CHAPTER 1 GLOBALIZATION, the STATE and SUBSIDIES 1. This Is
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“Apples and Oranges”
Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies “Apples and Oranges”. Prospects for the Comparative Analysis of the EU and NAFTA as Continental Systems Stephen Clarkson RSC No. 2000/23 EUI WORKING PAPERS EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE RSC 2000/23 © 2000 Stephen Clarkson All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form without permission of the authors. © 2000 Stephen Clarkson Printed in Italy in May 2000 European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50016 San Domenico (FI) Italy RSC 2000/23 © 2000 Stephen Clarkson ABSTRACT* The signature by Mexico, Canada and the United States of the North American Free Trade Agreement in 1993 established an institutionalized, continent-wide economic region roughly equivalent in size and population to the European Union. By its very creation, NAFTA opened up the possibility for scholars of European integration to add a comparative dimension to their research. Starting with the question whether the differences between North America and Europe are so great as to preclude their meaningful comparison (as implied by the expression, “apples and oranges”), this paper argues that there are enough commonalities between the two continental systems for the comparison of their differences to be analytically and intellectually fruitful. It goes on to propose many areas which Euroscholars might consider for future comparative study and offers as an example a case study by Jean Cushen of the differential impacts of the EU and NAFTA on Ireland’s and Canada’s labour markets. It would be difficult for me to list all the colleagues – scholars and students – who have helped me develop these ideas over the past few years. -
Cross-Border Ties Among Protest Movements the Great Plains Connection
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Great Plains Quarterly Great Plains Studies, Center for Spring 1997 Cross-Border Ties Among Protest Movements The Great Plains Connection Mildred A. Schwartz University of Illinois at Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly Part of the Other International and Area Studies Commons Schwartz, Mildred A., "Cross-Border Ties Among Protest Movements The Great Plains Connection" (1997). Great Plains Quarterly. 1943. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/1943 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. CROSS .. BORDER TIES AMONG PROTEST MOVEMENTS THE GREAT PLAINS CONNECTION MILDRED A. SCHWARTZ This paper examines the connections among supporters willing to take risks. Thus I hypoth political protest movements in twentieth cen esize that protest movements, free from con tury western Canada and the United States. straints of institutionalization, can readily cross Protest movements are social movements and national boundaries. related organizations, including political pro Contacts between protest movements in test parties, with the objective of deliberately Canada and the United States also stem from changing government programs and policies. similarities between the two countries. Shared Those changes may also entail altering the geography, a British heritage, democratic prac composition of the government or even its tices, and a multi-ethnic population often give form. Social movements involve collective rise to similar problems. l Similarities in the efforts to bring about change in ways that avoid northern tier of the United States to the ad or reject established belief systems or organiza joining sections of Canada's western provinces tions. -
Energy Security for Canada: a Comparison of the Self
ENERGY SECURITY FOR CANADA: A COMPARISON OF THE SELF- SUFFICIENCY AND CONTINENTAL STRATEGIES Taymaz Ras tgardani B.A., Simon Fraser University, 2005 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of Political Science O Taymaz Rastgardani SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY 2007 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name: Taymaz Rastgardani Degree: Master of Arts, Department of Political Science Title of Thesis: Energy Security for Canada: A Comparison of The Self-Sufficiency and Continental Strategies Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Lynda Erickson, Professor Department of Political Science Dr. Alexander Moens, Professor Senior Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. Anil (Andy) Hira, Associate Professor Supervisor Department of Political Science Dr. Stephen Easton, Professor External Examiner Department of Economics Date DefendedIApproved: September 7th2007 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY LIBRARY The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further granted permission to Simon Fraser University to keep or make a digital copy for use in its circulating collection (currently available to the public at the 'Institutional Repository" link of the SFU Library website ~www.lib.sfu.ca> at: <http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/112>) and, without changing the content, to translate the thesis/project or extended essays, if technically possible, to any medium or format for the purpose of preservation of the digital work. -
By James Laxer
MISSION OF FOLLY: WHY CANADA SHOULD BRING ITS TROOPS HOME FROM AFGHANISTAN BY JAMES LAXER 2 Canadian troops have been fighting in Afghanistan for over five years. This military mission has endured for longer than the First World War and the Korean conflict. If the mission continues for another year, it will exceed the Second World War in duration, to become the lengthiest war in which Canadians have ever fought. To date, 44 Canadians have died in Afghanistan. On a per capita basis, more Canadians have been killed during the mission, than has been the case for any of the other allied countries who have sent forces to Afghanistan. The Harper government has presented the mission to Canadians as combining a military element with the provision of aid to the people of Afghanistan. In fact, in dollars spent, the mission has been ninety per cent military, and only ten per cent reconstruction aid. 3 The Chretien government propelled Canada into the Afghan War with little thought in the autumn of 2001. The mission has since been sustained and extended by the Martin and Harper governments. Despite the brief debate and vote on the issue in the House of Commons in May 2006, this country has had no authentic national debate on the Afghanistan mission. In this 30,000 word long report, I have entered the debate not as an expert on Afghanistan, but as someone with considerable experience analyzing Canadian and American global policies. It is my belief that the Afghanistan mission is a tragic mistake for Canada. If prolonged, the mission will cost many more Canadian lives, 4 without the achievement of the goals Canada and its allies have set for themselves in Afghanistan. -
May 25, 2005 DRAFT ONLY a Reconsideration of the Political
May 25, 2005 DRAFT ONLY A Reconsideration of the Political Economy of Canadian Trade Part I: Escape from the Staple-Trap Paper presented the annual meetings of the Canadian Political Science Association London, Ontario, 2005 by Paul Kellogg Comments to [email protected] Introduction: staples, trade and Canadian political economy .... 2 Harold Innis and the Staple Approach ........................... 3 Empirical failure .............................................. 5 Chart 1 – Employment in manufacturing, Canada as a percent of U.S., 1911-1971 (selected years) .................... 7 Chart 2 – Employment in manufacturing, Canada as a percent of U.S., 1987-2004 ..................................... 8 Chart 3, Employment in manufacturing, Canada as a percent of U.S., 1911-2004 (selected years) .................... 9 Table 1 – Employment in manufacturing in Canada and the U.S., 1987-2004 ....................................... 10 Table 2: Average Number of Production Workers Per Manufacturing Establishment, U.S., Ontario, Canada, 1905-1967 (Selected Years) ............................ 11 The Home-Market Alternative ................................... 12 Paralyzed by Custom?......................................... 17 Conclusion – Political Economy Outside the Trap ............... 21 Notes ......................................................... 23 2 Introduction: staples, trade and Canadian political economy It is 42 years since the term “staple trap” first, tentatively, crept into the Canadian political economy literature.1 Tentatively, -
The Political Economy of Dissent: Global Publics
YORK UNIVERSITY | 4700 KeeleKeele Street,Street, Toronto,Toronto, ON, Canada M3J 1P3 : , , © Daniel Drache, June 2004. Please address any comments to:[email protected] Summary This paper examines the realignment of forces that derailed the September 2003 Cancun meeting. According to conventional wisdom, the broadening and deepening of the WTO’s trade agenda was supposed to be a done deal. Instead the growing disjuncture between global cultural fl ows of people and ideas, and the rules and practices of globalization has created a highly unstable environment with many opportunities, but at the same time signifi cant political costs. Regardless of what EU and US may admit in public, at Cancun global dissent and its publics acquired visible agenda-setting power. The growth in infl uence of the ‘nixers’ and ‘fi xers’ has contributed to a tectonic shift in the international economy that has immediate and far-reaching consequences for destabilizing globalization and its narrow economic agenda. The second argument here is that global cultural fl ows of ideas, texts, and wealth have deepened the global environment of dissent at the WTO. Many of these fl ows are a consequence of free trade itself. They have accelerated as economic barriers have fallen facilitating the movement of ideas, people and texts driven by new technologies and an appetite for mass culture. Increased trade has increased cultural interaction globally. These concentrated movements of peoples and ideas beget other fl ows triggering a cyclical movement of dissent which is highly disjunctive for the goals of economic globalization. When these global cultural fl ows function as catalysts for change, they become a conduit for the global movement of social forces. -
Family Quarrel: Joe Salsberg, the 'Jewish' Question, and Canadian Communism
Family Quarrel: Joe Salsberg, the ‘Jewish’ Question, and Canadian Communism Gerald Tulchinsky WHEN JOE SALSBERG (his full name was Joseph Baruch Salsberg but everyone called him Joe; Yiddish-speaking intimates called him Yossele, the Yiddish dimin- utive for Yosel) left the Canadian Labor-Progressive Party of Canada [LPP] in early 1957, he effectively ended a 30-year career of intense activity in the communist cause, including momentous contributions to the labour movement, to progressive legislation as a member of the Toronto City Council and the Ontario legislature, and to the Jewish radical left in Ontario. But while his departure was an anguished one, it was based essentially on his identity as a Jew and his conviction that in the Soviet Union not only had Jewish culture been suppressed under Josef Stalin but that his successors were also determined to continue that policy. Joe believed that the communist family had rejected him and other Jewish devotees of the great cause — and it broke his heart. Salsberg, a capmaker by trade, was born in Lagov, Poland, in 1902 and had im- migrated with his parents to Canada in 1913. To help support his family, he began a full-time working career when he was a mere thirteen years old. Joe’s parents were devout Orthodox Jews, his father Abraham (known as Avremele in the community) was a follower of the Hasidic tradition who prayed that Joe, his firstborn, would be- come a rabbi, while his mother, Sarah-Gitel, was a veritable dynamo who had founded and carefully managed Toronto’s important Malbush Aromin (clothing the poor) Society. -
The Abyss…And the Leap: Expanding Canada’S ‘Shrivelled’ Political Horizons
The Abyss…and the Leap: Expanding Canada’s ‘Shrivelled’ Political Horizons Lee-Anne Broadhead (Sydney, Nova Scotia) e live in an age of multiple his preferred moniker of democratic Wand overlapping crises – socialist, the success of his candidacy in environmental deterioration, social so very nearly securing the Democratic exclusion, economic inequality, and nomination by drawing on the street political alienation – each sufficient to heat protests born of widespread provoke widespread resistance but now disenchantment with the dysfunctional combining to reveal the devastating and morally bankrupt economic system consequences of unbridled capitalism. revealed by the 2008 crash gave many a How those on the democratic socialist giddy sense of possibility. Similarly, the left – not the so-called ‘centre left’ of stunning success of the UK Momentum neoliberal-lite mainstream parties – movement in restoring the Labour Party respond to widespread disenchantment (under the improbable leadership of with the post-Crash ‘status quo’ is a Jeremy Corbyn) to its socialist senses, subject of intense debate, both creative suggests a new dynamic between street and divisive, in Canada as elsewhere in protest and electoral struggle. But the world. grave disappointments must also be acknowledged, primary among them re we at a moment of productive Syriza’s tragic failure to withstand intense Alinkage between popular resistance neoliberal pressures in Greece. and political reformation? Can we, this time, build a socialist reality from the n Canada the question -
Why History Matters
SSpringpring 220101 5 + WWhyhy HHistoryistory MMattersatters 12. TThehe HHistoryistory ooff JJewishewish StudentStudent LLifeife aatt UUCC 18. UUCC QQuadrangleuadrangle PPastast aandnd ffutureuture 24 . uc.utoronto.ca/alumni CONTENTS SPRING 2015 fFeatures eauc.uttoronto.cau/alumni res KEYNOTE 08. Principal's Message CLASS NOTES 12. 18. 38. FOCUS REPORT News from Alumni Why Bother With History? The History of Jewish BY FRANCESCO GALASSI Student Life at UC BY FRANKLIN BIALYSTOK NOTA BENE 42. Campus News 24. CAMPUS Quiet, Green, and Orderly: The History of the UC Quadrangle BY JANE WOLFF 32. CAMPAIGN UPDATE 04 — UC ALUMNI MAGAZINE Leading by Example BY SHELDON GORDON CONTENTS SPRING 2015 MASTHEAD Departments uc.utoronto.ca/alumni Volume 40, No. 2 EDITOR Yvonne Palkowski (BA 2004 UC) SPECIAL THANKS Donald Ainslie Alana Clarke (BA 2008 UC) Naomi Handley Michael Henry Lori MacIntyre COVER IMAGE University College, Junior Common Room, c. 1965 Courtesy UC Archives ART DIRECTION & DESIGN www.typotherapy.com PRINTING Flash Reproductions CORRESPONDENCE AND UNDELIVERABLE COPIES TO: University College Advancement Office 15 King’s College Circle 10. Toronto, ON, M5S 3H7 University College Alumni Magazine 01. is published twice a year by the University College Advancement departments Office and is circulated to 26,000 alumni and friends of University College, University of Toronto. IMAGE 01. 06. 45. To update your address or David Secter on set CONTRIBUTORS DONATIONS Our Team University College unsubscribe send an email to IMAGE CREDIT Donors [email protected] Courtesy Gwendolyn 07. Pictures 48. with your name and address or BRIEFLY call (416) 978-2139 or toll-free Editor’s Note DONATIONS The University College 1-800-463-6048. -
Poverty, Trade and Development: Globalization and Inequality in the 21 Century Professor Daniel Drache 227 York Lanes Drache@Yor
Poverty, Trade and Development: Globalization and Inequality in the 21st Century Professor Daniel Drache 227 York Lanes [email protected] / 416-736-5415 Office Hours: to be arranged by request Course Goal: To better understand the complex relationship between persistent poverty, governance institutions and political processes, and the role these play in the production of inequality in an era of market expansion and technological change. Research papers will be informed by student interest. However, global food supplies, fresh water provision, health care and employment are current areas where many analysts debate the costs and benefits of different poverty reduction strategies. It would be interesting to look at the way international organizations and civil society understand poverty eradication in relation to these four staples. Week 1: Introduction –Progress and Prosperity in the Twenty-First Century: the Best of All Possible Worlds? Is Globalization to blame? Analyzing persistent poverty in the global economy. Defining our terms. Required reading: 116 pages Friedman, Thomas L. "Winner Takes All." In The Lexus and the Olive Tree: Understanding Globalization. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1999. (16 pgs) Castells, Manuel. "The New Economy: Informationalism, Globalization, Networking." In The Rise of the Network Society. Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2000 (original publication 1996). (85 pgs) Massey, Douglas S. "The Age of Extremes: Concentrated Affluence and Poverty in the Twenty-First Century." Demography 33, no. 4 (1996): 395-412. (15 pgs) Relevant Further Reading MacPherson, Stewart, and Richard Silburn. "The Meaning and Measurement of Poverty." In Poverty: A Persistent Global Reality, edited by John Dixon and David Macarov. New York: Routledge, 1998. -
FEBRUARY 2003 Graham Fraser
THE NDP LEADERSHIP CHALLENGE—RE-CONNECTING THE LEFT TO THE MIDDLE In the run-up to the NDP leadership vote on January 25, party activists faced a difficult choice between two apparent front runners, the well known face of NDP House Leader Bill Blaikie of Manitoba, and Toronto city councillor Jack Layton, an interesting new face with national credentials as president of the Federation of Canadian Municipalities. While Blaikie represents the party’s deep roots in the West and the co-operative movement, Layton represents the possibility of taking the NDP back into the cities and union towns of southern Ontario, where it was strong during the era of Ed Broadbent from 1975-1988, a highwater mark in NDP history. Toronto Star columnist Graham Fraser, widely acclaimed for his books on Canadian politics, offers this situational update on a party confronting an agonizing choice. Graham Fraser En prévision du scrutin à la direction du Nouveau Parti Démocratique du 25 janvier, les militants font face à un choix difficile entre les deux candidats les plus en vue : le Manitobain Bill Blaikie, leader du NPD à la Chambre des communes, et Jack Layton, conseiller municipal de la ville de Toronto et un temps président de la Fédération canadienne des municipalités. Un premier visage très connu, donc, et un second qui gagne à l’être. Si Blaikie représente le profond enracinement du parti dans l’Ouest du pays et le mouvement coopératif, Layton incarne pour sa part l’espoir de lui rendre la popularité dont il jouissait dans les grands centres et les villes ouvrières du sud de l’Ontario, où le NPD a connu une période historiquement fastueuse sous le règne d’Ed Broadbent, de 1975 à 1988. -
The Liberal Third Option
The Liberal Third Option: A Study of Policy Development A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in Partial Fuliiment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Political Science University of Regina by Guy Marsden Regina, Saskatchewan September, 1997 Copyright 1997: G. W. Marsden 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON KI A ON4 Ottawa ON KIA ON4 Canada Canada Your hie Votre rdtérence Our ME Notre référence The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distibute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/nlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substanîial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. This study presents an analysis of the nationalist econornic policies enacted by the federal Liberal government during the 1970s and early 1980s. The Canada Development Corporation(CDC), the Foreign Investment Review Agency(FIRA), Petro- Canada(PetroCan) and the National Energy Prograrn(NEP), coliectively referred to as "The Third Option," aimed to reduce Canada's dependency on the United States.