A Global Radical Waterfront
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This Is an Electronic Reprint of the Original Article. This Reprint May Differ from the Original in Pagination and Typographic Detail
This is an electronic reprint of the original article. This reprint may differ from the original in pagination and typographic detail. 'Boycott the Nazi Flag' Weiss, Holger Published in: Anti-fascism in the Nordic Countries DOI: 10.4324/9781315171210 Published: 30/01/2019 Document Version (Peer reviewed version when applicable) Document License Publisher rights policy Link to publication Please cite the original version: Weiss, H. (2019). 'Boycott the Nazi Flag': The anti-fascism of the International of Seamen and Harbour Workers. In K. Braskén, N. Copsey, & J. A. Lundin (Eds.), Anti-fascism in the Nordic Countries: New Perspectives, Comparisons and Transnational Connections (pp. 124–142). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315171210 General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. This document is downloaded from the Research Information Portal of ÅAU: 29. Sep. 2021 “Boycott the Nazi Flag”: the antifascism of the International of Seamen and Harbour Workers This is an Accepted Manuscript of a book chapter published by Routledge/CRC Press in Anti-Fascism in the Nordic Countries: New Perspectives, Comparisons and Transnational Connections [2019], available online: http://www.routledge.com/[https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315171210] Holger Weiss, Åbo Akademi University Introduction This chapter discusses the antifascist campaigns orchestrated by the International of Seamen and Harbour Workers (ISH) in Northern Europe during the first half of the 1930s. -
MICROCOSM: Portrait of a European City Major Disturbance
In Breslau, the overthrow of the imperial authorities passed off without MICROCOSM: Portrait of a European City major disturbance. On 8 November, a Loyal Appeal for the citizens to uphold by Norman Davies (pp. 326-379) their duties to the Kaiser was distributed in the names of the Lord Mayor, Paul Matting, Archbishop Bertram and others. But it had no great effect. The Commander of the VI Army Corps, General Pfeil, was in no mood for a fight. Breslau before and during the Second World War He released the political prisoners, ordered his men to leave their barracks, 1918-45 and, in the last order of the military administration, gave permission to the Social Democrats to hold a rally in the Jahrhunderthalle. The next afternoon, a The politics of interwar Germany passed through three distinct phases. In group of dissident airmen arrived from their base at Brieg (Brzeg). Their arrival 1918-20, anarchy spread far and wide in the wake of the collapse of the spurred the formation of 'soldiers' councils' (that is, Soviets) in several military German Empire. Between 1919 and 1933, the Weimar Republic re-established units and of a 100-strong Committee of Public Safety by the municipal leaders. stability, then lost it. And from 1933 onwards, Hitler's 'Third Reich' took an The Army Commander was greatly relieved to resign his powers. ever firmer hold. Events in Breslau, as in all German cities, reflected each of The Volksrat, or 'People's Council', was formed on 9 November 1918, from the phases in turn. Social Democrats, union leaders, Liberals and the Catholic Centre Party. -
The Kpd and the Nsdap: a Sttjdy of the Relationship Between Political Extremes in Weimar Germany, 1923-1933 by Davis William
THE KPD AND THE NSDAP: A STTJDY OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POLITICAL EXTREMES IN WEIMAR GERMANY, 1923-1933 BY DAVIS WILLIAM DAYCOCK A thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D. The London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London 1980 1 ABSTRACT The German Communist Party's response to the rise of the Nazis was conditioned by its complicated political environment which included the influence of Soviet foreign policy requirements, the party's Marxist-Leninist outlook, its organizational structure and the democratic society of Weimar. Relying on the Communist press and theoretical journals, documentary collections drawn from several German archives, as well as interview material, and Nazi, Communist opposition and Social Democratic sources, this study traces the development of the KPD's tactical orientation towards the Nazis for the period 1923-1933. In so doing it complements the existing literature both by its extension of the chronological scope of enquiry and by its attention to the tactical requirements of the relationship as viewed from the perspective of the KPD. It concludes that for the whole of the period, KPD tactics were ambiguous and reflected the tensions between the various competing factors which shaped the party's policies. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE abbreviations 4 INTRODUCTION 7 CHAPTER I THE CONSTRAINTS ON CONFLICT 24 CHAPTER II 1923: THE FORMATIVE YEAR 67 CHAPTER III VARIATIONS ON THE SCHLAGETER THEME: THE CONTINUITIES IN COMMUNIST POLICY 1924-1928 124 CHAPTER IV COMMUNIST TACTICS AND THE NAZI ADVANCE, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW THREATS 166 CHAPTER V COMMUNIST TACTICS, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW OPPORTUNITIES 223 CHAPTER VI FLUCTUATIONS IN COMMUNIST TACTICS DURING 1932: DOUBTS IN THE ELEVENTH HOUR 273 CONCLUSIONS 307 APPENDIX I VOTING ALIGNMENTS IN THE REICHSTAG 1924-1932 333 APPENDIX II INTERVIEWS 335 BIBLIOGRAPHY 341 4 ABBREVIATIONS 1. -
Reviews / Comptes Rendus
Document generated on 09/29/2021 1:23 p.m. Labour/Le Travailleur Reviews / Comptes Rendus Volume 48, 2001 URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/llt48rv01 See table of contents Publisher(s) Canadian Committee on Labour History ISSN 0700-3862 (print) 1911-4842 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this article (2001). Reviews / Comptes Rendus. Labour/Le Travailleur, 48, 265–348. All rights reserved © Canadian Committee on Labour History, 2001 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. https://apropos.erudit.org/en/users/policy-on-use/ This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research. https://www.erudit.org/en/ REVIEWS/COMPTES RENDUS Beverly Boutilier and Alison Prentice, religious and social convictions, and a eds. Creating Historical Memory: Eng study of the Ontario Women's Institutes' lish-Canadian Women and the Work of involvement in writing local histories. History, (Vancouver: UBC Press 1997) Despite differences, they shared a com mon interest in creating a history that BRINGING TOGETHER a collection of es would inspire Canadians to greater feel says highlighting the lives and works of ing for their country. women engaged in the writing and teach The second section, "Transitions," pro ing of history over the century spanning files historians who, through study and the 1870s to the 1970s, Beverly Boutilier adoption of professional historical re and Alison Prentice address the creation search methods, bridged the gap between of historical memory both inside and out "amateur" and "professional" history, side the academy. -
Romanians of the French Resistance
French History, Vol. 28, No. 4 (2014) doi:10.1093/fh/cru080 Advance Access publication 10 October 2014 ROMANIANS OF THE FRENCH RESISTANCE GAVIn BOWD* Downloaded from Robert Guédiguian’s film L’Armée du crime and Didier Daeninckx’s novel Missak have been recent reminders of the role of immigrants in the French Resistance. The fate of the ‘Groupe Manouchian’, twenty-two men and one woman executed in early 1944 (they were used in the Nazi propaganda campaign L’Affiche rouge), still resonates and provokes controversy, raising the issue of the silence which http://fh.oxfordjournals.org/ has often surrounded the place of foreigners in la France résistante. What is more, it raises the wider issues of the fate of many of the surviving résistants in post-war communist Eastern Europe and the potential conflicts between inter- nationalism, nationalism and ethnicity. This article seeks to address such issues by examining the largely overlooked involvement of Romanians in the French Resistance, and the significant role they played—well beyond their numerical strength—in both the struggle against the German Occupier and in the post- at University of North Dakota on June 5, 2015 war communist regime. If this could be seen as yet another example of l’amitié franco-roumaine—those strong political and cultural bonds that made of Bucharest a ‘petit Paris’ and of the French capital a place of pilgrimage and ref- uge—it also reveals a complex and sometimes tragic entanglement. An event such as l’Affaire Manouchian is rightly cited as an example of the ‘Vichy Syndrome’ described by Henry Rousso, where a nation’s reassur- ing self-image is shattered by the unbearable reminder of ‘la guerre franco- française’.1 But this resurgence of a past that ‘will not pass’ goes beyond the strictly national frame. -
Central Europe
Central Europe WEST GERMANY HE WEST GERMAN ECONOMY continued to expand between July 1955 and TJune 1956. After June, production declined slightly. The gross national product rose 11 per cent in 1955, to 60 per cent above 1950. Industrial pro- duction, up 16 per cent, doubled that of 1950. The index (1936= 100) was 221 by June 1956. But West Berlin only regained the 1936 level. Employment in the Federal Republic was more than 800,000 above the previous year. In part, this was due to the influx of almost 300,000 refugees from East Germany during 1955-56. Unemployment, at 479,000, or 2.5 per cent of the labor force of 18.4 million, was the lowest since the end of World War II. West Berlin unemployment fell, but was still 11.3 per cent. Output per man was up 17 per cent in 1955, while wages rose only 12 per cent. The July 1956 cost of living index (1950 = 100) at 113, was 2.3 per cent above July 1955. National consumption rose 12 per cent during 1955-56, but old age pensioners, war invalids and widows, and the lowest categories of un- skilled workers, were barely touched by the "economic miracle," and contin- ued to exist near the subsistence level. Steel production, exceeding that of either France or Britain, reached a post- war high of 21,700,000 tons in the twelve months under review. Some of the Ruhr steel and coal combines, split up by the Allies to destroy "dangerous concentrations of economic power," recombined in new forms. -
Shaping the Inheritance of the Spanish Civil War on the British Left, 1939-1945 a Thesis Submitted to the University of Manches
Shaping the Inheritance of the Spanish Civil War on the British Left, 1939-1945 A thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of Master of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2017 David W. Mottram School of Arts, Languages and Cultures Table of contents Abstract p.4 Declaration p.5 Copyright statement p.5 Acknowledgements p.6 Introduction p.7 Terminology, sources and methods p.10 Structure of the thesis p.14 Chapter One The Lost War p.16 1.1 The place of ‘Spain’ in British politics p.17 1.2 Viewing ‘Spain’ through external perspectives p.21 1.3 The dispersal, 1939 p.26 Conclusion p.31 Chapter Two Adjustments to the Lost War p.33 2.1 The Communist Party and the International Brigaders: debt of honour p.34 2.2 Labour’s response: ‘The Spanish agitation had become history’ p.43 2.3 Decline in public and political discourse p.48 2.4 The political parties: three Spanish threads p.53 2.5 The personal price of the lost war p.59 Conclusion p.67 2 Chapter Three The lessons of ‘Spain’: Tom Wintringham, guerrilla fighting, and the British war effort p.69 3.1 Wintringham’s opportunity, 1937-1940 p.71 3.2 ‘The British Left’s best-known military expert’ p.75 3.3 Platform for influence p.79 3.4 Defending Britain, 1940-41 p.82 3.5 India, 1942 p.94 3.6 European liberation, 1941-1944 p.98 Conclusion p.104 Chapter Four The political and humanitarian response of Clement Attlee p.105 4.1 Attlee and policy on Spain p.107 4.2 Attlee and the Spanish Republican diaspora p.113 4.3 The signal was Greece p.119 Conclusion p.125 Conclusion p.127 Bibliography p.133 49,910 words 3 Abstract Complexities and divisions over British left-wing responses to the Spanish Civil War between 1936 and 1939 have been well-documented and much studied. -
Vichy Against Vichy: History and Memory of the Second World War in the Former Capital of the État Français from 1940 to the Present
Vichy against Vichy: History and Memory of the Second World War in the Former Capital of the État français from 1940 to the Present Audrey Mallet A Thesis In the Department of History Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) at Concordia University Montreal, Quebec, Canada, and Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne December 2016 © Audrey Mallet, 2016 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Audrey Mallet Entitled: Vichy against Vichy: History and Memory of the Second World War in the Former Capital of the État français from 1940 to the Present and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final examining committee: Chair Dr. G. LeBlanc External Examiner Dr. E. Jennings External to Program Dr. F. Chalk Examiner Dr. D. Peschanski Examiner Dr. C. Claveau Thesis Co-Supervisor Dr. N. Ingram Thesis Co-Supervisor Dr. H. Rousso Approved by: Dr. B. Lorenzkowski, Graduate Program Director December 5, 2016 Dr. A. Roy, Dean, Faculty of Arts & Science Abstract Vichy against Vichy: History and Memory of the Second World War in the Former Capital of the État français from 1940 to the Present Audrey Mallet, Ph.D. Concordia University & Paris I Panthéon Sorbonne, 2016 Following the June 22, 1940 armistice and the subsequent occupation of northern France by the Germans, the French government left Paris and eventually established itself in the city of Vichy. -
Bstu / State Security. a Reader on the GDR
Daniela Münkel (ed.) STATE SECURITY A READER ON THE GDR SECRET POLICE Daniela Münkel (ed.) STATE SECURITY A READER ON THE GDR SECRET POLICE Imprint Federal Commissioner for the Records of the State Security Service of the former German Democratic Republic Department of Education and Research 10106 Berlin [email protected] Photo editing: Heike Brusendorf, Roger Engelmann, Bernd Florath, Daniela Münkel, Christin Schwarz Layout: Pralle Sonne Originally published under title: Daniela Münkel (Hg.): Staatssicherheit. Ein Lesebuch zur DDR-Geheimpolizei. Berlin 2015 Translation: Miriamne Fields, Berlin A READER The opinions expressed in this publication reflect solely the views of the authors. Print and media use are permitted ON THE GDR SECRET POLICE only when the author and source are named and copyright law is respected. token fee: 5 euro 2nd edition, Berlin 2018 ISBN 978-3-946572-43-5 6 STATE SECURITY. A READER ON THE GDR SECRET POLICE CONTENTS 7 Contents 8 Roland Jahn 104 Arno Polzin Preface Postal Inspection, Telephone Surveillance and Signal Intelligence 10 Helge Heidemeyer The Ministry for State Security and its Relationship 113 Roger Engelmann to the SED The State Security and Criminal Justice 20 Daniela Münkel 122 Tobias Wunschik The Ministers for State Security Prisons in the GDR 29 Jens Gieseke 130 Daniela Münkel What did it Mean to be a Chekist? The State Security and the Border 40 Bernd Florath 139 Georg Herbstritt, Elke Stadelmann-Wenz The Unofficial Collaborators Work in the West 52 Christian Halbrock 152 Roger Engelmann -
1940 L'année Zéro Le Mouvement Communiste Français, Désormais
Version prépublication de « 1940 : l’année zéro » in ROUBAUD QUASCHIE Guillaume (dir.), 100 ans de Parti communiste français, Paris, Le Cherche Midi, 2020, pp. 46-53. 1940 L’année zéro Le mouvement communiste français, désormais clandestin et enfermé dans la stricte dénonciation d’une guerre dite « interimpérialiste », aborde 1940 dans une situation d’extrême fragilité. Après une Drôle de guerre traversée dans la répression, la division et la proscription, les communistes français doivent faire face une nouvelle fois à un contexte totalement inattendu et délétère : l’effondrement du pouvoir et des armées françaises, et l’instauration d’un régime d’extrême-droite, en devant suivre à la lettre une ligne attentiste intenable. 17 juin 1940, des millions de Français fuient sur les routes l’avancée des armées allemandes, le front est rompu. Le Maréchal Pétain demande l’instauration d’armistice, s’en est fini : la France est vaincue. Le lendemain, par la radio britannique, un général de brigade pratiquement inconnu enjoint les Français de ne pas laisser s’éteindre la « flamme de la résistance française ». Bien rares sont alors ceux qui saisissent cet appel, mais, dans toute la France défaite, beaucoup en partagent l’esprit et la lettre. Où sont alors les communistes ? En prison pour certains, parlementaires ou simples militants. Aux armées aussi, mobilisés, et bientôt dans les Stalags, comme beaucoup. Pour les autres, ils et elles sont aussi dans la défaite et le deuil. À Paris, des cadres esquissent un dialogue avec l’occupant, dans l’illusoire tentative de convenir à des directives impropres. Reçues le 22 juin, il fallait saisir la « moindre possibilité favorable » pour relancer au grand jour les activités du Parti, à commencer par la presse. -
Ambivalent French Communists in May 1968
ISSN 2239-978X Journal of Educational and Social Research Vol. 4 No.6 ISSN 2240-0524 MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy September 2014 A Missed Opportunity or Party Rational? Ambivalent French Communists in May 1968 Yutaka Okuyama, Ph.D CEO. Crimson Academy [email protected] Doi:10.5901/jesr.2014.v4n6p435 Abstract The purpose of this study is the investigation of organizational behavior of the French communists in the May Movement in 1968. Particularly at the first part of the movement, a severe rivalry between the French Communist Party (PCF) and the radical student organizations occurred. Although both of them pursued the same political goals, they could not work out for a united front. Such a behavioral choice taken by the French communists enormously influenced the course of the events. Even if the atmosphere had not been ripe enough for a revolutionary movement, the actors involved could have pulled it off through instigative appeals in order to create an acute situation. Since the electoral results had clearly indicated that the PCF possessed a concrete support mechanism, the party could have a chance to grasp a casting board, even cooperating with the students. However, the PCF did not take it. Did the communists miss the opportunity? No, they did not. The French communists acted based on their party rational, combining both new and traditional ideas on that occasion. For the party, the May Movement offered them an occasion to show the public what they stood for. That was quite enough for a social movement actor as well as a political party. -
100 Things You Should Know About Communism Series
>;'•''. ;'.;; ',•,'; ^> . , mm- / mB',^*''-' ^l;:'/•"^?J^!^f.'i'; ' 1*1-' r<.^ ii ^ dn iKo 01 Given By t U. S. SUPT. OF DOCDMENTS ^ THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW ABOUT COMMUNISM SERIES: — in the U. S. A. —and RELIGION —and EDUCATION —and LABOR —and GOVERNMENT and SPOTLIGHT ON SPIES A . &^ -j^^frUA^ :x %,^_^\\fijd<^v'^^m.' SECOND PRINTING August 15, 1949 v,a7 PUBLIC I J Prepared and released by the COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES, U. S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES- WASHINGTON, D. C. y h'V a. S. SUPERIKTENOENT OF DOCUMtNU OCT IG 1949 Committee on Un-Am^erican Activities U. S. House of Representatives * John S. Wood, Georgia, Chairman Francis E. Walter, Pennsylvania Burr P. Harrison, Virginia John McSweeney, Ohio Morgan M. Moulder, Missouri J. Parnell Thomas, Neiv Jersey Richard M. Nixon, California Francis Case, South Dakota Harold H. Velde, Illinois Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., Counsel Louis J. Russell, Senior Investigator John W. Carrington, Clerk of Committee Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 100 THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW ABOUT COMMUNISM IN THE U. S. A. The first of a series on the Communist conspiracy and its influence in this country as a whole, on religion, on education, on labor and on our government ^^No Communist, no matter how many votes he should secure in a national election, could, even if he would, become President of the present government. When a Communist heads the govern- ment of the United States—and that day will come just as surely as the sun rises— the will not he government a capitalist government hut a Soviet government, and hehind this government will stand the Red army to enforce the dictatorship of '' the proletariat, Sworn statement of WILLIAM Z.