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Theological Criticism of the Bible
Currents FOCUS Reformation Heritage and the Question of Sachkritik: Theological Criticism of the Bible Paul E. Capetz Professor of Historical Theology United Theological Seminary of the Twin Cities New Brighton, Minnesota new era in Protestant theology was inaugurated with the publication of Karl Barth’s ground-breaking commentary ince Bultmann was a Lutheran on Paul’s Epistle to the Romans (1919, 1922).1 This his- Atorical judgment is in keeping with the impact that Barth himself Swhereas Barth was a Calvinist, their hoped the book would have on his contemporaries. Negatively, debate in the matter of Sachkritik can he intended it to signal a break with the regnant historical-critical method of biblical exegesis (“historicism”) that had characterized be viewed as a modern reprise of the liberal Protestant theology in the nineteenth century. Positively, he aspired to recover the sort of “theological exegesis” of Scrip- earlier difference between Luther and ture exemplified by Luther and Calvin in the sixteenth century. Calvin. Distinctively twentieth-century Protestant theology thus began with Barth’s critique of one approach to biblical exegesis coupled with his call for retrieval of another approach. Both critique and mann perceived an inconsistency in Barth’s practice, since Barth retrieval stood in the service of his overriding concern to make had opened the door to Sachkritik in his Romans commentary the Bible central again to the preaching and theology of his own (even if he himself refused to walk through it, a point to which day much as it had been to that of the Reformers. Bultmann drew attention in his review). -
Carl Haessler Papers
THE CARL HAESSLER COLLECTION Papers, 1908-1972 11 linear feet 1 scrapbook Accession Number: 31 LC Number: MS The papers of Carl Haessler were placed in the Archives of Labor and Urban Affairs in two installments. The first was donated in November of 1972 and the second after Mr. Haessler's death in December of that year by his wife, Lucy Haessler. The two sections of the collection were integrated and processing was completed in December 1978. Carl Haessler was born 5 August 1888 in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. His father was a builder's hardware contractor and his mother was a teacher in the Milwaukee school system. Carl attended public school in Milwaukee and graduated from the University of Wisconsin with a Bachelor Degree in Latin in 1911. It was also in this year that he was awarded a Rhodes scholarship. From 1911 to 1914 Carl attended Balliol College Oxford. During his years at Oxford, Haessler became interested in the socialist movement and joined the Fabian Socialists. Returning to the United States in 1914, Haessler became a member of the American Socialist Party. He also began a teaching career in the Philosophy Department of Illinois University. He received his PhD upon completion of his thesis, "The Failure of Scottish Realism." In 1917 Illinois dismissed Haessler from his post for his political activity against American involvement in World War I. For one year Haessler was employed by Victor Berger, editor of the labor-socialist paper, the Milwaukee Leader. In June 1918 Haessler was drafted into the army. Carl accepted the drafting, but in bootcamp refused to put on the army uniform. -
Restructuring the Socialist Economy
CAPITAL AND CLASS IN CUBAN DEVELOPMENT: Restructuring the Socialist Economy Brian Green B.A. Simon Fraser University, 1994 THESISSUBMllTED IN PARTIAL FULFULLMENT OF THE REQUIREMEW FOR THE DEGREE OF MASER OF ARTS Department of Spanish and Latin American Studies O Brian Green 1996 All rights resewed. This work my not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. Siblioth&ye nationale du Canada Azcjuis;lrons and Direction des acquisitions et Bitjibgraphic Sewices Branch des services biblicxpphiques Youi hie Vofrergfereoce Our hie Ncfre rb1Prence The author has granted an L'auteur a accorde une licence irrevocable non-exclusive ficence irrevocable et non exclusive allowing the National Library of permettant & la Bibliotheque Canada to reproduce, loan, nationafe du Canada de distribute or sell copies of reproduire, preter, distribuer ou his/her thesis by any means and vendre des copies de sa these in any form or format, making de quelque maniere et sous this thesis available to interested quelque forme que ce soit pour persons. mettre des exemplaires de cette these a la disposition des personnes int6ress6es. The author retains ownership of L'auteur consenre la propriete du the copyright in his/her thesis. droit d'auteur qui protege sa Neither the thesis nor substantial th&se. Ni la thbe ni des extraits extracts from it may be printed or substantiefs de celle-ci ne otherwise reproduced without doivent 6tre imprimes ou his/her permission. autrement reproduits sans son autorisatiow. PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENSE I hereby grant to Sion Fraser Universi the sight to Iend my thesis, prosect or ex?ended essay (the title o7 which is shown below) to users o2 the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the Zibrary of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. -
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WELLESLEY COLLEGE BULLETIN ANNUAL REPORTS PRESIDENT AND TREASURER ^^ 191 6= J 8 WELLESLEY, MASSACHUSETTS DECEMBER, I9I8 PUBLISHED BY THE COLLEGE IN JANUARY, MAY, JUNE, NOVEMBER, DECEMBER Entered as second-class matter December 20, 1911, at the post-office at Wellesley. Massachusetts, under Act of Congress of July 16, 1894. SERIES 7 NUMBER 6 WELLESLEY COLLEGE ANNUAL EEPOKTS PBESIDENT AND TREASURER 1916-1918 PRESIDENT'S ANNUAL REPORT To the Board of Trustees of Wellesley College:— I have the honor to present in one the report of the two years from July 1, 1916, to June 30, 1918. Heretofore the annual reports of the President and Treasurer due June 30 have been published in the following March. It was decided to publish these hereafter in December. To avoid publishing two reports in the 1918 series, the report for 1916-17 was de- layed, and is here combined with that for 1917-18. The sup- plementary reports of the Dean, the Librarian, and the Chair- man of the Committee on Graduate Instruction will also cover two years. These two years have brought many losses to the College. On February 12, 1917, Pauline Adeline Durant, the widow of the founder of the College, died at her home in Wellesley. Mrs. Durant gave the heartiest co-operation to Mr. Durant's plan for founding the College, and throughout his life assisted him in every way. After his death in October, 1881, she accepted the care of the College as a sacred trust from her husband, and gave to it thought, time, and money. Mrs. Durant had been an invalid confined to her home for more than three years before her death, but until these later years no meeting of the Board of Trustees nor any college function was complete without her presence. -
United States
Civic and Political Status CIVIL LIBERTIES 'T^HE YEAR beginning in July 1952 and ending in June 1953. like its imme- *• diate predecessor, did not offer a favorable climate for civil liberties in the United States. Domestic and international tension remained high. In Korea, the war continued; it was not until the end o£ July 1953 that the long drawn out truce negotiations finally reached a successful conclusion, and even then the fear of a renewed conflict—perhaps on a larger scale— remained strong. Elsewhere, the death of Stalin and the internal troubles of Russia and the satellites gave some hope of a less aggressive Soviet policy, but all the major areas of conflict remained. The threat of atomic war con- tinued to hang over the world; the development of new and more powerful atomic weapons, and above all of the hydrogen bomb, continually refreshed the fountains of fear. During the Presidential election of 1952 the issue of Communism in high places played an important role. The real menace of Com- munist espionage was skillfully merged by some Republican speakers with charges of Communist sympathies on the part of the Democratic administration, in such phrases as "the Truman-Acheson-Hiss" foreign policy. President Dwight D. Eisenhower himself did not engage in this type of dema- gogy. But some of its outstanding practitioners were themselves among the successful candidates, and it contributed to the creation of an atmosphere in which the new Republican administration felt it necessary to appear draco- nian in rooting out the subversion with which its predecessor had been charged. -
Breaking the Spell
Praise for Breaking the Spell “Christopher Robé’s meticulously researched Breaking the Spell traces the roots of contemporary, anarchist-inflected video and Internet activism and clearly demonstrates the affinities between the anti-authoritarian ethos and aesthetic of collectives from the ’60s and ’70s—such as Newsreel and the Videofreex—and their contemporary descendants. Robé’s nuanced perspective enables him to both celebrate and critique anarchist forays into guerrilla media. Breaking the Spell is an invaluable guide to the contempo- rary anarchist media landscape that will prove useful for activists as well as scholars.” —Richard Porton, author of Film and the Anarchist Imagination “Breaking the Spell is a highly readable history of U.S. activism against neo- liberal capitalism from the perspective of ‘Anarchist Filmmakers, Videotape Guerrillas, and Digital Ninjas,’ the subtitle of the book. Based on ninety interviews, careful readings of hundreds of videos, and his own participant observation, Robé links the development of better-known video makers such as Videofreex, Paper Tiger Television, ACT UP and Indymedia with activist media makers among key protest movements, such as the League of Revolutionary Black Workers in Detroit, Oregon’s Cascadia Forest Defenders, the day workers of Voces Mobiles/Mobile Voices in Los Angeles, and the indigenous youth in Outta Your Backpack Media. Underscored by significant tensions of class, race/ethnicity, and gender among the groups and the videos discussed, Robé traces the continuing concerns -
Automation and the Meaning of Work in the Postwar United States
The Misanthropic Sublime: Automation and the Meaning of Work in the Postwar United States Jason Resnikoff Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2019 © 2019 Jason Zachary Resnikoff All rights reserved Abstract “The Misanthropic Sublime: Automation and the Meaning of Work in the Postwar United States” Jason Resnikoff In the United States of America after World War II, Americans from across the political spectrum adopted the technological optimism of the postwar period to resolve one of the central contradictions of industrial society—the opposition between work and freedom. Although classical American liberalism held that freedom for citizens meant owning property they worked for themselves, many Americans in the postwar period believed that work had come to mean the act of maintaining mere survival. The broad acceptance of this degraded meaning of work found expression in a word coined by managers in the immediate postwar period: “automation.” Between the late 1940s and the early 1970s, the word “automation” stood for a revolutionary development, even though few could agree as to precisely what kind of technology it described. Rather than a specific technology, however, this dissertation argues that “automation” was a discourse that defined work as mere biological survival and saw the end of human labor as the the inevitable result of technological progress. In premising liberation on the end of work, those who subscribed to the automation discourse made political freedom contingent not on the distribution of power, but on escape from the limits of the human body itself. -
Chapter 4: Cycles
127 Chapter 4 Cycles The Red Thread One red thread drawn from the great tangle of Marxist theory can guide us through the labyrinth of high-technology capitalism. This strand, often severed and nearly lost, yet constantly picked up by unlikely hands, goes by a variety of names. Because it traces the conflict between exploiters and exploited, it is often called `class struggle' Marxism; because it contrasts the vitality of living labour with the dead power of capitalist command it is sometimes known as `subjectivist' Marxism; recently, something close to this tradition has been termed `open' Marxism, because of it shows how the insurgencies of the oppressed unseal fixed sociological categories and teleological certainties.1 But whatever label is attached to it, the defining feature of this line of Marxism is its emphasis not just on the dominative power of capital, but on people's capacity to contest that power. As James O'Connor reminds us, this is a Marxism that owes at least as much to the passion of Romanticism as to the scientific Enlightenment.2 Theorists within this tradition understand capital's crises as arising not from the "internal barriers" to capitalist accumulation, but as a result of an "external barrier"--namely, the working class itself: Their focus is the condition of availability of disciplined wage labour, or capital's political and ideological capacity to impose wage labour on the working class.3 This is therefore a Marxism which insists that struggle is intrinsic to the capital-relation. It contrasts sharply with what Michael Lebowitz terms "one sided Marxism" that focuses on 128 the activity of capital and neglects the counter-activities of workers.4 Instead of seeing history as the unfolding of pre-given, inevitable and objective laws, the class-struggle tradition argues that such `laws' are no more than the outcome of two intersecting vectors-- exploitation, and its refusal in the constantly recurrent eruptions of fight and flight by which rebellious subjects seek a way beyond work, wage and profit. -
Social Factory”: on Women’S Work, Immaterial Labor, and Theoretical Recovery
Journeys in the Italian “social factory”: on women’s work, immaterial labor, and theoretical recovery David P. Palazzo, Hunter College, CUNY, [email protected] Prepared for delivery at the annual meeting of the Western Political Science Association, Las Vegas, NV, April 2-4, 2015. This is a work in-progress. Please do not quote without permission. Abstract This paper is about the location of women in the “social factory.” Their demand to be included in the class struggle derives from their development of this concept in the early 1970s. I provide an interpretation of their critique of the concept “immaterial labor” as developed in Hardt and Negri’s Empire trilogy, by examining the “social factory” as a historical category. I frame the discussion around initial formulations in Panzieri and Tronti as a useful heuristic for later depictions of the factory-society relation. In its simplest terms, these differences derive from an understanding of how “society” becomes a “factory.” This is, above all, a work of recovery by taking a journey into the workerist “social factory” in order to theoretically demonstrate the divergent paths and concerns that emerged from this group of thinkers around place of unwaged reproductive labor in “autonomous Marxism.” 2 It took years for the other subjects – men – to acknowledge the meaning of women’s denunciation – that is the immense feminine labor that went into reproducing them – and then for their behavior to change. Many remained deaf anyway… –Mariarosa Dalla Costa, Rustic and Ethical Introduction Social reproduction, reproductive labor, and the persistence of unwaged work pose specific problems for political theorists attempting to understand labor after the imposition of these categories by the “new women’s movement” some forty years ago. -
Framing William Albertson the FBI’S “Solo” Operation and the Cold War
Framing William Albertson The FBI’s “Solo” Operation and the Cold War ✣ John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr In 1964 the executive secretary of the New York Communist Party, William Albertson, who was also a member of the National Executive Committee (NEC) of the Communist Party USA (CPUSA), was falsely rumored to be an informant of the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). The FBI itself was behind the framing of Albertson as part of its Counterintelligence Pro- gram (COINTELPRO) designed to disrupt groups the FBI saw as subversive. Most of the literature on COINTELPRO has focused on efforts to disrupt the civil rights movement and the New Left, with only scattershot references to operations against the CPUSA. Only one secondary account of the Albertson case has ever appeared: Frank Donner’s indignant 1976 article, which accu- rately describes how the FBI set up Albertson but suggests this was simply part of a generalized effort to sow discord among CPUSA officials. Only in recent years have new FBI records released under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) allowed for a full understanding of why the FBI undertook the operation and how much damage it did to the CPUSA.1 In the spring of 1964 the FBI realized that information on one of its most successful intelligence operations was being leaked. Victor Riesel was 1. On the effort against the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party, see Nelson Blackstock, COINTELPRO: The FBI’s Secret War on Political Freedom (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1988). On activities directed against the Maoists, see Aaron Leonard and Conor Gallagher, Heavy Radicals: The FBI’s Secret War on America’s Maoists (Washington, DC: Zero Books, 2014); and Frank J. -
100 Things You Should Know About Communism Series
>;'•''. ;'.;; ',•,'; ^> . , mm- / mB',^*''-' ^l;:'/•"^?J^!^f.'i'; ' 1*1-' r<.^ ii ^ dn iKo 01 Given By t U. S. SUPT. OF DOCDMENTS ^ THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW ABOUT COMMUNISM SERIES: — in the U. S. A. —and RELIGION —and EDUCATION —and LABOR —and GOVERNMENT and SPOTLIGHT ON SPIES A . &^ -j^^frUA^ :x %,^_^\\fijd<^v'^^m.' SECOND PRINTING August 15, 1949 v,a7 PUBLIC I J Prepared and released by the COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES, U. S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES- WASHINGTON, D. C. y h'V a. S. SUPERIKTENOENT OF DOCUMtNU OCT IG 1949 Committee on Un-Am^erican Activities U. S. House of Representatives * John S. Wood, Georgia, Chairman Francis E. Walter, Pennsylvania Burr P. Harrison, Virginia John McSweeney, Ohio Morgan M. Moulder, Missouri J. Parnell Thomas, Neiv Jersey Richard M. Nixon, California Francis Case, South Dakota Harold H. Velde, Illinois Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., Counsel Louis J. Russell, Senior Investigator John W. Carrington, Clerk of Committee Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 100 THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW ABOUT COMMUNISM IN THE U. S. A. The first of a series on the Communist conspiracy and its influence in this country as a whole, on religion, on education, on labor and on our government ^^No Communist, no matter how many votes he should secure in a national election, could, even if he would, become President of the present government. When a Communist heads the govern- ment of the United States—and that day will come just as surely as the sun rises— the will not he government a capitalist government hut a Soviet government, and hehind this government will stand the Red army to enforce the dictatorship of '' the proletariat, Sworn statement of WILLIAM Z. -
A Dissertation Entitled Yoshimoto Taka'aki's Karl Marx
A Dissertation Entitled Yoshimoto Taka’aki’s Karl Marx: Translation and Commentary By Manuel Yang Submitted as partial fulfillment for the requirements for The Doctor of Philosophy in History ________________________ Adviser: Dr. Peter Linebaugh ________________________ Dr. Alfred Cave ________________________ Dr. Harry Cleaver ________________________ Dr. Michael Jakobson ________________________ Graduate School The University of Toledo August 2008 An Abstract of Yoshimoto Taka’aki’s Karl Marx: Translation and Commentary Manuel Yang Submitted as partial fulfillment for the requirements for The Doctor of Philosophy in History The University of Toledo August 2008 In 1966 the Japanese New Left thinker Yoshimoto Taka’aki published his seminal book on Karl Marx. The originality of this overview of Marx’s ideas and life lay in Yoshimoto’s stress on the young Marx’s theory of alienation as an outgrowth of a unique philosophy of nature, whose roots went back to the latter’s doctoral dissertation. It echoed Yoshimoto’s own reformulation of “alienation” (and Marx’s labor theory of value) as key concept in his theory of literary language (What is Beauty in Language), which he had just completed in 1965, and extended his argument -- ongoing from the mid-1950s -- with Japanese Marxism over questions of literature, politics, and culture. His extraction of the theme of “communal illusion” from the early Marx foregrounds his second major theoretical work of the decade, Communal Illusion, which he started to serialize in 1966 and completed in 1968, and outlines an important theoretical closure to the existential, political, and intellectual struggles he had waged since the end of the ii Pacific War.