July 1987 FOEWOD

This Natural Resource Management Paper Serie is funded through the project, "Strengthenirv Institutional Capacity in the Food and Agricul­ tural Sector in Nepal," a cooperative effort by the Ministry of Agricul­ ture (MOA) of His Majesty's Government of lepal and the Winrock Interna­ tional Institute for Agricultural Development. This project has been :. ,;L, 'f : ;. -International made possible by substantial financial support from the U.S. Age'acy for >7 . " A HONG PASTURE, Development (USAID), the German Agency for Technical Cooperation (GTZ), the Canadian Interiiational Development Research Centre (IDRC), and the Ford Foundation. 2,1 C' ULY-.P One of the most important activities of this project is funding for problem-oriented research by young professional staff of agricultural C a se S t u d Ta ra agencies of the MOA and related institutions, as well as by concerned individials in the private sector. This research is carried out with the active profe~sional assistance of the Winrock staff,

The purpose of this Natural Resource Management Paper Series is to make the results of the research Om Prasacd Guruna activizies related to natural resources available to a larger audience, and to acquaint younger staff and students with advanced methods of research and statistical analysis. It ia also hoped that publication of the Series will stimulate discussion among policymakers and thereby assist in the formulation of policies which are suitable to the development of Nepal's agrculture.

The views expressed in this Researci Report Series are those of the authors, and do not necessarily ref lect the views of their respective parent institutions.

Mavijke Jo Uhienbroek Michael B. Wallace Series Editors

HN G- ID::, -FOR D-.WINRO CK PROJECT

STR i, L):' K. ,IHE NATURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT PAPER SERIES

Number 2 July 1987

INTERRELATIONSHIPS AMONG PASTURE,

ANIMAL HUSBANDRY AND AGRICULTURE:

A Case Study of Tara

Om Prasad Gurung

HMG-USAID-CTZ-IDRC-FORD-WINROCK PROJECT

STRENGTHENING INSTITUTIONAL CAPACITY IN THE

FOOD AND AGRICULTURAL SECTOR IN NEPAL TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page INTRODUCTION 2 Objectives of the Study 3 Review of Literature 3 METHODOLOGY 4 Limitations of the Study 5 ETHNOGRAPHIC/GEOGRAPHIC BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY AREA 5 Physiography 5 Ethnic Composition 5 Natural Resources 6 Village Economy 6 Educational and Other Social Activities 7

ANIMAL HUSBANDRY AND PASTURE MANAGEMENT 7 Feed Sources 8 Grazing Cycle 10 Pasture/Forest Management System 10 GOVERNMENT EFFORTS FOR PASTURE DEVELOPMENT 11 An Evaluatio)n of Animal Husbandry 13 AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTIVITY IN TARA 14 Types of Arable Land 15 Production Pattern 16 SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS 18 Specific Recommendations Related to Tara Village 19 General Recommendations for Improving Hill Agriculture 19 REFERENCES 20 ------LIST OF TABLES Table i. Ethnic Distribution of Tara Village 5 Table 2. Animal Population 7 Table 3. Animals Owned by Ethnic Groups 8 Table 4. Classification of Land 15 Table 5. Size of Landholding by Ethnic Group 15 Table 6. Major Foodgrain Production by Sample Household 16 Table 7. Major Foodgrain Production by Ethnic Group 17 INTERRELATIONSHIPS AMONG PASTURE, ANIMAL HUSBANDRY AND AGRICULTURE:

A Case Study of Tara

Om Prasad Gurung*

INTRODUCTION

The economy of the villages in the hills of Nepal is based on a combination of agriculture and animal husbandry, and therefore ultimate­ ly depends on the optimum exploitation of natural resources. Farmers are aware that the agricultural economy of their hill villages is directly or indirectly related to the quality and quantity of the natural re­ sources available. If both continue to decrease and deteriorate, fewer animals will be kept, smaller amounts of manure will be produced, crop yields will decline, and the people will have less to eat (Poffenberger, 1980:50). Realizing this, the hill people have maintained and regulated their use of natural resources through various social measures, conserv­ ing, managing, and improving the resources on which their subsistence is based. Until 1968, one way of doing this was the kipat system. This system, once widely prevalent among the Rais, Limbus, Tatitangs, Lepchas, Danuwars, Sunuwars and Majhis. was a social control mechanism by which the land and natural resources were owned and controlled communally and distributed in accordance with family requirements. The system helped to prevent overexploitation of natural resources (Regmi, 1971: 27,50).

In more recent decades, a number of factors have affected the villagers' relationship with nature. Social control mechanisms have gradually disappeared partly because differpnt ethnic groups encroached on previously single ethnic areas and partly because of the government's policy of converting all kipat land into raikar. Raikar is a form of state landlordism. Under this system the state holds raikar lands directly under its ownership and appropriates revenues from it for its own use (Regmi, 1976:12). The loss of the kipat system removed a traditional social control mechanism which resulted in individuals com­ peting for and over-exploiting natural resources. Added to this, the effects of rapid population growth and the resulting pressure oil pas­ ture, forest and marginal lands, has further accelerated the peoples' deteriorating ielationship with nature.

Certain cultural practices, for example the inheritance of land and property by sons after they have separated from the parental household, exacerbate the need for more cultivated land. As the population in­ creases, the land becomes increasingly fragmented and households inherit less land frcm the ancestral estate. This imbalance has forced the hill people to bring pasture, forest and other marginal land under intensive cultivation. This has also contributed to the decline of natural re­ sources, which in turn, has affected the agricultural economy in the hills of Nepal.

------* Om Prasad Gurung is a Lecturer in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Tribhuvan University, Kathmandu, Nepal.

2 In spite of the government's emphasis on agricultural Nepal has produced development, b~rely enough to feed her past growing population over the few years. In order to remove the imbalance between population growth and agricultural production :he government has been expending lot of effort with little success. a It overemphasizes technical and neglects the old aspects social measures employed by This mistake village communities. has invariably been repeated by policymakers, planners, educators, and researchers. Nepal is a land of vast renewable natural could play resources. The resources a significant role in increasing over agricultural productivity a longer period if they are controlled and managed efficiently. This depends on the traditional social measures adopted communities. The by village present research study considers adopted by th.e social measures village communities for natural resource management, with special reference to pasture.

Objectives of the Study Pasture is one of the major components agricultural of livestock development and productivity. The economic value of pasture has been under­ stood by every farmer for generations and in many villages known as ritithiti (socially a fair rule accepted norms with respect grazing, hunting, -gathering to communal and cultivating) has pasture management. been established for Because agricultural productivity the amount is dependent on of manire produced by animals, ent ano taising animals is depend­ on the availability of pasture, animal husbandry and agriculture are inseparably intertwined.

The specific objectives of the present study are to: - assess the role of village communities in pasture management; - analyze the interrelationship among pasture, animal husbandry, and agriculture.

The study was undertaken in Tara Village Panchayat District. Although population of Baglung growth and uncontrolled livestock certainly caused some have damage, the Panchayat is resources and still rich in natural this may be because the village people still have their own ritithi ti.

Review of Literature

Several research projects have been carried out institutions and by various research many reports are available on which Nepal's the natural resources on agricultural economy is dependent, little but they have very practical v.lue in the economic general life of Nepali people. finding,: are that rapid The growth of population and its encroach­ ment on the forest, pasture and other marginal land, the domestication of an increasing number of livestock and the resulting been the prominent overgrazing have causes of natural resource Panday, 1983; decline (Panday, 1969; Miller, 1984; New Era, 1980; Ojha, Naston, 1983; and Bose and 1968). While suggesting better resource management, researchers have strongly recommended technical assistance, but neglected the tional measures adopted tradi­ by village communities themselves.

3 There are also some anthropological writings on the people of Nepal which describe natural resource management aT animal husbandry as integral parts of a village agriculture-based economy. The anthropolo­ gists (Macfarlane, 1976; Caplan, 1970; Hitchcock, 1966; and Kawakita, 1963) have also recognized population pressure as a principal cause of resource decline. Other anthropologists such as Alirol, Ekwall, haimen­ dorf and August Molnar, depict pastoralism as an economic strategy of various mountain and hill people. They discuss natural resources and their exploitation by village people, but do not give much emphasis to community management measures.

With regard to restoring the ecological balance between man and nature by conserving and managing natural resources, none of the above writings suggest any measures applicable to village communities. The researchers do not think that village communities can play a significant role in the management and improvement of their natural resources. In fact, natural resources cannot be managed and improved effectively without considering social measures employed by village communities. These measures serve as a control mechanism for maintaining and regulat­ ing the man-nature relationship (Gurung, 1981; Poffenberger, 1980). If they are not taken into consideration, the technical assistance provided by the government will merely be theoretical and possibly futile. The research study makes an attempt to draw the attention of all concerned towards the social measures adopted by village communities for resource management.

METHODOLOGY

For the purpose of the present research, a combination of anthro­ pological and sociological methods has been followed. Participant observation and key informant interviews based on an "interview guide" was used to gather the necessary qualitative information. A field survey involved the use of a structured questionnaire to collect the quantita­ tive data needed for the enquiry.

Partifipant observations were made to collect data on the village settlement pattern and dwellings, ecological problems such as erosion and the condition of pasture and forest, agricultural practices and animal husbandry, and other village customs. Key informants were inter­ viewed to collect data on the condition of pasture, forest and other natural resources in past and present times, the attitude of the village people towards resource management and social measures adopted by them for resource management. More than 100 people were interviewed.

A structured questionnaire was used to collect data on personal characteristics, source of income, size of landholdings, types of land, demographic information on the human and livestock populations, food production, major foodgrains grown, and food requirements. One hundred households (50 magars, 25 Brahmin/Chhetries, 5 Thakalis, 10 Kamis, 5 Sarkis and 5 Damais) were surveyed. The sample households were selected from all the major areas of the village panchayat, and included all the ethnic groups therein.

Both primary and secondary data have been used in the study. Pri­ mary data was collected by field survey observations and interviews, and secondary data came from related published and unpublished materials.

4 Limitations of the Study

The study is descriptive, because the data collected is mainly qualitative. It lacks quantitative data and critical explanation in most places. Secondly, the study was undertaken in a place where geographical factors themselves greatly contribute to making resource management easy for the villagers. Therefore, the study, though applicable in the study area, may not be wholly applicable to other villages. Thirdly, all the ethnic groups were included in the purposive samples but not in equal numbers. The Magars were given more emphasis because they outnumber other groups in the panchayat, and because they possess various estab­ lished social and cultural traditions in the village life which seem to help the maintenance of the people's relationship with their environment.

GEOGRAPHIC/ETHNOGRAPHIC BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY AREA

Physiography

Tara village lies at the northwest corner of Baglung District headquarters, Baglung Bazar, at an elevation between 6000 and 9000 feet. The village panchayat is bordered by Argal village panchayat in the east, Pandavakhani in the west, Hila in the south and Ruma and Barangja of Myagdi District in the north. The total area of the village panchayat is 3694 ha (HMG Department of Cadastral Survey, Maintenance Branch Office, Baglung) and the total population is 3152 (HMG Central Bureau of Statistics, 1981). A stream, the Tarakhola, meanders through the heart of the village cutting it exactly in two. Scattered along both sides of the stream are the main settlements. The climate is temperate and characterized by severe cold, frost, snowfall and fog in winter and heavy rainfall and cool winds in summer.

Ethnic Composition

The village panchayat is inhabited by Magars, Brahmins, Thakalis, Kamis, Sarkis and Damais. The Magars are said to be the oldest caste in the village; they came there from Tarabhot, presently in Dolpa District, five or six generations ago. Each of the thars is exogamous. They are divided mainly into three thars (clans): Rokaha, Charti, and Pun. The Magars of Tara do not have their own language but speak Nepali with a tone and accent of their own. Although they are influenced by Hinduism, they still cling to Shamanism and Jhakri cult of the old Bonpo religion. ------Table 1. Ethnic Distribution of Tara Villages

No. of Caste % of Total Ethnicity/Caste Households Population Population

Magars 207 1280 41 Brahman/Chhetris 175 1074 34 Thakalis 10 , 65 2 Kamis 58 367 12 Sarkis 26 173 5 Damais 31 197 6

Total 507 3156 100 ------

5 Fifty years ago there were only 20 Magar households in Tara village, according to an old informant. Gradually, the vast natural resources of the area, in particular the forest land, attracted Brahmins, Chhetris, Kamis, Sarkis, Damais, and Thakalis, in that order. The inflow fueled population growth. Now there are 507 households with an average of 6 or 7 people per family. The population density per ha of arable land is now 2,16.

Natural Resources

Tara village is rich in renewable natural resources. The forest, pasture, land and water supply have been exploited by the local people through the ages. The forest has supplied them with fodder, fuelwood, timber, pasture, nettle fiber, hemp, and various types of mushrooms, wild fruits, honey and green vegetables. Village people are proud that wild beasts and birds are still abundant in the vicinity of the settlements. Hunting and gathering forest products play a significant role in the village economy.

The village is also rich in mineral resources. Once the Magars were diligent miners, but now only the quarrying of stone and slate is still common practice. The quality of the stone and slate for roofing and walling the village houses is much higher than in any of the other viilages in Baglung District. Except in a few cases. water is not used for irrigation. There is a lack of irrigated land in most parts of the village, but the cold water of the stream provides fish, and green vegetables grow on the banks.

Village Economy

In the past, the village people have been heavily dependent on hunting, gathering and fishing. They moved from jungle to jungle with their herds of animals and practiced slash-and-burn cultivation, clear­ ing shrubs, bushes and sometimes even forest. They cultivated the land once every three or five years, which they call trishali and panchshali respectively. The main crops grown were maize, millet, panicum variety of grass types), (a radishes and beans. The practice of shifting cultivation existed until 1963.

As the population grew, the natural resources began to decline and the people began to cultivate intensively. At present, they cultivate steeper slopes and other rangelands, preparing astonishing terraces to grow maize, millet, barley, buckwheat, naked barley, potatoes, legumes, and other green vegetables. Small amounts of rice are grown at a lower elevation. Agricultural production is at subsistence level. Animal husbandry is practiced widely in the villages. Besides their manure, draft service ard dairy products for village consumption, the animals bring extra income to village people through the sale of calves, lambs, milking buffaloes, cows, juvenile goats and sheep, and oxen. By selling animals and their products--particularly ghee--village people have been able to raise their standard of living.

Employment outside the village is rare because the village is isolated and the villagers are not aware of the opportunities that soldiering offers. A few work in India, often as laborers. Mostly the

6 village people depend on animal husbandry and crop cultivation. However, they also make and sell various types of baskets, ropes, and other agricultural tools made of bamboo or wood.

Education and other Social Activities

According to the sample of 100 households, only ten percent of the people of Tara Village can read and write. Although the majority of the local people are illiterate, their overall attitude towards education is positive. There are four primary schools and one high school. Accord­ ing to the schools' records, ethnic representation is more or less equal in the primary schools, but in the high schools Brahmins and Chhetris outnumber the others.

Tara village is quite highly developed compared to other villages in Baglung District. There are open tracks and suspended bridges in every ward. School buildings are well-built. The community participates in all social/developmental activities such as constructing bridges, schools, temples, roads and public houses. The villagers are supportive, energetic and enthusiastic in all kinds of development activities.

ANIMAL tISBANDRY AND PASTURE -ANAGEMENT

Animals play a dominant ro]; in the agricultural economy of Nepal. The need for large quantities of manure on the higher mountain slopes is one reason why hill farmers keep large herds of livestock (Rajbhandari, 1981: 7). This statement is supported by farmers in the study area where animal husbandry is practised widely. A village proverb says "Tangmun mitho, puchharmuni pitho," meaning that animals like buffaloes and cattle have milk. under the belly and manure under the tail. In other words such animals are useful in several ways at once. Therefore, the village people give importance to animal husbandry and keep as many animals as they can.

In Tara village, people raise large numbers of buffaloes, cattle, goats, and sheep. They also raise fowl and pigs in smaller numbers, but these will not be considered in the present study. The panchayat records show the total population of livestock is 7083 which comes to approxi­ mately 14 per household or two per person (Table 2). ------Table 2. Animal Population

Type of Animal Number

Buffaloes 2587 Cattle 1952 Sheep 1591 Goats 953

Total 7083

Source: Field Survey ------In 100 sample households the total number of all types of livestock was 1333, which is approximatley 19 percent of the 7083 livestock population of the village. (Table 3).

7 The table shows that the villagers raize more buffaloes and cattle than sheep and goats. This may be because sheep and goats appear to be more susceptible to disease than buffalo and cattle. They are also more selective feeders that need better quality plants and are therefore blamed for the quick degeneration of forest and pasture resources. They are browsers and need a broad range of pasture and forest. Moreover, sheep and goats have relatively low economic value per head. They cannot produce the large quantities of manure needed to fertilize the agri­ cultural land. They cannot be used as pack animals nor provide draft service. They are not customarily milked because they tend to produce very little milk--only enough for their offspring. In comparison to sheep and goats, buffaloes and cattle produce more manure, they have a high economic value per head, they are less susceptible to diseases and epidemics, and they can be stall-fed if there is no one to graze them. Sheep and goats are raised by most villagers for wool and meat. ------Table 3. Animals Owned by Ethnic Group

Ethnic Group Buffaloes Cattle Sheep Goats Total

Magars 436 142 107 45 760 Brahmin/Chhetris 205 95 32 25 357 Thakalis 20 15 13 -- 48 Kamis 55 22 -- 8 99 Sarkis 15 12 -- 9 38 Damais 18 8 4 2 32

Source: Field Survey ------

Feed Sources

The shortage of animal feed is the biggest constraint to livestock production. Supply is directly dependent upon the production of plant biomass, both in grazing and the crop/livestock system. Animal husban­ dry is linked to native and improving pastures, forage crops, feed crops, crop residues, and by-products. Animal feed supply has both quantitative and qualitative dimensions. Quantity can be increased by proper stocking of range lands, establishment of improved pastures to complement native pastures, planting of forage crops, soil and water conservation practices, and timely harvest and storage of crop residues. Quality relates to the overall nutrient adequacy of pasture, forage, and feeds consumed, and the means to correct any deficiencies through im­ proved pasture management, fresh ctut and stored forage, and/or supple­ mentation (World Bank, 1983)

The feed for livestock in the village comes primarily from the forest. The forest has provided the animals with both forage and pas­ ture. Fodder trees such as quercus incana (banjh), q. fenestrata (arkhauio) q. glauca (phalan), and q. samecarpifolia (kharsu), are the main fodder trees in the village. The leaves of the pinus wallichiana (gobresalla), schima wal]ichi (chilaune), maesa chisia (bilaune) and Nepali alder (utis) are used as animal bedding. The crop residues such as millet and rice straw, and maize stalks are also used as animal fodder during the winter season. Most animals depend on grazing all the year round.

8 Almost all the farmers have a good knowledge of ethnobotany. In fact, all known plants are named. This fact illustrates the intimate relationship between the peasants and the world of plants. They know the poisonous plants (trees of rhododendron family) that are harmful to domesticated animals and they have native veterinary medicine.

As in many mountain regions, the village has hio kharkas or open grazing land. There is some marginal land where the animals graze during the winter season, but grazing occurs mainly in the forested areas. In Tara, almost all the grazing lands lie at an elevation between 7000 and 9000 feet. The village people call the grazing land lekh or dhuri. There are more than 12 main grazing lekh, which have supported large numbers of livestock; if managed properly they can continue such support in the future. Previously all these lekh were under the control ot two Hukhiyas, (village heads), but now they under the control of the panchayat.

The lekh are located on slopes and sometimes steep cliffs. There is enough drinking water and all are rich in growing forage. Their geo­ graphical formation is such that animals must enter them through certain main open Dasses which the local people call mukhyaghati. These make it easier to keep the area open and or closed for proper management. The animals are grazed in these lekh from Jestha to Ashwin (May/June to September/October). Buffaloes, cattle, sheep and goats are not grazed together. Buffaloes and cattle graze in the highest lekh but in different areas. Buffalo2s graze on slope and plain areas. Cattle graze in steep and cliff areas, because they adapt more easily to difficult terrain than buffaloes. Cattle also browse more quickly than the buffa­ loes and therefore buffaloes cannot get fresh grass if they are put on the same area of land. Sheep and goats graze ir nearby pastures lower down because predators like wolves, foxes and leopards threaten them. They must be closely watched during the day and confined at night. Grazing is thus limited to areas close to the night pens. Sheep and goats are herded by young boys and girls, who drive them out to nearby pastures or forest each morning and bring them back to the pen each evening all the year round. Buffaloes and cattle are herded by adult males. For more than five months (Jestha-Ashwin) they graze in the lekh. Women generally do not herd the animals in the lekh but during winter they sometimes herd the animals if they remain in the settlement area. Almost all are herded in the pasture/forest areas. Only the best milking animals are stall-fed, because milking animals need more care. Each household, except for a few Kamis, Damais, Sarkis and Thakalis, send their animals to graze in the lekh. The others depend more on their traditional occupations such as smithing, tailoring, and cobblering than on domesticating animals and cultivating lands. The quantity of labor needed for animal husbandry depends on the size and type of animals. Generally one herder is needed for eight to ten buffa­ loes and 15 to 20 cattle. Buffaloes adapt less well to steep slopes than cattle, and herders often have to go after the buffaloes to prevent them falling down slopes or to keep them out of dense jungle where they may be eaten by tigers or wolves. They also have a higher productive value than cattle and therefore more attention is paid to them. A given number of buffaloes need more herders than the same number of cattle.

9 The herders form several cooperative groups for hunting wild beasts, collecting wild fruits and vegetables, collecting fuelwood and preparing temporary huts for calves as well as for the herders. Each cooperative has three to five members. Membership is not cumpulsory but voluntary membership is a general rule. Also membership is not restricted to any ethnic group, but is confined to neighbors.

Grazing Cycle

The grazing cycles are differ somewhat for buffaloes and cattle. The buffaloes are driven out to lekh from the first of Jestha and graze there until the last of Bhadra (September). The cattle are sent to lekh for the month of Ashwin. The sheep and goats are se't out to nearby pasture each evening and brought back to pens each evening. From Ashauj to Kartik (October/November), the buffaloes and cattle graze on agricul­ tural farms to manure the fields for winter crops. From Marga (November- December) to Chaitra (March-April) the animals are kept in stalls called goths and they are fed tree fodder and crop residues. During this period they are driven out to nearby pasture/range lands such as pakho, bhir, or private pasture lands such as kharbari and fallow lanes and brought back to house. In the month of Baishakh (April-May) the animals again graze on the agricultural farms to manure the fields for the summer crops. During this month the animals again move to lekhs for grazing. The grazing cycle is complete.

Pasture/Forest Management System

Although overpopulation and uncontrolled grazing of livestock have certainly depleted the pasture/forest, and the resulting soil erosion has been a major problem in many hill villages of Nepal, the situation in Tara village is not too bad. The village people have contributed to pasture/forest management by adopting established social measures such as grazing on a rotational basis, fencing the major passes of the graz­ ing land and imposing fines if someone violates the grazing rules. Hence Tara village is a useful example of successful resource management.

Tara village was once in dense forest. This forest is still in good condition. Before the introduction of the panchayat system, the forest and other natural resources were under the control of the Mukhiyas (village heads). On the day of Shripanchami (a Hindu festival which falls in the last week of January or first week of February), all the villagers (pafticularly the head of each Magar family) gather together in one common place, such as the house of the village head, and make various rules and regulations foi resource use. On that occasion the dates of fencing and opening the forest are fixed. Traditionally the first of Baishakh is fixed for fencing and the first of Jestha is fixed for opening the fence. The people reported that the forest areas are such that there are few manageable open passes and if these were fenced, animals would not be able to enter them at all. Labor service for fencing is made compulsory for each household, and those who do not physirally contribute to fencing, either because of negligence or because of engagement in other activities, have to pay a fine--usually five rupees. The fine money i., spent on communal feasts.

Aftor fencing is completed, the people pe form a puja, sacrificing chickens and lambs to please the forest god and goddesses who might

10 otherwise cause trouble. They call this puja "Bansorakne". They also perform Gauripuja and Bhimsenpuja by sacrificing chickens. These gods and goddesses also protect livestock. After performing pujas the people start to move towards the lekh with their domesticated herds. From the first cf Jestha the fence is opened for all. There is no strict regula­ tion that all people should move on the same day but generally they move on the first of Jetha; before that day no one is allowed to move. If someone violates the rules, they are fined.

The number of grazing animals is not restricted, but the grazing period and seasons are. The number of grazing animals average eight or ten per household. The lekh are not grazed more than three times a year. One lekh is grazed for 10 to 15 days. The lekhs are not all opened together; opening and closing is done on a rotational basis. This practice has been helpful for pasture/forest management.

The village people are familar with the habits and nature of each type of animal, so they graze them separately. Btuffaloes are slow brow­ sers and adapt less well to difficult conditions so they are grazed on slopes and plain areas under the trees. Cattle ate grazed on steeper land, and sheep and goats graze in nearby pastures/forest areas. This practice is reasonable and useful. It helps to provide fresh pasture for all the animals, and grazing separately on a rotational basis prevents deforestation and erosion cois;ed by uninterrupted grazing.

The pasture/forest is a lso ised by the people of neighboring vil1­ ages but they can graze the ' iaIs only in controlled numbers, and for that they are charged ,razing fees. Before the introduction of the panchayat system the herders of Ta],co collected the grazing fee, which was usually one rupee per head livestock. Now the grazing fee is five rupees per head of livestock, and it is set by the panchayat. The fees are usually spent on Siddhapuja and sometimes for a communal feast.

Opening aad closing the fences for grazing is done by the herders themselves. They decide which lekh should he opened first and when. The herders burn some of the rough pasture/forest patches in winter in order to remove undesiraible and unpalatable shrubs and bushes. This practice allows fresh pasture and lor:uge to grow. The herders are usually guided by the village head in all these activities. These are long establi­ shed, traditional social measures that are still functioning smoothly and propurly in Tara village. In the past the only herders were the Magars , but now all ethnic groups partici pate. However, they have also foIl owed the estahlished social measure.s prescribed by the Magar comm­ unity. These measures have served as a control mechanism for pasture/ forest resource management.

GOVERNMENT EFVORTS FOR PASTURE DEVELOPMENT

In spite of the crucial part that pasture plays in li- estock devel­ opment and agricultural productivity, its importance has never been adequately reflected i government programs. However, over the past few years an effort has been made to develop pasture lands.

After becoming aware of the critical economic situation of the mountain people, the government realized the need for pasture develop­ ment within the country. Consequently, in 1975-76, a separate pasture

11 development project office was set up at Khumaltar under the Department of Livestock Development and Animal Health. Its original aim was to provide winter fodder for livestock, but it could not satisfy the grow­ ing demand. As a tentative solution to the problem, the Nepal government approached the Chinese government. On July 8, 1983, they signed a five year agreement tnat provides the Nepalese people of four districts-- Humla, Sindhupalchok, Mustang, and Gorkha---with pasture facilities on the libetan plains. The number of livestock involved was 10,000 in the first year of the agreement, but this is to be reduced over five years (HMG Dept. of Livestock Development and Animal health, !983/84). The government also introduced a pasture development program for high mountain regions. This program is to be completed within the coming Seventh Five Year Plan. It will:

- eliminate undesirable and unpalatable shribs and bushes;

- move pasture areas away from cliffs;

- use fertilizer and improved seed;

- fence certain areas for hay production;

- provide irrigation and drinking water in pastuie areas;

- construct roads and tracks to pasture areas;

- manage grazing on a rotational basis;

- reduce the numbers of livestock; and

- provide alternative/supplementary jobs for herders. Sufficient manpower has been recruited and adequate money has been allocated to implement the program. A pasture development sub-committee, representing the Home Ministry, the Ministry of Food and Agriculture, ane the Ministry of Panchayat and Local Development, and under the Remote Area Development Committee, has been formed. It has 15 members with a Pradhan Pancha and JTA as Chairman and Secretary respectively. Eventually, ther, uill be an Assistant Pasture Development Officer in each district and a Technical Assistant in each village panchayat to give basic training in pasture development to farmers. Each area will be responsilbe for managing its own pasture and forage system. This prograin has several limitations. It has been confined to mountain areas; in the hills and Tarai the government has no program for pasture development except the distribution of fodder seeds. The lack of appropriate incentives and difficulties of transportation and communication are the major constrilints for pasture development any­ where. There is a lack of traini-o personnel. Most of the staff are trained in livestock but know very little about pasture development and management (iMiller, 1984). All these limitations have made government efforts less effective.

The goernment has no program to improve pasture land in the study area. The District Animal Health Office has only recently begun to

12 distribute the seeds of fodder plants, but due manpower to a lack of trained the seeds have not been distributed in all villages. The comm­ unity forest development program has just begun working in the district but not yet in Tara village. There are 14 community nurseries but them are on the all of periphery of the district. The makes government forest guard an occasional, visit to tfLe village, but he is not tra.ined in pasture/forest development and managemert.

Theoretically, the forest of Tara is now under the control of the panchayat, but when interviewed, the panchas reported that the panchayat has not interfered with the villagers in grazing affairs and pasture/ forest management. The villagers do not want interference in their grazing affairs, because the panchayat cannot manage them effectively. It looks after the big trees and the herders have taken the responsi­ bility for pasture/forest management and development in Tara.

An Evaluation of Animal Husbandry

The practice of animal husbandry has been grounds adopted evaluated on three from a HIJCIA/AID project: financial mic viability and econo­ impact of labor and capital investment, socio-cultural value, and biological capacity of livestock to respond to the physical and biologi­ cal environment. Financial viability and economic impact: preneur every farmer and entre­ views labor and capital investment from two viewpoints: whether the investment is legal and whether it is profitable (Coombs 1982:159). Generally the entrepreneurs, W., especially small farmers, desire short-'erm returns on investment. Tn the long run this may cause degra­ dation and deterioration of natural resources even leading to cation. Therefore, government desertifi­ and development institutions should concerned not only with financial be viability but also with the longer term consequences of an investmenL.

The practice of animal husbandry in Tara village is profitable. All the certainly respondents reported that, apart most of their from agriculture, income comes from the sale of animals Each of the and their products. 100 households surveyed sells two tins (one tin contains 28­ 32 manas, which or 20 to 24 kg) of ghee oit average per year. The sale lambs and calves of and woolen blankets is also profitable. Animal herds do cause deforestation and desertification in the long run, but the village people are aware of it and they do not allow overgrazing on any particular piece of land. Instead they graze their herds on different lekh on a rotational basis. They also do buffalo, cattle, not graze sheep and goats together. The forest condition. The is still in good village has never been faced with problems. landslide and erosion Geographical factors may have contributed a lot, but equally village people have been able to keep their forest/prsture in condition good through various social measures.

Socio-cultural Value: animals are not raised for economic reasons only. The Nepalese people do not regard their animals only as source, factory, tractor, a food r:et or even status symbol; it is Nepalese culture to part of the own or rear animals (Panday, 1982: cultural 23). The socio­ value of animals among different ethnic communities of Nepal

13 has been studied by various anthropologists. Haimendorf (1964: 11) notes that among the Sherpas no form of property has quite the same prestige value as a herd of Yak, and rich men, who never put their hands to a hoe or sickle unhesitatingly, undergo the hardships of grazing their herds for weeks and months on high pasture. Molnar (1981: 34-38) describes the socio-cultural and religious importance of animal herds among the Kham Magars of northwest Nepal.

The socio-cultural value of animals is high in Tara village. It is prestigious to own large numbers of animals. The sacrifice of male buffaloes and goats, juvenile rams and goats for various deities is common practice among the village communities. The sale of these animals to outsiders for sacrificial purposes during Dasain is very frequent. For this purpose, villagers tend as many animals as they can.

The biological capacity of livestock: this has been discussed by Coombs (op.cit. 16-18) in terms of animal adaptability to the physical environment which includes climate, terrain, forage, and water avail­ ability, and to the biological environment which includes susceptibility to disease, parasitism, reproductive rate, and muscle growth.

The animals in Tara adapt well to the physical environment. Though the grazing lands are often quite steep, livestock can easily graze there. The climate is very harsh with snowfall and frost, but the ani­ mals survive. Animal deaths due to the harsh climate are infrequent.

The animals rarely die from epidemics or other kinds of disease. Liverfluke was reported as a common disease for livestock in the village but the villagers deal with it through their traditional veterinary medicine. There is no veterinary hospital in the village and the dis­ trict veterinary hospital is far away. Therefore, if the local veterin­ ary medicine falls to cure an animal, the villagers depend on prayer and puja to "Sidha" (Bandeva or forest god).

Each cow and buffalo produces an average of four to five calves, and the goats and ewes, give birth tc between five and ten kids and lambs in a lifetime. It takes one to three years to fatten a cow or buffalo, as opposed to six months to a year for sheep or goats. The biological capacity of livestock to respond to labor and capital invest­ ment was reported satisfactory because of their high productive rate and multipurpose potential.

AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTIVITY IN TARA

Tara has long had rich forest resources which provided the village people with all means of subsistence. This forest-based economy was supplemented by animal husbandry and shifting cultivation. The Brahmins and Chhetris in particular introduced a rich agricultural culture, which resulted in intensive cultivation of all range and pasture lands by all ethnic groups in competition with each other. The Brahmins and Chhetris acquired vast pieces of land and forest in their own name, usually by pleasing the head of the village by some means. The Magars, who once heavily depended on herding and shifting cultivation, learned to culti­ vate terraces on a regular basis even on extreme slopes. Later the Thakalis also began to acquire lands for cultivation. The Kamis, Sarkis and Damais owned very little land.

14 Types of Arable Land

Out of the total area of 3,694 ha, forest land, roads and govern­ ment land covers 2,237 ha (60.55%). There are 1456.6 ha of arable lands, or 2.9 ha per household. The types of arable land have been classified into five categories according to the quality of soil, termed Abal, Dovam, Sim, Char and Panch. Tara has only the latter three types, which are less productive than the others and need more manure to make them fertile. There are only 3.6 ha of khet (irrigated land) in the entire panchayat. The arable land is all Pakho (dry land) (Table 4). Although Table 4 shows that the average arable land-holding size per household is relatively larger than in many hill villages, the size of actual cultivated land was not so large because what is classified as arable land in the village includes grassland, called kharbar, and the land records do not provide true statistics of actual cultivated land. This study depends on data provided by the village people. ------Table 4. Classification of Land According to Soil Quality.

Khet - Sim ­ 3.6 hectares Pakho - Sim - 15.0 hectares Pakho - Char ­ 1341.0 hectares Pakho - Panch ­ 97.0 hectares

Total Arable Land ­ 1456.6 hectares

Total Households - 497.0 Per Household Arable Land - 2.9 hectares

Source: HMG Cadastral Survey and Maintenance Branch Office, Baglung. ------

In the hills of Nepal, the size of cultivated land is measured in terms of halo, matomuri and bijanpathi. one halo equals 0.0677 ha; one matomuri equals 0.0127 ha; and one bijanpathi equals 0.1201 ha dryland area and 0.0305 ha irrigated land (National Planning Commission, 2035). The halo system is the most commonly used land measurement in Tara. The average size of cultivated landholding per sample household is seven halos (0.47 ha), but this varied among ethnic groups.

------Table 5. Size of Landholding by Ethnic Group.

Number of Cultivated Per Household Caste Households Land (ha.) Cultivated Land (ha)

Magars 50 27.0 0.54 Brahmin/Chhetris 25 14.0 0.56 Thakalis 5 2.5 0.52 Kamis 10 1.6 0.16 Sarkis 5 0.7 0.14 Damais 5 0.6 0.12

Source: Field Survey ------

15 Table 5 can be divided into two distinct groups. The Magars, Brah­ mins, Chhetris and Thakalis have acquired more than 0.5 ha of land. The Kamis, Sarkis and Damais form the other group with less than 0.12 ha of land. The latter group have no money to invest in land, and have mostly depended on their traditional caste occupations by serving patrons (bistas) from whom they receive annual payment of foodgrains.

Production Pattern

Maize, millet, barley and potatoes are the main crops of the village. The quantity of khet is small, so rice production is neg-­ ligible. The village people also grow naked barley, wheat, buckwheat, beans, soybeans, local peas and other legumes in variable quantities. Grain production is measured in terms of muris, (one muri equals 63 kgs maize, millet, or potatoes and 36 kg barley). The village people say they grow approximately 6.5 muris of foodgrains per halo cultivated land, if the land is well manured and the climate is good (Table 6).

------Table 6. Major Foodgrain Production by Sample Households

Maize 1,800 Muris 113,400 kg Millet 600 Muris 37,800 kg Barley 650 Muris 23,400 kg Potatoes 800 Muris 50,400 kg Beans & Peas 350 Muris 22,050 kg Soybean 200 Muris 12,600 kg

Total 4,400 Muris 259,650 kg

Source: Field Survey ------

Maize is heavily intercropped with squash, beans, millet, and soybeans. These are planted in the best fields. Potatoes are grown at higher altitudes, and on sloping land. The barley and wheat are intercropped with peas.

Maize/millet/wheat, maize/barley, potatoes/buckwheat, maize/millet, potatoes/millet, and fallow, are the principal crop rotations used in Tara. Each crop has its own cropping and harvesting season. The winter cropping season of barley and wheat starts from Ashwin, and they are harvested in Chait/Baishakh (April-May). The summer cropping season of maize and millet starts from Chaitra-Baishakh, with harvesting in Ashwin -Kartik (October-November). Potatoes are planted in Falgun-Chaitra (February-March), and harvested in Ashadh-Shrawan (July-August). Almost all the agricultural work is done by a team of exchange labor groups called £airima or huri. Members are taken from all castes, with ten to fifteen people in each group. They perform the work on a rotational basis. This has encouraged a feeling of interethnic coopera­ tion among the villagers of Tara,

Dr. Harka Gurung has stated that the foodgrain requirement per head per year is 160 kg in the hills of Nepal (1981:33), and according to Dr.

16 Rajbhandari it is 200 kg per head per year, (1981:13). If their assump­ tions are based on factual data, there must be a large surplus in Tara. In fact, the food requirement there is more than double that of the above assumptions. The village people reported that their average food requirement per head, per year is 6.75 muris (425 kg). This indicates that only the Brahmins, Chhetris, and Thakalis have a surplus. The Magars produce just enough for their needs and the Kamais, Damais, and Sarkis have a food deficit. However, the latter make up that deficit through jajamani (patron-client) relationships. Due to the construction of roads connecting the hills with urban markets, and the use of ready­ made goods, this relationship is getting rarer (Blaikie et al., 1980:188-193), but in Tara, the artisan castes continue to follow their traditional occupations and have therefore contributed to the mainten­ ence of jajamani relationships there. ------Table 7. Major Foodgrain Production by Ethnic Group. (Kg)

Brahmin/ Major Crops Magars Chhetris Thakalis Kamis Sarkis Damais Maize 56,700 40,005 5,670 7,245 1,665 2,205 Millet 20,475 11,970 2,035 1,575 315 630 Barley 14,400 5,760 900 1,260 540 540 Potatoes 20,145 13,230 3,465 4,158 1,953 1,449 Beans & Peas 14,17') 3,670 756 945 378 126 Soybean 6,552 4,536 756 378 189 189 ------Total Prod. 138,477 81,171 14,582 15,561 4,950 5,139

Prod. Per Household 2,769.54 3,246.84 2,916.4 1,556.1 990 1,027.9

Prod. Per Head 426.08 499.50 448.60 239.40 132.3 158.1

Source: Field Survey ------

The Magars produce enough foodgrains for them to eat, but the majority of them suffer from an annual food deficit. This is not only because of their high consumption rate, but also because of their expen­ sive cultural traditions. The Magars spend a lot of time and wealth on every festive occasion. Culturally they are scme of the oldest matawali­ jatis (alcohol drinkers) in Nepal. They prepare local beer (jar) and alcohol (raksi) and enjoy drinking it almost daily. The prepa-ation of janr and raksi require large quantities of foodgrains sometimes even resulting in serious famine, but the Magars often do not car- They think only for today, and they never plan for tomorrow. Because of this, the Magars cannot live on their own yearly production, arad they recover their food deficit by buying from elsewhere.

The Magars are frequently visited by their friends aind relatives. Like the Gurungs, the Magars like to establish fictive relationships. Such relationships have various socioeconomic purposes. There is a frequent exchange of gifts between friends and relatives. Although the exchange of gifts should be reciprocal the Magars of Tara give more

17 local products to their friends and relatives than their friends and relatives give to them. This is also one of the reasons for the annual food deficit among the Magars of Tara.

As the quality of soil is not good, foodgrain production depends on the use of local manure, as well as on a good climate. The village people prefer not to use improved varieties of seeds and chemical lizers for geographical, ferti­ eocnomic and technical reasons. The concerned district office records do not show the use of improved seeds and ferti­ lizers, nor do they show any demand for them by the village people. people The depend solely on local seed and manure.

During winter the village people collect fallen leaves and pine needles from the forest and use them for animal bedding. They prepare a huge heap of local manure in front of the stalls of the livestock. A manure heap is is roughly measured in terms of dokas (a big bamboo basket). According to experience, a halo (0.0677 ha) of cultivated land needs approximately 200 dokas of manure; that can be produced by two to three large ruminants. If this ratio of manure to farn area can be maintained yearly, agricultural productivity will be good, unless the harvest is disturbed by drought, hail and strong winds.

SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Agriculture is the mainstay of a village economy in tha hills of Nepal. It is based on the quality and quantity of the natural resources available. Agriculture depends on the use of manure and the production of manure depends on the numbers and types of domesticated animals. In the same way, the numbers and types of animals that can be raised, are largely determined by the availability of feed. Therefore, pasture, animal husbandry and agriculture are closely interrelated.

The present study has shown the interrelationship between pasture, animal husbandry, and agriculture in Tara village. The village people have ytarz -f experience of living off the land and according to their experience, in their own village where the quality of soil is not good for agricultural productivity, a halo of land can produce six or seven muris of major foodgrains; two or three ruminants are needed to supply the necessary quantity of manure. Census records show that, except for Kamis, Damais, and Sarkis, the ethnic groups there have maintained the land:animal ratio, and as a result, food production is satisfactory. The Kamis, Damais, and Sarkis cannot produce the same amount from the same size of land mainly because they do not own the necessary numbers of ruminants. Therefore they always have a food deficit and have to depend on patrons who pay for traditional caste services with foodgrain.

Pasture, animal husbandry and agriculture should always be con­ sidered together and not singly. Natural resources are an integral part of agriculture and they should be managed properly. For the last several decades, traditional resource management schemes have existed among various ethnic communities in different parts of Nepal. Gradually these schemes are disappearing and as a result, natural resources are being depleted. Therefore, the research study also attempted to assess the condition of the pasture/forest of Tara and the manhgement schemes of the villagers. Overpopulation and certain cultural practices have cer­ tainly depleted the forest/pasture, but the condition of what is there

18 now is not bad. The villagers reported that Iv ill practice those old social measures which they think most usel !,: resource manage­ ment. Hence, in a predominantly agrarian village society where the agriculture-based economy is largely supported by natural resources, the village people themselves should be entrusted with their management. The village people know the importance of their natural resources, and they have shown themselves capable of managing them by devising several social rules and measures, without which resources would have declined more quickly as a result of rapid popula-tion growth.

Specific Recommendations Related to Tara Village

Soil quality in Tara is not good for agricultural productivity. Therefore, the government should encourage the villagers to keep large domesticated animals.

The villagers should he provided with improved varieties of animals for cross breeding.

The villagers should he trained to plant ,nd produce improved hay.

The village people should he entrusted with the responsibility of resource management and thm traditional social measures adopted by them for managing natural resources should be highly encouraged.

A small scale paper industry, basket industries, and a dairy could be opened if market facilities are available nearby.

General Recommendations for Improving Hill Agriculture

All the range/pasture lands in the hills of Nepal should be sur­ veyed and the best should be developed and carefully managed.

Separate livestock development programs should be launched under the supervision of the District Animal Health Office.

Equal emphasis should be given to pasture development in the hills and mountains by the government.

Government personnel should be trained in range mangement prac­ tices, pasture development, and fodder resource development, and be given proper incentives to work in remote hill and mountain areas.

Before introducing new policies and implementing new programs for resource management, the social measures adopted by village communities should be fully explored.

Village communities should be given proper training and they should be entrusted with resource development and management responsibilities.

The schemes for rotational grazing adopted by village communities should be encouraged.

Thp village people should be encouraged to plant fodder trees and grasses on their marginal lands and on the edges of their farming lands.

19 Fiom time to time native grass production and grazing schemes should be observed and evaluated, and where they are good, proper incen­ tives neeo to be provided for their adoption. Research should be undertaken throughout the hill and mountain areas to explore and evaluate native resource management schemes.

REFERENCES Alirol, P. 1979. Transhuming Animal Husbandry System in Kalingchick Region. Bern, Switzerland: SATA. -1976. "Contribution to Nepalese Studies", in Ecological Synthesis. Vol. 3, No.l: CNAS.

Blaikie, P., J. Cameron and D. Sedon. 1980. Nepal in Crisis, Delhi, India: Oxford University Press.

Bose, S.P., and Y.N Ojha. 1969. Social and Cultural Factors in Agricultural and F rest Develop _____ment. Kathmandu,u Nepal. Caplan, L. 1970. Land and Social Change in East Nepal. London, England: Routley and Kegan-Paul.

Coombs, W. 1982. A Proposed Prospectus for the Development of the Department of Animal Science at IAAS. Rampur, Nepal: Agriculture Institute of and Animal Science, Tribhuwan Universtiy

Ekwall, R.B. 1968. Field on the Hoof: Nexus of Tibetan Nomadic Pas­ toralism. New York, USA.

Furer-Haimendorf, C. Von. 1964. The Sherpas of Nepal. Berkeley, USA: University of California Press.

- -1975. Himalayan Traders. London, England: John Murray. Gurung, 11. B. 1981. Ecological Change in Nepal. Kathmandu, Nepal: New Era.

-1981. Food Systems and Society in Nepal. Kathmandu, Nepal: New Era.

Hitchcock, J. T. 1966. The Nagars of Banyan Bill. New York, USA: Holt Rinehart and Winton.

Kawakita, J. 1963. The Hill Magars and Their Neighbors. Tokyo, Japan: Tokai University Press.

MacFarlane, A. 1976. Resources and Population: A Study of the Gurungs of Nepal. London, Englind: Cambridge University Press. Miller, D.J. 1984. Observations and Recommendations Regarding Existing Department of Livestock Devipment and Animal Health. Kathmandu, Nepal: RCUP.

20 Molnar, A. 1981. "Economic Strategies and Ecological Constraints: A Case of the Kham Magars of Northwest Nepal", in Asian Highland Societies, C. Von Fuhrer Haimendorf ed. New Delhi, India: Sterling Publishers, Pvt. Ltd.

Nastons, J. 1983. Forests and Their Destruction in the Himalayas of Nepal.

National Planning Commission. 1984. Basic Principles of the Seventh Plan. Kathmandu, Nepal: HMG Press.

New Era. 1980. Community and Forestry Development, Kathmandu, Nepal.

Panday, Kk. 1982. Fodder Trees rnd Tree Fodder in Nepal. Switzerland: jointly published by Swiss Development Corporation ind Swiss Fed­ eral Institute of Forestry Research.

Panday, Kk. nd D. Field. 1969. Pasture, Fodder and Livestock Develop­ ment. Kathmandu, Nepal: UNDP (special fund).

Poffenberger, M. 1980. Pattern of Change in the Nepal Himalaya. Delhi, India: The MacMillan Company of India Limited.

Rajbhandari, H. B. and Govinda Shah. 1981. Trends and Projections of Livestock Development in the Hills of Nepal, Seminar on Nepal's Experience in Hill Agricultural Development. Kathmandu, Nepal: HMG, Ministry of Food and Agriculture/Agriculture Development Council.

Rajbhandari, Heramb B. and S. M. S. Pradhan.1981. Appropriate Technoloa of Livestock Development to Hill Farming System. Seminar on Appro­ priate Technology for Hill Farming System. Kathmandu, Nepal: HMG Ministry of Food and Agriculture/Agriculture Development Council.

Regmi, M. C. 1978. A Study in Nepali Economic History, New Delhi, India: Manjushri Publishing House, (reprinted).

1976. Landownership in Nepal. Berkeley, USA: University of California Press.

World Bank, Technical Report. 1983. Sheep and Goats in Developing Count­ ries - Their Present and Potential Role. Washington, USA: Winrock International.

2i