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Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives Why Foreign Ownership Still Matters in 2008 Submission to Competition Policy Review Panel January 8, 2008 Mel Watkins, Research Associate Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives Why does a panel dealing with foreign ownership not have “foreign ownership” in its name? It would seem obvious that this Panel was named in the aftermath of a spate of takeovers of Canadian companies by foreign companies. Granted, the Panel is mandated to consider the Competition Act as well as the Investment Canada Act, but somehow the terms “foreign ownership” and “foreign investment” are missing from the Panel’s title. There is a clear implication that the issue of takeovers of Canadian companies by foreign companies is to be understood as a matter of competition, and only of competition. Why not, for example, the Sovereignty Review Panel? (If this seems to be making too much of words, it does leave the question of why this particular title was chosen. It would be naïve to think that the government which so named it, and so carefully manages everything it can, did so in a fit of absent-mindedness.) It is hard to escape the view that the Panel may have been designed in such a way that it can more easily make the case that “competition” is now to be understood as taking place at the global level rather than the domestic level; that the bigger the firms the more capable they will be of competing; and that takeovers, or mergers and acquisitions, are therefore inherently good – though this sounds much more like monopoly, or oligopoly, and market dominance than it does like the competitive markets so lauded by orthodox economics. Whatever the merits of such consolidation from a corporate or management or shareholders’ perspective, there is no compelling reason to infer that consumers will experience the benefits, though that is supposedly the object of the exercise. Hence, the tendency of consumers’ groups, persistently and rationally, to oppose mergers and monopolization. “Competitiveness” is a loaded concept of limited analytic use The thread that permeates the Consultation Paper, which essentially frames the document, is not “competition,” a common word of long-standing, but “competitiveness.” That word is, like its twin, “globalization,” a new and trendy word that obscures as much, Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives 410-75 Albert Street, Ottawa, ON K1P5E7 tel: 613-563-1341 fax: 613-233-1458 http://www.policyalternatives.ca Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives 2 if not more, than it informs; in honour of these neo-liberal times, it might be called a neo- word. It is very much part of the discourse of the corporate world, and the associated worlds of international bureaucracies (like the OECD and the World Bank) and of faculties of management studies -- though in every category there are individuals who are independent thinkers. It is the language of power. It is not a concept with historical roots in the world of scholarship, whether it be in economics or in political economy. The American economist Paul Krugman, who has an impressive publishing record within international economics and is highly distinguished within his profession, says bluntly that, so far as nations are concerned, “the doctrine of ‘competitiveness’ is flatly wrong” – a concept applicable to firms inappropriately applied to nations. Krugman’s major point is that the concept ignores the straightforward fact that most of a country’s production is of non-traded goods and services where “competitiveness” vis-à-vis other countries is irrelevant. As well, the famous law of comparative advantage demonstrates – under the appropriate assumptions that economists are wont to make -- that all countries trade to their mutual advantage and are therefore necessarily “competitive.” The word “competitiveness” does not appear in the index of the encyclopedic and much-acclaimed 650-page study of world economic history, David Landes’ The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some are so Rich and Some so Poor. The Panel seems to be unaware of such criticism, and has risked buying a pig-in-a-poke that is not a reliable guide to policy. Orthodox economic theory has enough problems as it is without it being vulgarized. The much-publicized indices of competitiveness too often read like wish-lists of what business wants government to do and not do – like lowering corporate taxes and income taxes on the rich, e.g., CEOs of big companies. Their gains are clear; there is no guarantee that the country or the majority of its citizens benefit. And if you “build the field” to corporate specifications, it is assumed, first, that they (the foreign investors) will come, and, second, that so-called “synergies” will result and trickle down to the benefit of all concerned. As arguments go, it is both doubly tenuous and self-evidently self-serving of corporate interests. The role of resources in Canadian economic growth When Canadians look around today, they can hardly be unaware of the profound impact on the Canadian economy of the world-wide commodities boom, but there is nary a mention of that in the Consultation Paper. Nor is there any evidence from that Paper of any awareness that the long history of Canadian economic growth is intimately related to a succession of booms around resource, or staple, exports, with their linkages effects, for good or bad, on the rest of the economy. (Read the classic writings of the Canadian economic historians H.A. Innis and W.A. Mackintosh, whose legacy is the staples approach to Canadian economic growth.) Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives 3 Now, a possible reading of this story is that Canadian business is at its best – or should be -- when it thrives on the strength of the export boom in resources: specifically, that Canadian companies emerge as “national champions” in sectors where Canada has its comparative advantage. Think of it as combining David Ricardo on comparative advantage and Joseph Schumpeter on entrepreneurship, or as one of Albert Hirschman’s “easier” linkages or opportunities for domestic entrepreneurs. If one is going to play the capitalist game, it might seem obvious that one ought to have one’s own capitalists the better to play it. A striking feature of the present wave of takeovers of Canadian companies is its concentration in the resources sector. The boom in commodity prices has created liquidity in the resource sector that feeds takeovers. Companies either use that liquidity to do takeovers, or they get taken over themselves. It is a case of eat or be eaten. In a way that is hard to fathom, Canadian resource companies, some of long standing, have been ending up as the icing on someone else’s cake. A necessary digression: What’s wrong with Canadian business? There is a large question here that is rarely posed in a serious way about what exactly is wrong with Canadian business. It becomes tiresome endlessly to be told by business interests that the problem is not theirs, but rather that the business environment is not favourable -- this in spite of the fact that big business in Canada has consistently gotten its way around freedom of trade and investment, and when that doesn’t work well enough, simply insists on more of the same. Free trade with the United States was supposed to close the productivity gap in manufacturing; now the fact this has not happened seems poised to become the rationale for eliminating remaining restrictions on private foreign investment. Foreign ownership has played a significant if not dominant role in the Canadian political economy for centuries, and certainly for the last century. The Canadian economy has done as well, or as ill, as it has within that constraint. If it has problems today, as in the productivity gap vis-à-vis the American economy, it is hard to believe that yet more foreign ownership would eliminate them. On the face of it, more and better Canadian ownership with less foreign ownership would seem a better bet. Economic historians and political economists have long argued that the dominant interests within Canadian business are the financial institutions and the resource industries, with the latter typically dominated by foreign owners the better to secure access to foreign markets; these are the interests behind the powerful big business lobby, the Canadian Council of Chief Executives. Not surprisingly, manufacturing gets neglected. There is no good reason to think that more foreign ownership would solve this deeply rooted problem. Indeed, the foreign ownership question and the apparent inadequacies of Canadian business need to be located within the broader context of Canada’s status within a Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives 4 succession of empires, French, British and American. The literary critic Northrop Frye wrote in 1971 that Canada was “a pure colony, colonial in psychology as well as in mercantile economics.” There has been a long tradition of state-owned enterprises, a.k.a., as Crown corporations in this country – the CNR, Ontario Hydro, Polymer, et cetera – with enviable reputations for innovation, such that it is possible to talk positively of a public enterprise culture. That has been lost in recent decades, though state-owned firms and funds are once again in vogue (see below) and should be seriously considered by Canadians as alternatives to foreign ownership. The case for Canadian resource sector policy Given the long history of the special importance of resources to Canadian economic development, the absence of national sectoral policy favouring Canadian ownership is odd and unfortunate. There is such a policy with respect to uranium for security reasons and, given the risk of proliferation of nuclear weapons, it can be presumed that the Panel will not advise altering that.
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