities in the form of stigma” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 37). The structural issues such as racism and sexism have all been reduced and lumped into cultural issues, thereby reducing structural inequalities to cultural demands (Bannerji, 2000). Thus, new racism has been deployed through cultural differences as the race has been reduced to culture (Gunew, 2004). The limited time allocated to sociopolitical issues and addressing these issues at a topical or definition level have watered down the ugly truth in the Canadian multicultural society in terms of structural inequalities stemming from race, language, class, and gender differences. As Bourdieu (1986) pointed out, socially privileged communities employ reconversion strategies to remain privileged in a changing world. Accordingly, individuals who have the decision-making power regarding the contents of TESL curricula, therefore, are working towards maintaining the existing status quo. The use of symbolic and strategic terms like diversity, culture, acculturation, and inclusion makes both Whites and non-Whites comfortable by “hiding the complexity and bitterness of problems” as such language conveniently provides “simplistic solutions for complex problems” (Kegler, 2017, para. 4). Although such language seemingly portrays neutrality, Kegler (2017) points out that the questions such as who is including who and who creates these language terms can be questioned, surfacing the domination. Similarly, left-leaning academics view the Canadian multicultural policy as merely symbolic and ineffective in transforming power relations (Abu-Laban & Gabriel, 2008, p. 108) since the policy obscures class and gender issues within minority communities (Abu-Laban & Gabriel, 2008; Bannerji, 2000) while cultural interchange happens

145 in one direction, from the dominant to the minority. The words that indicate the power hierachy such as White domination, White oppression, and White undeserved advantage is absent in any discussion. This also alludes to Taylor’s (1997b) observation that the multicultural domain addressed in many TESL articles depict learners as subjects of cultural difference without exploring racial, class, and gender dimensions and she connects this with “individual liberal pluralism and relativism prevails in almost all of the articles which allowed no space for the serious exploration of and suggestions to challenge systematic discrimination” (Taylor, 1997b, p. 139). I argue that attempts taken by the TESL curricula towards inclusitivity and diversity is a symbolic, reductionist, and strategic attempt to maintain the existing status quo.

5.4.4 Marginal presence of “race” and “antiracist” discourse While some programs attempt to address race and antiracism in somewhat greater detail than others, there is an overall tendency to avoid the complex topics like race, antiracism, racial discrimination, and White domination across all three programs. Some books and articles suggest ideas and pedagogical approaches which may promote antiracism, but the way these topics are handled by each TESL trainer is questionable. Program A has been able to touch on certain important ideas around the topic racism. For instance, Brown and Eisterholdʼs (2004) Topics in Language and Culture for Teachers is the prescribed book for the course Culture and Society; Social Foundations in ESL course. This book addresses a number of very important topics briefly: Chapter 1 starts by emphasizing the “fine line between generalization and stereotypes” (p. 2), attaching a negative connotation to stereotyping which is often seen as “prejudicial” while generalization as helping to order data. This could be a suitable context for the instructor to explain and discuss how stereotyping can harm ESL students and how it can be considered as a type of covert racism. Chapter eight of Brown and Eisterhold’s (2004) Topics in Language and Culture for Teachers discusses how ethnicity, gender, social class, and age work together to create certain outcomes and how such outcomes impact educational prospects. In this chapter, “ethnicity,” a more comfortable word, has been used instead of race, and the inferior position of African American English (AAE) which is unfoundedly ascribed to the African American dialect is discussed. The connection to African American speakers’ race and the language stigmatization is seemingly avoided. In addition, the underlying issue of AAE being denounced is interpreted as “The real issue is not language but underfunded and understaffed schools. The explanation for substandard schools involves history and politics and is beyond our scope here” (p. 119). As I

146 understand it, there is a difficulty in extending the argument to address the history and politics involved in the stigmatization of AAE due to the discomfort it may cause White readers by exposing the power Whites possess. As histories and politics related to the stigmatization of AAE involve racial discrimination based on Social Darwinism, slavery, genocide, and colonialism, some writers avert discussing such topics to escape the revelation of White power. In addition, the book has not included an explicit section on race and language in contents pages nor in any chapter. Therefore, it could be suggested that “race” is a word that has been avoided in many texts to keep the discomfort away. In Li et al.ʼs (2012) Teaching ESL in Canada, Chapter 2 touches on the ideas of racism and antiracism both implicitly and explicitly. The section explicitly explains two kinds of discrimination that may take place within the ESL classroom by announcing that “an ESL classroom with its complex components of teachers and students from different cultures and countries and with different social status, can also be a venue of discrimination” (p. 38). The teachers’ condescending attitude and bias towards the ESL learners as well as leaner inter-ethnic conflicts are discussed as possible classroom discriminatory mechanisms that need to be taken into account by the ESL teachers. Most importantly, the authors note that Teachers who consider it their responsibility to westernize their students in ways of thinking, doing, and writing are now faced with a challenging task. They have to revise their philosophies and methods of teaching. They are encouraged to respect their students’ cultures without judgement. (Li et al., 2012, p. 38) This is a very appropriate context for TESL trainers to elaborate on possible exclusionary ELT mechanisms, like an English-only policy, promoting inner-circle varieties and native–non- native speaker divide, cultural assimilation, and accent reduction training. Such elaborations will enable the ESL trainees to understand the misconceptions they’ve had throughout, and think and reflect on them critically. However, Razack (1998) asserts that “encounters between dominant and subordinate groups cannot be “managed” simply as pedagogical moments requiring cultural, racial or gender sensitivity” without understanding the power structures between the subordinate and the dominant (p. 8). The textbook Topics in Language and Culture for Teachers by Steven Brown and Jodi Eisterhold (2004) attempted to disclose the relationship between social class and language by projecting the idea that “linguistic differences, other than dialect, occur in the normal social environment, and status groups may be distinguished by their forms of speech” (Bernstein, 1971, as cited in Brown & Eisterhold, 2004, p. 46). He further differentiates between working and

147 middle class speech modes and classifies as middle class as universalistic and working class as particularistic. Nevertheless, the discussion did not unearth the exclusionary social constructions perpetuated by the middle class in which prestige and currency are allocated to their forms of language. Therefore, by not acknowledging it explicitly, such constructions are normalized. As discussed earlier in Chapter 2, Kubota and Lin (2006) state that social class is addressed inadequately in TESL training and scholarly literature, and Block (2015) is of the view that there is a social class “denial” and “erasure” (p. 1) in the field of Applied Linguistics. Savaga et al. (2013) define “social class as a multi-dimensional construct ... [and] that classes are not merely economic phenomena but are also profoundly concerned with forms of social reproduction and cultural distinction” (as cited in Block, 2015, p. 4). Therefore, the existence of social class cannot be understood or analyzed in isolation without considering interrelated inequalities such as unequal material distribution, racism, sexism, and linguicism. Upon close examination of the Program C website information available at the outset of the inquiry, the 20-hour course on “theoretical” issues was said to address multiculturalism in Canada, language and identity, integration into Canadian society, naturally determined life styles and learning styles, stages of culture shock, stereotypes, acculturation, antiracist education, culture in the classroom, race relations, and immigration policy. However, when the same site was reviewed at a later date, the content of the course seems to have been changed. The new content reads as: First and Second Language Acquisition; Issues in Language Learning; Principles of Adult Education; Factors Affecting Adult Learning; Learning Styles; Models of Communicative Competence; Intercultural Communication; and Diversity. The removed topics are not added to any other required courses, so it can be assumed that these were subsumed under intercultural communication and diversity issues. Likewise, on the TESL Ontario website, racial, gender, economic, political, and sociocultural issues are presented as composition of diversity. This makes reference to the idea that conceptualizing class and capital as separate entities from the race has reduced racism into a cultural issue to conveniently marginalize the immigrant populations who do not conform to the image of a Canadian (Bannerji, 2005). It is also useful to touch on Amin’s idea that White Western individuals have ownership of the English language teaching field as well as the power to make pedagogical and research decisions. Seemingly, in Program C, the curriculum developer at the institutional level has taken sociopolitical issues for granted as topics have been watered down to a single, sugarcoated word “diversity” to “hide the complexity and bitterness of the problems” (Kegler, 2017, para. 4), and therefore will be able to

148 come up with a simple solution for a complex problem. As my study did not have anyone from the TESL Ontario accreditation body, it was difficult for me to decide on the demographics of the curriculum developers at the level of the TESL Ontario accreditation body. Wihakʼs (2004) article “The Meaning of Being White in Canada,” distributed in Program C classes, identifies White privilege as a product of “invisible systems of racial dominance” (p. 110) and shows the mismatch between the equality brought about through Canadian public policies at an ideological level and the true demographic picture of the extent of inequality experienced by Aboriginal people. This is a good article to introduce racist practices prevalent in the Canadian education system in spite of the fact that the article addresses only the racism directed at First Nations peoples. Similarly, racist practices towards non-White immigrants and Blacks should be discussed in the light of ESL classroom and policy practices. Moreover, although this article brings out many social issues and debates in contemporary Canadian society, it is questionable whether the trainees process the content of this article at a deeper level. As a former trainee of the particular program, I did not read the article for the simple reason that reading the article was not necessary for me to get through the assessments, and there were no classroom discussions held focusing on these articles. Therefore, required readings can also be of less use if they are not effectively used in learning or assessment activities. While these discussions implicitly indicate and alarm the non-native speaker TESL trainees about the potential challenges waiting for them in the field, the training does not seem to adequately and explicitly equip the trainees to face such challenges. The TESL materials that address race and racism to a certain extent only consider racism as a phenomenon experienced by students, but they do not seriously consider racism as an unpleasant reality battled mostly by non-White, non-native speaker female ESL teachers trying to surive in the ESL job market. According to the participants of the study, non-White, non-native speaker ESL teachers have to fight agaisnt racism directed at them by students, administrators, and their own colleagues—both White and non-White.This was an issue that came up repeatedly in focus group discussions. Not adressing sociopolitical issues adequately, particularly racism, also suggets the fact that those who are involved in TESL curriculum designing at the provincial level have not considered this as an important issue to be directly addressed in the curriculum. They may not personally experience any of these issues as individuals in socially, racially, linguistically, and economically privileged positions. In addition, some might use colour-blind principles of liberalism to renounce their privilege. As Delgado and Stefancic (2012) point out, “Many liberals

149 believe in color blindness and neutral principles of constitutional law. They believe in equality, especially equal treatment for all persons , regardless of their different histories or current situations” (p. 26). Therefore, they may not collectively feel and believe that racism needs to be addressed in the TESL curriculum more than going beyond the definition level, thus making no more than a symbolic move. I argue that racism hasn’t been effectively considered as an educational and material issue but as an ideological issue relating to different cultures. Attempts of antiracism can be seen as endeavours of merely being politically correct (Austin, 2009, p. 45) by ignoring the histories of oppression between dominant and subordinate groups as well as the power asymmetry between them. Razack (1998) stresses that Without history and social context, each encounter between unequal groups becomes a fresh one, where the participants start from zero, as one human being to another, each innocent of the subordination of others. Problems of communication are mere technical glitches in this view, misunderstandings that arise because the parties are culturally, racially, physically, mentally, or sexually different. Educators and legal practitioners need only to navigate their way through these differences, differences viewed as unchanging essence. … Encounters between dominant and subordinate groups cannot be “managed” simply as pedagogical moments requiring cultural, racial or gender sensitivity. Without an understanding of how responses to subordinate groups are socially organized to sustain existing power arrangements, we cannot hope either to communicate across social hierarchies or to work to eliminate them. (p. 8) In my view, the lax emphasis given to address racism and promote antiracism is fundamentally due to the hesitation of the dominant to give up their social, cultural, and linguistic capital fueled by White dominant global structures.

5.5 Conclusion When all three TESL curricula were analyzed looking at the themes and teaching approaches they promote, symbolic decolonization and antiracist efforts in a settler/colonial TESL curriculum could be clearly noted. The discourse around racism or antiracism is limited in three curricula and more focus seems to have been given to the use of reductionist discourse around the idea of culture and cultural sensitivity. The fact that the discourse around race or racism is being replaced in curriculum materials by the use of reductionist colour-blind discourse of culture and cultural sensitivity suggests an active and intentional move to “avoid issues socially, historically, and politically” (Arat-Koç, 2014, p. 313). The ideas around “racism,” standard language, accent discrimination, and language imperialism are limited to a single course or a section and these issues are not incorporated into classroom practices and teaching philosophies. While Canadian values and acculturation seem to be important, diversifying ELT

150 methods to suit diverse learners is conveniently ignored. The lack of attention given to alternative antiracist and decolonizing ELT pedagogies in the methodology sections suggests that the people who take decisions regarding curriculum content are still not convinced that incorporating antiracist pedagogy in TESL curricula for the betterment of ESL students is important. This alludes to the CRT concept that racism is a social construct which is commonplace and difficult to cure or address because it generates, bolsters, preserves, and normalizes White privilege. This also suggests the idea of structural determinism that “our system, by reason of its structure and vocabulary, cannot redress certain types of wrong” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 31) due to the fact that certain concepts such as “intersectionality,” “interest convergence,” and “hegemony” (p. 32) are difficult to enter educational discourse. Thus, I affirm that TESL curricula that I analyzed have remained colour- blind so that covert racist structures entrenched in the society, institutions and TESL curricula itself will prevail to “keep minorities in subordinate positions” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 27) and Whites in dominant positions.

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Chapter 6 ESL/TESL Professionals’ Experiences and Perceptions of Race and Racism in the ESL/TESL Context

I discussed in the previous chapter how ideas related to race, racism, and antiracism are presented in TESL curricula across three programs. Some required and optional readings prescribed in the three programs provide opportunities for critical engagement, but it is unclear how these readings are utilized for learning in classroom activities. One common observation across all three programs was that racism and antiracism were considered as isolated theoretical concepts without incorporating the ideology into ELT methods. This chapter discusses the second research question of my study that seeks to identify race, gender, and class-related problems that ESL/TESL practitioners observe and experience in the context of ESL/TESL, why they perceive racism differently, and how these findings are relevant for my study in developing an antiracist TESL curriculum. Many ESL teachers, TESL trainers, TESL curriculum developers and program managers seem to have observed or experienced explicit and implicit hegemonic power structures in the teaching and learning of English as a second language context as individual, institutional and epistemological racist incidents.

6. 1 Experiences and perceptions of racism For my analysis purposes, I have divided my discussion into three sections representing these three typologies of racism as theorized by Kubota (2019). I first describe and systematically explain how different participants have perceived, observed, and experienced overt and covert racism as individual, systemic/institutional and epistemological racism in the context of ESL/TESL. I also attempted to classify these as racist incidents directed at non-Whites by Whites, Whites by Whites, and non-Whites by non-Whites. The majority of focus group and interview data suggested that participants who came from different cultural, racial, linguistic, class, gender, and historical locations showed differences in their experiences, ideas, opinions, and choices with regards to race, gender, and class related issues in the field of ESL/TESL, suggesting the existence of multiple consciousness as well as interlocking systems of oppression and domination amongst various individuals. It was also clear to me that some participants attached themselves with their marginalized position when discussing systems of oppressions but rarely mentioned their relative dominant positions in the social, gender, class, and racial hierarchies. The occurrence and perception of racism amongst participants is complex and

152 looking through their descriptions and dispositions, discrimination cannot be seen only as a phenomenon directed at non-Whites by Whites. The structural power assigned to White culture, identity, and knowledge is supported by non-Whites living inside and outside the West due to their exposure and access to neo-globalization in which the West-centric practices and thinking are valued and promoted. After discussing why and how different participants experience and perceive racism differently, I move on to discuss how these findings are relevant to my study in order to have insights on TESL curriculum designing and program management.

6.1.1 Overt individual racism 6.1.1.1 Directed at non-Whites by Whites Focus group interviews with ESL teachers and semi-structured interviews with TESL trainers revealed a number of individual blatant racist incidents like verbal slurs, avoiding contact, and mockery. Lalani, who is a non-White, non-native English-speaking ESL teacher, described an incident that she perceived as obviously racist, and she witnessed this incident at a not-for-profit LINC language centre for women: I was observing during my TESL diploma and the teacher I observed I felt had certain biases against students … and ... to just talk about one incident … there was a fire drill in this LINC centre and the students were supposed to follow the protocol but some students took time; they were not in the mood to do anything and this teacher got so wild and called them goats. Being a rather quiet focus group participant, Lalani described her individual experience with facial expressions and a tone that demonstrated her state of shock and bitterness towards the incident that took place. Lalani, as a bystander, was shocked by the use of the goat metaphor and perceived this incident as “racist” for a number of reasons. Coming from a South Asian country, she is well aware that words such as bull, cow, donkey, and goat are used to humiliate someone’s intelligence and denote that someone is stupid and uncivilized. Her earlier perception of the teacher as having a racist attitude towards students may have confirmed the teacher’s intention of the metaphor used. Because goats symbolize non-Western livestock, the use of such images rather than seemingly pleasant animal images like birds, rabbits, and cats to humiliate non- Western students can be considered as a conscious, well thought out, and an overt racist act. Furthermore, the aftermath of the incident that Lalani described may have once again confirmed for her the severity of the degradation: I feel so sad coz I couldn’t do anything; I was there as an observer … but … the girl really came back to the class … she took her books and left and the following day she came back with her husband and I saw them near the coordinator and the teacher had to

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apologize … but she treated them like that. Lalani’s sense of helplessness is connected to the reduced structural power attached to her skin colour, accent and institutional power. I too have known the particular teacher during my own teaching practicum. My observation of her is similar to Lalani’s, who described the person as a teacher who never stands up when teaching, and I too felt that this particular teacher was skeptical of my teaching skills. On several occasions, she questioned my lesson plans and contested my methods, and at one point she had complained to the coordinator about my teaching methods. As a result, the coordinator and the teacher in question observed one of my lessons and subsequently, the coordinator (a Black lady) appreciated the lesson I did while the teacher did not comment on it. I always felt that I being Brown and coming from a Third World country may have led her (a White, East European teacher) to underestimate me as an underqualified teacher trainee while the particular teacher is also a non-native speaker ESL teacher. This makes allusion to epistemological racism (Kubota, 2019; Kubota & Lin, 2006) as the White teacher may have underestimated my non-western knowledge as illegitimate and unworthy. Kubota (2019) states that all three types of racism are interconnected and “individual discrimination in an institution both reflects and produces deeper systemic inequalities” (p.5). This incident generated a lot of subsequent discussions in which other participants tried to recollect their memories of this nature. Subsequently, Cathy, a White, native English speaker ESL teacher, described a similar incident in a community college in Ontario: I have unbelievably similar experience. ... I don’t know if it is in the EAP sort of that all the instructors are more protected and are not watched … but I had a very similar experience where I went for my practicum from Program C … this was like at [X] college ... and my teacher … my host teacher said very strange things like those group of Saudi students are blah blah blah … this group of ... I was very shocked ... I came in very positive … but all of a sudden … then I found myself stared be like eerie around certain groups because of the idea that has been set up in my mind and I didn’t find that to be the case at all … truthfully I felt like it was a self-fulfilling prophecy because she was similar … she wasn’t interacting … she was screaming at the students … and she was from a Romanian background as well. While this situation can be considered as stereotyping of Romanian teachers, the individual racist incidents such as use of slurs by the particular two teachers could be yet another instance where racialized ESL learners are treated as “young children, mentally retarded or emotionally disturbed,” which Jung describes as “infantilization of ESL learners” (Shuck, 2006, as cited in Jung, 2013, p. 262). These individual, overt racist acts may stem from institutional and systemic racism when ESL students are inferiorized as cultural others who lack culturally,

154 socially, linguistically, and academically. This alludes to the idea that “racism involves a negative signification (racialization/ethnicization), whereby cultural and biological human characteristics are attributed to a real or perceived ancestral population on the basis of somatic, physical, or socio cultural features” (Hier & Bolaria, 2007, p. 31). Some participants also observed the multifaceted nature of racism in the context of ESL and TESL in terms of interethnic relations between ESL/TESL learners. Semini described how she witnessed blatant racism amongst her ESL students when White students refused to sit next to non-White students: Semini: I see a lot of racism here in Canada, although it is said that it is multicultural, and inclusion and all these terms are widely known, and they are very popular terms. When I entered these classes, even the students, the White immigrant students, actually English was their second or third language … they didn’t even want to sit with Brown or Black people. I saw that. Researcher: When did this happen? In your TESOL classes or in your ESL classes? Semini: No. In ESL classes, when I was volunteering. Even in TESL, and they thought, they actually, they highly thought about themselves, so they were proud as White people. But their English was very bad. … They weren’t speaking English as a first or second language. English was maybe their third or fourth language, but they had white skin, and they dressed well, and they were stylish, and you can’t say from their outward appearance, from their outward appearance they don’t know English … but I saw several people who were highly … with highly professional standards, who had medical or engineering degrees, and others who had politics, but they had their own first languages. They had medical degrees in their first languages from their home countries. They sat down, and there were actually highly intelligent people among them. Semini tried to explain that White ESL students were arrogant for their white skin and more sophisticated looks whereas non-White students with higher qualifications and English language proficiencies lied low in the ESL classes that she volunteered in. In this particular situation, Semini may have considered the White non-native students’ privileged situation as unfair in comparison to the non-White students’. This explains the power attached to the White identity (Allen, 2001) that the White students were benefiting from. She may have also experienced a sense of insecurity and inferiority or powerlessness in the presence of White students; as Razack (1998) notes, “the status of one woman depends on the subordinate status of another woman in many complex ways” (p. 158), and in this situation it is the Whiteness that has given dominance to some students as “to have white skin is to have privilege” (Razack, 1998, p. 161). Feeling powerless as a language teacher in front of non-English speaking White students is a situation that I sometimes experience in classes, especially the initial class before getting to

155 know the students. Another instance of overt individual racism that ESL/TESL practitioners observed was the use of insults to show teacher perception of students as deficient. Kim, a TESL trainer, described a situation when one of her colleagues perceived ESL learner differences as needing psychological treatment: So I say, “You’re a nurse, you’re with your patient, you’re reading the chart and the doctor’s made a mistake. How do you handle that situation?” And a student said, “Well, I’d go to the doctor and say, you made a stupid mistake,” which is apparently totally ok from Russia or Israel or wherever he was from. ... And then I told my colleague I shared the class with, and she saw this student as needing psychological treatment, that he was disturbed and needed a shrink. And I was like, “No, no, no. It’s a cultural thing and we have to teach sociocultural things to our students,” and she said, no. She didn’t have to teach anything sociocultural and she didn’t need to know anything and we disagreed and agreed to disagree. But her take on the situation—she’s old; she’s retired now—and my take on the situation were very different. I saw this as a sociocultural problem and she saw this as a psycho act, right? Interestingly, the ESL teacher described by Kim used the informal slang word “shrink” for a psychologist or a counselor in a mocking way, hinting that the student is mentally sick. While this is another instance where ESL learners are being treated as “young children, mentally retarded or emotionally disturbed” (Shuck, 2006, as cited in Jung, 2013, p. 262) by teachers, institutions, and curricula, situations like this may also have implications for the neoliberal economic agenda with regards to ESL as a money-generating industry. The more incompetent or deficient the ESL learners are made to be perceived, the better it is for the ESL industry as the emphasis on deficiency creates a market need for the ESL industry. Through the mechanism of devaluation and exclusion, the skill deficit model, the new immigrants, irrespective of their immigration category, are seen as educationally, professionally, culturally, and morally deficient subjects who need to be either excluded or trained and acculturated to fit into the socially, economically, and morally superior Canadian society, which is driven by capitalist needs and a settler colonialist ideology. Maitra (2015) posits that emphasis on soft skills, a neoliberal concept based on skill “deficit model” (Guo, 2013, p. 49), is conforming to the assimilationist ideology, which is present as acculturation in TESL curricula. In this particular instance, while one instructor thinks that the certain student needs psychiatric intervention, Kim takes on the culturally sensitive approach and is under the impression that the student needs to be acculturated. Razack (1998) is critical about the cultural differences model as “encounters between dominant and subordinate groups cannot be managed simply as pedagogical moments

156 requiring cultural, racial, or gender sensitivity” and it is vital to identify “how the responses to subordinate groups are socially organized to sustain existing power arrangements” (p. 8).

6.1.1.2 Directed at Whites by non-Whites Stella and Daisy emphasized sexist situations where they were distressed and used the situations as parallels for racism. The example given by Daisy reveals how White women are perceived as promiscuous in the East, a situation where sexism and racism are intertwined: Daisy [email follow-up]: As I mentioned, I have been on the receiving end of racism throughout my business travels. Unfortunately, in many parts of the world, Caucasian women are perceived as being promiscuous, so there is a nice mix of sexism in there as well. Razack (1998) points out that “it is vitally important to explore in a historical and site- specific way the meaning of race, economic status, class, disability, sexuality, and gender as they come together to structure women in different and shifting positions of power and privilege” (p. 12). When digging into this phenomenon, it is important to understand how women are being objectified to earn profits in the entertainment industry around the world. Objectifying women in men’s lifestyle magazines, reality TV programs, and pornography is a thriving global entertainment industry and “more objectified cognitions about women, which, in turn, predicted stronger attitudes supportive of violence against women” (Wright, 2016, p. 955). Shorʼs (2019) study of gender, race, and aggression in mainstream pornography found that more aggression is depicted towards White women by Black men in the selected videos. Because the majority of porn viewers are White men (Anthony, 2012; Gorman et al., 2010; Hald & Stulhofer, 2016; Kimmel, 2008, as cited in Shor, 2019), Dines (2003, 2006) argued that … in pornography Whiteness is a burden, as it requires restraint and self-control. Videos containing hypersexual Black men are liberating, because they provide White viewers with an opportunity to vicariously dispense with their Whiteness, lose control, and connect with animalistic urges. (As cited in Shor, 2019, p. 749) As a result of globalization and the internet, these videos are easily accessed and viewed by non-White males outside the West who see White women as sexual objects. The above findings from mainstream porn-industry research signal how interlocking systems of power like male privilege, Whiteness, and capitalism create oppression for women, both White and non- White. Stella on the other hand was troubled by a male student who showed doubt about Stella’s knowledge and skills:

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Researcher: As a teacher, how can you become a victim of racism, right? It could be anywhere. It could be White versus Brown, White versus Black, Black versus White. Stella: Yeah. Definitely. Definitely. So that would be, or sexism, too. Coz that is a huge thing as a female teacher. Honestly. Researcher: Do you face it and have you ever faced it? Stella: Yeah. Oh, yeah. Yeah. You know, you can’t tell certain men anything. They’re like, “No. No. No.” And they have to be correct coz you’re a woman and they’re a man. Just how to deal with it to make them feel like they’re a little more ok. Like I don’t know enough about psychology to know what’s gonna make him feel the way he needs to feel confident and successful in my classroom. What’s gonna help him get over that hump of realizing that we respect him and we know what his worth is or where he’s come from. What’s gonna help him get to the point that he can step down and just learn, just learn. I know you’re extremely educated or whatever, you know, but let me teach you the English part of it, you know? So having something to pull out of our pocket in that situation instead of head-butting sometimes. You know, I’ve seen that happen where it’s just like a constant battle. Interestingly, both these situations were situations of sexism experienced by White women from non-White men. This may also suggest that Stella and Daisy may find sexism a more common oppressive personal experience for them than racism deriving from skin colour. According to Razack (1998), “racism is, of course, anything but ambiguous to its victims” (p.165) and different power structures like patriarchy, White supremacy, and capitalism dovetail and make different realities to different people.

6.1.1.3 Directed at non-Whites by non-Whites Unlike the much discussed Black and White discrimination in North America, there can be other forms of hostilities amongst people due to racial, sociopolitical, cultural, and economic trajectories. Some critical scholars are of the view that “in order to explain the present state of relations between two social groups, it is useful to keep in mind the past history of their relations” (Taylor & Moghaddam, 1998, as cited in Kobayashi, 2006, p. 194). The following are examples of overt individual racist acts between non-White individuals who do not have White structural power in terms of White identity, White group membership, and White governmentality. They live in the White territory of Canada where White neighbourhoods are demarcated within Canada. Maggie, a White project coordinator for a government agency related to refugee resettlement in Ontario, describes an incident that she observed as a TESL trainee, and she perceives it as an instance of racism taking place in a classroom where “a mixed bag of people” came together: Well, I think they can be between students, they can be between students and instructors,

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and actually, a really clear example I can remember from my TESOL training, even though it happened ... quite a while ago now. We had someone I think originally from Jordan and then a gentleman who was Jewish, and they refused to sit beside each other, work together. It was very tense. So that really struck me that if, at that level, people that are learning to become instructors are having issues, how’s that going to play out in a classroom when I think you’re expected to ... be a leader and model. In this situation, their religious and historical trajectories have come into conflict and the way the people around them (including the instructor) react to the existing clash may make one of them the dominant and the other person the subordinate. Razack (1998) emphasizes that it is important to understand how we are engaged in subordination of others by identifying “shifting hierarchical realities” (p. 159). Another important question would be the ways in which these TESL trainees handle similar situations in ESL classes when they qualify as ESL instructors. Also, it would be interesting to inquire into how a culturally sensitive TESL/ESL teacher would handle such situations successfully. When Maggie was asked if the TESL trainer intervened to make the situation better, she answered saying that everyone was aware and she didn’t remember it being acknowledged openly while there may have been private conversations. This suggests that TESL trainers hesitate intervening in racially sensitive situations building up between students. Hung, a Vietnamese Canadian ESL college instructor, came up with a number of similar incidents he encountered in ESL classes: As an example, when I started teaching right after I graduated, it was during the Balkan conflict, so we had Serbians, we had Croats, we had Bosnians in the same classroom, and some of them would refuse to sit beside each other. Some would refuse to work in group work with each other. So that’s the wave that I started with. And then the next wave, for me, was the Sri Lankans, and by the Sri Lankans, I mean the Tamils, right? And you obviously know, right?... Between the Singhalese and the Tamils. Now, most of the students were Tamils; however, I did have a few Singhalese students in the classroom. So again. Now, some of the tension is not overtly expressed. I think the Singhalese and the Tamils were not as open with their ... they wouldn’t express explicitly like the Bosnians, the Croats, and the Yugoslavians, the Serbians. But you can sort of tell that when there’s group work, they would prefer to work with someone else. So that’s the next wave. This is a very common situation in many ESL classes as students from many conflict zones come to ESL classes as new immigrants or international students. Kurdish, Turkish, Iranian, Iraqi, Syrian, Palestinian, Pakistani, and Indian students join many LINC as well as college ESL/EAP courses where they have to be engaged in group activities and projects. I have also observed various forms of hostilities being surreptitiously and openly expressed and often times, as with many other ESL instructors, I too did not know the best possible way to resolve

159 such disputing situations. The above incident has relevance to the concepts of nationalism, ethno-centricity, and sense of community. Although sense of community amongst the same ethnic members promotes mental, physical, and emotional safety, citizen partnership, and community connection, it can conflict with heterogeneity, diversity, and cultural relativity (Townley, Kloos, Green, & Franco, 2011). In addition, according to social identity theory, the more strongly individuals identify with their group, the less favourable attitudes they hold toward dissimilar groups (Negy et al., 2003, as cited in Townley et al., 2011, p. 73). While this phenomenon differs from much discussed essentialized White versus Black racism, the effect of it is much felt in increasingly multicultural areas like Toronto and its suburbs. The unequal power relationships built up between different ethnicities around the world have created many ethnic and civil wars both locally and internationally. Sugunasiri’s (2001) concept of mutual racism—a sense of authority, pomposity, and dominance practised by a certain group of ethnicity on another group of ethnicity based on their skin colour, religion, values, culture, language, nationality, history, or geography—may have some significance in understanding dynamics of ethnocentricity. Cathy also had two interesting stories that she perceived as racism being played out between students, focusing especially on a Jordanian female student’s and Korean students’ behaviours: My most recent experience with racism in the classroom was in my teaching language and business course where there are certain aspects such as handshakes which are very important to the business culture and even though I have had female students in the past who would not shake males’ hands, it had not been a discussed issue or an issue until recently when a student very vocally said that she would not be shaking hands and created a quite a heated debate among primarily the females from different cultural backgrounds. Interestingly, Cathy perceived this incident as racist rather than sexist when a Jordanian female student refused to shake hands with male students in compliance with her non-Western culture. Perhaps, the debate that took place afterwards would have showcased the interethnic tensions regarding what the best culture a person should adhere to in order to be successful in the business world. According to Cathy’s description, Brazilian female students got into the argument thinking in a similar way as Cathy, and this may suggest the influence of Western cultural imperialism and how White culture is treated as “a dominant frame of reference for civilization, moral development and rationalization” (Leonardo, 2004, p. 146). Also, this is a situation in which a hypothetically submissive and timid non-Western female suddenly became

160 assertive and vocal in defending her opinions and not conforming to the Western way of egalitarian thinking. While the female student’s position looks sexist or racist on the surface, this situation also could have been an example of how certain students resist attempts of acculturation, a covert assimilation technique that I critiqued in previous chapters. Situations like these show the oppressive effects of acculturation on adult ESL students although many students tend to silently go through the burden. Cathy mentioned another incident that took place in a non-Western country, which suggests that racism is a global phenomenon that is considered and discussed less than the essentialized Black and White racism in the North American and European context: … and prior to that I have worked primarily in monocultural environments with primarily Korean or Chinese students and the only time a race became an issue was when the student wasn’t from that background. It was interesting to see the way my students react to that student. If they find that student coming from the background that they preferred or they like their features, they treated them much better. … If they came from a background as they saw as not equal or lesser than their culture, they treated them worse. So those were sort of my two experiences with racism in the classroom. The above incident has relevance to the concept of cultural hegemony. Non-White people around the world are drawn to conform to global White power structures, such as White culture, White identity, and White language, nurtured by capitalism, globalization, imperialism, and neocolonization (Allen, 2001). Whiteness creates opportunities, so non-White individuals try to associate themselves with Whiteness to access cultural, financial, and social capital. As Cathy describes, “If they find that student coming from the background that they preferred or they like their features, they treated them much better” which implies that the “preferred” culture does not necessarily have to be their own culture but a better culture. Then Cathy says that “If they came from a background as they saw as not equal or lesser than their culture, they treated them worse.” Thus, these racist incidents amongst non-Whites are remotely linked to the hegemonic global power structures. In this way, the possible reason for the apparent animosity amongst the ethnicities could be due to the competition created by limited and precarious employment opportunities as well as the White supremacist ideology ingrained in the power structures. As Razack (1998) posits, interlocking systems of domination like capitalism, race, and White supremacy can come together creating hierarchical relations between people and individuals. Also, while many people comprehend the most dangerous racism as Black versus White, there seems to be a lax attitude towards non-Whites discriminating against non-Whites and a blurred boundary between what constitutes racism and ethnocentricity.

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Zara, a South Asian female Muslim ESL teacher, described an incident that she experienced as a novice ESL teacher in a private language school. She mentioned that an older colleague with a South Asian background, who worked in the same private ESL school for a long time, was overtly racist towards her: Zara: Ok so my experience here when it comes to students ... when it came to the students ... actually I have not noticed any tension ... any tension due to racism ... most of the time like they are very cordial and they help each other and most of these students come from different cultures from different backgrounds ... new immigrants. ... So far I have not noticed, maybe they have some petty issues among themselves, they don’t show it during class hours and they sort it themselves, but as a teacher, I did experience ... first it was kind of mutual racism ... it is not White to Brown but Brown to a Brown. So one of the language schools that I worked ... the immediate supervisor was a Brown lady from India ... and then ... so like the first day ... she had prejudice against me ... she was like undermining my qualifications ... she was like questioning everything from the beginning like you know ... for example ... at one point she was talking about taking students on a field trip ... and I was making suggestions and she ignores me, listens to somebody next to me ... lighter skin of course ... and that person ... was an immigrant too ... she was lighter skin ... in an obvious way she wanted to make me small ... and then ... she would ask questions like where are you ... did you come as a refugee? That kind of thing ... then I said, no I came as professional immigrant ... and one day we are going for lunch together ... and she was like or ... you are carrying a lunch bag? Like how would I take my lunch? Researcher: What do you think that she meant? Zara: So you are cultured…you carry a lunch bag! You are not carrying it in a sili sili [polythene] bag ... they are like micro aggressions ... and I felt that. … It is mutual racism ... it is not even White against Brown ... it was like Brown against Brown. … Interestingly, most of these incidents had taken place between non-White women, which requires an inquiry into power dynamics outside Black and White racism because not doing so will “conceal the checker-board of racial progress and entrenchment and hide the way dominant society often casts minority groups against one another to the detriment of all” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 79). For instance, Zara was subject to discrimination due to her accent and ancestry by a group of ESL students and another non-White ESL teacher. Zara, being a Muslim woman, has an additional layer of oppression in relation to her other Sri Lankan counterparts Eromi, Lalani, and Semini, who are non-White immigrant women of colour with postgraduate qualifications from Sri Lanka. Considering Zara’s background in Sri Lanka, she was born to an affluent family where she had access to English language education and middle/upper-class social circles where she was acculturated in a globalized culture. While she hasn’t been able to translate her privileged position into the Canadian context yet, her class privilege and its

162 outcome helped her gain a graduate degree in a Canadian university, which again helped her get employed as an ESL teacher in a school board at the time of inquiry. Razack (1998) is of the view that women are privileged and oppressed in different ways, so subordination and domination can also take place in various contexts at different times; she argues that a more fruitful way of approach is to ascertain how, at specific sites, patriarchy, White supremacy, and capitalism interlock to structure women differently and unequally. When we pursue these shifting hierachical relations, we begin to recognize how we are implicated in the subordination of other women. (p. 159) In this particular situation, both Zara and the older South Asian ESL teacher live in a country and world where White culture and White epistemology (Kubota, 2019) are valued due to their connection with power. Those who are outside Whiteness can be devalued by other non- Whites as “their individual and group backgrounds are diverse, and thus they are placed at different positions in power hierarchies” (Kubota, 2019, p. 5). The complexity of the situation may be intensified by the behaviours resulting from the preconceived notions of postcolonial subjects—those who either love or resist their former colonizers’ language, culture and way of life. Zara described this as recolonization connected to colonial mindset. As Fanon (1967) points out, mimicry is permanently internalized in all the postcolonial subjects either consciously or subconsciously to various degrees and the older South Asian ESL teacher who Zara described may have been significantly influenced due to the fact that she grew up in the postcolonial era before migrating to Canada. Shweta also referred to a similar incident when a TESL instructor from South Asian origin was devaluing the answers and various types of engagement of the non-Whites and appreciating the White students instead in her TESL class: With regards to racist feelings and the manifestations, whether they are blatant or underlying, I think I had an experience with a course where I did it, and I really had a hard time with one of the instructors. I was doing the TESL certificate course and our class was mixed and multicultural so we had two White Canadians and the rest were all Asian or Southwest Asian people, and the inclination of the instructors was blatantly towards the White Canadians. It was totally apparent. Things got really bad with one of the students who was a young male from ... he was TAing at one of the universities over here. Again it’s attitudes and maybe not this instructor was totally racist, but the way she dealt with him. But I do remember, anything we said that maybe did not agree with her, and this is an adult class. Not everyone’s going to agree with things. To the non-White Canadians, she would snap. Snap. Snap is the word. And with the others she would be pretty much fine. It was one of the hardest courses I ever took and I just kind of had this bad feeling inside me.

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It is important to look into how Shwetha perceived the incident as racist and described the TESL instructor’s behaviour as snapping while she was not sure if the kind of discrimination was overt or covert. This situation is similar to Zara’s experience when she was devalued and slighted by the senior South Asian ESL teacher. Nevertheless, as discussed previously, Strmic- Pawl (2015) is of the view that non-Whites preserve the White global power structures by “supporting the structure of white supremacy” and “black lackeys of capitalism can be lackeys of white supremacy too” (p. 195). This is further shown in the following examples as well. Shweta described another situation where she was favoured for her lighter skin colour and non- stereotypical Indian accent by a non-White Korean recruiter: He said that, “Oh, you’re really nice. You’re so White and you don’t look Indian. And the students will like you a lot because you’re so White, and you even speak well, too. You don’t speak like Indians usually do.” I was just so taken aback, and he said that a couple of times, not once. (In Toronto) Shwetha perceived his compliment given to her as a racist act. According to Byean (2015), in a Korean context, native speakerism has been legitimized by commodifying native speakers’ authenticity in accordance with nation, race, ethnicity, gender, and accent. The immigrant Korean recruiter in Canada may have continued to think in the same way as the value attached to White native speakers in the ESL industry is similar globally. Shwetha’s light skin colour and absence of Indian accent with a rolling “r” may have been seen as having a close resemblance to a White native-speaker teacher. In this way, the non-White immigrants are seen as eternal outsiders while there is a possibility for the immigrant White people to be easily integrated as imaginary Canadians or native speakers of English. Charles described parallel observations in Sri Lanka when he was working as a curriculum developer in the Sri Lankan ministry of education: When I worked in Sri Lanka, when we recruited our curriculum consultant, he was a Muslim, and people would always ask him, “Where are you from.” And he would say, “London.” “No, but where are you from really?” “London! Enfield!” So, you know, his mother was British, his father was Pakistani, but he was British but people wouldn’t accept it. He was a British Muslim. Deal with it. Again, people were expecting him—if you’re from London you’re supposed to be White. But I think that’s also ignorance of diversity in big cities in the U.K., as well as in Toronto. But it is really difficult ‘cause even, you get a place like these British council language schools. When, for example, Sri Lankan parents send their children to these places, they expect them to be staffed by White people. (In Sri Lanka) Charles acknowledged that in Canada, too, the preference towards White English speakers was very obvious in private language schools, which resonates with Ramajattan’s

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(2014) findings and Shwetha’s above story. In Ramajattan’s (2014) study, he mentioned that White non-native speakers were perceived more positively than non-White teachers. Cathy shared how she benefitted from her racially advantaged position and described how her non- White colleagues were underprivileged when she was working in Korea: We were warned about that in Korea ... actually ... I had very different experiences ... you might have negative experiences of racism ... but I have the positive experiences of racism. ... When I was in Korea, often I wasn’t even interviewed for getting jobs ... I was given jobs immediately because of the way I look and sounded ... whereas I had friends from different countries, they were horribly judged and fired from just because their skin colour was darker, they were not from English-speaking countries. ... Yeah ... it was a very different experience ... I kind of feel guilty actually ... my experience is really good. (In Korea) These perceptions and experiences of participants raise the questions: Who is responsible for this kind of ideology where White, Eurocentric culture is superordinated and therefore, White structural power is reinstated in the realm of second language education as well as in the society at large, and why? Fanon (1967) discussed about the dual personality of the Black man as a result of colonial subjugation and how he behaves differently with fellow Black men and supposedly superior White men. This has some implications to the behaviours of the South Asian ESL teacher and TESL instructor who were described by Zara and Shwetha as slighting other non-Whites, particularly other South Asians in both situations, and treasuring the White Canadians. Thus, I argue that the non-White TESL instructor who resembles the colonized may have felt inferior in the presence of the colonizers like White Canadians so that differential treatment may have been given to the two groups who are with and without structural power. The same supposition is true for the older South Asian ESL teacher who maltreated her counterpart Zara by questioning her path of immigration to Canada, devaluing her teaching methods, and ridiculing her culture. In addition to being postcolonial subjects, the two teachers may have also functioned as “white perceiving subjects” (Rosa & Flores, 2017, p. 629) through their powerful institutional positions. However, I argue that the underlying all-encompassing force for these racist incidents is a global White structural power that is covertly embedded in financial, educational, judiciary, linguistic, and social institutions. Allen (2001) explains that “in a world where white supremacy structures human existence, some people of color do conform, consciously or not, to the organizing principles of white supremacy. This is how any system of hegemony works” (p. 484). As shown in these examples, the global White structural power is the reason why non-White people yearn for Whiteness. Be it White language, White body, or White

165 culture, that’s where the power and opportunities are. Thus, it is important to question who perpetuates the White privilege and for what reason.

6.1.2 Covert systemic/institutional racism 6.1.2.1 Questioning and rejecting non-White bodies by non-Whites The focus group and individual interviews with participants brought to light some situations where I identified certain covert systemic and institutional racist incidents, such as questioning and rejecting Non-White bodies by non-Whites. Varun, a non-White with an Indo- Trinidadian background, who is also a native English speaker born in Canada, identified his skin colour as the main factor for his experiences of racism: Varun: So, for me, it’s based on my personal experience. When I was working for the first 2 years of my ESL teacher background, I sort of experienced these micro- aggressions with students and when they would see me, they would sort of think like, are you the teacher? So after reading the literature and reflecting on my experiences, I realized that it’s really my race that’s really a marker of something else, like a perceived deficiency that I have in the English language. So, my personal experience has definitely sort of informed my opinion that we need to talk about race and language. Varun: One student said at the end of the term, “Oh, you’re a great teacher but I wish we had a Canadian to sort of be introduced to,” and I was like, “Whoa. Thanks for that backhanded compliment.” And one student said, “Well, Varun is Canadian because he was born and raised in Canada,” and he said, “Yeah, but you know what I really mean,” and so obviously he meant like a White person. Like he wanted to have the network with White Canadians. The example given by Eromi likewise portrays that non-White native speakers of English are perceived as deficient ESL teachers as they do not embody the characteristics of an ideal native speaker of English, who is a White person: Eromi: She said so ... I can’t remember the story ... coz this was in 2014 [laughs] ... and the other one is from Sri Lanka again ... she was like ... you know ... born and bred here ... she was at York. ... She also said that she applied to China for a job and they wanted to see her photograph ... she is a Sri Lankan Tamil ... but she doesn’t speak Tamil ... she speaks only English ... and that’s her first language ... but when they saw her photograph ... they were actually planning to hire her ... but when they saw her photograph ... they didn’t want her. Interestingly, in both situations, the perceiving subjects (ESL students and Chinese recruiter) are non-North American and non-Whites as opposed to usual White Western listening subjects. This could be a situation which “demonstrates the ways in which whiteness functions as a structural position that can be inhabited by whites and nonwhites alike depending on the circumstances” (Rosa & Flores, 2017, p. 629). The situations also demonstrate how commodification of White-native speakersim and Western epistemology captivate ESL learners

166 by promising them some access to Whiteness and power via the White language taught by White bodies. The ESL students in private schools around the world have power as customers (Ramajatten, 2014), and the non-White employers are catering to customer demands to earn profits, thus becoming pawns of capitalism and White supremacy.

6.1.2.2 Rejecting non-native accents and promoting accent reduction pedagogy While some participants I interviewed showed awareness and disapproval of hegemonic power structures, such as endorsing and perpetuating power attached to different accents, some of the participants tend to normalize it as an unavoidable and an essential component in the process of teaching ESL. One of the covert exclusionary mechanisms discussed in the literature review has been accent discrimination or forced accent reduction practised on ESL learners. Zara, a Sri Lankan born Muslim ESL teacher, described how her students complained about her accent and persuaded the management to discontinue her assignment. Her personal story also sheds light on the privileged position of some ESL teachers, who resemble imaginary Canadians: Maybe they come with preconceived notions that they come to Canada to learn English from White Canadians ... so maybe they got a shock when they saw me in the classroom ... and then one of those students had complained that they can’t understand my accent ... and then I was there for a while and that was it ... so because ... their source of income is students ... I can understand ... but still there were other students ... they said that you are so much better than the previous teacher ... she was just on the phone ... she never taught ... you actually did teach us ... but ... Based on Zara’s account, it can be suggested that students react in different ways in spite of the existing status quo, which favours North American-accented ESL teachers. If they find teachers more reliable, approachable, and friendly, their preconceived perceptions may change. In addition, Zara’s relative powerlessness to fight against the injustice may have been due to her new immigrant status, non-Whiteness, the country of origin being a “third world,” and speaking in a less privileged variety of English. In other words, she does not possess White cultural and social capital. In spite of having a Canadian master’s degree in Applied Linguistics that the other counterparts did not have in the institution she worked at the time, she would have felt that the non-academic factors play a stronger role in establishing a place within the particular institution, which is a private language school. Zara’s experience and insight is very important to my inquiry as CRT places a significant importance to minority voices and story-telling in order to identify how racism operates in institutions in daily life. According to Zara’s story, the decision taken by the institution to sack Zara based on students’ complaints is discriminatory. I argue that administrators of this institution lacked critical consciousness, and they were unwilling to

167 exterminate racism due to economic gains entrenched in racism. Having a White English (Creese & Kambere, 2003) accent surely does help their institution to attract more customers (i.e., ESL students). If a White accent is disliked, the administration is more confident in defending inclusion unlike in a situation where a non-White accent is rejected. For instance, Andy, an EAP coordinator in an Ontario university, also had an anecdote to share with me, which resonated with the idea that Zara shared. In this instance, once the most powerful British accent has also been devalued by certain ESL students who prefer a North American accent above all: We had a British teacher and students were complaining about her British accent. As administrators at that time, we just had to try to clarify to these students that it doesn’t matter, you know, who the speaker is. What matters is the education experience and what you can get from that teacher, and here, and this is one of the things I really liked about teaching here, on staff we have people from all over the world. While the administration of the two institutions varies, it is questionable if the institution Andy worked for would have taken similar measure if Zara had been their ESL teacher whose accent was disliked by the students. Cathy was explaining possible reasons for preference of North American accents by non-Westerners, which makes references to neo-liberalization: Cathy: The only thing I am worried about is ... I know that there are many English ... but the reality is that especially when students are from Korea and they go back to their home countries, if they have studied in Australia or England, employers don’t want to hire them ... they consider their English not like my English ... it’s almost like they have to have somebody who sounds like me to teach them English ... how to sound like me ... because when they go back ,it is not as marketable as if they don’t sound like me. ... It is because they value Hollywood so much and they see Western films as the ideal so that has become the highest level of English. Zara: It supersedes British English? huhuh Cathy: It does ... at this point ... so that’s why I’ve had students they don’t wanna be ... I truly believe you don’t wanna be offensive ... but they know when they go back they are going to be recognized coz they don’t sound my type of English accent ... so that another cater worm [sic] as well ... right? Does this quote allude to the fact that capitalism and globalization have created hierarchies within Whiteness? Cathy’s and Andy’s descriptions relate to neoliberalization and neocolonization carried out by the world’s superpower (USA) and its social, cultural, and linguistic consequences on other non-Western countries. Byean (2015) is of the view that in Korea, the commodification of English language teaching intensifies the significance attributed to White native speakers as the best language teachers, let alone North American White teachers.

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In the above examples provided by participants, the role of neoliberalism in facilitating global covert racism via superordinating the accent of the American White native speaker is exhibited. Cathy, a White, Canadian-born native speaker of English showed surprise when the other non-White, non-Canadian-born ESL teachers were discussing how they themselves were subject to discrimination based on their differences in accents and places of origin. She explicitly stated that racist views benefitted her. In such a situation, her acknowledgement of her privileged position in Korea can be considered as a gesture she made against the unequal access to the ESL job market. While her experiences and observations were made outside Canada, she did not comment on her racially dominant position in Canada. Razack (1998) is of the view that women subordinate and dominate one another in many convoluted ways, so the racially privileged will not attempt to expose their privileged position. With respect to fixing accents of ESL learners, two participants had two completely different opinions. Earnest, a program coordinator and a university professor of a TESL program, is highly in favour of accent reduction, and he considers that having a non-standard accent can be monetarily disadvantageous for certain groups. Also, he justifies accent discrimination by using a hypothetical scenario which normalizes the practices of categorizing people: Researcher: Yeah. Don’t you think that forcing them to fix their accent perpetuates inequality? Earnest: I do. I certainly do. Researcher: It will keep certain people out and certain people in. Earnest: “People will always ... to function, we have to categorize people. We can’t ... when ... you walk up to somebody, you can’t suspend your analysis of this person in front of you for 10 minutes. You know, you don’t know how to act. You don’t know what to say. Your brain is going to make all kinds of decisions about this person and hypotheses about it and how they may be reversed. It’s human nature. But you can force them underground, with kind of forced organizational people and routines and things. You can do it. Furthermore, accent reduction activities, a teaching practice that creates power differentials between certain groups, are perpetuated and justified based on monetary gains. For instance, accent reduction ideology can benefit the groups who speak in desired and privileged accents, so efforts to reduce the social stigma of accent is not encouraged by the people who speak in privileged accents and have power to make changes to the current status quo. Earnest, who is a TESL curriculum developer and a program coordinator, expressed his views as follows:

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“I’ve worked with probably hundreds of people in accent reduction. I was paid an enormous amount of money to help this lawyer in Texas, all right?” What’s more, such discourse promotes and recognizes money as a factor for success in education; as Earnest noted: It was at a prestigious public university. These were EAP pre-academic people. Back then they were mostly rich kids from Latin America and other places coming to the university for intensive English training before they went on to school. So, it was easiest teaching imaginable. Kids with money. Yeah, they’re good to work with. ... They had money. You can’t beat that. So, they were all successful. On the other hand, Charles, another university professor and a course coordinator, who is coming from a similar social, gender, and racial location as Earnest, is of the view that accent reduction is unnecessary in the teaching and learning context as the value attached to different accents is a social construct that may disadvantage some groups: That’s what people say. “Oh, your accent.” But again, people say, “You have an accent. Don’t you?” Everyone has an accent. Again, it’s a social construct. What privilege do you attach to an accent? They’re all the same. So, for me, I don’t see why you would need to teach Canadian—what is Canadian English? As long as you’re teaching English and people can communicate with that English, what difference does it make? As discussed previously, Hansen et al. (2014) state that non-native accented speakers are denounced as less intelligent, incompetent, and less attractive in comparison to speakers with standard accents. Therefore, the accent can be a decisive factor in English-dominant countries in assigning institutional roles to employees who speak English as a second or foreign language. At the same time, Creese and Kambere’s (2003) study showed that in Canada, accents have social and economic outcomes. Furthermore, Liggett (2014) claims that such advantages devoured by native English language speakers, as well as proficient speakers of English, are seen as an ordinary case which can’t be changed. This situation presumably refers to social and workplace exclusion, not just inequalities in the field of education. Therefore, the question comes up regarding how ESL teachers can prepare their ESL students to be shielded from the social and workplace exclusion outside the educational institutions. In Earnest’s view, the teachers need to prepare the students to adapt to the status quo which is covertly, systemically, and institutionally racist. According to him, the students need to learn the standard accents to be able to survive and succeed materially and socially. On the contrary, Charles hinted at the importance of breaking down the socially constructed accent hierarchy. However, Flores and Rosa (2015) claim that language practices of racialized people are disparaged “regardless of the extent to which these practices might seem to correspond to standardized norms” (p.152) illuminating yet another

170 ongoing hegemonic social construction deployed by the dominant to maintain their privileged global position.

6.1.2.3 Imposing language standards Standard English is a social construction that is established globally to maintain imbalanced associations of power by dominant groups (Motha, 2014; Davila, 2016), who are mainly White (Creese and Kambere, 2003). The focus group and interview data showed how this notion is widespread in the TESL domain. Kim, a White, native speaker of Canadian English TESL trainer, describes how failing a student can be read as discriminatory and racist by non- White students: One TESOL student, and this turned into a terrible situation, she was, her first language was Spanish, and she didn’t have the English, couldn’t handle, didn’t have the English skills. She couldn’t spell, she was difficult to understand, she didn’t understand writing conventions, and she failed and she failed from all of us. All of the trainers in the program and her mentor instructor. We all agreed, and this was the reason why: she didn’t have enough English. And she had actually gotten into the program because you have to have a university degree, but you have to have a TOEFL score of this or IELTSs of that or you have to have done a Bachelor of Arts in an English language university, but she’d done it in Spanish. So she’d gotten Spanish degrees and her first language was Spanish so most of her education had been in Spanish, and she took us to court. ... And it was tough. ... I think she felt she was being picked on or isolated because of her language or because of her race but it was really she just didn’t know enough English. The student’s perception that she was being picked on by TESL instructors can be argued in two ways. As previously discussed, there is a blurred boundary between Language Standardization or in this case “language conventions” and language discrimination, which leads to racism. Motha (2014) claims that standard English is a hegemonic social creation demarcating the unending differential power structures of former colonizers and the colonized. The notion of standardization propagates a top-quality unique unchanging and unparalleled language that is ideologically used in educational and business state of affairs (Davila, 2016). On the other hand, Flores and Rosa (2015) posit that however much racialized English language learners’ language production resembles the standardized forms, their language practices are looked down upon by White perceiving subjects. Therefore, the fact that “she didn’t have enough English” may be looked at in two perspectives: TESL teachers, the White perceiving subjects, and racialized English language learners. As Cohen (2006) points out, “The global English world is not a world where Anglophone people speak the same as they would at home” (para. 10), and therefore they need to prepare themselves to be understood and to understand others as “in the future, if there

171 are two billion people who can speak English, the English speaker without knowledge of another language will be at a disadvantage” (para. 10). The native speakers of English seem to be unwilling to understand other accents, and they also have unrealistic expectations that non-native speakers would mimic inner circle language conventions in order for native speakers to comfortably and effortlessly comprehend them. Nonetheless, the TESL program admitted the student without counting one of the basic requirements for TESL Ontario accreditation-language proficiency scores: Researcher: What about her TOFEL? Kim: She didn’t do it. She was let into the program. So she took us to court. And it was tough. And I felt really badly for her, because she had spent the money but she just couldn’t do it, and you’re really compromised because she felt that there was – I think she felt she was being picked on or isolated because of her language or because of her race but it was really she just didn’t know enough English. This incident confirms Thompsonʼs (2004) observation and the content analysis finding of TESL courses functioning as an industry to earn money, sometimes tricking and exploiting their customers. On one hand the student was accepted to the program for monetary gains but on the other hand she was rejected due to her lack of language proficiency, which I too think is very unfair by the student. This is still the case in many TESL programs across Canada as their entry requirements vary across programs.

6.1.2.4 A backlash on an antiracist attempt When analyzing data against the second research question, I was able to see how certain participants perceive, observe, experience, and sometimes instigate covertly racist situations. Furthermore, participants comprehend certain situations as uncomfortable although such conditions did not overtly discriminate against them. Interestingly, Semini described a situation that she perceived as racist and in this situation, a group of older Canadian Caucasian female students were being hostile towards a White female TESL instructor of a Russian origin by protesting the teaching content on culture as “irrelevant” and “creating problems”: Yeah, and I also I saw something in one of the courses. The instructor was from a different country but her first language was English. I saw some students who were disrespecting that lady. They always found fault with the instructor, but I didn’t see anything wrong with the instructor, as a student. Students were always saying, “What is she talking about? Is she teaching us?” It wasn’t something she should be teaching, like spoon-feeding or something. She was giving a lot of examples from different countries because it’s culture and she had to bring out a lot of examples from all over the world,

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from different countries. To enable students to do a lot of assignments—there were a lot of assignments—and to take examples from the book and from their knowledge, she was referring to situations … maybe about racism, maybe about religion, maybe about the colour. She was bringing up all of these things. The course is about culture and ESL teaching, and students couldn’t understand. The content analysis of the three TESL programs illustrated how the ideas around race, racism, and structural power inequalities were lumped into more digestible and reduced terms “cultural and diversity issues” but in this situation, the White students seem to resist even “culture.” While Semini named the TESL trainees who resisted the trainer as Canadians, her subsequent explanations proved that she uses the term “Canadians” for White students while she labels non-White TESL students as “immigrant students.” The White students in this case had even gone to the extent of lodging a formal complaint against the teacher saying that she is incompetent: Semini: Actually, she was trying to help the students in explaining things. It’s about culture. But students couldn’t understand. Researcher: Like what? Semini: Students thought she is creating problems in the classroom talking about this, but that wasn’t the case. If you’re really going to teach these classes, and I was volunteering in them, you see these things. You should really be able to understand other people’s cultures, what they are thinking. Like dress code, in some cultures women do not sit with men, and even some colours, maybe White, Brown, or Black, some people don’t sit together. Those things we should consider. Maybe with the hair style, with the hijab or something, people don’t care, other people from the region, and we should be able to know what we should be talking about, and sometimes it can hurt their feelings maybe. So, she wanted to think widely of all of these things. Semini’s description also shows how the TESL trainer has attempted to integrate antiracism into TESL and the reactions of some participants. According to Semini’s hand-written notes, it can be suggested that the particular TESL instructor had attempted to go beyond cultural diversity and definition level of racism by bringing up the stories like Viola Desmond’s story and discussing Black children being labeled as “at risk.” It is important to note that all the students who were against the White TESL instructor were White Canadians and the other TESL trainees were not amongst the students who complained about her. Thus, these discussions on racism may have made the White students aware of their privileged position: In the dominant position, Whites are almost always racially comfortable and thus have developed unchallenged expectations to remain so. Whites have not had to build tolerance for racial discomfort and thus when racial discomfort arises, Whites typically respond as if something is “wrong,” and blame the person or event that triggered the discomfort (usually a person of color). (DiAngelo, 2011, p. 60)

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I argue that this is a situation of covert systemic racism where White TESL students resisted and rejected content on culture through a backlash, and the White TESL teacher was at the receiving end. Semini said that she silently supported the instructor as she found the instructor’s input valuable to teach in culturally diverse ESL classes as Semini has witnessed issues that came up in the classes that she taught and observed. Semini’s silent approval of the antiracist attempts of the TESL teacher suggests how non-Whites feel powerless and how their ideas and knowledges are unheard in a system, which has allocated a lot of power to knowledge and voice carried in White bodies.

6.1.2.5 Difficulty acknowledging a lack of cultural capital Zara described how she did not know the acronym DVP (Don Valley Parkway), which was casually mentioned by her TESL trainer while a lesson was going on, and how this unfamiliarity disconnected her from the lesson as well as from the immediate speech community. She also mentioned that she, who was a trainee at the time, did not want to clarify what the acronym stood for as she did not want to expose her ignorance for she was a new immigrant at the time. Later in the discussion, Eromi attributed Zara’s inhibition to Zara’s identity, Canadian culture, and racism: Eromi: Coz you don’t want to show that you are ignorant of Canadian culture ... coz you know you lack this basic knowledge ... then you ... I don’t know ... you feel that you kind of have an effect on your identity ... it is this like you know ... because you know that there is racism in this country, so you just try your best to show that you know everything that you need to know. Zara: Yes ... you have to work double time and impression that you make just like that walking in the walking path to make the same impression, we have to work double times. As perceived by Eromi, this may be an instance where Zara did not want to show that she is outside the moral and cultural Whiteness as new racism is based on non-biological factors of culture (Zong, 2007). This was rather a surprising notion to Cathy, who is a Canadian-born White participant. This incident generated a lot of subsequent discussion suggesting the confidence stemmed from structural power that culturally dominant communities carry with them and how such confidence levels derive different experiences for individuals: Cathy: Right ... that’s so interesting to me ... coz I live in another country and I would ask questions all the time about the things that’s common sense to other people because I didn’t know and I had no embarrassment but I didn’t know because I wasn’t Korean ... so it is so strange to me that you had this embarrassment to ask you were a newcomer and why would you know. Eromi: No, it is different.

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Cathy: Why? Zara: I think again there is cultural ... with the Sri Lankan culture. Cathy: Ok, I guess in Canada ... I don’t ever feel embarrassed to ask questions. Zara: Yeah ... It is how you have been brought up in Canada and I think may be the educational system and all will be a part of your culture ... right? ... So like how you are raised ... I can relate to a lot of this what the students are going through ... because of my own culture ... I know from where it is coming ... this kind of thing. ... If I were to use any Canadian acronyms, it will break it down ... but then ... at class I wouldn’t expect them to ask coz they are teacher trainees ... they would know this ... that’s what they would assume. In this dialogue, Zara attributed the differences of hers and Cathy’s questioning behaviours to their two different cultural histories. Invisibility of the power structures within the discourse around culture is at play here, while it was executed by Zara in this instance. A far as Zara’s background is concerned, she is a non-White female Muslim university academic who emigrated from Sri Lanka. Therefore, in her less powerful non-Western culture, the customary beliefs, social forms, and material traits of her racial, religious, and social group are closely linked to postcoloniality, Islam, patriarchy, and social inequality. Cathy, a White female born in Canada where the main culture has so far been the White settler culture, is in a more globally powerful position, which is connected with her confidence. As discussed in Chapter 2, Hilliard (1992) posits “racism as encompassing economic, political, social, and cultural structures, actions, and beliefs that systematize and perpetuate an unequal distribution of privileges, resources and power between White people and people of color” (as cited in DiAngelo, 2011, p. 56). Thus, Zara’s perceived uncomfortable situation not knowing the English acronyms and Cathy’s confidence to ask any question in a non-Western country can be linked to the idea that “power from unearned privilege can look like strength when it is in fact permission to escape or dominate” (McIntosh, 2015, p. 71). Also, one of McIntosh’s (2015) White privileges describes that a White person “can remain oblivious to the language and customs of persons of color who constitute the world’s majority without feeling in my culture and penalty for such oblivion” (p. 76), which Zara cannot afford to do. Interestingly, neither Zara nor anybody else in the group mentioned Cathy’s likely privileged position as a White but encompassed the differences in their social positions within the term “culture,” a non-threatening term for Whites to maintain their power and equilibrium by providing them with an environment where they are protected resourcefully from any psychosocial discomfort arising from race-related issues, confrontations, discussions, or encounters

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(DiAngelo, 2011). Nonetheless, Cathy’s dominant position and Zara’s subordinate position were surfaced when Zara bitterly expressed “we have to work double times” agreeing with Eromi’s idea that Canada is a racist country. Strmic-Pawl (2015) describes the situation as follows: We need to articulate white privilege as the benefits given to whites, but its white supremacy that makes those benefits possible while also providing the infrastructure for the oppression of people of color. It is white supremacy which makes white privilege a reality. (p. 193) However, it is also important to mention that Cathy was brave enough to acknowledge her racially privileged position in Korea during the focus group sessions, an act many Whites are reluctant to do. CRT scholars maintain that “understanding the role and power of White Supremacy in creating and reinforcing racial subordination and maintaining a normalized White privilege is central to the CRT imperative to reveal and oppose racial inequality” (Rollock & Gillborn, 2011, p. 2). Razack (1998) on the other hand argues that White supremacy is a factor amongst other “interlocking systems of domination” (p. 12) that ascribe power to certain individuals merely due to their skin colour. However, interestingly, White privilege was not explicitly mentioned in any of the focus group discussions, while only Charles and Semini alluded to that in individual interviews.

6.1.3 Epistemological hegemony/racism in the TESL field Subtle ways in which epistemological racism is ongoing in the context of TESL is another important finding of the study. The incidents described by participants as well as their ideas and perceptions hinted at hidden but complex mechanisms of knowledge discrimination, which is favouring Whiteness. First and foremost, the background information questionnaire revealed that eight of nine TESL trainers, program coordinators, and curriculum designers who took part in the study belong to Caucasian origin while 10 of 11 ESL teachers were non-Whites. There were a significant number of frontline non-White ESL teachers in my study: 9/10 non-White ESL teachers had masterʼs degrees while two of them were PhD candidates. Kathy was the only White ESL teacher, and she had a master’s degree. At the same time, all the TESL practitioners who took part in individual interviews happened to be native speakers of English. Varun was the only non-White TESL trainer. Three of the eight TESL trainers, program coordinators, and curriculum designers had PhDs from the West while seven had master’s level education; and there was one TESL trainer with a bachelor’s degree. This situation alludes to Amin’s (2005) view that White people from inner circle English-speaking countries have more proprietorship of

176 the ESL/TESL field. It was interesting for me to see how the two groups of participants occupy dominant and subordinate positions in the professional hierarchy and the ways in which their Whiteness and non-Whiteness correlate. The ESL instructors do not have the decision-making power to add antiracist content to TESL curricula despite the fact that they are highly educated and have the insider perspective of accent, racial, and cultural discrimination. Kubota (2019) shows that “institutional underrepresentation of racial minorities is often a result of under- recognition of the merit that minorities demonstrate” (p. 5), which in turn is related to epistemological racism. Daisy provided a general picture of the composition of non-native speaker TESL trainers in her training programs: I think, right now, we’ve got about, probably about seven, yeah, you’re in there, seven out of the 45 are non-native speakers. So, we’ve got Russian, we’ve got Iranian, we’ve got South Asian, there was a Brazilian slash Portuguese in there at some point, and possibly a French in there at some point. So the profile of our trainers changed over time as well. And, once again, Ontario’s the leader there, that we’ve got the greater number of non-native speakers as trainers in Ontario than we do elsewhere. Also, according to Daisy, many TESL curriculum writers maintain relationships with Pearson, Oxford, and Cambridge, in order to keep in line with current TESL practices prescribed by the particular publishing organizations, and this may suggest the continuation of West-centric teaching ideology in the field of TESL suggesting the prevalence of epistemological racism. The constant exposure to ideas originated from monolingual, monocultural, colonial, and imperialist locations may inform decision-making in determining ESL/TESL content. While conferences, where the most recent trends are discussed, also play an important part in decision-making, Daisy mentioned that it is difficult to incorporate alternative pedagogies like plurilingualism introduced in such forums due to time limits stipulated by the TESL Ontario accreditation body. Thus, it is understood that TESL curriculum is decided at different levels requiring a group effort and it is also important that the accreditation group involved in decision-making has an antiracist orientation. In a situation where the administrative and decision-making power belongs to a group whose members do not experience racism, linguicism, or cultural discrimination based on race and language, it is highly doubtful if they are able to relate to the experiences of racially victimized groups. When looking at this phenomenon through a CRT lens, many hegemonic forces as language imperialism, language standardization, White supremacy, and capitalism have created a privileged position for White TESL practitioners to be in more powerful positions in the ESL/TESL field. Finally, Amani provided with an anecdote of how a TESL trainer of Program A refused

177 to mention the non-White name of one of the authors of a prescribed TESL book. She was referring to the book Language Assessment: Principles and Classroom Practices by H. Douglas Brown and Priyanvada Abeywickrama. Interestingly, she brought the book with her to the focus group interview and tossed it on the table as she was talking. She said that she remembered this incident when she received my email invitation and she came prepared to talk about the incident: Amani: When I got your email, I brought this on purpose. It’s an assessment [others laugh]. And the teacher, native speaker teacher… he would not pronounce her name and, to me, it was. … And I thought, that’s not right. You are teaching your students to become ESL teacher and you can’t even pronounce the [name of the] author of this book, who happens to be Sri Lankan, from that culture and that country, and I find that very offensive. She strongly felt that the non-White author’s knowledge was not acknowledged by the TESL teacher, and she perceived it as racist. Amani would have been offended because she may have identified similarities between the South Asian author and herself. Kubota (2019) claims that “the legitimacy of the knowledge is linked to the knowledge producer’s racial background along with the location. In addition, race or ethnicity evoked by individual names may significantly affect professional opportunities” (pp. 10-11). Accordingly, non-White knowledge contributions can be doubted and questioned due to epistemological racism in the field. Amani used another personal experience to show how she was doubtfully gazed by White ESL teachers during her practicum: Amani: I mean, I was doing my placement, there were a couple of White teachers and they would just look at me, stare at me. They won’t say anything. I mean, what do they have to say against me? I don’t know. Maybe they do or maybe they don’t. Maybe they want to say and they cannot say ‘cause it’s unprofessional. I don’t know. But, I’m saying, I don’t have other examples to give you. Researcher: But you felt that they were trying to be judgmental? Amani: Yeah. Can I be a teacher? Can I be a good teacher? Researcher: They were doubting you. Amani: Yeah, my competency level. I don’t know. But I’d been liked by other teachers who were not White. The data collected in my study also showed cases of denial of racism and counter antiracist pedagogical attempts by individuals with power, which I consider as an amalgamation of epistemological and institutional racism. Earnest, a middle class American who works as a TESL program coordinator and curriculum developer in a Canadian university, has a very conservative and capitalist approach to teaching and learning of ESL/TESL. He views that antiracist thought and arguments need to be understood and refuted rhetorically.

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Researcher: Ok. What do you think about incorporating antiracist pedagogy or the literature on antiracism into your program? What do you think about that? Earnest: It’s absolutely necessary. But we do it meta-critically. So, in other words, my students aren’t reading that stuff to be changed as people. My students are reading it to understand it and to understand how it’s written. We rhetorically analyze it. ... They have to know how it’s being argued. Coz it’s generally being argued by leftists and people of a different political persuasion. You have to understand them. You have to know how to respond to them. This standpoint can have a powerful bearing against any antiracist orientation of a TESL curriculum given the powerful position he has. It could be seen that authoritative individuals like Earnest, who can make changes to the current TESL curricula by incorporating antiracist pedagogy, do not believe that an antiracist approach is needed. Instead, trainees are trained to counter such discourse by analyzing and understanding antiracist rhetoric, which I once again consider as an institutional and covert racist move. When asked about the racial privilege of White native speaker ESL/TESL teachers, Earnest promptly denied it showing disgust: Researcher: Do you think the TESOL/ESL teachers need to know about their social location in terms of race? For example, being White and a native speaker, they are privileged as opposed to ESL students who are non-White? Earnest: I don’t like that. I don’t like that characterization. I think it’s bogus. It’s bogus because that’s normally used against them. They have to understand the rhetoric of the people using it against them. In fact, I have them do readings that are exactly that. Ok, here’s what you’re getting. Now, how do you respond to that? And from the Christian perspective, you have to respond with love. You cannot respond in anger. And if you start there, many times, a lot of it works. But not reactive. These responses illustrate how individuals respond to the idea of White privilege by confidently denying it. I claim that Earnest’s denial of White structural power and his curriculum strategy to counter such “rhetoric” are both epistemological and systemic racism. This phenomenon can be linked to White fragility. DiAngelo (2011) argues that White Fragility is a state in which even a minimum amount of racial stress becomes intolerable, triggering a range of defensive moves. These moves include the outward display of emotions such as anger, fear, and guilt, and behaviors such as argumentation, silence, and leaving the stress-inducing situation. These behaviors, in turn, function to reinstate white racial equilibrium. Racial stress results from an interruption to what is racially familiar. These interruptions can take a variety of forms and come from a range of sources. (p. 57) Likewise, it is difficult for people who are indoctrinated to think in the dominant narrative to understand the exclusionary practices rooted in the language learning and teaching process. Consequently, institutions pay less attention to possible racist constructions rooted in TESL/ESL practices. This situation makes reference to what Solomona et al. (2005) pointed out

179 as “those in positions of power and authority—for example, educators—construct discourses that are often academically and emotionally debilitating to the ‘racial other.’ Such construction and related action are informed by white, race privileged position” (p. 147). Although some people acknowledge their privilege, they are reluctant to let go of it mainly due to the material comforts, power, and prestige attached to their Whiteness. Thus, instead of movements towards racial, economic, cultural, and linguistic equality, a strong right-wing movement is taking momentum around the world. Earnest as well drew on dominant religious beliefs to address the possible complexities of diversity within the ESL and TESL context. For instance, when Earnest was asked whether he felt that diversity was needed to be addressed in TESL training, he made an entry to his response with a religious base. I deliberately avoided the term racism as I felt that he would be too uncomfortable to answer my question. Furthermore, the concept of diversity was attributed to liberal ideology with an indication that having diversity training could generate more employment opportunities rather than creating equal opportunities for stakeholders. Also, due to his religious bias, the approach looked problematic as it is connoted a “superior” perspective: Look: if we don’t prepare our students for diversity, they won’t get a job and they won’t succeed. The one thing about this- do you know this place? This is a Christian, 4-year liberal arts university with a very, very definite worldview of who we are. So, 50% of them are Christian believers who are there. So, not only that, but they have to be able to express how their faith informs what they do as people, their worldview, all those things, and they’re really good at it because many of them, to get a job, many of them will be questioned, people will be skeptical of, if you’re a Christian now, the places are skeptical of you. They have to be able to be very professional and explain how this all fits together and how superior of a perspective it is in terms of a lot of the ways of human relations. On the contrary, Charles, who is from a working class family in the U.K. and has worked in less-privileged Asian countries while being married to an East Asian wife, responded to my question regarding White privilege in a completely different way suggesting the existence of critical consciousness amongst White people with power and privilege. Charles acknowledged his White privilege, described his antiracist research interests, and explained how epistemological racism prevails in Canada as well as globally: Researcher: Do you think that we need to talk about topics like White supremacy and White privilege? Charles: I think White privilege rather than White supremacy, because that has these connotations, like these nasty people in the U.S., the Ku Klux Klan. I mean, there are White supremacists, these very misguided people, and they’re extreme and they do exist.

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Now, aside from that, there is White privilege. Now I know, I benefit from it, because I’m White. Charles was also very vocal about the importance of exploring how non-Western teachers in the developing countries tirelessly teach English as a second language to their learners under less resourced conditions. He is of the view that their innovative methods may have implications for Western teachers to teach ESL in a more resourced environment where learner needs are similar to those in the non-Western world. Charles started his view referring to his doctoral work: What was it called? Lives and Careers of Non-Native Speaking Teachers of English in Sri Lanka and Thailand. So it was life history work, but I wanted to make people more aware of the conditions of work for teachers in government schools in Sri Lanka and Thailand, because my view is there’s always been too much focus on well-resourced, Western-style education in places like universities. For example, a lot of interaction research has been done in American universities and there’s not enough research in those places where most English teaching actually takes place, which is in government schools in Sri Lanka, Thailand, India, China. You have hundreds of thousands of teachers working away, teaching English, and their experiences don’t’ really get into the consciousness of the profession. So even when you do get successful people, you get people like Canagarajah who is very successful and very, obviously, very smart, but he doesn’t now focus very much on education in Sri Lanka, for example. He focuses more on, of equal interest I suppose for him, but he’s moved on from the initial things he was talking about in that first book of his, Resisting Linguistic Imperialism in English Language Teaching, so he’s moved on from that, but I haven’t. I just still stick with— well, basically at heart, I’m an educator, a teacher, and I think because of my own background, which is poor—I’m not from a wealthy family. I’m from a working class family. And ... for us the route to, what I have now, a middle class background, was through education. In this long quote, he points out that there is a gap in ELT research from the non-Western and the developing world, where most of the English as a second/foreign language learning and teaching is done. As Kubota (2019) asserts, “knowledge inclusion/exclusion works geographically, signifying the West and the non-West, which also indexes whiteness and non- whiteness” (p. 10). Charles also commented on how research interests changed over time for a world-renowned non White scholar who migrated to the United States and was originally from Sri Lanka. Charles explained how Charles maintains his research interests unchanged due to the socio-economic trajectory that he travelled in from his childhood to where he is now. At the same time, “epistemological racism in our system of knowledge production and circulation excludes not only racialized but also white scholars institutionally and individually in their scholarly engagement outside of white Eurocentric” norms (Kubota, 2019, p. 5). For

181 instance, Charles saw a serious flaw in the way TESL Ontario accredits ESL instructors and TESL trainers. He said that despite his years of teaching ESL and designing ESL curricula in non-Western countries, he was not given TESL Ontario accreditation to teach ELT methodology since he lacked Canadian teaching experience at the time of his request: But what I find about that is that there’s a very narrow focus to it, and I find it’s all Ontario focused. They don’t have this global outlook. So, for example, there are certain courses I can’t teach here because I don’t have the requisite TESOL Ontario accreditation, which I can’t actually get because I haven’t taught English language in Canada. So even though I’ve done things like helped to develop the curriculum and textbooks in Sri Lanka, I helped to develop national curriculum at the secondary level in Vietnam, I can’t teach curriculum development here, coz I haven’t got the requisite. I can only teach theory-based courses. So it’s very insular. It’s all, and I think that’s represented also in many other ways. They seem to think there’s some uniqueness in Ontario, that if you haven’t had direct experience in Ontario, then it doesn’t count. It’s really peculiar. Charles further proclaims that TESL Ontario accreditation process does not value non- Canadian teaching ESL experiences and therefore is “structurally racist.” He says that such stance reflected a very “parochial mindset” as people like him are well aware of the experience of students who come to Canada and who would be in the English classes. He said that he knew “a hell of a lot more about them” than someone who has only taught in Ontario having minimal knowledge of the work and the backgrounds of the people in their classes. In his view, not recognizing teaching experience outside Canada limits bringing in a non-Western knowledges to teaching ESL in Canada. In addition, Charles, has a very critical perspective towards how an antiracist TESL curriculum needs to be developed: Well, I think, because of the resistance to actively talking about racism, I think there should be a mandated course on sociopolitical cultural impacts of English language teaching, and, within that, you can then talk about discrimination that occurs, and discrimination against varieties of English, discrimination against particular accents, discrimination against particular peoples, and also, within that, we need to talk about experiences of different people coming into Canada and being alert to the possibilities of their traumas. Charles’s emphasis on the importance of discussions around discrimination against varieties of English, accents, and particular groups of people may suggest the idea that being a White heterosexual male, he still advocates for action against systemic and epistemological racism while acknowledging the privilege that he enjoys being a White male who speaks a prestigious variety of English. The fact that he was born in the working class in the U.K., the fact

182 that he spent some years in South and East Asia, and the fact that he is married to a non-White woman may also have implications for his opinion. Similar to Charles, I have personally met a number of White men and women who expressed their bitterness towards White dominance and genuinely expressed their support for action against systemic racism. However, Leonardo (2004) is of the view that “white domination is not only the domination of white supremacist groups. It is rather the domain of average, tolerant people, of lovers of diversity, and believers in justice” (p. 143). Leonardo is also of the view that many Whites produce discourse that suggest the idea that racists are other Whites while he or she is an exception. In my opinion, the problem lies when Whites do not make an effort to understand the unearned racial privilege that they enjoy when “whiteness that is not available to other people” (Walcott, as cited in Yang, 2018, para.19).

6.2 Making sense of different perceptions/experiences of racism to develop an antiracist curriculum Making sense of perceptions, experiences, reflections and strategies used by recipients and perpetrators of racism in this study can be useful in deciding the content and activities that need to be included in a TESL curriculum. Most importantly, the inclusion of various manifestations of racism as perceived and experienced by the participants of the study is vital in TESL curricula. This will also be a gesture against institutional and epistemological racism. Both the focus group and individual interviews suggested that participants who have experienced racism themselves can relate to the race, class, culture, and gender-related issues in the ESL/TESL context by reflecting on their own experiences. Some individuals personally experience discrimination based on their race or accent and therefore, they tend to focus more on instances where discrimination is based on skin colour and accent. For instance, Varun feels that his phenotype is the reason why he experiences racism. On the other hand, Zara, Lalani, and Eromi identified racism as the differential treatment they witnessed based on non-native speaker accent and the place of origin. As many critical linguists have pointed out, in modern times, racism is acted out as linguicism and Zara, Eromi, and Semini have experienced it first hand, and therefore, they do have the lived experiences of linguicism, the modern racism. In addition, Zara explained that she usually understands international and immigrant students more due to her own trajectory as an immigrant. When Cathy questioned Zara why she was reluctant to ask what DVP (Don Valley Parkway) meant from her TESL instructor, Zara attributed her inhibition to her different “culture” and paralleled her behaviour with her students. Zara’s use of culture to encapsulate many underlying issues was earlier analyzed as a

183 subconscious strategy to avoid bringing up the fact that she is racially disadvantaged; avoidance of topics related to racism is a survival strategy of non-Whites. Zara seems to be well aware that the lack of cultural capital both embodied and institutionalized (Bourdieu, 1986) in her and her ESL students always works against them in a White European settler colony like Canada, illustrating the existing structures of domination that devalue, exclude, and marginalize people of colour. Then Semini mentioned that immigrant ESL teachers are the best teachers to help out ESL students with linguistic and cultural dilemmas as they have the insider perspective of ESL students. The importance of increasing the subordinate voice in TESL curriculum design and teaching is therefore very important to bring the insider perspective of different types of oppression to make the necessary changes to the TESL curriculum as “It takes a multitude of the oppressed to make their voices heard and felt” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 64). Some data suggest that administrative measures should be taken towards ensuring equity and equality of access to TESL programs. As Semini pointed out, some of her native speaker Canadians found the reading module of IELTS test difficult, but they are exempted from doing it due to their native-speaker status. Being proficient in a variety other than inner-circle English doesn’t carry the same privilege and access to opportunities. It is a requirement for individuals from outer- and expanding-circle countries to do IELTS to enter TESL programs although speaking an inner-circle variety does not carry the same privilege unless it is embodied in a White body. Eromi’s story about a Tamil Canadian native speaker ESL teacher and Varun’s story of receiving micro-aggressions illustrate this reality. The South American student who failed the TESL course felt that she was discriminated. These ideas point at the need of revising the entry requirements of TESL programs. The question is, should both native and non-native speakers prove their proficiency in English to teach ESL? Having non-White representation in decision-making positions will also be helpful in deciding an antiracist approach for TESL. Exposing the interlocking systems of power is another requisite. While I identify that one’s privileged or oppressed position is determined by the intersectionality of race, gender, class, education level, and language abilities, I also acknowledge that there are interlocking global systems of domination such as White structural power, capitalism, patriarchy, neocolonization, and globalization in which linguistic and cultural imperialism are constituents. In the Canadian TESL context, having White skin and a native-speaker accent surely help to be in authoritative positions that decide accreditation standards and make curriculum decisions. This may be due to the settler colonial history and cultural and linguistic imperialist presence in

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Canada. Those who occupy powerful positions in various ways through interlocking systems of power want to maintain the structures that keep them powerful. The interview and focus group data also showed how some individuals openly opposed, denied, and rejected race-related talk. Semini’s anecdote in which she described how a White female TESL trainee opposed a TESL trainer and Earnest’s description of how he trains his TESL students to write counter narratives for antiracist ideology are examples. Many White people may not be prepared to identify and acknowledge the social, cultural, and economic privileges attached to White or lighter skin. They may continue to turn a blind eye on how the White global structures are formed through an amalgamation of cultural imperialism, language imperialism, epistemological imperialism, transnational middle class, globalization, and neoliberalism. While some try to justify their privilege using meritocracy, it does not acknowledge that an individual’s capability is increasingly dependent on whether his or her race, class, gender, and language reflect the dominant power structures of the social order. The story of Zara is a good example as she had to leave her ESL job due to students’ negative perception of her accent, and she did not have the power to fight for herself as a non-White accented Muslim immigrant female ESL teacher. The administrators too sided with the students as Zara’s cultural and racial outlook was not monetarily promising to their institution. As a result, Zara lost her job. The focus group data also points at how resistance to cultural assimilation can be misread as racism reconfirming the need of discussions on interlocking systems of power in TESL curricula. Cathy, being in a racially, linguistically, and geographically advantaged position, perceived a female student as being racist for refusing to shake hands with a male student. While the female student’s resistance to acculturation was misread as racist, Cathy was clearly negatively affected by the incident. Global White supremacy can play out as linguicism and creation of cultural hierarchies since “cultural considerations do not lead to an understanding of the current workings of white supremacy” (Razack, 1998, p. 19). Thinking along these lines, identifying and avoiding the assimilatory practices under the magic word “acculturation” proves important to avoid situation like what Cathy faced. Many participants in my study used their marginalized position as the entry point to the discussion of race and racism. The non-White participants who were privileged linguistically and educationally mentioned accent, culture, and skin colour discrimination as the types of oppression experienced by them in the fields of ESL and TESL. The discrimination that they perceived outside their personal spheres was also seen from a parallel location. For instance,

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Lalani witnessed a mature female ESL student’s non-Western culture being discriminated by a non-native east European ESL teacher—a phenomenon Lalani experiences as a South Asian non- White woman. Eromi mentioned how one of her non-White friends was denied an ESL teaching position by an ESL employer in Korea due to her friend’s skin colour. Zara mentioned how she was culturally discriminated by ESL students and a counterpart in an ESL school. However, many non-White participants did not mention how they were privileged in terms of their English language proficiency, education, and class in relation to the less privileged. On the other hand, White female participants like Cathy, Maggie, and Daisy mentioned sexism as an oppressive force that they personally experience when relating to racism. Benefitting from White privilege was mentioned explicitly and implicitly by only two people—implicitly by Cathy, a White female ESL teacher, and explicitly by Charles, a White male university professor who was a program coordinator of a university TESL course. He shows critical consciousness, which I think he may have acquired through his experience of living with a non-White, non-native speaker, East Asian wife in settler colonial Canada, working as an educator in the developing world, and born into a working class in the U.K. Charles, who acknowledged White privilege and his prestigious British accent, also didn’t forget to mention his experience of subordination by describing himself as a victim in the TESL accreditation process that disregarded his foreign TESL experience. White dominance was not explicitly mentioned by any non-Whites either but Varun, a non-White ESL teacher and a TESL trainer, made reference to it implicitly with a deep analysis in his individual interview and focus group interview in the absence of Whites. It would have been interesting to see whether he had the power to express the same ideas if there had been Whites in his presence. As Razack (1998) theorizes, We continue to avoid any inquiry into domination and our role in it when we confront issues of difference and diversity. Instead, each of us feels most safe in these discussions anchored in our subordinated positions by virtue of our being color, disabled, economically exploited, colonized, a lesbian, or a woman. Identifying as part of a marginalized group allows each of us to avoid addressing our position within dominant groups and maintain our innocence or belief in our non-involvement in the subordination of others. (p. 132) Conversely, some of the non-White participants mentioned how they were privileged in terms of their lighter skin colour, English language proficiency, gender, education, and class in relation to the less privileged. Varun was open about his gender privilege but did not mention how privileged he is as a native speaker of a prestigious variety of English. Shwetha, a non-

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White South Asian ESL teacher, mentioned that her light skin colour and atypical Indian accent helped her find employment in a private ESL school in Toronto run by a Korean employer. These examples suggest how domination and subordination are created through various entanglements of race, class, sex, patriarchy, capitalism, and White structural power. Therefore, discussions around interlocking systems of power is a compulsory theoretical discussion in the TESL curricula to attain critical consciousness. Another discussion that needs to be included in the curricula is the discrimination against non-Whites by non-Whites. The inability for some non-Whites to challenge how “whiteness structures human existence” (Allen, 2001, p. 484) is one of the main reasons for perpetuation of White supremacy as I’ve seen in my study. For instance, Shwetha and Zara moved beyond Black and White racism and described situations where discrimination was enacted by non-Whites on other non-Whites. The two teachers, who Zara and Shwetha described, clearly had a position in which they favoured the Whites over the non-Whites. The non-White recruiters whom Cathy, Zara, and Eromi described were relentlessly promoting White supremacy and West-centric cultural domination. Whites born to the White race develop a sense of membership strengthened by White global opportunity structures (Whites getting a better chance for ESL opportunity), global White identity (ESL teacher being White, the better teacher), global White territories (Canada seen as a White country), and White group membership (the White administration, knowledge, and research dominance in the field of ESL) which they perceive as normal (Allen, 2001). White structural power is fueled by capitalism, globalization, and settler colonialism and this creates tensions between non-Whites pitting against each other to access Whiteness, power, and opportunities. It is paramount that future ESL teachers to understand how White global structural power works. Thus, without resolving the political predicament entrenched in a settler colonial multicultural immigrant society, it is difficult to address the entanglements of racism, linguicism, devaluation, and marginalization of “others” through a topical display and definition level discussions of racial and cultural issues in the context of ESL learning and teaching. Therefore, I argue that it is important to emphasize intersectionality of oppression and interlocking systems of power such as capitalism, race, White privilege, and gender when theorizing racism since the White and Black binary alone cannot address the power structures embedded in the contemporary social order. The results also suggest the importance of having critical consciousness of ESL and TESL professionals to make changes towards antiracist work. While

187 there are other forces of domination such as gender, class, culture, and languages, which create inequality amongst people, challenging and acknowledging racial privilege has become one of the most sensitive issues due to the fact that skin colour is fixed in everyone. It is unlikely that those who are in powerful positions acknowledge let alone give up their power. However, “Derrick Bell holds that minorities of color should not try to fit into a flawed economic and political system but transform it” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 70) by collectively making their voices heard and radically calling on change; “otherwise the system merely swallows up the small improvement one has made, and everything goes back to the way it was” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 65). Thus, more minority representation and active engagement in the TESL field is important in paving the way towards an antiracist TESL curriculum.

6.3 Conclusion Using focus group and interview data, I mapped occurrences of individual, systemic, and epistemological racism prevalent in the current ESL/TESL climate in Canada. Instances of racism have been experienced by some ESL and TESL practitioners both explicitly and implicitly, and many of them have made various observations to which they relate racism. There were common and distinct opinions and experiences between ESL teachers and TESL practitioners. Considering the racial composition and the numbers of frontline ESL teachers and TESL practitioners, the comparison appeared to be between White and Non-Whites. Some ESL teachers provided examples of teacher–teacher, teacher–student, and student–student interactions alluding to racism although the particular incidents did have sexist and classist implications. Interestingly, prejudice and discriminatory employment practices directed at non-Whites by non- Whites stood out in the findings. Participants also mentioned that existence of cultural hierarchies, discrimination of non-native speaker English accents, and promotion of monolingual teaching practices are widespread as implicit systemic racist practices in the ESL field. The participants who came from different cultural, racial, linguistic, class, gender, and historical locations showed distinctiveness in their experiences, ideas, opinions, and choices with regards to race, gender, and class-related issues in the field of ESL/TESL, suggesting the existence of multiple consciousness. When discussing racism, many attached themselves with their marginalized position ignoring the relative dominant social, gender, class, and racial positions that they occupied. Insightful and critical analysis of different perceptions/experiences of racism as described by ESL/TESL practitioners was useful in identifying necessary theoretical discussions and approaches that need to be included in an anti-racist TESL curriculum. The

188 importance of increasing the subordinate voices in the TESL domain to counter epistemological and institutional racism and inclusion of discussions around interlocking systems of power and intersectionality of oppression proved to be important.

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Chapter 7 Towards Developing an Antiracist TESL Curriculum

The previous chapter examined the racial, class, and gender related problems ESL/TESL practitioners encounter, and identified individual, systemic, and epistemological racism prevalent in the current ESL/TESL context in Ontario. Prejudice and discrimination taking place between non-Whites became a prominent occurrence in my data that I became very interested in because it is a recurrent experience and an observation in my life as an immigrant non-White woman living in Toronto. Furthermore, ESL practitioners’ various life experiences with regard to privilege and oppression, and their social, racial, class, and gender locations shape the way ESL/TESL practitioners perceive racism. Many participants situated themselves in marginalized positions when discussing racism, with the exemption of Cathy and Charles who acknowledged their privilege. Many participants were reluctant to mention their dominant positions even as minorities. The purpose of this chapter is to examine how ESL/TESL practitioners’ experiences and perceptions contribute to developing an antiracist TESL curriculum that addresses racism more effectively and practically. I used three focus group interview questions to probe the ESL teachers, most notably research question 3: 1. How does your TESL training programs help you deal with race related issues in the ESL classroom? 2. Could you describe how race relations were discussed in your TESL training program including what courses address these topics? 3. What recommendations would you make to TESL training programs to ensure that they address race issues in the context of ESL/TESL at a deeper level? Likewise, I asked TESL trainers and curriculum designers which topics they believed should be included in a TESL curriculum, how they decide which topics should be included, the challenges they face when choosing or teaching certain topics in TESL programs, and finally their recommendations for a TESL curriculum that addresses race-related issues in the context of ESL/TESL at a deeper level. At this point, I was interested in identifying their ideas related to sociopolitical issues and ELT methodology. Their political standpoints, observations, and individual, professional, and educational experiences exposed a number of gaps in TESL programs, confirming one of the TESL curriculum analysis findings: current TESL programs do

190 not adequately address race and racism in their curricula. In addition, the participantsʼ narrations exposed a number of challenges that stand in the way of taking an antiracist direction in TESL curriculum designing. Then, the participants offered suggestions for improvement. Considering the aforementioned findings, I finally conclude the chapter by identifying and analyzing the difficult task ahead.

7.1 Current TESL programs are not adopting an adequate antiracist approach The focus group interviews with ESL teachers and individual interviews with TESL trainers, curriculum developers, and program coordinators revealed many gaps in current TESL curricula with regard to taking an antiracist approach. According to many focus group participants, TESL training that they had completed did not play a direct role in shaping their praxis towards antiracism. Many participants mentioned the course on sociopolitical issues, saying they did not have any explicit lessons on racism or antiracism, and sociopolitical issues were addressed superficially in the TESL programs they followed. This correlates with the findings of the content analysis in which discussions around race and antiracism were found to be at a minimal level in the prescribed TESL curricula in terms of depth of analysis. The participants noted that the most common topics covered under the theme of sociopolitical issues were multiculturalism, culture shock, cultural stereotyping, and cultural pluralism. When participants were asked if their TESL programs addressed racism or racial discrimination as a topic, most of them answered that they did not. Interestingly, some participants had obtained their TESL training from Program A, B, and C. Varun, who was trained in Program B, could not recollect any material related to racism: A long time, yeah. But I don’t remember that assigned intro to the practicum. There were no race-related issues specific in the courses because most of it was like the mechanics of teaching or like assessments or learning theory or like second language learning theory, so yeah, I would say definitely we need the discussion of race. Tuyen and Hung, who were also trained at the same school (Program B), expressed similar views: Tuyen: I don’t think so, but I did mine in 2006. Hung: So it’s interesting that you ask me that question because when I went through the TESOL program, I don’t think we had a course like that. We had to take a course called sociolinguistics and we touched on the difference between how men speak versus how women speak. According to the curriculum analysis, there were some discussions and content related to race, racism, native speakerism, and cultural hierarchies (Brown, 2014; Li et al., 2012) in

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Program B, so Varun, Hung, and Tuyen possibly did not remember the readings as they had completed it quite a while ago. Another possibility is that the trainers did not select and address these themes effectively in their lessons, so it did not make an impact on the trainees even though such readings were included in the syllabus. Amani and Semini graduated recently from an Ontario college in which Program A was offered. Although they took the same TESL course in the same college, they had been taught by different instructors. While Semini mentioned that her TESL instructor discussed culture and racism, Amani noted that race was not dealt with as a topic in her TESL class: I remind you, I was there in 2016. They didn’t talk about it. They didn’t talk about it in the least and they should bring it up. They should touch upon it so that we will be well- prepared for what we are getting into. But, no, in 2016, they didn’t talk about it, my teachers, even though I took those courses: Society and Culture, Society and Language, Culture and Language—something like that. We didn’t talk about race. How, as an ESL teacher, are you going to go out there and deal with these challenges with racism? Were we prepared for that? No. We were not taught. These narratives suggest that the content related to racism can vary based on the instructor’s orientation towards antiracist praxis. Although the critical readings are included in a TESL curriculum, the learning outcomes will not be met if readings are not effectively used in teaching, learning, and assessment activities. Zara, who also graduated from Program A earlier, had the following to say: I remember at [name of college] … again there wasn’t anything explicit about racism or antiracism … how to handle students or tensions in the class. … But they did discuss cultural differences, culture shock, and also, like, and how cultural misunderstanding, like, I remember like, ... we were in groups and we had to come up with ... no they gave us some situations and like you know whether it is appropriate or inappropriate … in Canada. … one was like calling someone like ... [snapping fingers sound; others laugh]. … It is really rude in Canada … but this is actually on in a country … but I can’t remember the country now [laughs]…. I really can’t remember whether we did texts or … I can’t remember anything other than the group work that we did. ... But I do remember we did not discuss anything like racism, antiracism, or tackling racism … or it was all to do with culture. … You know … as we said earlier … celebrating culture and cultural pluralism in Canada … and things like that … may be acculturation. I can’t even remember discussing multiculturalism in Canada. Three participants in focus group 1 had been trained in Program C. Eromi and Cathy, who took the training at Program C, said that racial issues in the ESL context were not a topic in their TESL program either: Eromi: I am trying to figure out or recall; no ... I don’t think that they gave us any training like that ... not even at least ... even if you don’t talk about issues, at least to kind

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of, you know ... train those teachers to be sensitive to the fact that you are dealing with students from different cultures ... even that wasn’t addressed. ... I suppose that should be one of the main courses ... because you are dealing with an adult student population Cathy: Honestly, I don’t remember anything ... there was some talk about being empathetic ... which is great ... these things are necessary. ... I don’t remember anything talking about “if you have this case, what should you do?” Lalani and Eromi agreed with Cathy when she said that the instructor who did sociopolitical issues “wanted something easy and digestible.” Eromi mentioned how her essay that raised ideas about White privilege in Canada based on Peggy McIntoshʼs Invisible Knapsack was seen undesirably by the same instructor: I wrote an assignment for the instructor and we had to select an article and write about it and the article I selected was Peggy McIntoshʼs Invisible Knapsack and most of the others who wrote about this interesting stuff which may not create any conflict were given 100% where as I was given 90-something. Knowing I did a good job ... but I was questioning a lot ... using the article. ... It was a negative comment, I can’t remember, I think I may have told you ... but at that time I was pretty annoyed coz that was an article which we have discussed in my doctoral seminars and by that time I had kind of discussed it in undergraduate courses as well. They also mentioned that the sociocultural course they followed had less student engagement:

Eromi: In socio-cultural class, I feel we should have had more discussions … because it could have been input students could give us, really, because they were from all over the world Lalani: I felt that it was a closed class. We couldn’t, like, give our opinions. ... It was she was there and she dictated … teacher centred … However, in Program C, there were many readings that looked at global Englishes, native speakerism, and even White supremacy, and Eromi and Lalani acknowledged those readings as follows: Eromi; We had a debate in linguistics class … right? Lalani : Huumm ... Eromi: On bilingual or multilingual policies ... Lalani: Yeah … yeah … Eromi: That was ok. Shweta on the other hand mentioned that some of the topics that they encountered in her TESL training had implications towards differential power hierarchies built up between different communities outside the West: That’s one thing I took from the course. It’s come with me. Language and power. I really learned that well. So I was paying attention [laughs]. With English, there are different types of English being spoken. Like my country, India. I’m from North India, where

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generally English accent is considered better than South India. They’ll say “haitch” instead of “aitch” and different ways they speak. So again, it’s like, ha ha, if you’re from here and you speak this accent [laughs]. So it’s like the power that is made to feel, that is conveyed, that, ok, this is your background and they’ll make sure, and inadvertently, even like I pointed out, so I was educated in this private school where it was like, this was meant to be shown off that, “Ok, I’m from this background. I’m powerful because the language I learned was from this first language speaking country.” It is clear that she was referring to the discussions in her TESL program about language and power. Interestingly, Shwetha’s TESL course, which was designed by Daisy, was not included in the curriculum analysis. These narratives once again confirm how various trainers engage learners in different ways, making a different impact on trainees. Some TESL trainers, curriculum designers, and program coordinators looking from a more authoritative vantage point mentioned that the way current TESL programs address race and antiracism in sociopolitical issues is insufficient and problematic. During the individual interview, Varun—a TESL trainer and ESL teacher who graduated from an elite TESL program in Ontario (Program B)—expressed the narrow focus given to the theme in question: Well, based on when I did my TESOL program, we never talked about race at all. If we did it was more about stereotyping students and saying, “Oh, well. You shouldn’t say that all Japanese students are quiet or all Brazilian students like to talk too much,” right? So we got these sort of superficial references about race but I feel like, in terms of curriculum planning, why not involve the students in curriculum planning? In my experience, the curriculum was there. We had to just learn what our instructors taught us, right, but I don’t think there was a collaboration happening. Daisy, a TESL curriculum designer, pointed out the shallow focus required for topics like race and discrimination, which come under sociopolitical issues: There is one tiny, tiny, tiny piece in the accredited curriculum for culture and society and language and culture, so it’s a tiny, tiny time frame and the only requirement there is that we need to do definitions. So we need to define racism, discrimination, prejudice, and so on. That’s the tiny space that is allowed in the accreditation scheme. Maggie, a program coordinator for refugees, was also of the view that her TESL training was not very helpful in understanding complexities related to race: “From what I remember, it was really quite brief, the time that was spent on these issues in my training.” Charles, on the other hand, pointed out that inclusion of required topics as well as timely curriculum revisions are not adequately done by departments that run TESL programs due to the lax attitude on monitoring: I think we have an option on gender, language, and so on. The thing is, to what extent do TESOL Ontario actually monitor? One member of the department sends off an annual report every year and I have no idea what it says, but we get re-evaluated every year, so

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presumably it says the right things for them, but we haven’t as a department looked at our curriculum in detail, and this is my 11th year now. We have never looked at the curriculum in detail. Never. Andy also pointed out that issues related to various types of oppression are either not addressed or under addressed in TESL courses: Andy: Racial issues and many issues of discrimination or prejudice. Researcher: Do you think that we talk about it? Andy: No. I don’t think it’s directly addressed. I think it’s indirectly addressed when we talk about culture and I personally don’t have the information I would need to be able to do that. These testimonies were in agreement with the content analysis findings, which showed that TESL curricula are hesitant to address racism in terms of depth and explicitness. As seen in the content analysis, there are some critical readings included in sociopolitical or theoretical issues in all three programs, but simply including critical readings only to identify racism at a definition level may not be productive unless the trainers employ activities effectively to engage trainees with the material to raise their critical consciousness. The responses of ESL teachers confirm the little impact made by TESL materials on them regarding antiracism. Again, similar to the content analysis findings, the focus group and interview data also suggest the use of culture as an overarching theme to disclose issues related to race, racism, and antiracism in TESL programs that participants described. Razack (1998) maintains that “culturalization of differences … masks relations of power and enables dominant group to maintain their innocence” (p. 17). Furthermore, case studies and strategies participants described under sociopolitical issues replicate diversity training or attempts to improve “cultural sensitivity” (Razack, 1998) since they are tricks and strategies for classroom management. Thus, these findings suggest that symbolic antiracist attempts taken by the TESL programs towards inclusitivity and diversity resemble the tokenism of Canadian multicultural liberal policies to manage muticulturalism and diversity. Colour-blindness of liberal policies can ignore the idea of equity and how differences can provide individuals with different opportunities and options (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012). As seen in both content analysis and interview data, the ELT approaches recommended in TESL programs reproduce settler colonialism, coloniality, linguicism, racism, and classism, contrary to the concepts presented in critical readings under the course sociopolitical issues. The antiracist ideology entrenched in some prescribd critical readings has not proceeded to the liberation level, which I identify as antiracist ELT methods, partly because the dominant players in the field of TESL are not genuinely committed to

195 eliminating the privilege and power derived from racial, linguistic, and cultural hierachies. Delgado and Stefancic (2012) argue that “rights are almost always cut back when they conflict with the interests of the powerful” (p. 28). Thus, I believe that TESL curricula function as an institution to reproduce systemic and epistemological racism. As it stands, textbooks and associated activities may not necessarily be effective to raise awareness about the wounds of the present in the hopes of eliminating discrimination since political power that supports settler coloniality is rooted in institutions and people, and therefore in educational curricula. Realizing the defying task ahead of us, I explored the possible challenges of taking an antiracist approach to TESL training, by carefully analyzing participants’ ideas.

7.2 Challenges in addressing racism in TESL courses Focus group and interview data suggest a lot of challenges that may stand in the way of developing an antiracist TESL curriculum. Most notably, many participants pointed out the complexity of the topic of racism, referring to the intricacy involved in identifying it and discussing it in a safe space. Some were of the view that they lacked adequate knowledge to address the topic directly as well as the confidence to stand against any hostile reactions generated by the topic. Some felt that they did not have power to do so, considering their institutional position. Another significant challenge to address the racism in the context of TESL/ESL is the anti-antiracist ideology ingrained in individuals who are in powerful positions that influence TESL curricula and programs. Also, the constraints of the TESL Ontario accreditation system including the limited agency that TESL trainers and curriculum developers have in deciding and changing the TESL Ontario curriculum is yet another important point to consider.

7.2.1 The complexity of the topic racism I acknowledge that many ESL/TESL professionals mentioned implicit themes and activities in which discussions around race, racism, and antiracist ideology are embedded but did not focus on direct discussions around race, racism, and antiracism. It was also notable that every time I asked how racism was addressed in TESL courses, many participants responded by referring to culture. The participants who directly addressed the topic said that one of the main issues pertaining to addressing racism in both ESL and TESL classroom contexts is the difficulty of making individuals understand what racism is. It was conveyed that individuals see and perceive racism differently and would not know how to correctly label it. Correspondingly,

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Daisy, who is a TESL curriculum designer with a PhD in curriculum design, described the intricacy and opacity surrounding the topic of racism: I’ll just give you a very general example then. You know, somebody could do something and it could just be based on the fact that there’s a difference of personality and there’s a different sort of approach, and one person is White and one person is Brown. And so, the Brown person is not taking on board that it’s just a personality clash. The Brown person is saying, “Well, that’s just racist.” And the White person’s like, “No. We’re just like not communicating.” And there was just a personality clash and there was never an intent of racism there, but maybe that’s what that person’s seeing. But maybe there was. You know, maybe that White person did have that racist intent and the Brown person labeled it correctly, but maybe they didn’t. So there’s always this grey area of intent, so people are very afraid to even broach the topic because very often intent gets misinterpreted. That, “I’m not saying this because I’m racist. I’m saying this because, either we’ve got a personality clash, or I know more than you know.” So you can have a situation where a teacher corrects a student, and the student thinks the teacher is being racist. Well, no, the teacher’s correcting the student because the teacher knows more than the student. So, but then the teacher’s getting labeled as racist. So that’s the Pandora’s box so to speak with racism and, in our teacher training courses, we need to create a space that is safe for people to discuss this and to put out their perspectives without the fear of being called racist. Most importantly, Daisy tried to show the difficulty in judging what racist incidents are as they may carry multiple realities, which she calls a “Pandora’s box.” The above long quote carries many issues surrounding identifying and labeling racism. Daisy’s reference to correcting student errors reverberates with the incident that Kim described about the South American TESL student and brings the idea of White and non-White listening subjects (Flores & Rosa, 2015; Rosa & Flores, 2017) to the surface. Daisy also mentioned that people who have never experienced racism are not able to comprehend it. As Daisy queried, If you’ve got a group of blonde-haired, blue-eyed, White-skinned people who have never experienced racism or discrimination in their life, how do you teach them? Because they’ve never experienced it. They don’t know. So, yeah. That’s your challenge. Besides, Daisy’s experience as a TESL curriculum developer and her knowledge as a PhD holder in curriculum design unveiled the complexity of addressing the topic both theoretically and practically: The other challenge is, there’s knowledge about racism and antiracism, but then there’s practice, and how do you—this is a fundamental question that I struggle with—how do you teach someone, first of all, what racism is? Because theoretically we know it but, until you’ve experienced it, you don’t understand it and you don’t understand its impact. So, how do you teach someone that? How do you teach someone the impact of that? And then how do you teach someone to teach in that manner? So that you’re not ... so how do you teach someone to teach in an antiracist manner? So those are questions that haven’t been answered yet.

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Those are questions that haven’t been answered. So that is the biggest challenge with your entire research project, is that you want to get TESOL programs integrating an antiracist approach, but the fundamental question of what that looks like and how do you do that—it hasn’t been answered. Moreover, Daisy pointed out that there is a considerable gap in theory and practice related to antiracism, which makes addressing racism at classroom levels proves problematic: I’m very, very familiar with the research and the research is not practical on antiracism, antidiscrimination, all of that stuff. So all we’re doing is telling people, “You shouldn’t be racist, you shouldn’t discriminate, and you shouldn’t have prejudice.” What does that mean? In her opinion, it is important to gauge the complexity of the topic and come up with practical ways of countering racism. Daisy believes that building one’s cultural intelligence will help explain and understand diversity more effectively: And you have to start in theory land but, in order for it to have an impact, it has to come into practical land, and it hasn’t come into practical land yet. I haven’t seen, and you know, my other passion is the whole intercultural communication side of things, and I’m writing a book called Building Your Cultural Intelligence, which basically educates people about all the different ways we can look at culture and how it impacts us positively and negatively on a daily basis. Stella, too, had a similar disposition: Researcher: What do you think are the most important areas that we need to cover as TESL trainers? Stella: Well, I think that we also need to cover how to approach culture. It’s really important that not only are we teaching people the language, but also how to use the language in an appropriate manner to avoid a lot of issues or mishaps that might sort of make them upset or feel like they’re not doing it right. I think that’s a really important thing. This alludes to Razack’s (1998) argument that “cross cultural sensitivity training will be of little use unless it is pursued in the context of the greater empowerment of the subordinate group. The project of working across cultures must, for a start, include an acknowledgement of contemporary relations of dominations and how they are lived” (p. 86). Andy explains how he addresses racial issues through case studies in his TESL programs using his personal experiences as a point of reference: I usually give examples of my true live examples then I’d say, this is what happened to me, and then we would look at a case study and then we’ll, what do we do or what would you do in that situation, and then I’ll say what I did and we might talk about it. In spite of his good intentions to address racial issues, it is questionable to what extent discriminatory situations can be demonstrated considering Andy’s life experiences as a White

198 middle-class male. The absence of reference to the power play between the dominant and the subordinate is the key issue here. Furthermore, some participants also think that they are not knowledgeable enough to handle difficult topics like racism and therefore are reluctant to start the discussion. Daisy is of the view that some may be hesitant to take action against possible incidents of racism as they may not know how to differentiate between racism or personality issues. Maggie shared a similar view: I think it could be a good way to get the conversation started, but you have to be well- prepared to handle like potentially difficult conversations, because I think it would be worse to unearth all these things and not be able to handle a discussion; that would be tricky. And also, talking about intersectionality, so I’m not sure; this is about White privilege? Or is it about different kinds of privilege, too? Maggie also signaled to antiracist theoretical predicaments saying that antiracist pedagogy may be problematic in terms of equal access. Maggie’s responses also suggested a theoretical predicament that may come across as certain decolonizing/antiracist pedagogies may prove problematic in terms of equal access: Yeah. So I guess it’s not surprising when people get uncomfortable when things start getting kind of messy. They can’t just say to their students, “It’s this way.” And in terms of plurilingualism, I was never comfortable, especially at a private language school, where it was English-only rule, and it just made me kind of squirm. I definitely think bringing in other languages and experiences is great, and I did do it a little bit, especially with Spanish, but this was in a LINC setting where I was doing it, but the person—I think it was still my practicum—my supervisor strongly disagreed because I couldn’t speak the language of everyone, so I was, according to her, giving an unfair- but I would say, respectfully, that it’s kind of a case by case basis. If you’re constantly helping one person in Spanish and you’re not able to help anyone else, that’s uncomfortable and can come across as unfair, but there are circumstances in which that’s totally fine, and maybe it’s outside of class where not everyone’s watching. As Maggie correctly mentioned, the use of students’ first language indeed becomes problematic in certain situations, especially when there is a dominating group of students who share the same language. I personally received complaints from other students saying that they feel uncomfortable and alienated in class due to other students’ constant use of their mother tongue. Having theorized very deeply about how racism is embedded in the controlling of students’ L1, quite frankly, I did not know how to draw the line. The ambiguity and haziness in the concept of racism is one of the main reasons why many TESL trainers are reluctant to discuss race and racism, and also avoid taking any action when they witness racism. Varun mentioned that “reconciling my philosophical or pedagogical beliefs with the reality of who I’m teaching

199 and what I have to teach” is one of the biggest challenges he faces if he has to teach sociopolitical issues in a TESL curriculum. Since ESL practitioners experience and perceive racism differently, it is not easy to neutrally identify and label it. ESL/TESL practitioners may face another barrier in addressing racism both practically and theoretically because they are not provided with a safe space to talk about racism/antiracism. Many other participants mentioned that racism is a very uncomfortable topic to touch on both in ESL and TESL classes. Proving this, the TESL trainer that Semini described was met with a backlash for discussing “culture,” which was perceived as “unnecessary” by a group of White students. While Maggie and Stella mentioned the difficulty in discussing the topic due to lack of knowledge, confidence, and experiences, Kim and Daisy commented on the nuances around identifying and discussing racism as well as on the slippery nature of getting labeled as racists. Daisy very eloquently described the difficulty and fear in bringing it up: And that comes down to the trainers, the trainer capability of managing those personalities and understanding those personalities. And if the accusation of racism gets put out there, it’s up to the trainer to say, “Hang on. That may be the intent but it may not be the intent. And so let’s look at this from different perspectives.” So you have to have skilled trainers who can unpack that for themselves. And I think the biggest problem with antiracism and how you teach it is the fear. Nobody wants to go there, because heaven forbid you go there and then you get accused of being racist. That is, that’s the biggest challenge. Maggie was also feeling uncomfortable to start the discussion as a White person, fearing she might be blamed for talking about a subject about which she cannot claim personal relevance: I don’t think it’s that. I think I just don’t want to take up too much space on these issues. I think, yeah, I don’t feel like I should be a dominant voice, but it’s a little, I guess it depends on who the audience is. But at a place like OCASI, I feel that I’m there to support the work but to not be a figurehead for the cause because I’m not representing Canadian diversity very well. Furthermore, some participants mentioned that employing antiracist practices in classroom situations demands excessive emotional, cognitive, and personal labouring on the part of frontline ESL teachers, and such endeavours are not compensated financially. As Kim notes, And again, the multicultural, socio-linguistics stuff. A lot of problems teachers run into is they get emotionally entangled, shall we say, with their students in these situations and I don’t think that that’s addressed enough. You go into ESL because it’s a vocation. You’re not making money. However, not only Whites but also non-Whites like Amani and Varun explicitly mentioned the difficulty in bringing up the topic of racism. Amani, a non-White ESL teacher,

200 looked quite concerned when the topic of racism was brought up in focus group 1. She was hesitant to respond at once but when she observed the responses the others gave, she too expressed her ideas: Amani: I would say it might be uncomfortable and it might not be very open to talk about it because it is a very touchy subject. If you have to, maybe privately, in a secluded ... Researcher: A secluded area? Ok. Amani: But I think, to open it up in a classroom? I think a lot of students dealing with racial issues will not say much. Because I know I went to college to become a TESOL teacher and, although there was no race component, none of us had the courage to even bring it up. But if you had given an opportunity, maybe yes, but deep down you can really ground it and talk about this issue or what is deep-seated issues. I don’t think so. Varun too says that bringing up the topic racism is “still a taboo topic” with many interpretations attached to it, such as “individual prejudice.” He further said that with that sort of view of racism, we think that education is the best way. We think that education is the best way to combat racism, but we don’t think that racism is embedded in education, so I think it’s sort of difficult to separate the racism from the education. I think that’s one difficulty in trying to address race, that people don’t see themselves as racist, and they don’t want to talk about race because it might make them seem racist. Varun provided with an example of practical difficulty in getting the support for antiracist research by mentioning his own experience of collecting data. He said that people were hesitant to provide their support and said that “I would just get like ʻinteresting.ʼ They wouldn’t be helpful in spreading the word.” When I asked him what type of people were not interested, Varun gave the following lengthy analysis: So I could say, probably, definitely White people [laughs], so like I said before, when you bring up race as a racialized person to another—to a White person, it makes them feel uncomfortable. Some participants fear intervening instances of racism due to their less powerful institutional position which has race, gender, and class implications, so they act minimally as a survival mechanism. Lalani, witnessing the racist incident in which a student was called a “goat,” is of the view that she did not have power to act as she was just a teacher trainee at the time. In addition, Lalani’s position being a new immigrant, a non-White, and a non-native English speaker may have made her less powerful to act on her own. Therefore, she became a silent observer: Lalani: I just went to the student, that’s all. ... I was ... I was scared to do more ... because I needed my hours. ... But after sometime I volunteered there ... after I got my TESL, I kept on going there and then I made it a point to be extra nice to the students and I went

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around ... “she is so nice ... she just asks us not only class work ... but she asks us how we are ... kind of ...”. I thought it will change even it is only in my class. Researcher: So that way, you contributed. Lalani: But at that time ... I did nothing. Although she did not take any immediate antiracist measures, the incident has educated and transformed her into taking action that she perceives as minor. Eventually, she had brief talks with her students to show her concern. In her view, such an action may not prove threatening as she seems to be uncomfortable taking direct action against racist situations due to her powerless institutional position. At the same time, she seems to feel guilty about not having done anything when the incident took place. In this manner, the focus group and interview data suggest that one of the challenges in addressing race, racism, and antiracism in TESL curricula is the difficulty individuals have in articulating race-related discourse. For both Whites and non-Whites, racism proves to be an uncomfortable subject that might create various repercussions such as anger, guilt, stress, discomfort, silence, and withdrawal due to the exposure of their dominant or subordinate positions. The main reason for the difficulty is the implications around revealing existing power structures as the system is set up in such a way to conceal global White structures (Allen, 2001) using different strategies. DiAngelo (2011) argues that Whites are protected from race-based stress as follows: Although white racial insulation is somewhat mediated by social class (with poor and working class urban whites being generally less racially insulated than suburban or rural whites), the larger social environment insulates and protects whites as a group through institutions, cultural representations, media, school textbooks, movies, advertising, dominant discourses, etc. (p. 55) According to DiAngelo (2011), it is normal for White people to feel anger, fear, and guilt, and behaviours such as argumentation and silence, and leaving the stress-inducing situation when confronted with race-related discomforts as they deem to have “lack of psychosocial stamina” (p. 55). Leonardo (2004) also points out that many Whites are under the impression that they themselves are not racists because there is a notion that real racists are similar to the Ku Klux Klan groups who commit racist acts on the front stage. McIntosh (2015) is of the view that White oblivion helps Whites to “think that their lives are morally neutral, normative, average, and also ideal, so that when we work to benefit others, this is seen as work which allows them to be more like us” (p. 75). As explained by Rosa and Flores (2017), it is not necessary for the subjects to be White to sustain the White structural power as the institutional positions may

202 allow non-Whites to act as White subjects. On the other hand, Arat-Koç (2014) explains how global middle classes identify and connect with each other through their global middle-class cultures that clearly differ from working-class fellow citizens and how this culturalization creates race-like thinking resulting “transnational bourgeois identity and lifestyle” (p. 320). Therefore, identifying individuals’ dominant or subordinate position and acknowledging it verbally proves problematic. In the case of non-White TESL instructors, the possibility of having White TESL trainees may create the power imbalance that requires them to avoid the topic to create that safe place for them. Non-Whites may be using avoidance also to survive socially as they may be reluctant to challenge the existing power structures and tarnish their relationships with the Whites, those who are in power as “the challenger is the one who takes a risk and goes against the grain” (Myers & Williamson, 2001, p. 22). I too found it difficult to use and repeat the word “racism” with some participants as I felt that they were taking a dismissive stance on the topic. Thus, as an antiracist researcher, I felt uncomfortable being in the discussion of race. While discussions on race with multiracial individuals have always been considered as sensitive and controversial due to the ambiguity and murkiness of opinions, I believe one of the main problems in having open-ended discussions on racism is individuals’ impulsive inclination to avoid the discussions around structural power since discussions on racism may expose their privileged, underprivileged, suppressive, or oppressive positions. In relation to Semini’s example discussed previously, the perceived “antiracist” endeavour triggered White adult students and threatened teachers’ employment status. As prescribed by CRT, through legal and counter storytelling as this particular TESL trainer did, the realities of racially discriminated individuals can be brought to the surface. This could be the reason why the particular TESL instructor described by Semini was criticized by White Canadian TESL trainees as their “White racial equilibrium” (DiAngelo, 2011, p. 54) may have been disturbed by these race-related discussions in which they may have felt guilty, uncomfortable, and angry. They must have been reluctant to expose the advantageous position that they occupy in the societal power structures merely due to their white skin. Such resistance stops further discussion on how various marginalized groups experience differential treatment in the society, and Razack (1998) is of the view that “the relation between women, and the ways in which the advantages some women enjoy come out of the experience of other women, are masked” (p. 131). This analysis may explain why racial issues have been reduced to cultural issues while even the reduced version has offended some individuals. When the

203 discussions on race are limited to the definition level, the individuals can take an objective position without going into the dangers of nuancing the issue, and as such they can save face. However, the ability to present racism as an objective reality remains difficult to date as the people who engage in the conversation can gear the discussion according to their individual opinions and life experiences. The study unfolded the predicament of race talk, emphasizing how both Whites and non-Whites avoid talking about race and racism as it can create and expose the hierarchy of power and privilege between individuals from different racial communities. Some participants preferred to avoid it while some diverted it using discourse around culture. One participant who benefits from racism contested the idea of racism and challenged its existence. Many mentioned the difficulty in identifying it and addressing it. These discussions suggest the impediments of taking an antiracist direction in TESL and ESL The fact that many ESL and TESL trainers are contract workers and their contract renewal may partly be based on student surveys may bother many ESL/TESL practitioners to touch on sensitive issues as such actions can provoke diverse adult students. Due to the above- mentioned possibilities, both Whites and non-Whites may prefer to take a passive stance when race-related topics emerge. This revelation indeed is important when designing a TESL curriculum as it demonstrates that addressing racism is a complicated non-linear process, and it entails addressing many layers of oppression, while simply providing definitions is inadequate. This also raises the question whether there are legitimate owners of the topic in question and if all social justice workers should experience racism first hand to talk about racial oppression. In other words, how can a White middle-class male TESL trainer discuss racism without being accused of borrowing the voices of cultural and racial others. Razack (1998) is of the view that it is vital to comprehend “how responses to subordinate groups are socially organized to sustain existing power arrangements” (p. 8), hinting at the importance of discussions acknowledging the existing global power structures when talking about race.

7.2.2 Resistance to anti-imperialist ELT pedagogies Many ESL teachers and a few TESL trainers and program coordinators mentioned that TESL practices thus far have been focusing more on West-centric colonial pedagogies, which once again is a finding of my content analysis. The inclination that favours certain cultures, Western knowledge production, and linguistic groups (inner-circle Englishes) can have a strong impact on trainees when they work as frontline ESL teachers, and they may continue to normalize the hegemonic undercurrents of teaching and learning of ESL. Some TESL programs

204 showed that they are significantly affected by capitalist ideologies serving the rich. Earnest’s description of TESL students in his private university alludes to this idea as follows: Researcher: And why do you call this university mostly White? Earnest: Because it’s about, it is, mostly White. It’s because it’s a private university, it’s expensive. We have about 80% White. Almost no Blacks, but a lot of Chinese now. Chinese, Indians, now Indians are coming in, and B.C. is right next door, so almost everyone is Indian of some extraction. So, but, it’s just the nature of our place. Meta-critical analysis to refute antiracist discourse in the TESL training programs designed by Earnest is a good example of resistance to non-Western anti-imperialist approach. This course of action is directly linked to global White structures where the Whites attempt to deny their privileged position by emphasizing meritocracy and individualism which hide structural inequalities based on race. Bannerji (2005) points out that reducing racism into a cultural issue and theorizing class and capital as separate entities from race have concealed the structural issues that less privileged communities face. When anti-antiracist ideology is internalized in TESL trainees, through activities as described above by Earnest, the trainees will continue to maintain the oppressive social order as ESL teachers, coordinators, and curriculum developers in the future. Thus, individuals who are financially or racially advantaged may not understand the difficulties that less privileged ESL learners, such as new immigrants and minorities, experience in the language learning process as well as in life in general. When they are trained to refute antiracist rhetoric as discussed before, their consciousness can be further tweaked in the direction of maintaining power hierarchies. This may perpetuate the current oppressive nature of second language learning. In addition, Varun sees a strong connection between trends in the TESL field and neoliberalism as marketability and commodity of ESL programs are pivotal for profit making, a responsibility thrust upon educational institutions including colleges and universities by the neoliberal state. The overemphasis of using technology in language teaching is criticized by Varun, showing how these trends internalize individualism and competition, and justify inequity in the disguise of language learning: I find that many TESL-related conferences really emphasize the practical component. Theory, which includes critical theory, seems to be considered non-pedagogical. I find this with TESL Toronto in particular. For instance, I went to one of their tech conferences, which advertised learning practical tips to apply to your classroom. However, none of the sessions that I went to considered issues of power, et cetera, with regard to technology. Like one session was about gamification in the classroom and how it fosters motivation in learning, et cetera. However, gamification for me seems to

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reinforce neoliberal ideas that there are winners and losers. If youʼre not winning and levelling up [game metaphors!] in life, then you're somehow deficient. Once again, these conferences are unable or unwilling to see how our pedagogy is reinforcing existing systems of oppression. Daisy too points out that education trends that surface periodically in the TESL field limit room to discuss sociopolitical issues in a TESL curricula. She says that it is challenging to push back against the current trends and figure out what gets attention and what doesn’t in TESL: What we try not to do is we try not to get caught up in trends. So education is, as I’m sure you know, is driven by trends. Like, this is the latest, so the latest is portfolio-based assessment. That’s a trend, and task-based language teaching, that’s another trend, and we try not to get caught up in the trends. What we try to do is to have a very balanced approach that says, ok, you need to know about portfolio-based language assessment but you need to know about other kinds of assessment as well. Varun, a teacher and a trainer, mentioned that in spite of the amount of literature that has been written on decolonizing, anticolonial, antiracist pedagogies, they still haven’t been incorporated into TESL curricula: Yeah, so like, what types of English are we teaching? So I think it’s very dominated by a British and American model in particular, but I mean, if we talk about English as a lingua franca, there’s ... world English is debate, so what’s the point of teaching these specific varieties of English when students are going to be speaking English with varieties that have nothing, that don’t even bear any resemblance to British or American or Canadian English, right? I’m giving these superficial answers. I’m trying to think of something. Therefore, a significant challenge to address the racism in the context of TESL/ESL as seen in the findings is the lax attitude of individuals with power to develop antiracist TESL curricula and programs. For instance, Earnest openly expressed that his trainees are trained to understand and refute antiracist arguments.

7. 2.3 Battling against Canadian policy dogma The English-only policy was widely discussed in focus group interviews, and while some participants, who had a background in critical and decolonizing pedagogies, were critical of using monolingual practices in the ESL classrooms, some were quite supportive of it. As an ESL instructor who has worked in various settings, I too have witnessed my students supporting the English-only policy. They constantly said that even though they live in Canada, their daily interactions are limited to their ethnic communities and therefore their exposure to the English language is minimal outside the ESL classroom. They were of the view that this was a very disadvantageous situation for them. Due to this, some students too demanded inner-circle monolingual English. While language is considered a hegemonic tool to exercise power over

206 people who do not have access to it, the people who are controlled may willingly give their consent to be over powered by that language: Institutional practices which people draw upon without thinking often embody assumptions which directly or indirectly legitimize existing power relations. Practices can often be shown to originate in the dominant class or the dominant bloc, and to have become naturalized. (Fairclough, 1989, p. 33) Many ESL teachers also hold the same view as traditional ELT methods—namely the direct method, audio lingual method, Communicative Language Teaching method, and SLA research—and support monolingual input of the native English speaker for second language acquisition, thus maintaining inner-circle English language imperialism as pointed out by Phillipson (1992). Shwetha and Hung were in favour of English-only policy and described how they learned English well under strict monolingual policies: Shwetha: I want to let out! But we were forbidden from speaking the first language. So I went through that period of time and, again, decided to be an English teacher a few years from then. ... So, again, immersion is a very good idea, I must say. But I don’t know what would have happened if my teacher had asked me to do, to write in my own language and to translate. The respect for other languages are of course of paramount importance, and how it has shaped them to what they are and the histories and the cultures and everything that’s connected to it. But I personally feel, within the classroom setting, when you come to learn English, I would actually make it an English speaking zone. And then, you know, outside they can talk in the other languages that they want, but one of the most important things is that they don’t get enough opportunity to practice. So, even for the 1 hour or 2 hours they come into the classroom and they end up talking their own L1s—it’s not going to solve the purpose, and we might disagree. Hung: I was 10 years old. There were no special ESL programs. There were no special ESL teachers. I was the only visible minority kid in the class, so you had to try to survive. You can to learn and you were forced to learn. I don’t know if that helped or hindered, but I would say that I think overall it did help because when you have no other options, you have to proceed with the only option that you have, which is to learn and speak English. I think in this case I would agree with Shwetha’s perspective in that they come to school to learn English. They pay money to have someone who is qualified to teach them English because they don’t get enough practice at work or at home. And that’s the only reason that they come to learn. So we as instructors have to make sure that we respect their time and their decision to come to the classroom, so we have to make the learning efficient and effective. However, both of them implied the agony they experienced as a result of the clamping down of their first language. It can be suggested that the strong support for monolingual practices can be attributed to the lack of information they receive about alternative decolonizing pedagogies. When Lin, who is a graduate student and an ESL teacher, responded with her

207 rationale of why she supports the use of L1 in second language learning, Shwetha showed her interest to learn more about the use of L1 in language classroom: I don’t disagree with the intentions of an English-only policy. I understand where it comes from. I grew up doing that and I had to teach this way for the last 11 years. Even though, if they have to give me an ESL class, it would be the same: English only. I think in practice though, the reality of it, it doesn’t play out that way, in the eleven years and even when I grew up with speaking English-only policy at the international school. So the issues that I find and also why I am exploring this field is, we keep telling people, we’re going to punish you for something unless you stop doing it. Detention if you speak in any language other than English, and years it’s been like that and they still speak another language. Why is that happening? How can I actually make use and have that be an asset rather than something that’s going to hinder you when you use another language. There must be a reason why you feel you need to use another language. This is why I’m still at this point where I’m discovering what this all means and what are the possibilities in a classroom, so I want to be and I am already at that point where I feel that there is a lot of good potential for being able to have a lesson plan, for example, that encourages students to be able to use their other languages, regardless of whatever level they’re at. Varun is also well aware and very critical of the covert racism in monolingual policies covertly promoted in current TESL curricula. He is of the view that owing to the powerful position the English language has acquired both globally and in Canada, many ESL students prefer an English-only policy in ESL classrooms due to the social and economic benefits attached to it: And, sorry, it’s also like a commodified thing coz students, I would say, would complain to my employers or my bosses. “Oh, my teachers letting other students speak in their language and I’m not practicing my English.” Researcher: Oh, they like the English only policy. So you think that the students like it? Varun: That’s the other thing. It’s sort of like, “I’m paying to learn English, so why am I hearing Korean, Portuguese, and different languages.” Well, that’s kind of connected, commodification. Are students expecting to get what they paid for? Is education about catering to the customer or is it like telling them, “Your ideas are wrong.” Andy, an EAP program coordinator and a TESL trainer in an Ontario university had very similar views although he did not mention the connection between the use of English only policy and neoliberalism: I worked at the school, the first school I worked at, we had a very strict English-only policy, but the purpose of that was marketing more than, I mean, a lot of those private schools, it’s all marketing. Marketing is first and educational reasons are second, and parents want to send their kids to schools where they have strict English-only policies because parents believe, parents of those students that are coming, that’s what they believe and sometimes we just can’t, you know, work with our own beliefs. We have to, especially in the private school industry.

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Eromi, a PhD candidate who conducts her research on the use of students’ L1 in vocabulary acquisition in the ESL classroom, explained how L1 has been prohibited by fellow language teachers with whom she works: This is when I was ... teaching at a university in Ontario ... and we had these discussions like you know ... briefings where you have before you start the class ... you have a discussion ... kind of try to determine how to deliver the content ... and most of the teachers ... there were about 10 or 11 teachers and most of them like you know ... let them use their first language in their classrooms ... and they were kind of proposing a system to kind of reduce marks. ... This instance ... when students use their first language ... so this was against all the principles I learned and again ... this is my research area. ... I am looking at how first language can facilitate the acquisition of subsequent languages ... so this is against all my principles. When closely analyzing these narrations, I see that Shwetha and Hung were referring to childrenʼs second-language acquisition process, which is completely different than adultsʼ second-language learning process. Adults make use of their first language and logical reasoning to learn a second language as they think with an adult bilingual brain, which is filled with different linguistic systems, depth of knowledge, and a world of life experiences. The increase in mature adult learners has become a recent trend in ESL classes, so having a mother and a daughter from Syria in one of my adult EAP classes demonstrated their differential language learning processes. The mother told me that she needed more time to take notes as she was translating the incoming English language to her first language when taking notes. As we repeatedly encourage students to use abbreviations and symbols to take notes, I did not see a problem in allowing her to use her L1 for note taking provided that she translated it to English later. To my satisfaction, she too answered the listening questions correctly by looking at her bilingual notes, achieving the learning outcome of the lesson. This I believe is a good example of allowing student L1 to facilitate the second-language learning process. However, the current social and educational climate in Canada does not support such approaches. Language policy in Canada has a strong bearing on the English-only policy used in ESL classrooms. As discussed in Chapter 2, bilingualism in one official language and another non-official language does not provide economic and social benefits as being bilingual in French and English. I’ve also discussed in Chapters 2 and 3 how linguicism or the English language hegemony, has taken over from racism as a more elusive way to demarcate boundaries of power (Phillipson, 1992, p. 241) amongst people and how this has seeped into the ESL classroom through mechanisms such as monolingualism, native speakerism, and the standard language ideology. While there is no explicit directive saying that English-only policy needs to be in place when providing ESL

209 instructions, the prescribed ELT methods in many TESL curricula are mostly based on the Communicative Language Teaching method and input hypothesis (Krashen, 1988), which indirectly calls for monolingual instruction. In addition, some institutions, mostly private language schools, favour English-only policy for marketability reasons since English is commodified globally and international students are promised to get access to White Canadian English to sharpen their competitive edge. The absence of ELT methods in which the learnerʼs L1 is considered as a resource is another reason why the teachers tend to implement English-only policy. As seen in the content analysis, many TESL training programs do not discuss alternative anti-imperialist and decolonizing methods that can be used to facilitate ESL, such as plurilingualism and multilingual practices. Hence, many TESL trainees may not necessarily be informed of such approaches. As a result, they may continue to practise and endorse imperialist language teaching pedagogy that belittles certain ethnicities, communities, and cultures. I argue that ongoing monolingual English teaching and learning policy is a systemic hegemonic construction that is obstructing any attempts towards antiracist TESL curricula. Similarly, conquering multicultural policy ideology is another contest. Liberal multicultural policy is primarily deployed to manage diversity by promoting equal opportunities within Canada but not guaranteeing equal outcomes (Bannerji, 2000). Similar to the Multicultural Policy, there is a tendency for the TESL teaching philosophy to consider diversity in ESL classrooms as a phenomenon that has to be managed. One way of doing this is by including diversity training material in TESL courses like sociocultural methods as mentioned by some participants and evidenced in the three TESL curricula. Including diversity training activities through case studies and scenarios help the teachers to gain intercultural sensitivity and coping strategies to manage difficult situations. Earnest believes that diversity training is essential to deal with stakeholders and especially to be employed in the ESL industry: Researcher: And you don’t address that diversity part in your courses? E: Absolutely. Absolutely. Because you have to work with- these are the people you have to work with. You gotta understand who they are and why they’re the way they are and you’ve gotta be able to have lunch with them and be comfortable with them. Look: if we don’t prepare our students for diversity, they won’t get a job and they won’t succeed. … Our students need to be able to deal with it politically, right? They need to deal with the parents. They need to deal with the people talking to them and people challenging them.

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Kim on the other hand believes that race issues need to be addressed in TESL programs because the consciousness they gain from such training will help them “deal” with the students: but on more than one occasion that a student will call a teacher a racist because they fail the test. An ESL student will challenge the instructor and the instructor needs to know how to deal with that. Razack (1998) asserts that cultural or diversity training does not necessarily reveal the power relations between the subordinate and dominant groups but is an attempt to study who the subordinates are. She argues that “If we understand the realities of groups subordinate to us as different or special, we plunge into hierarchy; we become saviors of less fortunate people” (p. 20). Furthermore, as seen in the three TESL curricula, having critical readings in theoretical courses but not extending the antiracist ideology into ELT methods illustrates the tokenizing stance resisting equal outcomes for the subordinate. Thus, as seen in findings, combating systemic racism harboured by Canadian state policies is another challenge towards developing antiracist TESL curriculum.

7.2.4 Boundaries inflicted by the accreditation body The participants also mentioned that the restrictions stipulated by the TESL Ontario accreditation body work against expanding the course on sociocultural issues. As discussed in Chapter 2, TESL topical outline, time limits, as well as the trainer credentials have been postulated by the TESL Ontario accreditation body. According to Daisy, it is a very challenging task to decide the breadth and depth of the sociocultural issues due to a number of factors. Firstly, curriculum designers and program coordinators have a very limited leverage in deciding the curriculum content although they “have some autonomy on time allocation to certain areas.” She said that “our voice is small,” “we are one of many providers,” and “we have a tiny bit of room to maneuver.” Then, Charles mentioned that the TESL Ontario accreditation process restrains the TESL trainers who have worked in non-Western countries as the prominence is given to who have worked in Canada. He pointed out that not recognizing TESL training experience outside Canada limits producing non-Western knowledge in TESL programs in Canada. More curriculum developers find constraints of the accreditation system to be a barrier to allocate more time and depth to discuss sociopolitical issues, let alone racism. Daisy describes how difficult it is to provide a nuanced understanding of the topic of racism within the narrowly allocated time frame for sociopolitical issues in which the requirement is only to provide definitions:

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Yeah. Well, going back to accreditation, there is one tiny, tiny, tiny piece in the accredited curriculum for culture and society and language and culture, so it’s a tiny, tiny time frame and the only requirement there is that we need to do definitions. So we need to define racism, discrimination, prejudice, and so on. That’s the tiny space that is allowed in the accreditation scheme. Andy, a TESL/ESL program coordinator as well as a TESL trainer in a university in Ontario, explained that many TESL programs try only to meet the TESL Ontario guidelines as TESL students are more interested in “getting it done” in the shortest possible time. He is also of the view that the accreditation bodies that are responsible for TESL are more focused on the act of communication than the context and history in which communication takes place: I mean, TESOL Canada and Ontario are really good and practical, but it just seems to be really focused on just communication whereas if we look at the whole education and experience and this culture and being able to intercultural competence and cultural competence is another key issues I think that has to be addressed. It’s kind of addressed in the TESOL Ontario curriculum, but I think it’s a much bigger and broader issue than what’s presented in there. Andy specifically mentions that the role of cognition is ignored in the TESL framework validated by TESL Ontario, and stressed that cognition is a strong factor in the context of English for academic purposes where students need to make use of their higher order cognitive skills, content knowledge, and linguistic skills. Andy said that currently, accreditation bodies place more emphasis on second language learners’ Basic Interpersonal Communicative Skills (BICS; Cummins, 1999, 2008): I’ve been doing a lot of research right now on content language integrated learning and content language based teaching, and there, you can really see what the whole package is and you can kind of see where TESOL Canada, TESOL Ontario were just testing one aspect of the educational experience, just the BICS aspect. There’s cognition, there’s culture as well as communication and they’re all equal. That’s not more important than the other things. And when we’re talking about outcomes and what’s best for students, how can they most effectively learn, if we just focus on, you know, on the BICS aspect. I mean it is important. I think we’re missing out on part of that on the educational aspect. I can infer from Andyʼs explanation that the current TESL teacher training framework does not focus a lot on Cognitive Academic Language Proficiency (CALP), and Andy refers to this situation as issues of cognition not being adequately addressed in that framework. According to Cummins (2008), bilingual students attain BICS within a shorter period of time (2 years) while CALP requires 5-10 years for its effective attainment. Cummins (1999) believes that “failure to take account of these data led to inappropriate psychological testing of bilingual students and premature exit from bilingual and ESL programs” (p. 3). Furthermore, Cummins

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(1999) explains how learners’ CALP in their L1 facilitates CALP in their L2. Keeping in line with this view, Andy draws a connection between the importance between the students’ first language and the cognitively demanding tasks that are common in EAP context, and justifies the use of L1 in such situations: “If it’s cognitively challenging task or if they’re negotiating meaning and English isn’t there for them and has personal significance to them, I think it’s totally fine.” Andy said that he had the freedom to incorporate what he thought was important for a TESL program he designed for a South American country based on current research. This freedom is not given for curriculum designers when designing TESL curricula for a TESL Ontario curriculum framework, which according to him hasn’t changed much during the past 15 years. Similarly, Kim, a TESL trainer, also shared her views regarding the limitations for TESL trainers in terms of making curriculum decisions: Well, in order to be TESOL Ontario and TESOL Canada certified as a program, the company I work for, which has that accreditation, needs to conform to their criteria. So they state very strictly what we have to teach in what detail. It’s a very full roster of required courses. Have you been on the TESOL Ontario website, because they do say what is required and what are the optional ones. So for example, PBLA, last I checked, is still optional. And I’m required to follow the program as set out because, if we don’t, in theory, we could lose our accreditation, so we have to conform to their requirement and then if we’re ever audited we can say we’re doing everything you asked. I don’t really have much choice over that because of the curriculum, because of the accreditation I should say. What I decided to focus on in every class, I think there’s a little bit of leeway where I slow down some things and speed up with others. The frontline ESL teachers who confront these issues first hand do not have a direct role in making curriculum content decisions. Therefore, based on TESL curriculum developers’ views, it can be suggested that the TESL Ontario instructor/trainer accreditation process, TESL Ontario curriculum focus and guidelines, and TESL trainer and ESL teacher limited agency are serious practical barriers in developing a TESL curriculum towards antiracist praxis. In addition, the findings of the study exemplify the presence of discourse around culture in TESL curricula and participant discourse concealing the discussions of race and racism. These observations suggest that there are covert institutional/systemic mechanisms in place that restrain addressing issues of racism. As seen in the above findings, it is clear that different orientations, such as anti- antiracism, pro-West-centric pedagogy, capitalist thinking, and commodification of ESL learning and TESL training driven by economic and educational trends continue the existing status quo to benefit the dominant. This suggests the difficulty in directing the existing West-centric theory

213 and practices in TESL curricula in the direction of anti-imperialistic. It is believed that the colour-blind policies in everyday discourse address racism, but it ignores the fact that the colour- blind policy “applauds affording everyone equality of opportunity but resists programs that assure equality of results” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 28). This phenomenon is obvious when equality is discussed topically and theoretically in theoretical courses but the antiracist principles are not integrated to ELT methods, which actually empower and liberate the learners to obtain equal results.

7.3 Participantsʼ suggestions for improvement The focus group interviews with frontline ESL teachers and semi-structured interviews with TESL trainers and program coordinators were loaded with explicit and implicit suggestions for an antiracist and anti-imperialist TESL curriculum. While some of the suggestions directly addressed how to incorporate antiracist endeavours and pedagogies, some suggestions were helpful in broadening the course related to sociopolitical issues. Charles suggested incorporation of antiracist theoretical content to the course addressing sociopolitical issues as an urgent need: Well, I think, because of the resistance to actively talking about racism, I think there should be a mandated course on sociopolitical cultural impacts of English language teaching, and, within that, you can then talk about discrimination that occurs, and discrimination against varieties of English, discrimination against particular accents, discrimination against particular peoples, and also, within that, we need to talk about experiences of different people coming into Canada and being alert to the possibilities of their traumas. And so the whole range of things, but again, you can’t do much in a single course. And I think organizations like TESOL Ontario itself need to recognize that structurally, if they’re having these strict requirements. He placed the onus on the provincial accreditation body to make room for antiracist content in the larger curriculum as there aren’t adequate hours allocated for sociopolitical issues that currently address racism inadequately. Daisy proposed “case studies and scenarios” as effective practical tools to incorporate “theoretical and experiential pieces” into TESL curriculum to help reduce the intricacy of identifying and addressing the phenomenon “racism.” Daisy’s doctoral level education and years of experience in the field may have helped her with deep conceptualization of such suitable approaches: I’m a big fan of complexity theory and dynamic systems theory and I really think it goes back to training your trainers that don’t look for a single answer, that in different contexts there’s going to be different answers, and there’s going to be different situations. And it’s gonna depend on the trainers, it’s gonna depend on the mix of students, it’s gonna depend on where the course is being developed, and where the teachers are being trained to teach. Yeah, I would look for multiple answers and equip trainers and teachers with

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strategies so that if they find themselves in a particular situation, here’s a strategy. If they’re in this particular situation, here’s a strategy. There’s no one magic wand that you can wave to address the issue I think. Daisy repeatedly reminded me of the complexity and difficulty in the task at hand due to its sensitive and ambiguous nature and the problem with theorization of racism: I always lean toward the practical side, so first of all, yes, I think it needs to be unpacked. I don’t think you can just say, “We’ll be anti-racist.” What you have to do is unpack that and say what goes into that and what is the origin of that and what does it look like and then, if you’ve got this happening, then what are your strategies. I’m also a very strategy- based person. So, yeah, you’ve got to unpack it, you’ve got to make it practical, you’ve got to bring strategies in there, but once again, there’s the time constraint. Maggie, who is a program coordinator, also emphasized the importance of a practical approach to any antiracist practices that can be employed in TESL classes: Well I think giving people the change to understand and explore their own angle on things, their own biases, in the training is essential. Yeah, coz you really have to have a sophisticated knowledge or awareness of these things to be able to effectively mediate these issues in the classroom. I don’t know if, yeah, I was going to say, we could even have a guest speaker come to your class to talk about these issues, but that would be more for higher levels and, yeah. So I guess, have people, give people more in-depth awareness and tools to address these kinds of things. So get people thinking about their own biases, but then also maybe do some role-play. Once you’ve gotten past the kind of awkward discussion phase, give people some opportunities to practise scenarios from a classroom. What would you do? Charles highlighted the importance of tracking down the historical roots of sexist, racist, and classist social structures and ideologies of all the stake holders involved in the TESL/ESL realm as their teaching practices may be rooted in imperialism and colonialism. This may be done as an awareness activity in the TESL classroom for people to be aware of their own privileges and oppressions. As Charles noted, Students who come from all over the world carry their own baggage including prejudices and personal biases. It is difficult to address these biases as these biases can be interpreted as cultural differences and cultural differences needed to be tolerated and accommodated in Canada. Similarly, Varun emphasized the importance of including the idea of intersectionality of oppression to discuss race and racism in TESL classroom: Since the topic of your research is racism, antiracism, I would definitely put that as an important topic to start off with, but what else? So antiracism. I think also how that intersects with other types of oppressions. So I think language and race go hand-in-hand together. Yeah, I think those two in particular are the most relevant. Apart from these suggestions, Zara, Cathy, Eromi, Amani, and Hung clearly indicated that content on sociopolitical issues needs to be given more focus by allocating more time for

215 sociopolitical issues. Cathy emphasized the importance of close observation of programs to maintain the consistency across programs. Furthermore, some participants’ input suggested that the TESL classroom dynamics have been more powerful in informing trainees about the complexity of diverse populations more than any content related to sociopolitical issues. It is also clear that some relate to the experience they gained from diverse TESL classes in terms of interpersonal relationships and not necessarily the course content. The ESL teachers who obtained the TESL training in Toronto seemed to have had extremely diverse TESL classes in which there were trainees from different ethnic, linguistic, and cultural backgrounds. According to Cathy, having dealt with such a heterogeneous community has prepared them to serve a multicultural ESL student population: I think we had a smaller class ... 16 ... the best experience I had was knowing how to work with just being in our class ... culture was ... so maybe they didn’t have to address the issues so deeply ... may be just our experience and our exposure would inform us what to do ... because every situation is very unique ... coz I am trying to think ... how would they address that issue ... handshaking. This was also verified by Daisy, who offered a Canada-wide formation of TESL trainees and claimed that diversity has increased during recent years, which has both positive and negative implications for TESL program designing as the content need to fit them all: A lot of people don’t understand the variation that’s right across Canada. So speaking of non-native speakers, for example, Calgary was really interesting because they didn’t start to get non-native speakers of English in their teacher training course until four years ago. Before that it was entirely native speakers, and then we started to get one person, and then two people and then three people, four people. And so the trainers there didn’t face the challenges of managing a big mix of participants until about four years ago, all they had was native speakers. According to Daisy, while the diversity in TESL trainees create a teaching–learning climate that is conducive to understanding various dynamics of cultural diversity, the non-native speaker TESL trainees also demonstrate and use the emic perspective of non-native English speaker learners. On the other hand, she said that the native speaker trainees contribute with native speaker intuition. Correspondingly, Cathy in her focus group interview acknowledged the cultural learning that she acquired in her diverse TESL training classroom. Compared to suggestions given on strengthening sociopolitical content, a few suggestions were presented on how to employ antiracist ELT methods. Varun said that one way of incorporating antiracism into his ESL class is by accepting different non-native accents and informing students that it is all right to speak in various accents. It was also noted that being a

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PhD candidate at the time, Varun has a background in critical language or social theories outside TESL courses. He also mentioned that endorsing and welcoming non-Western ideas in the classroom is a move towards antiracism: Like when I was teaching pronunciation, for example, I would sort of bring in issues of race, not explicitly but I would say, “Everybody has an accent, right? It doesn’t matter where you come from. An accent doesn’t really make you—doesn’t define if you’re comprehensible or you’re not.” These sort of small subliminal messages, I try to do in the classroom. I think also when I was teaching the Panamanian students, also like before or after class when we would chit chat after class I would say, “Well, what you’re doing in Panama is actually good and I really like what you said and I think it really works in your context.” So I sort of put these little ideas out there. Yeah. In terms of—yeah. I think it’s hard. Charles, too, emphasized the importance of integrating non-Western ELT methods as those methods do derive in places where an extensive amount of ESL/EFL is done in less- resourced conditions in the absence of native speakers. It is more meaningful to talk about antiracism while practicing antiracism. Andy is of the view that a careful review process is timely considering the new research that has come up in the field of TESL: I originally did it 15 years ago and I don’t think it has changed very much over 15 years. I think it needs to be reviewed and checked and brought up to date because when we’re developing this new curriculum for the Mexican government, we’ve been exploring different areas that, you know, this is what’s happening right now. This is where a lot of research is pointing us and that’s, you know, we’re really trying to be on top of the curve with that. So, I think it is important to have a regulatory body and I think it’s important to have that checklist. I think that should be updated every few years. Andy also mentioned that it is important to make a clear distinction between the accreditation bodies to see how they are related and their various roles. He stressed that there needs to be clarity about the relationships with TESOL Canada and TESOL Ontario and the relationship between Language Canada and TESOL Ontario. Therefore, participants put forward a number of suggestions to create an antiracist TESL course. Such recommendations included: incorporating theoretical and practical antiracist approaches to the sociocultural module; considering cognitive factors adequately in ELT methods; aligning and revising the Canadian ESL/TESL accreditation bodies; and focusing on current critical applied linguistics research trends both in the Western and non-Western world. However, I couldn’t help noticing the same trend that I observed in TESL curriculum analysis where more emphasis was given to the course on sociopolitical issues, which prepares TESL

217 trainers with tools to manage issues stemming from race and racism. The ELT methods which are equally important were discussed less by the participants.

7.4 Conclusion The three focus group interviews with 10 ESL teachers and nine interviews with TESL trainers, curriculum developers, and the TESL trainee suggest that changing the current imperialist and hegemonic orientation of ESL and TESL fields is a daunting task. One of the important elements that surfaced through these findings is the role and power of the Canadian settler ideology in creating, reinforcing, maintaining, and normalizing the settler privilege. This is apparent in the presence of uncontested settler colonial TESL curricula that perpetuate cultural, linguistic, racial, and class hierarchies in the settler colonial nation by conveniently ignoring. devaluing, and marginalizing the intellect, knowledge, and languages of others. This hegemonic construction is minimally challenged to make a real change in the status quo towards antiracist direction, and it is protected by a number of interconnected mechanisms that were apparent in the study. The TESL curricular maintain the privilege of the dominant by ascribing to liberal policies that covertly maintain the linguistic and cultural hierarchies of the settlers. The White settler privilege and power are maintained by cleverly insulating the race talk. First, any discussions around racism have been limited to a definition level and then the time allocated for these topics is restricted. Furthermore, the discourse around race and racism has been strategically masked with discourse surrounding culture to mitigate the discomfort emerging from race-related talk. TESL programs are designed to facilitate English language and West- centric cultural imperialism by disparaging adult learnersʼ first language, cognition, and prior experience and not considering these factors in its recommended ELT methods. Although race and racism are discussed as theoretical pieces in the course sociopolitical issues, the ideology is not incorporated into ELT methods and classroom practices. Furthermore, restrictions imposed by accreditation bodies have put limitations to add non-western ELT experience and knowledge maintaining epistemological racism. These observations also help us to understand that racism does not always operate in blatant forms but rather implicit racist structures are ingrained in institutional structures and practices while racially dominant people do not actively make an effort to change the status quo (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012). The life experiences ESL/TESL practitioners have gone through as individuals who belong to minority or majority groups from certain socio-economic locations, professional experiences that they’ve accumulated as ESL and TESL teachers, trainers, or program

218 coordinators, and scholastic involvements in which they’ve been active provide significant insights. The participants put forward a number of suggestions to create an antiracist TESL course; incorporating theoretical and practical antiracist approaches to TESL curriculum, considering cognitive factor adequately in ELT methods, aligning and revising the Canadian ESL/TESL accreditation bodies, and focusing on current critical applied linguistics research trends both in the Western and non-Western world will be crucial for an effective antiracist TESL curriculum, which prepares ESL teachers to address power imbalances in the process of second language learning and teaching. Some participants who have the power to make changes do support the move while some show a lack of critical consciousness. Their responses suggest that their support towards an antiracist orientation or lack of it largely depends on their personal experiences of racism, dominant or subordinate status, and critical consciousness. By closely looking at the focus group and interview data of the study, I argue that trainers’, curriculum designers’, and program coordinators’ personal experiences of racism or discrimination, critical consciousness originating from exposure and commitment to critical social theories, and their subordinate and dominant position in the social power hierarchy can significantly impact how topics like racism are dealt with. Thus, I affirm that incorporation of activities to develop critical consciousness is crucial as “when we are tackling a structure as deeply embedded as race, radical measures are in order-otherwise the system merely swallows up the small improvement one has made, and everything goes back to the way it was” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 65).

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Chapter 8 Conclusion

This study was conducted as a result of a combination of events and reasons: my personal experiences and observations as a non-White immigrant female scholar from South Asia; my professional experiences and observations as an ESL teacher and a TESL trainer; observed research gaps in the field of ESL/TESL; and my exposure to critical social theories at OISE. Through this study, I shed some critical light on TESL training in Canada by investigating how TESL training programs in Ontario inform and influence ESL teachers, curriculum developers, and program coordinators to identify, analyze, and reflect on race and racism in the second language learning classroom context. Another objective of my study was to understand the best possible ways of developing an antiracist TESL curriclum with the help of the voices of the TESL community in Canada. In this last chapter of my thesis, I present a chapter overview describing the steps I took in conducting my research and main arguments I made in each chapter. Then I move on to present the contributions of my research project. In doing so, I present three important conclusions of my study reflecting on the content, focus group, and interview analyses, and these discussions add to the lack of critical literaure on TESL programs in Canada by affirming and categorizing the existence of epistemological and institutional racism as well nuancing the ways in which White structural power impacts the relationships between non-Whites. Finally, I conclude my thesis by presenting the specific recommendations, limitations, and implications of the study.

8.1 Summary of chapters In Chapter two, I investigated in detail how ESL learners’ differences are constructed as racial, sexual, cultural, linguistic, and intellectual inferiorities and deficiencies by the Eurocentric and monolingual ideology prevailing in Canada (Bigdeli, 2007; Creese, 2009; Hansen et al., 2014; Kubota & Lin, 2006; Mojab, 1999). Through the literature review, I highlighted the multidimensional nature of the processes that produce exclusion and reinforce inequalities in the ESL classroom by focusing on language, class, race, and gender, but also drew attention to how relations of power and privilege are intertwined with the intersections among these factors. I discussed how the core dynamics play out not simply as discrete elements of race, class, and gender but also through intersections that play out in complex ways across different levels and types of ESL programs. Based on the findings of my literature review, and my personal

220 experiences as a TESL trainee as well as a trainer, I argued that present TESL training programs in Ontario may not adequately and critically address the sociopolitical context related to teaching and learning of a second language—racism, in particular—to enable ESL practitioners to challenge the unequal power relations rooted in a multicultural society at the classroom and institutional level. In Chapter three, I looked at the political economy of ESL and TESL education in Canada in order to identify the types of ESL/TESL programs, and their political and economic orientations. Chapter 3 also explained how I theorized my research data. At a micro level, I drew on debates around the issues of culture, cultural difference, and treatment of culture, and how the discourse around the word “culture” has been replaced by the term “race” and how it is used to obscure and underrate structural inequalities amongst minority groups (Ameeriar, 2017; Hier & Bolaria, 2007; Zong, 2007). I also explored racio-linguistics (Flores & Rosa, 2015; Rosa & Flores, 2017) and White studies (Allen, 2001; DiAngelo, 2011; McIntosh, 2015), perspectives of how White privilege and White supremacy are perpetuated through language stigmatization of racialized individuals, White global structures, and continuation of White dominance. The exploration of all the above theoretical debates and explanations enabled me to understand the complexity of how and why individuals and groups perceive and experience racism in various ways and how these perceptions and experiences impact their decisions and actions in the age of neoliberalism. Then, critical race theory (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012), postcolonial theory (Fanon,1967), and antiracist feminist theory (Bannerji, 2000, 2005; Dua & Robertson, 1999; Razack, 1998) helped me synthesize my micro analysis by focusing on the historical, social, and material construction of racism. Consequently, through this study, I investigated how current TESL training programs in Canada address race and racism in their curricula and how the experiences of ESL/TESL practitioners inform the development of an antiracist TESL curriculum that addresses race relations more effectively and explicitly. I argued that gathering various opinions and a wide array of life experiences of ESL practitioners is vital to confront difficult issues like racism in the ESL classroom context. Hence, I formulated the following research questions to guide my study: • How are ideas related to racism and antiracism presented in TESL curricula across three different TESL training programs in Ontario? • What race, gender, and class-related problems do ESL/TESL practitioners observe and experience in the context of ESL/TESL? Why do they perceive racism differently?

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• How do their experiences and perceptions inform the development of an antiracist TESL curriculum that addresses racism more effectively and practically? Chapter four discusses and justifies the methodology. To answer the above research questions, the research methodology that I adopted was qualitative inquiry to investigate the issues in great detail while bringing my personal values to the study. The study encompassed an extensive content analysis of three TESL curricula, focus group discussions with ESL teachers, and interviews conducted with TESL trainers, curriculum developers, and program coordinators. I was able to collect TESL curriculum documents from three institutions for critical discourse analysis. These materials include published articles and in-house materials prepared by instructors, and I used these materials for analysis. The profile questionnaire consisting of 12 items helped me gain insights into possible links between participants’ racial, class, linguistic, and social locations and their perceptions on structural issues. I conducted three focus group interviews with 10 ESL teachers working in private language schools, colleges, and government- funded LINC programs. I was also able to interview eight TESL trainers/curriculum designers who work in TESL training programs in colleges, universities, and school boards. The interviews were conducted in various locations convenient to the participants. In Chapter five, I was able to discern the continuing West-centric English language pedagogical orientation of the TESL curriculum materials used by three training institutions in Toronto. As promoted and prescribed by the TESL Ontario accreditation body, monocultural and monolingual orientation of ELT methods tend to oversee the validity of students’ prior knowledge, students’ cognitive capabilities, the knowledge stored in their first language, and retrieval of it. Furthermore, the teaching philosophy underpinning the curricula devalue global Englishes but promote and validate inner-circle varieties of English. I argue that doing so advocates the continuation of a White and non-White English language dichotomy. It was also clear to me that all three programs have included limited content related to racism, antiracism, and discrimination under “theoretical issues” while those discussions have not been applied to teaching, learning, assessment, and classroom management methods. Phenomena like racism, linguicism, and classism have been introduced through definitions where culture has been used as an overarching theme to obscure or misrepresent the unequal power structures. Thus, I argue that race and racism were topics that were addressed insufficiently in the curricula. In Chapter six, I explored the second research question. The focus group and interview data suggested that instances of individual, systemic, and epistemological racism have been

222 experienced by ESL and TESL practitioners either overtly or covertly in person or as a group. Nevertheless, the participants showed difficulty in bringing up and nuancing race and racism in focus group discussions and interviews. Primarily, the participants used their marginalized positions as an entry point to the discussions of racism but usually did not acknowledge their privileged positions that may subordinate another. Furthermore, the occurrence and pattern of racism was not only seen as a phenomenon directed at non-Whites by Whites but also at non- Whites by other non-Whites. Also, the information given by the participants suggest that some non-Whites use White language, White culture, and White epistemology as the standard point of reference to include or exclude one another. Non-Whites who were closer to these standards were favoured over others. The superior status assigned to Western culture, Western identity, and Western thought is also perpetuated by non-Westerners living inside and outside the West due to their postcolonial affiliations with the Western world as well as due to their exposure to neo- globalization, in which the West-centric culture, practices, and thinking are capitalized and promoted. In Chapter seven, ESL and TESL practitioners contributed with many valuable experiences, ideas, insights, and recommendations to create an antiracist TESL curriculum—the life experiences that practitioners have gone through as individuals who belong to minority or majority groups from certain socio-economic locations; professional experiences that they’ve accumulated as ESL and TESL teachers, trainers, or program coordinators; and scholastic involvements in which they’ve been active in developing an antiracist TESL curriculum. TESL programs are not addressing racism adequately. Participants’ political standpoints, observations, and individual, professional, and educational experiences predominantly exposed a number of challenges to come up with an antiracist TESL curriculum as well as philosophical, theoretical, and functional gaps and glitches in current TESL programs. One of the main barriers in addressing race and racism effectively and practically is the difficulty many individuals experience in identifying, describing, and discussing race and race-related issues. It was also clear to me that individuals are not ready to acknowledge the culturally, racially, financially, and linguistically advantageous positions that they are born with or have access to. Many tend to use their marginalized positions as the entry point to the discussions of race or oppression while showing significant reluctance to acknowledge the privileged positions that they occupy. Oppression or privilege are outcomes derived through intersectionality of race, class, gender, culture, and language as well as interlocking systems of capitalism, patriarchy, language

223 imperialism, and White dominance. Therefore, I argue that any attempt to address racism has to be done moving beyond the White and Black dichotomy of racism. After reflecting on the analyses of the findings of the study, I was able to arrive at three important conclusions, which I discuss in the next section.

8.2 The existence of a White, West-centric settler TESL curriculum The analysis of TESL Ontario acceredited TESL training topics, the three TESL curricula, focus group discussions with ESL teachers, and interviews with TESL trainers, curriculum developers, and program coordinators indicate a strong presence of West-centric White settler ideology in TESL training. This was apparent in a number of ways. The ownership of the field of Teaching English as a Second Language that caters mainly to the non-Whites from the non-Western countries belongs to the Western White speakers who speak English as their first language. First and foremost, the particpants who have more authority in the TESL field, such as TESL trainers, curriculum developers, and program coordinators, were White. This brought to the forefront how the West-centric White knowledge and worldviews inform and influence the TESL curriculum decisions and knowledge dissemination process ratifying the presence of epistemological and institutional racism. Secondly, a minimal effort has been made in the TESL curricula to prepare TESL trainees to identify real classroom issues related to racism and apply such knowledge to empower the adult ESL learners. While TESL programs have included some critical readings in their curricula, focus group and interview data reaffirmed that discussing race and racism is at a minimal level. The difficulty in engaging in race-related talk was highlighted by many participants of the study. The readings and activities used in the three TESL programs do not adequately address the power hierachy in a multicultural society and race and racism are addressed only at the definition level. The readings and activities are structured in such a way to generate minimal race talk in the courses addressing sociocultural issues. In addition, the race talk is stretgically covered with liberal and digestable discourse related to “culture” by hiding the White power structures that dominate the world reciprocally fed by capitalism, patriarchy, and neocolonization. The concept of cross-cultural or cultural sensitivity training seen in the TESL curricula helps identify and manage adult ESL learners but does not expose the power hierarchy that results in racism. I argue that this is due to the reluctance in exposing racial privilege and White structural power by the racially dominant settler groups who own the TESL field.

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Another way that the settler colonial ideology is continued and ingrained in TESL curricula is the frequent and prominent use of the concept of acculturation. Acculturation is overly emphasized as an element of success in Canada by subtly endorsing linguistic and cultural assimilation in TESL materials. It seems to follow the idea that deficient subjects need to be trained and managed to fit into the socially, economically, academically, and morally superior Canadian society, thus discounting their cognitive and multilingual capabilities. Thus, the required skills promoted in TESL programs are to “manage” and “assimilate” but not to empower the adult learners. I claim that TESL curricula tokenize antiracism but do not work towards geneuinely eradicating racism to assure equal outcomes for the racially disadvantaged. Another reason for my claim is that the representative antiracist ideology seen in theoretical courses is not seen in the prescribed ELT methods. The current TESL methods— particularly the Communicative Language Teaching approach (CLT)—do not value the use of learners’ first language skills in translating their prior knowledge and subject-specific knowledge to engage in higher-order, cognitively demanding activities. I discussed in detail in the literature review how the use of such methods alone can devalue, marginalize, and exclude English language learners’ prior knowledge, cognition, identity, first language, and culture. The statistics presented in the previous chapters indicate the number of international students enrolled in college and university English language programs have increased steadily, and immigrants who are skilled professionals with higher English language proficiency skills also get enrolled in advanced English language courses tailored for academic purposes and specialized professions. The objective of such courses should be to develop ESL learnersʼ Cognitive Academic Language Proficiency (CALP) in English; however, the methods recommended by the TESL Ontario framework focus more on improving their Basic Interpersonal Communicative Skills (BICS) and less on their CALP. This was evident in the content analysis as well as in the opinions of TESL trainers, particularly Andy’s. One of the main reasons for ignoring CALP is that the current TESL Ontario training program offers teaching approaches such as content- and competency- based instruction and bilingual approaches that facilitate CALP only as optional topics. As such, I argue that such approaches are perceived as less important for the target student population who are viewed as cognitively “deficient.” The need in the change of current teaching methodology to develop CALP is not addressed by the provincial accreditation body despite the fact that topical outlines include English for academic purposes as an essential area. Amin (2000, 2005), Taylor (1997a), and Lin and Kubota (2006) observed this gap more than a decade ago but

225 the situation hasn’t significantly changed despite the emergence of decolonizing, pluralist, and multilingual ELT methods that recognize immigrantsʼ cognitive, affective, and linguistic needs. Instead, the ELT methods recommended in the TESL curricula exalt English language and Westen cultural imperialsim. Therefore, the stance taken by TESL courses is contradictory. On one hand, it attempts to address racism symbolically in theoretical components but on the other hand, the ELT methods they recommend are mainly exclusionary and racist. This aligns well with the argument that Canadian multiculturalism is a superficial apparatus to manage but does not accept diversity. Textbooks and nation states are linked, and thus the imperial English language teaching methods currently in use serve the purpose of managing, correcting, and assimilating ESL learners while encouraging them to immitate Western native speakers of English, with a final goal of becoming obedient, neoliberal workers who will never replicate the more powerful, confident, prestigious, and creative Western English speaker. This position is backed up by settler policies, such as bilingualism and multiculturalism, in which the global white supremacy is established through white governmentality, white identity, white territory, and white group membership (Allen, 2001). This orientation is difficult to change because the dominant are doing the least to acknowledge their privilege and give up power although liberal policies are in place to offer equality through individual rights. I argue that “Broad social issues like race cannot be fully understood through enforcement of individial rights” (Delgado & Stefanic, 2012, p. 101) without identifying and dismatling the structral power accumulated by dominant groups. According to Derrick Bell, “minorities of color should not try to fit into a flawed economic and political system but transform it” (as cited in Delgado & Stefanic, 2012, p. 70), I believe my research project is an endeavour taken in that direction to challenge epistemological and institutional racism prevalent in the ESL/TESL field. This study clearly probes “how knowledge making is a fundemental aspect of coloniality” (Maitra & Guo, 2019, p. 5), substantiating Maitra and Guo’s conceptualization of decolonization. Furthermore, this research study strives to disrupt White racial equilibriam by explicitly discussing White supremacy and how it takes possession of adult education fields like ESL and TESL sectors in Canada. Adding critical research on TESL education in Ontario will also help fill the gap of critical TESL literature in a Canadian context.

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8.3 White structural power pits non-Whites against each other While my study clearly illustrates the existence of White structural power that leads to individual, systemic, and epistemological racism within TESL/ESL fields in Ontario, the study also revealed an unexpected phenomenon of non-Whites discriminating against other non- Whites. I did not theoretically analyze this occurrence in Chapter 3 as I did not expect to see data suggesting such a trend in my study. However, the multiple theoretical lenses used at micro and macro levels helped me theorize this phenomenon in detail. Therefore, my theoretical analysis is an important knowledge contribution to the field. The participants in my study described many situations in which non-Whites were involved in discriminating against other non-Whites both in and outside Canada in the context of teaching and learning of ESL. The example provided by Shwetha about a non-White TESL trainer who favoured a White TESL student over other non-White TESL students is a good example. Then, Cathy described how she was easily employed in Korea due to her White skin and North American accent. Eromi too explained how her Tamil friend was denied an ESL teaching job in Korea due to her skin colour although she was a native speaker of Canadian English. Zara and Varun also mentioned that their ESL students devalued them. Then, there were descriptions on how non-White ESL students get into conflicts with one another. These occurences suggest that some non-Whites voluntarily hold West-centric Whiteness as the desired norm and this is seen in Canadian multicultural society as well as outside of Canada. White governmentality, White identity, White territory, and White group membership (Allen, 2001) gain global White structural power via capitalism, globalization, imperialism, and colonization. Accordingly, Whiteness creates monitory, cultural, social capital, and those who are outside White identity, White territory, White governmentality, and White group membership do not have the same structural power as Whites do. However, non-Whites or “black lackeys of capitalism” (Carmichael, 1970/2007, as cited in Strmic-Pawl, 2015, p. 195) can support the structures of White supremacy due to its entanglement with capitalism and the ability of Whiteness to make profits. For instance, Byean (2015) showed how the Korean English language school system commodifies native speakerism to earn profits by using Whiteness and native speaker accent as essential components to learn the right type of English. This is an encouragement to buy into White identity because acting and speaking like Whites is the way to claim cultural, social, and financial capital.

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Zara and Varun described how they were looked down upon by non-White ESL and TESL students. The commodification of English language proficiency and TESL knowledge as a tool kit that can be bought from educational institutions has changed the perceived image of ESL/TESL educators. The students see ESL/TESL educators as servive providers who are bound to deliver them the good that empowers them instantly and without much effort from their part. The advertising done by many educational institutions who are underfunded by the government try to attract as many customers as they can to generate money for their instituitions, and ESL departments do a mammoth job in generating revenue. The inclusion of neoliberal discourse in TESL websites that I analyzed attest to this claim. Thus, students who are mainly non-Whites aspire to buy this tool kit, in which White structural power is embedded, preferrably from White service providers. They want the best value for their money. As seen in research data, they get frustrated when non-Whites replace White service providers. Another complexity level is addeded when the teacher is a female.This situation, in which White supremacy, patriarchy, and capitalism are entangled, is another reason why some non-White students devalue non-White teachers although all the educators are affected by the neoliberal influence to education. In the process, non-Whites can underestimate other non-Whites due to non-Whites’ lack of power and inability to draw profits. The stories given by some participants of how non-White ESL teachers were rejected by non-White employers explain this scenario. For instance, non- White recruiters of ESL schools want to hire White native-speaker teachers as they can draw more ESL students cum customers. The existence and acclamation of White structures in business, state policies, public discourse, educational discourse and curricula, media, and competition created by neoliberal policies favouring White individuals, I argue, are the reasons for this behaviour. In addition, people of colour can function as hegemonic listening subjects based on their institutional and historical position (Rosa & Flores, 2017). In understanding their institutional position, I’d like to draw on Kubota’s (2019) views on epistemological racism, a type of systemic racism: The epistemological hegemony of white Euro-American centrism often compels many of us to believe that the white Euro-American knowledge system is normal and natural. Thus, we try to mold our ways of thinking into this framework. The racial/ethnic/gender/ linguistic biases that exist in our academic activities, as implied in the three episodes, further compels us to conform to the white hegemonic system to increase our perceived legitimacy. In other words, we strive to become white in our thinking and doing. (p. 12) Thus, non-Whites tend to look down upon other non-Whites’ knowledge and professional experience because they are positioned in educational institions that adhere to epistemological

228 hegemony. This explains why an older South Asian ESL teacher looked down upon Zara (Zara’s narration), and the non-White TESL instructor ignored the non-White TESL student (Shwetha’s narration). In addition, some of these non-White individuals’ historical positions can be traced to their postcolonial histories as the latter also play a major role in the supporting of White structures through mimicry. Fanon (1967) is of the view that “the juxtaposition of the White and Black races has created a massive psycho-existential complex” (p. 12) while the Black man is made to believe that “he becomes whiter as he renounces his blackness” (p. 18). Thus, at times, their postcolonial baggage takes control of their actions and choices calling for mimicry. In the process, they look down upon their own non-Whites, failing to critically reflect upon their own racial, class, and gender locations. At other times, they are more alert to the instances of recolonization in the new settler colonial nation. I also observed how participants in this study preferred to highlight their marginalized position when discussing about various types of oppression, such as racism, sexism, and linguicism, while few mentioned their privileged positions as well. Zara points out how she was stigmatized by her recruiter and ESL students for her non-White accent. Daisy, Cathy and Stella pointed out sexism as one of the personally grappling issues. Varun, a Canadian-born Brown TESL trainer and an ESL teacher described at length how his phenotype was targeted. Shwetha’s story is a good example of acknowledging privilege as a non-White, and she felt that she was perceived positively by the Korean ESL recruiter in Toronto due to her lighter skin colour and atypical Indian accent, which can accumulate White power. These narrations advocate the fact that intersectionality of race, class, and gender creates differential power relations benefiting or harming individuals. Being a non-White does not always create a disadvantageous position. Razack (1998) questions this phenomenon as follows: “How do we move from pity to respect, where we acknowledge our complicity in oppressing others and consider how to take responsibility for the oppressive systems in which we as women are differently and hierachically placed?” (p. 132). Thus, it is important to note the underlying mechanisms between the non- White when they discriminate against one another. Although the White bodies are not directly involved in the interaction, it is important to understand that the interactions are based in a system where structural power is with the Whiteness, and “it turns out, is not not only valuable, it is shifting and malleable” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 87). This suggests that racism has now taken more subtle shades, and it is vital that we move our focus beyond the Black and White dichotomy to discuss ideas around intersectionality of oppression as well as interlocking systems

229 of power when understanding “domination and our role in it when we confront issues of difference and diversity” (Razack, 1998, p. 132). I argue that non-Whites’ entanglement with White global power structures in a global capitalist system, the lack of critical consciousness, and residual postcolonial affiliations result in non-Whites looking down upon one another in multicultural settler societies. This calls for moving beyond Black and White racism, as Delgado and Stefancic (2012) recommend: Binary thinking which focuses on just two groups,usually Whites and one another, can thus conceal the checker-board of racial progress and entrenchment and hide the way dominant society often casts minority groups against one another to the detriment of all. (p. 79) Therefore, the knowledge derived from my study confirms the existing theories on White structural power, and it also illustrates and nuances how the White structural power together with neoliberalism and patriarchy invisibly extends to create conflicts between non-Whites in the field of ESL and TESL. I believe this discussion, which explains the surface and sunken parts of the iceberg of non-White racism, addresses a gap in existing TESL/ESL literature and adds to the literature on critical social theories. This study is also a vital move taken beyond Black and White racism.

8.4 The orientation towards antiracist praxis is significantly connected to individual experiences of social oppression and critical consciousness The focus group and interview data reveal that many stakeholders in the TESL field continue to maintain their colour-blindness due to a lack of critical consciousness about systemic racism as well as due to the fear of dire consequences of taking action. In Chapter 2, I discussed how critical consciousness was used in various educational programs to conquer racism, and my study ratified the importance of incorporating critical consciousness to TESL programs. The participants (Eromi, Varun, Zara, Daisy, Charles) who were exposed to critical theories in their educational programs and experienced discrimination personally demonstrated the possession of critical consciousness than the others. Having the insider perspective of racism or discrimination helps people to acquire critical consciousness to a certain extent. The content analysis showed that critical readings were present in TESL curricula, but focus group data suggested that some TESL trainers have not adequately employed activities to disseminate the antiracist ideology ingrained in the critical readings to the trainees. I claim that individuals’ orientation towards racism and antiracism is mainly based on their individual experiences of racism, so this can significantly affect their interest and

230 orientation towards antiracist praxis. Chapter 7 illustrated how different individuals perceive and experience racism and what their perceived best solutions to prevent them were. Those who are at the receiving end of discrimination tend to be more interested in antiracist praxis than those who do not experience it. The non-White participants showed a passionate interest towards antiracism reflecting on their individual experiences of accent and cultural and racial discrimination. On the other hand, White female participants placed greater emphasis on sexism that they experienced personally. Charles, being a White middle-class male Westerner, recognized his subordinate position as a result of his personal affiliations with the non-West: his non-Western wife and his work experience in the East. All these participants who had insider perspectives of oppression and discrimination showed interest towards antiracist praxis in TESL education and emphasized the importance of challenging systemic and epistemological racism. In contrast, Earnest, the White highly educated middle-class Western male, did not show any interest in employing antiracist praxis but explained what needed to be done to counter such discourse. These observations clearly point at the importance of having the insider perspective of discrimination to acknowledge it and address it. However, as described by focus group participants, there are non-White ESL/TESL professionals and recruiters in Canada who promote Whiteness and therefore normalize racism due to lack of critical consciousness on global power structures. Therefore, I argue that critical consciousness cannot be gained only through life experiences of discrimination without identifying and reflecting on intersectionality of oppression and intermingling arrangement of hegemony and power. People might be in a subordinate position based on race, class, sex, geographical location of the world, accent, et cetera. At the same time, they can be in a dominant position due to White structural power, capitalism, patriarchy, and transnational middle classes. Moreover, White structural power can be accumulated by non-Whites through White language, White accent, and White knowledge. The participants of my study demonstrated their varied and fluid dominant and subordinate positions through their narratives although most of them were reluctant to acknowledge the dominant positions they occupy. White dominance was a taboo word, more so than race and racism. Hence, this discussion provides new insights into why critical consciousness is important in fighting racism in different adult education fields and lifelong learning practices.

8.5 Recommendations Based on the specific and broader conclusions of my study, I would like to present a number of recommendations that I believe will enlighten, decolonize, liberate, and empower

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English as a second language learners as well as ESL and TESL practitioners regardless of their racial, linguistic, cultural, and gender locations. Since my study was carried out in the context of Teaching English as a Second Language, I would first like to make recommendations that are related to the field. In accordance with CRT, I recommend an aggressive colour conscious effort to change the current status-quo that benefits Whiteness. I reiterate Kubota’s (2015) suggestion to decolonize, de-essentalize, de-simplify, and de-silence antiracism “to understand racism in broader relations of power and take greater ethical responsibility in antiracism” (p. 3). In doing so, I revisit Maitra and Guo’s (2019) theorization of decolonization of lifelong learning practices and recommend “decolonizing minds of lifelong learners, practitioners and policy makers” and “planning and designing learning curricula as well as institutionalized pedagogy based on non- Western knowledge systems and epistemic diversity” (p. 6). In the process of decolonizing our minds, there is a need to address the issues such as White dominance and mutual or non-White racism head on without the use of sugar-coated words. It is necessary to go beyond the theoretical or identification level by incorporating narratives and discussions that may present different perspectives of racism in terms of perception and operation. The presentation of polarized perspectives, be it White supremacist or antiracist, is a key to engage in productive dialogue. After the revelation of the lack of critical consciousness as one of the barriers towards developing an antiracist TESL curriculum, Burns (1993) is of the view that teacher education programs should raise teacher traineesʼ consciousness so they can better understand their personalized theories informing their practice “so that they can become aware of any inconsistencies between their prior beliefs and concepts they are presented with in these courses” (as cited in Farrel, 2009, p. 222). Also, Kubota (2010) believes that raising critical awareness of second language teachers is an effective way to address the topics of race and racism. Freire (2000) claims that “to surmount the situation of oppression, people must first critically recognize its causes, so that through transforming action they can create a new situation, one which makes possible the pursuit of a fuller humanity” (p. 47). Hence, the TESL graduates should improve their “ability to recognize and analyze systems of inequality and the commitment to take action against the system” (Amin et al., 2017, p. 18), and it is also important to supply them with antiracist and decolonizing pedagogical skills to empower ESL learners by dismantling imperialist TESL methods. Critical applied linguists and researchers have invented pedagogical and philosophical practices based on critical multicultural education, multilingualism, plurilingualism, and antiracist pedagogy to contest and mollify the

232 asymmetry embedded in the process of teaching, learning, and assessing English as a second language. As such, anti-imperialist ELT methods—namely plurilingualism, multilingualism, and the effective use of mother tongue in second language learning—can be introduced under ELT methods in TESL curriculum. In supporting “diversification of knowledge production and recognition of plural systems of knowledge” (Maitra & Guo, 2019, p. 13), there is an urgent need to incorporate ELT methodology that helps ESL learners develop their academic language proficiency as there is a significant increase in non-native English speaker skilled immigrants who intend to continue their studies in Canada and international students who come to Canada for higher education. In the process, it is imperative that their cognitive and affective needs be considered in addition to linguistic needs. In addressing their cognitive and affective needs, bilingual ELT methods need special attention as they have been proven effective by critical applied linguists to activate prior knowledge, translate prior knowledge and learning, and build learner confidence. Learner confidence plays a major role in second language acquisition. In addition, global varieties of English and global cultures can be recommended and incorporated to prescribed language and cultural standards. The incorporation of global Englishes in classroom teaching and assessments needs to be encouraged and exemplified in the TESL curricula. This will be a significant move towards decolonization of English language teaching and learning. There are many non-native ESL teachers who speak world Englishes already teaching in all ESL sectors, so official declaration and implementation of global Englishes as a standard to be taught and tested should not have practical difficulties. In my view, it will only be an acknowledgement of the reality. By doing so, the issues around accent discrimination will also be addressed at a curriculum level although this may not directly help change the views of the dominant groups who are involved in stigmatizing non-native accents. It is also important to map how each methodology, classroom management technique, and teaching philosophy recommended in the curriculum affirms inclusive and antiracist ideology discussed in the theory section. As I mentioned earlier, antiracist approaches to TESL will be an ongoing challenge as settler colonialism is deep-seated in institutions, descendants of British and French settlers, and new settler immigrants. When incorporating “epistemic diversity” (Maitra & Guo, 2019, p. 14), it is important to include non-White knowledge productions from the non-Western locations of the world. Charles, a TESL practitioner, described the struggle ESL teachers in rural South Asia go through when teaching ESL to their learners in less resourceful conditions. He mentioned that their pedagogical

233 inventions may help Western teachers to teach ESL in a more resourced environment where learner profiles and needs are similar. Furthermore, West-centric pedagogies should not always be viewed negatively because in the current globalized moment, the West can also be the East. Due to global migration, many educators and researchers have migrated to the West and continue their research incorporating their diverse experiences, observations, and interests. Some scholars who were born in the East but conduct research in the West may bear ideas that will be useful in multicultural and transnational teaching and learning contexts. Their work is a successful way to introduce decolonizing and effective second language teaching methods of the East as such pedagogies may not have a good chance of becoming known due to publication and monitory constraints in the East. For example, ESL teacher participants from South and East Asia are pursuing doctoral level studies indicating their eligibility for knowledge contribution. Also, some non-Whites have lived in both worlds and have seen and experienced the intellectual, linguistic, cultural, social, and economic difficulties multilingual learners and non-White teachers go through in the ESL learning and teaching process. They also have served similar student populations elsewhere in the world who share the characteristics of North American ESL learners. As I’ve mentioned in Chapter 2, Canagarajah’s (1999) plurilingual and multilingual ELT methods create an “awareness of genres, conventions and contexts that motivate one to choose the type of English to be used, but also to subtly change the accepted norms for one’s own voice and interest’ (p. 773). Therefore, the ELT methods that they introduce may cater to learners’ linguistic, affective, social, and cognitive needs and demands, creating an anti- imperialist approach. Furthermore, some Western scholars who were born and bred in the West still have the capability to make changes if they have experienced the world outside the West. For instance, the encouragement given towards an antiracist TESL curricula by Charles despite being a privileged White man who speaks a prestigious variety of English is a good example. I believe there are a number of reasons for him to see the other’s perspective: him being an immigrant in Canada, being an international consultant in the East, and most importantly being a husband of a non-White non-native speaker ESL practitioner. Thus, individuals who have walked in non-White non-native speaker immigrants’ shoes will be able to contribute more. It is not appropriate to label West-centric approaches as hegemonic and discriminatory without analyzing the thinking behind such methods and by only looking at the geographical location of the researcher and publications.

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Moreover, when designing TESL curricula, more time allocation is needed for sociopolitical issues in the TESL curriculum to enable the trainees to engage with the material. In addition, the TESL trainers will require training to handle sociopolitical issues as many participants in my study indicated lack of expertise in the area. It is also important to hire more non-native, non-White trainers and curriculum designers who have first-hand lived experience of racism and who can represent the ESL learners. Encouraging trainers to take on more responsibility acknowledging the privilege that they enjoy based on their privileged race, class, gender, linguistic, and economic positions will also help in the antiracist endeavor.

8.6 Limitations of the study Looking back at the research questions, methodology, data collection instruments, theoretical framework, and data analysis, I can’t help seeing a number of limitations that may have somewhat impacted the outcome of my study. I strongly feel that I should have considered spending more time on data collection although it took me nearly a year to complete the interviews and collection of TESL curriculum materials. One of the important limitations that I have to acknowledge is the incompleteness of curriculum material collection and selection. I was not able to collect all the readings prescribed by the three TESL programs due to inaccessibility. Program A and C materials were given to me by two of my friends, who completed the respective TESL programs. In the process, there is a chance for these individuals to accidently omit certain materials. Program B materials were discovered using the course codes found in program descriptions and then tracing the recommended books and articles in the institutional bookstore. Some course readings could not be accessed this way and therefore, some Program B readings were missed. However, I was able to mitigate any impact of this limitation by referring to the prescribed TESL training topics for program accreditation (TESL Ontario, 2019e) to see any clear gaps in topical areas. Also, my participant pool did not have any non-White, non-native speaker TESL practitioners as I was not able to interview any despite a couple of invitations sent to a few non- White non-native English speaker TESL trainers. They remained silent, showing no interest to participate. As a result, the chance to obtain views and opinions from non-White non-native speaker individuals from relatively powerful positions, in which curriculum and administrative decisions are made, was lost. Seven of the eight TESL practitioners I interviewed did not have the insider perspective of racism nor were they non-native speakers of English, while all of them were born and educated in the West. I believe that if I was able to interview a TESL trainer or a

235 curriculum developer who was born, educated, and practised in the East, I would have been able to look into any antiracist pedagogical suggestions or teaching philosophies that they recommend to empower ESL learners from their vantage points. Any obstacles of doing so from their position was also not captured in the study. Thus, a non-White, non-native speaker voice is missing at a level that is relatively powerful. In addition, I was unable to interview anyone affiliated to TESL Ontario accreditation body. As in the previous case, I sent one or two invitations but did not receive a favorable response from the sendees. The topic of racism may have shied many participants away. Furthermore, I also feel that I should have probed participants more when they were alluding to race and racism, but at the same time I must confess that I did not feel powerful enough to do so with some White participants. According to their body language, I felt that going into details about racism would offend or antagonize them, and I felt powerless to cross the boundary. Finally, I also acknowledge the theoretical gaps that may persist in my analysis. While I analyzed the phenomenon of non-Whites discriminating against non-Whites using the theories discussed in my thesis, there is a strong possibility for the existence of more relevant theories that will better explain this situation.

8.7 Implications of the study A number of new research questions arose in my research study. Since many ESL teachers from my study comprised non-White and non-native speaker ESL teachers, it will be interesting to investigate the composition of frontline ESL teachers in Toronto, one of the most multicultural cities in the world. By conducting a quantitative analysis, it will be possible to investigate whether the ESL teacher population represents the ESL student population in terms of their ethnic, linguistic, and cultural backgrounds proportionately. Adding a comparative qualitative dimension to it by looking at the ESL teachers’ different opinions regarding teaching ESL to adults will enable the researcher to investigate how and why ideas differ based on ESL teachers’ racial, linguistic, economic, and cultural locations. More research to investigate how non-native and non-White ESL learners experience benefits or grievances in the ESL classroom due to their relative cultural, linguistic, and racial differences will also be interesting in the wake of discussions around mutual racism. It will also be worthwhile to study the ways in which antiracist teaching philosophy is deployed by frontline ESL teachers at an individual level, the factors that facilitate their antiracist endeavours, and how they obtained the knowledge.

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My study also exposed a theoretical gap in analyzing why some non-Whites confirm and strengthen White power in multicultural societies. While I interpreted this phenomenon drawing on white studies, theories on neoliberalism, CRT, postcolonial and antiracist feminist theories, I still feel that the theoretical lenses can be extended to provide another perspective as to how and why it happens. Antiracist feminist theories helped explain the intersectionalities of oppression and interlocking systems of domination that create differential material, social, and financial realities for individual and groups. Nonetheless, I was not convinced that such analysis can clearly dissect why some non-Whites hold Whiteness as the point of reference to evaluate other non-Whites. Although I alluded to mimicry and global White structures as possible reasons, an in-depth theoretical inquiry may be needed to distinguish and explain the dynamics and processes involved. At the same time, I argue that religion may also be added to the intersectionality of oppression or domination, so a theory that maps and includes religious differences is needed when theorizing racism. In addition to the research and theoretical implications, the study exposed practical quandaries of antiracist praxis in the fields of ESL and TESL. These barriers stem from unequal power structures of colonial practices, which have extended to different fields of adult education and lifelong learning practices in Canada. As such, this study has vital implications for critical adult education since it exemplifies and ratifies the decolonization processes of lifelong learning theorized by Maitra and Guo (2019). The incorporation of non-White and non-Western bodies of knowledge in adult education curricula is important to challenge the epistemological hegemony. In addition, systematic involvement of non-White TESL professionals in TESL curriculum planning at provincial accreditation, institutional, as well as instructional levels is deemed to be imperative to ensure the epistemic diversity. The significance of incorporating critical consciousness to TESL curricula is another practical implication of this study in order to decolonize the ESL/TESL stakeholders’ minds. Furthermore, the study raises the practical question of what the authenticity in terms of standard English language use in Ontario is since global Englishes are widely spoken in many parts of Ontario, especially in Toronto. Thus, TESL and ESL curriculum planners will have to reflect on the ground reality when designing materials while being cognizant of the link between knowledge-production, colonialism and racism (Maitra & Guo, 2019).

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8.8 Concluding remarks I started my study at a time when the term White supremacy was scarcely used in the media or amongst the general public, for the ideology was very much hidden. However, during the course of 5 years, the situation changed and there are global right-wing White supremacist groups as well as various religious fundamentalist groups promoting extremist ideology and committing mass murders. This has sparked nationalist sentiments in many nation states questioning and discouraging pluralism and global immigration, and Canada is also susceptible to this trend. In the event of creating an antiracist TESL curriculum in Canada, the curriculum designers will have to swim against the tide battling the power geometry of the nation state as education curricula and nation states are linked. However, the changing demographics in Canada can have a strong impact on the ESL teaching philosophy, and it is important that decision- makers of the TESL Ontario accreditation body consider the latest critical research on teaching and learning of ESL in which narratives and counter narratives of various marginalized stakeholders are included. This I believe will help them decolonize the TESL curriculum and move away from essentialist thinking that considers racism simply as Black and White racism.

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Appendix 1 List of Abbreviations

BICS Basic Interpersonal Communicative Proficiency CALP Cognitive Academic Language Proficiency CLB Canadian Language Benchmarks CLT Communicative Language Teaching CRT Critical Race Theory EAP English for Academic Purposes ELT English Language Teaching ESL English as a Second Language IELTS International English Language Test System L1 First language L2 Second language LINC Language Instruction for New Comers NESTs Native English Speaker Teachers NNESTs Non Native English Speaker Teachers TESL Teaching English as a Second Language TESOL Teaching English for Speakers of Other Languages TOEFL Test of English as a Foreign Language

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Appendix 2 Participant Information Sheet and Consent Form for ESL Teachers

OISE ONTARIO INSTITUTE FOR STUDIES IN EDUCATION UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO

Dear: ______

My name is Dulani Suraweera, and I am a PhD Candidate in the Department of Leadership, Higher and Adult Education at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto. I am writing to invite you to participate in my PhD research project, “Racism” and anti-racism in Teaching English as a Second Language Training programs in Toronto. The primary focus of the project is to investigate how the experiences and opinions of ESL/TESL practitioners inform developing an anti-racist TESL curriculum that addresses race relations at a deeper level. I will be conducting two focus group interviews from January- June 2017. If you decide to participate in this study, I will meet with you for a focus group interview. The focus group interviews will be 2-3 hours to ask you questions about your experiences and opinions as an ESL educator regarding race related issues and what recommendations would you make to TESL training programs to ensure that the particular programs better address race related issues in the context of teaching and learning of ESL at a deeper level. The focus group time will be arranged at a time and a place that is convenient for many participants. There is no financial compensation for your participation in this research. However, as a benefit of this research, you may have an opportunity to provide input on the race related issues that you have noticed in the English as a second language classrooms, learn about other ESL teachers’ diverse experiences and opinions, discuss such diverse views constructively and offer your individual and collective suggestions about developing current TESL programs in better addressing social exclusions, particularly racism. Thank you for taking time to read this letter. I want you to know that your participation in the project is strictly voluntary and anonymous. You can decline to answer any of my questions and stop the interview and/or withdraw from the study at any time during the interview or data analysis process. Your responses, comments, name, personal details and institutional affiliations will be kept confidential in any writings related to this research. In the event of withdrawal, your contribution cannot be erased as it affects the entire group discussion. If you chose to do so at any point, I will not quote you in the study. The focus group interviews will be audio taped and only my thesis supervisor Dr. Shahrzad Mojab and I will have access to the audio recordings and transcripts. The research ethics program at University of Toronto may also have confidential access to data to help ensure participant protection procedures are followed The hard copies of all of the interviews will be kept in a locked cabinet and the encrypted electronic copies will be secured on a password protected computer. The audio recordings will be deleted after they have been transcribed and the encrypted transcripts will be destroyed after 3 years in the case of follow up studies. The information may be used for presentation and/or

259 publication purposes. Once your focus group interviews have been transcribed, and analyzed, I will send you a copy of the synopsis of focus group analysis. In order to participate in the research project, I will be asking you to sign the consent form below which gives me permission to use the data that I collect from our interview as part of my thesis research (you can keep a copy of the letter and consent form for your own records). You are free to stop the interview and withdraw from the study at any time. Sincerely yours, Dulani Suraweera (PhD Candidate) AECP OISE/UT, 252 Bloor Street West, Toronto, Ontario, M5S 1V6 Tel: 647-853-3598 Email: [email protected]

Professor Shahrzad Mojab, my thesis supervisor, can be contacted through the following: AECP OISE/UT, 252 Bloor Street West, Toronto, Ontario, M5S 1V6 Tel: 416-978-0829 Email: [email protected]

Participants can contact the Research Oversight and Compliance Office - Human Research Ethics Program at [email protected] or 416-946-3273, if they have questions about their rights as participants.

I, ______, have read this letter and agree to participate.

Signature of Research participant: ______Date: ______

Signature of Witness: ______Date:______□ I would like to receive a synopsis of our focus group analysis by email. Email address: ______□ I would like to receive a synopsis of our focus group analysis by post. Mailing address: ______

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Appendix 3 Participant Information Sheet and Consent Form for TESL Trainers

OISE ONTARIO INSTITUTE FOR STUDIES IN EDUCATION UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO

Dear ______,

My name is Dulani Suraweera, and I am a PhD Candidate in the Department of Leadership, Higher and Adult Education at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto. I am writing to invite you to participate in my PhD research project, “Racism” and anti-racism in Teaching English as a Second Language Training programs in Toronto. The primary focus of the project is to investigate how the experiences and opinions of ESL/TESL practitioners inform developing an anti-racist TESL curriculum that addresses race relations at a deeper level. I will be conducting semi-structured interviews from January- May 2017. If you decide to participate in this study, I will meet with you for an individual interview. The interview will be 1-2 hours to ask you questions about your experience, opinions and reflections as a TESL educator/program coordinator/curriculum developer regarding topics that need to be included in a TESL curriculum, and also about your recommendations for TESL programs to better address race related issues at a deeper level in the context of teaching and learning of ESL. The interview time will be arranged at a time and a place that is convenient for you and I. There is no financial compensation for your participation in this research. However, as a benefit of this research, you may have an opportunity to share experiences, opinions and reflections as a TESL educator/program coordinator/curriculum developer regarding topics that need to be included in a TESL curriculum and offer your opinions and recommendations about developing TESL programs that better address social exclusions, particularly racism. Thank you for taking time to read this letter. I want you to know that your participation in the project is strictly voluntary and anonymous. Your responses, comments, name, personal details and institutional affiliations will be kept confidential in any writings related to this research. You can decline to answer any of my questions and stop the interview and/or withdraw from the study at any time during the interview or data analysis process. If you choose to withdraw from the study, your interview data will be discarded and transcripts will be destroyed. The individual interviews will be audio taped and only my thesis supervisor Dr. Shahrzad Mojab and I will have access to the audio recordings and transcripts. The research ethics program at University of Toronto may also have confidential access to data to help ensure participant protection procedures are followed. The hard copies of all of the interviews will be kept in a locked cabinet and the encrypted electronic copies will be secured on a password protected computer. The audio recordings will be deleted after they have been transcribed and the encrypted transcripts will be destroyed after 3 years in the case of follow up studies. The information may be used for presentation and/or publication purposes. Once your individual interviews have been transcribed and analyzed, I will send you a copy of synopsis of interview analysis.

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In order to participate in the research project, I will be asking you to sign the consent form below which gives me permission to use the data that I collect from our interview as part of my thesis research (you can keep a copy of the letter and consent form for your own records). You are free to stop the interview and withdraw from the study at any time. Sincerely yours,

Dulani Suraweera (PhD Candidate) AECP OISE/UT, 252 Bloor Street West, Toronto, Ontario, M5S 1V6 Tel: 647-853-3598 Email: [email protected]

Professor Shahrzad Mojab, my thesis supervisor, can be contacted through the following: AECP OISE/UT, 252 Bloor Street West, Toronto, Ontario, M5S 1V6 Tel: 416-978-0829 Email: [email protected]

Participants can contact the Research Oversight and Compliance Office - Human Research Ethics Program at [email protected] or 416-946-3273, if they have questions about their rights as participants. I, ______, have read this letter and agree to participate.

Signature of Research participant: ______Date: ______

Signature of Witness: ______Date:______□ I would like to receive a synopsis of interview analysis by email. Email address: ______□ I would like to receive a synopsis of interview analysis by post. Mailing address: ______

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Appendix 4 Voluntary Profile Questionnaire for ESL and TESL Practitioners

Name:

Age:

Gender:

First language spoken:

Other languages:

Country of birth:

Ethnicity:

No. of years lived in Canada:

Years of experience teaching ESL/English:

Years of experience teaching ESL in Canada:

Educational qualifications:

Professional qualifications:

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Appendix 5 Focus Group Interview Questions for ESL Teachers

1. Would you please provide your background in ESL education and explain how long you have been working in ESL setting in Toronto?

2. What are the race related issues that you notice in the English as a second language classrooms?

3. What do you do when you notice such issues emerge in your ESL classrooms?

4. How does your TESL training help you deal with race related issues in the ESL classroom?

5. Could you describe how race relations were discussed in your TESL training program including what courses addressed these topics?

6. What recommendations would you make to TESL training programs to ensure that they address race related issues in the context of teaching and learning of ESL at a deeper level?

7. Do you have anything else that you would like to add?

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Appendix 6 Interview Questions for TESL Trainers, TESL Coordinators, and Curriculum Designers

1. Could you please provide your background in TESL education and explain how long you have been involved in TESL training in Toronto?

2. In your opinion, what topics should be included in a TESL curriculum?

3. How do you decide what topics should be included in the curriculum?

4. What factors do you take into account?

5. What challenges do you face when choosing or teaching certain topics in TESL training programs?

6. Why do you think that these topics are challenging?

7. What recommendations would you make to TESL training programs to ensure that they address race related issues in the context of teaching and learning of ESL at a deeper level?

8. Do you have anything else that you would like to add