DOCSLIB.ORG

Download The

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Download The THE STATIST IMPULSE THE CASE OF PETRO-CANADA by BRIAN J. LAWSON B.A. (Hons.), Queen's University, 1977 A. THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF . MASTER OF ARTS in THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE We -accept this,thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA 1981 © Brian J. Lawson, 1981 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date DE-6 (2/79) i Abstract The Statist Impulse: The Case of Petro-Canada seeks to find cause for the establishment and phenomenal growth of Canada's National Petroleum Corporation. The study argues that Petro-Canada is part and parcel of an historically constituted statist dynamic common to all advanced capitalist countries. Utilizing Marxist theory, the thesis contends that statism sen ves to resolve the problems or failures of capitalist economies, and is an essential prerequisite for the growth of capital. Such was the case with Petro-Canada. The international oil crisis of the early seventies, which resulted in so much economic disorder and concern about future energy security, caused governments to increasingly turn to state enterprise, in the hope of filling their national petroleum needs. The statist impulse was fur• thered by the fact that the private oil companies, particularly in the eyes of .the majority of governments, failed to respond to the crisis adequately or satisfactorily. After an examination of the western industrialized nations growing reliance on state capitalist forms for obtaining energy security, the thesis investigates Petro-Canada in more detail. The study develops the point that Canada's vigorous public enterprise tradition played no small role in the crown corporation's creation and success. It is then argued that although the NDP and nationalist wave of the late 1960's spawned the concept of a Petro-Canada, the Liberals and Federal state singlehandedly implemented the proposal. The Government wholeheartedly embraced Petro- Canada, not for the sake of the NDP, but for reasons having to do with state capitalism. Through Petro-Canada's subsequent participation in numerous joint ventures, the state has socialized part of the private i i oil industry's exploration and development risk so as to prod the petro• leum corporations into greater activity. But the crown corporation has also acted as a substitute for the petroleum giants in certain areas, such as crude importation, so as to protect energy dependent general capital. The study contends that from a position of outright hostility toward Petro-Canada, the private sector gradually accepted state inter• vention into petroleum because of the lucrative joint ventures. Accord• ingly, it is argued that the state acted autonomously in setting-up Petro-Canada, without the support of the Canadian bourgeoisie. Finally, the study looks at the Tory effort to dismantle Petro- Canada and concludes that statism, in the form of the National Petroleum Corporation, proved too potent a force for the Conservatives to tackle. The issue of 'privatization' politically isolated the Tories from the majority of Canadians and became such a contentious internal issue that it divided and paralyzed the Conservative Government. In the end, Petro-Canada helped defeat the Tories and symbolizes the victory of state-capitalism over anti-statism. Contents: Introduction Chapter 1.1 The State As Entrepreneur 1.2 The Question of State Autonomy Chapter 2.1 Oil and the State - The Growing Tide of National Petroleum Corporations 2.2 The Oil Shock, the Reaction of the Multinationals and the Chosen Instruments of Government Chapter 3 The Public Enterprise Tradition in Canada Chapter 4.1 From Oil Stability to Oil Crisis 4.2 The Rise and Impact of Economic Nationalism 4.3 The Storm Breaks Chapter 5.1 The Night Watchman Awakes 5.2 In Whose Interests? Chapter 6.1 Trying to Turn the Clock Back 6.2 Isolation and Disintegration Chapter 7 The Triumph of the Positive State Bibliography. -1- On December 6th 1973, two months after the eruption of the world oil crisis, the Prime Minister of Canada announced in the House of Commons a plan to establish a National Petroleum Corporation. At a press conference after his speech, a reporter "suggested to Mr. Trudeau that his statement went beyond the demands of the NDP. He quipped- 'We have gone beyond the Communist Manifesto'."^ Although Trudeau was being typically provocative in dealing with the press, his response holds an important grain of truth. The Liberal Party and federal state were quite capable of embracing statism, often beyond the expectations and demands of the NDP and socialist left. In doing so, Trudeau and his government did not suddenly become socialistic. This did not stop the Liberal Party from unleashing the state onto the petroleum industry in a serious way. To begin to understand this latest phase of statism for what it is- an effort by the capitalist state to cushion Canadian capitalism from the shock of a new and unstable world oil order- one must first comprehend the qualities of crude which have made the fate of the substance so decisive. It is not an understatement to say that oil is the lifeblood of the modern age. If the industrial revolution was made possible by coal, then the breathtaking ascent of post-war capitalism sprang from oil. An incredibly cheap substance for most of its history, crude has the added advantage of being a more flexible energy form than any of its predecessors. Thus, in less than a generation, these qualities enabled petroleum to penetrate every aspect of society. This is especially true of the industrialized powers, where all forms of production, not to mention -2- transportation and heating, converted to. oil. The transformation, moreover, was done extravagantly, as if oil would always remain cheap and plentiful. Like some growing addiction, day by day the destiny of industry and country became increasingly tied to this one strategic energy form. Few seemed to wonder whether oil might some day become expensive and scarce. Fewer still thought about the consequences of such a change and the possible depth of the aftershock. To a degree far in excess of most commodities, any change in oil prices or supply patterns would produce swift and decisive economic convulsions, wracking countries to the core. This is precisely what happened as a result of the 1973 oil crisis. This thesis argues that it is then up to the state, the only force capable of responding to such a massive upheaval, to alleviate and it is hoped resolve the crisis. Governments realized more and more that the fate of their entire fossil fueled economics, which are so oil dependent that a recession is induced whenever supplies of the vital substance become problematic, could no longer be left so extensively in the hands of the private petroleum corporations. In fact, the evidence suggests that statism was assured precisely because the oil multinationals failed the test of the new oil order. They often exacerbated the blows of the oil crisis, favoured even higher prices for crude, or responded insufficiently to petroleum shortages. With little faith left in the ability of the seven oil sisters to"deal with the crisis, the advanced capitalist states , with -the exception of the Ufi.i'ted States , increasingly interceded in an effort to obtain adequate oil as cheaply as possible. In Canada, the state responded with Petro-Canada. -3- The crown corporation's mandate and record suggests an important supplementary role vis a vis the private oil sector. As we shall see, Petro-Canada has effectively socialized a portion of private capital's exploratory risk and development costs. Yet the evidence also indicates that Canada's state petroleum firm is increasingly engaged in activity which cannot be coined supplementary. Petro-Canada's refining and importation of foreign oil are functions which the petroleum corporations would prefer to perform themselves. In these instances, Petro-Canada acts as a substitute or replacement for private capital. In the estimation of this analysis, Petro-Canada and the state deemed such limited substitution necessary so as to protect the overall interests of oil dependent general capital. Similarly, the state's socialization of risk not only benefitted the oil corporations, but the entire bourgeoisie and economy, through greater exploration and development of petroleum reserves. Statism is a very complex phenomenon. As far as this study is concerned, statism flows largely, though not exclusively, from government's having to ensure the general conditions of production or of social function• ing, which private business is incapable of furnishing. Statism has encompassed everything from the takeover of bankrupt enterprises to the creation of public broadcasting firms that replace enfeebled private ones, increasingly, the state provides a boost to capital through the socialization of private risk. The thesis argues that in the economic sphere,: the chief concern of the state is to maintain and further the private accumulation of capital. Moreover, this statist function is a powerful, historically constituted tendency in all capitalist countries. Furthermore, the study contends that Marxist theory best comprehends and articulates statism in -4- precisely these terms and as a result, will be drawn upon to enhance the analysis of Petro-Canada.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Cross-Border Ties Among Protest Movements the Great Plains Connection
    University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Great Plains Quarterly Great Plains Studies, Center for Spring 1997 Cross-Border Ties Among Protest Movements The Great Plains Connection Mildred A. Schwartz University of Illinois at Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly Part of the Other International and Area Studies Commons Schwartz, Mildred A., "Cross-Border Ties Among Protest Movements The Great Plains Connection" (1997). Great Plains Quarterly. 1943. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/1943 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. CROSS .. BORDER TIES AMONG PROTEST MOVEMENTS THE GREAT PLAINS CONNECTION MILDRED A. SCHWARTZ This paper examines the connections among supporters willing to take risks. Thus I hypoth­ political protest movements in twentieth cen­ esize that protest movements, free from con­ tury western Canada and the United States. straints of institutionalization, can readily cross Protest movements are social movements and national boundaries. related organizations, including political pro­ Contacts between protest movements in test parties, with the objective of deliberately Canada and the United States also stem from changing government programs and policies. similarities between the two countries. Shared Those changes may also entail altering the geography, a British heritage, democratic prac­ composition of the government or even its tices, and a multi-ethnic population often give form. Social movements involve collective rise to similar problems. l Similarities in the efforts to bring about change in ways that avoid northern tier of the United States to the ad­ or reject established belief systems or organiza­ joining sections of Canada's western provinces tions.
    [Show full text]
  • Energy Security for Canada: a Comparison of the Self
    ENERGY SECURITY FOR CANADA: A COMPARISON OF THE SELF- SUFFICIENCY AND CONTINENTAL STRATEGIES Taymaz Ras tgardani B.A., Simon Fraser University, 2005 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of Political Science O Taymaz Rastgardani SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY 2007 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name: Taymaz Rastgardani Degree: Master of Arts, Department of Political Science Title of Thesis: Energy Security for Canada: A Comparison of The Self-Sufficiency and Continental Strategies Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Lynda Erickson, Professor Department of Political Science Dr. Alexander Moens, Professor Senior Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. Anil (Andy) Hira, Associate Professor Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. Stephen Easton, Professor External Examiner Department of Economics Date DefendedIApproved: September 7th2007 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY LIBRARY The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further granted permission to Simon Fraser University to keep or make a digital copy for use in its circulating collection (currently available to the public at the 'Institutional Repository" link of the SFU Library website ~www.lib.sfu.ca> at: <http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/112>) and, without changing the content, to translate the thesis/project or extended essays, if technically possible, to any medium or format for the purpose of preservation of the digital work.
    [Show full text]
  • By James Laxer
    MISSION OF FOLLY: WHY CANADA SHOULD BRING ITS TROOPS HOME FROM AFGHANISTAN BY JAMES LAXER 2 Canadian troops have been fighting in Afghanistan for over five years. This military mission has endured for longer than the First World War and the Korean conflict. If the mission continues for another year, it will exceed the Second World War in duration, to become the lengthiest war in which Canadians have ever fought. To date, 44 Canadians have died in Afghanistan. On a per capita basis, more Canadians have been killed during the mission, than has been the case for any of the other allied countries who have sent forces to Afghanistan. The Harper government has presented the mission to Canadians as combining a military element with the provision of aid to the people of Afghanistan. In fact, in dollars spent, the mission has been ninety per cent military, and only ten per cent reconstruction aid. 3 The Chretien government propelled Canada into the Afghan War with little thought in the autumn of 2001. The mission has since been sustained and extended by the Martin and Harper governments. Despite the brief debate and vote on the issue in the House of Commons in May 2006, this country has had no authentic national debate on the Afghanistan mission. In this 30,000 word long report, I have entered the debate not as an expert on Afghanistan, but as someone with considerable experience analyzing Canadian and American global policies. It is my belief that the Afghanistan mission is a tragic mistake for Canada. If prolonged, the mission will cost many more Canadian lives, 4 without the achievement of the goals Canada and its allies have set for themselves in Afghanistan.
    [Show full text]
  • Canada's Continuing Support of US Linkage Regulations For
    Marquette Intellectual Property Law Review Volume 15 | Issue 1 Article 1 I'm Still Your Baby: Canada's Continuing Support of U.S. Linkage Regulations for Pharmaceuticals Ron A. Bouchard University of Manitoba, Canada Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/iplr Part of the Intellectual Property Commons Repository Citation Ron A. Bouchard, I'm Still Your Baby: Canada's Continuing Support of U.S. Linkage Regulations for Pharmaceuticals, 15 Intellectual Property L. Rev. 71 (2011). Available at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/iplr/vol15/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Marquette Intellectual Property Law Review by an authorized administrator of Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. I’M STILL YOUR BABY: CANADA’S CONTINUING SUPPORT OF U.S. LINKAGE REGULATIONS FOR PHARMACEUTICALS RON A. BOUCHARD∗ ABSTRACT ...................................................................................................... 72 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................. 73 I. REVIEW OF EMPIRICAL STUDIES............................................................ 77 A. Study 1 ........................................................................................... 77 B. Study 2 ............................................................................................ 83 C. Study
    [Show full text]
  • CHAPTER 1 GLOBALIZATION, the STATE and SUBSIDIES 1. This Is
    Notes CHAPTER 1 GLOBALIZATION, THE STATE AND SUBSIDIES 1. This is an interpretation that stresses developments in the global political economy. Other work on globalization has stressed the compression of time and space, as well as broader sociological aspects (Shaw, 1994; Robertson, 1992). 2. For an extended consideration of these categories see the work of Robert W. Cox (1987; 1986). 3. James Laxer (1987) uses the terms 'enterprise' and 'enterprise-interven­ tion' to describe similar variations as hyperliberalism and state capitalism. 4. This statement presumes that the interests of domestic societies may not be synonymous with the demands of the international economy as articu­ lated by hegemonic spokespeople. CHAPTER 2 THE US TRADE LAW SYSTEM 1. This has led one prominent observer (Wolf, 1989: 286) to use 'stupidity' as a possible explanation for trade restrictions! 2. See 'Statement by Forty Economists on American Trade Policy', issued in April 1989 reprinted in The World Economy 12 no. 2 (June 1989: 263-4 and Bovard, 1991). 3. Nelson (1989) terms this a shift from distributional to regulatory politics. 4. C. Michael Aho refers to this practice as 'forum shopping'. See 'Com­ ments', (Smith, 1987: 44). 5. Public letter accompanying the release of the 1985 Trade Barriers Report (29 October) from United States Trade Representative Clayton Yeutter to Senator Bob Packwood, Chairman of the Senate Committee on Finance. 6. Belgium also brought in a CVD law at this time. 7. Concerns about the protectionist bias in antidumping cases are outlined in Devalut (1990). 8. Having made this point, it is acknowledged that other laws such as the antidumping provision and Section 301 can also be used to change other government activities.
    [Show full text]
  • Family Quarrel: Joe Salsberg, the 'Jewish' Question, and Canadian Communism
    Family Quarrel: Joe Salsberg, the ‘Jewish’ Question, and Canadian Communism Gerald Tulchinsky WHEN JOE SALSBERG (his full name was Joseph Baruch Salsberg but everyone called him Joe; Yiddish-speaking intimates called him Yossele, the Yiddish dimin- utive for Yosel) left the Canadian Labor-Progressive Party of Canada [LPP] in early 1957, he effectively ended a 30-year career of intense activity in the communist cause, including momentous contributions to the labour movement, to progressive legislation as a member of the Toronto City Council and the Ontario legislature, and to the Jewish radical left in Ontario. But while his departure was an anguished one, it was based essentially on his identity as a Jew and his conviction that in the Soviet Union not only had Jewish culture been suppressed under Josef Stalin but that his successors were also determined to continue that policy. Joe believed that the communist family had rejected him and other Jewish devotees of the great cause — and it broke his heart. Salsberg, a capmaker by trade, was born in Lagov, Poland, in 1902 and had im- migrated with his parents to Canada in 1913. To help support his family, he began a full-time working career when he was a mere thirteen years old. Joe’s parents were devout Orthodox Jews, his father Abraham (known as Avremele in the community) was a follower of the Hasidic tradition who prayed that Joe, his firstborn, would be- come a rabbi, while his mother, Sarah-Gitel, was a veritable dynamo who had founded and carefully managed Toronto’s important Malbush Aromin (clothing the poor) Society.
    [Show full text]
  • Complete Fa.Wpd
    Manuscript Division des Division manuscrits THE RT. HON. JOE CLARK FONDS FONDS DU TRÈS HONORABLE JOE CLARK MG 26 R Finding Aid No. 2076 / Instrument de recherche no 2076 Prepared in 1999 by Grace Hyam of the Préparé en 1999 par Grace Hyam de la Political Archival Section. Section des archives politique. Table of Contents File lists, by series and sub-series: Pages R 1 MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT SERIES R 1-1 Member of Parliament, 1972-1976, Correspondence Sub-series .......... 1-22 R 1-2 Member of Parliament, 1972-1976, Subject files Sub-series ............ 23-45 R 1-3 Member of Parliament, 1983-1984, Sub-series ....................... 46-51 R 2 LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION, 1976-1979, SERIES R 2-1 Correspondence Sub-series ............................... 52-264 R 2-2 Subject Files Sub-series................................. 265-282 R 2-3 Staff - Jim Hawkes Sub-series............................ 283-294 R 2-4 Joe Clark Personal Sub-series ............................ 295-296 R 2-5 Staff - Ian Green Sub-series.............................. 297-301 R 2-6 Staff - Bill Neville Sub-series ............................ 302-304 R 3 PRIME MINISTER’S OFFICE SERIES R 3-1 PMO Correspondence Sub-series ......................... 305-321 R 3-2 PMO Correspondence - Indexes Sub-series ................. 322-323 R 3-3 PMO Subject files Sub-series ............................ 324-331 R 3-4 PMO Staff - Lorne Fox Sub-series ........................ 332-335 R 3-5 PMO Staff - Adèle Desjardins Sub-series................... 336-338 R 3-6 PMO Staff - Marjory LeBreton Sub-series .................. 339-341 R 3-7 PMO Communications Sub-series......................... 342-348 R 4 LEADER OF THE OPPOSITION, 1980-1983, SERIES R 4-1 Correspondence Sub-series .............................
    [Show full text]
  • Alberta Hansard
    Province of Alberta The 28th Legislature First Session Alberta Hansard Tuesday afternoon, October 23, 2012 Issue 7 The Honourable Gene Zwozdesky, Speaker Legislative Assembly of Alberta The 28th Legislature First Session Zwozdesky, Hon. Gene, Edmonton-Mill Creek (PC), Speaker Rogers, George, Leduc-Beaumont (PC), Deputy Speaker and Chair of Committees Jablonski, Mary Anne, Red Deer-North (PC), Deputy Chair of Committees Allen, Mike, Fort McMurray-Wood Buffalo (PC) Khan, Hon. Stephen, St. Albert (PC) Amery, Moe, Calgary-East (PC) Klimchuk, Hon. Heather, Edmonton-Glenora (PC) Anderson, Rob, Airdrie (W), Kubinec, Maureen, Barrhead-Morinville-Westlock (PC) Official Opposition House Leader Lemke, Ken, Stony Plain (PC) Anglin, Joe, Rimbey-Rocky Mountain House-Sundre (W) Leskiw, Genia, Bonnyville-Cold Lake (PC) Barnes, Drew, Cypress-Medicine Hat (W) Luan, Jason, Calgary-Hawkwood (PC) Bhardwaj, Naresh, Edmonton-Ellerslie (PC) Lukaszuk, Hon. Thomas A., Edmonton-Castle Downs (PC) Bhullar, Hon. Manmeet Singh, Calgary-Greenway (PC) Mason, Brian, Edmonton-Highlands-Norwood (ND), Bikman, Gary, Cardston-Taber-Warner (W) Leader of the New Democrat Opposition Bilous, Deron, Edmonton-Beverly-Clareview (ND) McAllister, Bruce, Chestermere-Rocky View (W), Blakeman, Laurie, Edmonton-Centre (AL), Official Opposition Deputy Whip Liberal Opposition House Leader McDonald, Everett, Grande Prairie-Smoky (PC) Brown, Dr. Neil, QC, Calgary-Mackay-Nose Hill (PC) McIver, Hon. Ric, Calgary-Hays (PC), Calahasen, Pearl, Lesser Slave Lake (PC) Deputy Government House Leader Campbell, Hon. Robin, West Yellowhead (PC), McQueen, Hon. Diana, Drayton Valley-Devon (PC) Deputy Government House Leader Notley, Rachel, Edmonton-Strathcona (ND), Cao, Wayne C.N., Calgary-Fort (PC) New Democrat Opposition House Leader Casey, Ron, Banff-Cochrane (PC) Oberle, Hon.
    [Show full text]
  • The Constitution
    fC u C3 Speaking for Canadians The Constitution ~,?';)C The NDP-Lberal rejection of the Crosbie 'There are times when a govemment pro- 'XD, budget made way for the return of disastrous poses to act against the essential interest of C ' 1-Lberal economic policies, and eliminated the the Nation. At such a time, the role of the opportunity to implement Progressive Conser- Opposition Leader is not to submit to the vative initiatives which would have restored govemment, but to fight for the larger confidence in the Canadian economy and interests of Canada. II helped get this country back to work. Rt. Hon. Joe Clark October 2, 1980 'It was a nonsense motion, but it served the Grits. They regained power, brought high interest rates, high taxes and a recession, along with soaring energy prices and a budget that (NDP'er) Rae himself despises. II Charles Lynch, Southam March 3, 1982 As a result of the "nonsense motion", Cana- dians' needs were ignored and the PC Plan was shelved. • an economic strategy which encouraged Canadians to invest in Canada. • mortgage interest and property tax credits. • the Small BU$inessDevelopment Bond. • the energy tax credit for low-income workers. • freedom of information legislation. • much-needed parliamentary reform. "Clark has played a role of historic What the Liberals have given you: importance. When the constitutional • a high interest rate policy, resulting in package was unveiled in October, 1980, record-high mortgage rates and depression- after the failure of the September federal/ level unemployment. provincial conference to produce agree- ment, Clark had a very brief period in which • a national energy policy which contributed directly to the collapse of the Alsands, Cold Lake and Alaska Pipeline megaproJects.
    [Show full text]
  • The Abyss…And the Leap: Expanding Canada’S ‘Shrivelled’ Political Horizons
    The Abyss…and the Leap: Expanding Canada’s ‘Shrivelled’ Political Horizons Lee-Anne Broadhead (Sydney, Nova Scotia) e live in an age of multiple his preferred moniker of democratic Wand overlapping crises – socialist, the success of his candidacy in environmental deterioration, social so very nearly securing the Democratic exclusion, economic inequality, and nomination by drawing on the street political alienation – each sufficient to heat protests born of widespread provoke widespread resistance but now disenchantment with the dysfunctional combining to reveal the devastating and morally bankrupt economic system consequences of unbridled capitalism. revealed by the 2008 crash gave many a How those on the democratic socialist giddy sense of possibility. Similarly, the left – not the so-called ‘centre left’ of stunning success of the UK Momentum neoliberal-lite mainstream parties – movement in restoring the Labour Party respond to widespread disenchantment (under the improbable leadership of with the post-Crash ‘status quo’ is a Jeremy Corbyn) to its socialist senses, subject of intense debate, both creative suggests a new dynamic between street and divisive, in Canada as elsewhere in protest and electoral struggle. But the world. grave disappointments must also be acknowledged, primary among them re we at a moment of productive Syriza’s tragic failure to withstand intense Alinkage between popular resistance neoliberal pressures in Greece. and political reformation? Can we, this time, build a socialist reality from the n Canada the question
    [Show full text]
  • I – Les Relations Extérieures Du Canada Hélène Galarneau
    Document generated on 09/28/2021 4:32 p.m. Études internationales I – Les relations extérieures du Canada Hélène Galarneau Volume 17, Number 1, 1986 URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/701967ar DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/701967ar See table of contents Publisher(s) Institut québécois des hautes études internationales ISSN 0014-2123 (print) 1703-7891 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this article Galarneau, H. (1986). I – Les relations extérieures du Canada. Études internationales, 17(1), 125–147. https://doi.org/10.7202/701967ar Tous droits réservés © Études internationales, 1986 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. https://apropos.erudit.org/en/users/policy-on-use/ This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research. https://www.erudit.org/en/ CHRONIQUE DES RELATIONS EXTÉRIEURES DU CANADA ET DU QUÉBEC Hélène GALARNEAU* I — Les relations extérieures du Canada (octobre à décembre 1985) A — Aperçu général Le gouvernement canadien poursuivait au cours du trimestre d'automne sa réflexion sur ses politiques extérieures, de défense et d'aide au développement, étudiées en tout ou en partie en comités parlementaires. La parution du Livre blanc sur la défense était quant à elle encore repoussée, alors que les conclusions de la révision de la politique d'immigration incitaient le gouvernement fédéral à prendre la décision de hausser les niveaux d'immigration pour les prochaines années.
    [Show full text]
  • The Liberal Third Option
    The Liberal Third Option: A Study of Policy Development A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in Partial Fuliiment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Political Science University of Regina by Guy Marsden Regina, Saskatchewan September, 1997 Copyright 1997: G. W. Marsden 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON KI A ON4 Ottawa ON KIA ON4 Canada Canada Your hie Votre rdtérence Our ME Notre référence The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distibute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/nlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substanîial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. This study presents an analysis of the nationalist econornic policies enacted by the federal Liberal government during the 1970s and early 1980s. The Canada Development Corporation(CDC), the Foreign Investment Review Agency(FIRA), Petro- Canada(PetroCan) and the National Energy Prograrn(NEP), coliectively referred to as "The Third Option," aimed to reduce Canada's dependency on the United States.
    [Show full text]