Christian Promitzer and the : Exploring the Role of Travelogues in the Construction of an Area

Introduction One of the main purposes of area studies is the virtual construction of those spaces which are nominally granting their existence. This statement does not intend to postulate that the determination of global areas is totally arbitrary (the appellation of certain spaces as “historical regions” is also a matter of plausibility), but it wants to bring to the foreground that a lot of intellectual pain has to be invested, before a “historical” area is coming into being. This is also the case with the volatile region, which according to the respective viewpoint of an author may be called “Southeastern Europe”, “South-East Europe”, or the “Balkans”. During the last two decades Karl Kaser, Maria Todorova, Holm Sundhaussen, Alexis Drace Francis, Dietmar Müller and many others have tried to either deconstruct or reify these areal concepts within the given historical foci of interest since the early 19 th century. Thereby both Todorova’s approach to grasp a region by its common historical legacy and Kaser’s simple, but not simplistic relativization that the respective boundaries of “Southeastern Europe” in the eye of the researcher depend on her or his leading questions, are most convincing. 1 We would add that the historical plausibility of a region could be fully understood, if we also include all kinds of material interests which are imputed to it. Otherwise, the postmodernist renunciation of primordialism would contain the possible danger of forgetfulness about the material base of modern Capitalism and how material and in particular economic interests positioned at this base themselves influenced the construction of historical regions outside Capitalist centers of the European continent as regions for possible economic exploitation. 2 Such a viewpoint does not want

1 See Karl Kaser, Südosteuropäische Geschichte und Geschichtswissenschaft , UTB 8224 ( – Cologne – Weimar: Böhlau, 2 nd revised edition), 23; Maria Todorova, “Der Balkan als Analysekategorie:Grenzen, Raum, Zeit”, Geschichte und Gesellschaft: Zeitschrift für historische Sozialwissenschaft 28 (2002): 470-492; Zeitschrift für historische Sozialwissenschaft, 28 (2002), p. 470-492.Maria Todorova, “Historische Vermächtnisse als Analysekategorie. Der Fall Südosteuropa,” in Europa und die Grenzen im Kopf , ed. Karl Kaser, Dagmar Gramshammer-Hohl, Robert Pichler, Wieser-Enzyklopädie des europäischen Ostens 11 (Klagenfurt – Vienna: Wieser, 2003), 227-252, also online, accessed December 31, 2011, http://wwwg.uni-klu.ac.at/eeo/Todorova_Vermaechtnisse; Todorova, “Spacing Europe: What is a Historical Region?” East Central Europe 32 (1-2) (2005): 59-78; Holm Sundhaussen, “Europa balcanica: Der Balkan als historischer Raum Europas,” Geschichte und Gesellschaft: Zeitschrift für historische Sozialwissenschaft 25 (1999): 626-653; Sundhaussen, Der Balkan: ein Plädoyer für Differenz,” Geschichte und Gesellschaft: Zeitschrift für historische Sozialwissenschaft 29 (2003): 642-658; Alex Drace-Francis, Zur Geschichte des Südosteuropakonzepts bis 1914, in Europa und die Grenzen im Kopf , 275-286, also online, accessed December 31, 2011, http://wwwg.uni- klu.ac.at/eeo/Drace_Suedosteuropakonzept.pdf; Dietmar Müller, “Southeastern Europe as a historical Meso-region: Constructing Space in Twentieth Century German Historiography,” European Review of History 10 (2) (2003): 393-408. 2 These thoughts are influenced by a historical model of a Braudelian and/or Wallersteinian development of modern capitalism which necessarily includes the establishment of “core” and “peripheral” regions; for the Balkans as “peripheral” region in this sense see Karl Kaser, “Das Abdriften Südosteuropas vom dominierenden europäischen Entwicklungsweg seit dem 11. Jahrhundert,” Balkan Studies 29 (2) (1988): 239-264; Kaser, “Im Schatten der europäischen Weltwirtschaft. Die Verfestigung der Agrarstrukturen und die Peripherisierung Südosteuropas,“ in Südosteuropa-Fallstudien: 20 Jahre “Südosteuropäische Geschichte” in Graz , ed. Horst Haselsteiner (Graz: Abteilung to reinstate a wholesale, i.e. primordialist, variant of Marxism as an integrative world view, or even worse, Marxism-Leninism, which had been the official doctrine in the “socialist” Balkans. The latter have well enough documented that they may serve as examples for dogmatic schemes of philosophy and integral worldviews which were untainted by the lessons of constructivist epistemology. My point is that something essential is going to be missed, when the Marxian insistence on material interests for explaining the world is treated as being outdated. In such a way purportedly constructivist approaches risk to make themselves the plaything of external interests when they try to formulate new strategies in order to overcome the ascertained general crisis of area studies: The latter (if we leave aside their pendants in the former “socialist” states – as is the case with “Balkan Studies” e.g. in and ) can be considered as conforming transdisciplinary Western approaches that, due to changing external material interests since the end of Cold War, have lost their raison d'être, and are now trying to find new bases of legitimacy vis-à- vis their financing and patronizing institutions. In contrast to such a prospective muddling along a general “crisis”, we would rather suggest a retrospective procedure and examine the underlying ideological foundations and origins of area studies, since these may partly still be the disguised guiding principles of academic research. This, exactly, is the task of a group of young researchers at the Center for Southeast European History (“Fachbereich Südosteuropäische Geschichte”) at the Institute for History within the University of Graz. The group studies various travelogues from Austrian resp. Austro-Hungarian authors on the Balkans from the 1830 up to 1912 in order to assess the share of the Danube Monarchy in the Western process of “Imagining the Balkans.” 3 In the following I will, first, try to illuminate some aspects of the representation of the Balkans in the Austrian mind, and, second, I will consider Austrian travelogues as a possible source for a wholesale representation of a region.

The Balkans in the minds of Austro-Hungarian and modern Austrian elites With respect to the study of Southeastern Europe in some preliminary work has been done with respect to the discipline’s roots in National Socialism. 4 But for little Austria’s interest in the Balkans and for that one of its not so small imperial predecessor the respective labor is still mostly für Südosteuropäische Geschichte) 49-81, Kaser, Südosteuropäische Geschichte , 98-106.. 3 Maria N. Todorova, Imagining the Balkans (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009/2 nd edition [1997]).. Members oft he team are: Karin Almasy, Bernhard Bachinger, Indira Durakovi ć, Brigitte Fuchs, Kurt Gostentschnigg, Harald Kleinberger, Manfred Pfaffenthaler, Christian Promitzer, Ursula Reber, Martin Sauerbrey, Jana Schumann, and Silvia Stecher of whom many useful thoughts and finding were used in this chapter. 4 Michael Fahlbusch, Wissenschaft im Dienst der nationalsozialistischen Politik? Die “Volksdeutschen Forschungsgemeinschaften” von 1931-1945 (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 1999); Helmut Schaller, Der Nationalsozialismus und die slawische Welt (Regensburg: Pustet, 2002); Mathias Beer, ed., Südostforschung im Schatten des Dritten Reiches: Institutionen, Inhalte, Personen , Südosteuropäische Arbeiten 119 (München: Oldenbourg, 2004); Christian Promitzer, “The in the Austrian Mind: Serbs and Slovenes in the Changing View from German Nationalism to National Socialism,” in Creating the Other: Ethnic Conflict & Nationalism in Habsburg Central Europe , ed. Nancy M. Wingfield (New York – Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2003), 183-215. ahead of us. In Austria itself analogies between current and former interests in the region at its Southern border are in a specific way, and they were engaged several times after the end of the Communist regimes in Eastern Central and Southeastern Europe. But even before, in the mid-1980s the Austrian politician Erhard Busek together with the historian and diplomat addressed historical connections between Vienna and the Balkans, namely links Serbia and Montenegro. This happened within a general, liberal-conservative discourse on Central Europe (“Mitteleuropa”) which should both help to strengthen various local dissident persons and groups in their endeavor to fight and topple their respective Communist regimes, which due to various symptoms of crises were already on the defense. Such endeavors were supposed to secure Austria, as the core of the former Habsburg Empire, a convenient position as intermediary in the political rollback in East Central Europe. 5 About a decade later, in 1999, NATO was engaged in aerial warfare against Serbia and the European Union and other Western states launched the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe. In this year Busek published his book “Austria and the Balkans.” There the subsequent Special Coordinator of the Stability Pact complains that “the average Austrian only possesses of scanty knowledge about Southeastern Europe.” He pleads for refreshing old links and he reminds: “Around 1900 the city of Vienna has been a kind of world capital for a few seonds of global history would have never existed without this intellectual background [i.e. of Southeastern Europe – C.P.]. Even today cultural life in Austria is exceedingly determined by people from Southeastern Europe, as is documented by the cast lists of operas and orchestras. The same is valid for the academic sphere that could get even more benefit from these parts of Europe and profit from the intellectual qualities of the neighbors.” 6 During the last two decades members of the Austrian political and economic elites advocated various internationally accorded political, economic and ultimately military interventions in the Balkans in their endeavor to introduce the Western values of democracy and market economy in this part of the European continent. By doing so they invoke the diverse cultural attractions of a seemingly forgotten region that now, after end of Communism and of the ensuing Yugoslav Wars, got rid of various ideological obscurations. Such a discourse reiteratively underscores the region's various “un-European” elements of “exotic” charm, but at the same time does not forget do define the region as a target area of specific Austrian economic and financial interests. Those among the interpreters of Austrian interests in the Balkans who tend to reflect such a state of affairs on an intellectual level, cannot circumvent to tackle the one-sided subject-object relationship which emanates from the now twenty years old attempt of economical penetration of the Balkans by Austrian Capital. Erhard Busek, e.g., considers economic inequalities between the Balkan countries

5 Erhard Busek and Emil Brix, Projekt Mitteleuropa (Vienna: Ueberreuter, 1986), 102-103. 6 Erhard Busek, Österreich und der Balkan. Vom Umgang mit dem Pulverfass Europas (Vienna: Molden, 1999), 97. and the wealthy core states of the European Union as a problem which will be resolved in the long term. He declares his hope that such differences will melt away in the course of the European integration of the individual Balkan states. 7 But we should be clear: Actually, the Austrian relations with the Balkans were and are multilayered: there is the invocation of the region’s diverse cultural wealth which would even ennoble Austria's high culture, on the one hand, while Austrian companies would serve as economic development aid workers in the region, on the other. Such a self-image is paradigmatically conveyed by two of the leading Austrian institutions performing academic projects in the region by including research potential from the individual Balkan countries – namely, the Institute for the Danube Region and Central Europe (IDM) , whose director is Erhard Busek, and the Erste Foundation . The latter has its origin in an Austrian banking institution that has been deeply engaged in the Balkans for some time and – maybe due to its former character as mutual savings bank and therefore a civil-society initiative – has to be treated different from the activities of similar Austrian establishments in the region; thus the Erste Bank and its foundation try to combine economic interests with the upright will to fund qualitative high-standing research on the respective target societies. It cannot be denied that both the IDM and the Erste Foundation together with their financiers are able to realize valuable incentives in different research fields. But such facts should not fade out the fact that the economic interests of Austrian capital to invest and make profit in the Balkans are part of a procedure which is only possible at the charge of the appropriated assets and the working force of these countries. Austrian capital – if we may further use a designation which conveys a certain epistemological and terminological haziness but seems to be quite appropriate in the concrete use – is only one among many players in the field, of course; and it is not the biggest one. What interests us, is the fact that in the Austrian case such activities are propagated, legitimized and embedded within the framework of a common history – namely by underscoring the links of the Habsburg Empire to the Balkans before the First World War. But even without that, some traits of the current Austrian relations to the Balkans would remind us on the cross border and transnational connections of the Habsburg Monarchy with Balkan nation states in the decades before 1914, as they had developed since the industrialization of the monarchy, the establishment of modern routes of trade in the Balkans and, ultimately, after the Austro-Russian convention of 1873 which had led to a delimitation of respective zones of influence in the region between the two empires. To be clear, here we do not want to tackle the internal relations of the core of the Habsburg Monarchy to its „peripheries“, relations which had been already in discussion as a special brand of “postcolonialism.” 8 We rather want to address the diplomatic, political, and

7 Ibid., chapers 7 through to chapter 11. 8 See Johannes Feichtinger, Ursula Prutsch and Moritz Csá ky, eds., Habsburg postcolonial: Machtstrukturen und economical endeavors of the Danube Monarchy vis-à-vis the Balkans. These endeavors became a matter of concrete power politics in view of the increasing weakness of the Ottoman Empire and due to the fact that the Habsburg Monarchy lacked possibilities to gain its own colonies overseas. In the Balkans the Monarchy had to compete with the Russian Empire and was likewise under the surveillance of the Concert of Europe. At the Congress of Berlin of 1878 Austria- insisted on its prerogatives in the Western Balkans. Up to the early 20 th century Serbia was under the tutelage of the Dual Monarchy that saved the former from defeat in the Serbo-Bulgarian War of 1885/86. The Habsburg Monarchy further exerted an important function as protector of the Catholics within the Ottoman Empire and played an essential role in the “contentment” of Macedonia in the early 20 th century. 9 Special attention has to be given to the former Ottoman province of Bosnia-Herzegovina which Austria-Hungary occupied in the wake of the Congress of Berlin and annexed in 1908 as a corpus separatum that was not attached to any half of the Dual Monarchy. Since 1878 Bosnia had become a kind of “surrogate colony.” With respect to the notion kollektives Gedächtnis , Gedächtnis – Erinnerung – Identität 2 (Innsbruck et al.: Studien-Verlag, 2003); Wladimir Fischer and Waltraud Heindl., eds. (2010), Räume und Grenzen in Österreich-Ungarn 1867-1918. Kulturwissenschaftliche Annäherungen , Kultur – Herrschaft – Differenz 11 (Tübingen – Basel: Francke, 2010); Andrew Neil Hammond, “The debated lands: British travel writing and the construction of the Balkans” (PhD diss, University of Warwick; 2002), 1-33, also online, accessed December 31, 2011, http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/1284/; Endre Hárs et al., Zentren, Peripherien und kollektive Identitäten in Österreich-Ungarn , Kultur – Herrschaft – Differenz 9 (Tübingen – Basel: Francke, 2006); Rainer Georg Gru bel,̈ Gun-Britt Kohler and Hans-Henning Hahn, eds., Habsburg und die Slavia , Mitteleuropa – Osteuropa 10 (Frankfurt et al.: Lang, 2008); Wolfgang Mu ller-Funk,̈ Peter Plener and Clemens Ruthner, eds., Kakanien revisited. Das Eigene und das Fremde (in) der österreichisch-ungarischen Monarchie , Kultur – Herrschaft – Differenz 1 (Tübingen – Basel: Francke, 2002); Christian Voß, ed., Ottoman and Habsburg legacies in the Balkans. Language and Religion to the North and to the South of the Danube River , Studies on Language and Culture in Central and Eastern Europe 8 (Munich et al.: Sagner, 2010). 9 See, in general, Walter Markov, Grundzüge der Balkandiplomatie. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Abhängigkeitsverhältnisse (Leipzig: Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 1999): 49-88; Peter Bachmaier, “Der österreichische kulturelle Einfluss in Bulgarien von der Zeit der nationalen Wiedergeburt bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg,” in Österreich und Bulgarien 1878-2008: Geschichte und Gegenwart , eds. Bachmaier, Andreas Schwarcz and Antoaneta Tcholakova, Miscellanea Bulgarica 19 (Vienna: Verein „Freunde des Hauses Wittgenstein“, 2008), 139-150.; Daniel Bertsch, Anton Prokesch von Osten (1795-1876): ein Diplomat Österreichs in Athen und an der Hohen Pforte. Beiträge zur Wahrnehmung des Orients im Europa des 19. Jahrhunderts , Südosteuropäische Arbeiten 123 (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2005), 361-436; Francis Roy Bridge, “Österreich (-Ungarn) unter den Großmächten,” in Die Habsburgermonarchie im System der internationalen Beziehungen, 1. Teilband, eds. Adam Wandruszka and Peter Urbanitsch, Die Habsburgermonarchie 1848-1918 VI/1 (Vienna: Verlag d. Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1989), 196- 373, here 247-257, 268-276, 293-296, 300-309, 314-323; Engelbert Deusch, Das k. (u.) k. Kultusprotektorat im albanischen Siedlungsgebiet in seinem kulturellen, politischen und wirtschaftlichen Umfeld , Zur Kunde Südosteuropas II/38 (Vienna – Cologne – Weimar: Böhlau, 2009); Virginia Paskaleva, “Bulgarien und die Habsburgermonarchie,” in Die Habsburgermonarchie im System der internationalen Beziehungen, 2. Teilband , eds. Adam Wandruszka and Peter Urbanitsch, Die Habsburgermonarchie 1848-1918 VI/2 (Vienna: Verlag d. Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1993), 387-435; Günther Ramhardter, “Propaganda und Außenpolitik,” Die Habsburgermonarchie im System der internationalen Beziehungen, 1. Teilband, 496-536, here 520-528; Hanns D. Schanderl, Die Albanienpolitik Österreich-Ungarns und Italiens 1877-1908 , Albanische Forschungen 9 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1971); Antoaneta Tcholakova, “Der lange Weg zum Verbündeten. Österreichisch-bulgarische Beziehungen 1878-1918,” in Der unbekannte Verbündete – Bulgarien im Ersten Weltkrieg. Begleitband zur Sonderausstellung des Heeresgeschichtlichen Museums, 24. Juni 2009-21. Februar 2010 , ed. Claudia Reichl-Ham (Vienna: Heeresgeschichtliches Museum, 2009), 26-41.; Karl Vocelka, “Das Osmanische Reich und die Habsburgermonarchie 1848-1918, ” in Die Habsburgermonarchie im System der internationalen Beziehungen, 2. Teilband , 247-278; Branislav Vraneševi ć, “Die außenpolitischen Beziehungen zwischen Serbien und der Habsburgermonarchie,” in Die Habsburgermonarchie im System der internationalen Beziehungen, 2. Teilband, 319-375; Vraneševi ć, “Außenpolitische Beziehungen zwischen Montenegro und der Habsburgermonarchie von 1848 bis 1918,” in Die Habsburgermonarchie im System der internationalen Beziehungen, 2. Teilband , 376-386. of “colonialism” current authors still discuss the specific role of Bosnia whose population found its place in “ethnographic expositions” in a similar way as colonial powers organized exhibitions of nationalities from their colonies. The discussion of “Habsburg colonialism” does not end in Bosnia, however, but addresses also farther reaching claims of the Monarchy in the directions of Montenegro, Northern Albania, Serbia and . 10 Austro-Hungarian capital participated in the development of commercial routes via steamboats on the lower flow of the Danube ( First Danubian Steam Navigation Company ; Austrian Lloyd ) and by constructing railroads; it had also its share in financing joint ventures and in the construction of factories and was also active in the banking and insurance sectors – beyond that the Austro-Hungarian foreign policy tried to manipulate the commercial routes and policies of the Balkan states in favor of its own interests. 11 In a similar way the multilayered character of modern Austrian interest in the Balkans manifests itself nowadays. In the cultural field it is expressed by a certain attraction to “native” popular

10 Bojan Aleksov, “Habsburg’s ‘Colonial Experiment’ in Bosnia and Hercegovina revisited,” in Schnittstellen: Gesellschaft‚ Nation, Konflikt und Erinnerung in Südosteuropa. Festschrift für Holm Sundhaussen zum 65. Geburtstag , eds. Ulf Brunnbauer, Andreas Helmedach and Stefan Troebst, Südosteuropäische Arbeiten 133 (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2007), 201-216, here 201-205; Bojan Baskar, “‘The first Slovenian Poet in a ’: Orientalism in the Travel Writing of a Poet from the Imperial Periphery,” in Imagining ‘the Turk,’ ed. Boz idař Jezernik (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars, 2010), 97-110, here 104; Raymond Detrez, “Colonialism in the Balkans. Historic realities and contemporary perceptions,” May 15, 2002, accessed December 31, 2011, http://www.kakanien.ac.at/beitr/theorie/RDetrez1.pdf; Evelyn Kolm, Die Ambitionen Österreich-Ungarns im Zeitalter des Hochimperialismus , Europäische Hochschulschriften, Reihe 3, Geschichte und ihre Hilfswissenschaften 900 (Frankfurt et al.: Lang, 2001), 237-253; Florian Oberhuber, “Zur Konstruktion bürgerlicher imperialer Identität: Gustav Ratzenhofers Vorträge zur Okkupation Bosniens und der Herzegowina,” in Habsburg postcolonial , 277-288; Robin Okey, Taming Balkan Nationalism. The Habsburg ‘Civilizing Mission’ in Bosnia 1878-1914 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), viii; 27-31, 57, 171, 178, 192, 220; Ursula Reber, “Periphere Angelegenheiten/Angelegenheiten der Peripherie: Einschreibungen in eine Karte von ‘Adiáphora,’” in Habsburg postcolonial , 231-242, Reber, “Habsburgische Begegnungen mit nomadischen Kriegerstämmen. Montenegro als strategischer Schauplatz,” September 26, 2006, accessed December 31, 2011, http://www.kakanien.ac.at/beitr/fallstudie/UReber4.pdf; Diana Reynolds, “Kavaliere, Kostüme, Kunstgewerbe: Die Vorstellungen Bosniens in Wien 1878-1900,” in Habsburg postcolonial , 243- 258; Clemens Ruthner, “K. u. k. Kolonialismus als Befund, Befindlichkeit und Metapher: Versuch einer weiteren Klärung, ” in Habsburg postcolonial , 111-128; Ruthner, “Habsburg’s Little Orient. A Post/Colonial Reading of Austrian and German Cultural Narratives on Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1878-1918,” May 22, 2008, accessed December 31, 2011, http://www.kakanien.ac.at/beitr/fallstudie/CRuthner5.pdf; Peter Stachel, “Der koloniale Blick auf Bosnien-Herzegowina in der ethnographischen Popularliteratur der Habsburgermonarchie,” in Habsburg postcolonial , 259-276. 11 Horst Haselsteiner, ed., Wirtschafts- und Kulturbeziehungen zwischen dem Donau- und dem Balkanraum seit dem Wiener Kongress , Zur Kunde Südosteuropas II/17 (Graz: Institut für Geschichte/Abteilung für Südosteurop. Geschichte); Peter Hertner, The Balkan Railways, International Banking from the End of the 19 th Century until the Outbreak of the First World War. A paper presented at the EABH Annual Conference ‘Finance and Modernisation’, Wien, 20–21 May 2005 , Bulgarian National Bank Discussion Papers 53 (: Bulgarian National Bank) (2006), also online, accessed December 31, 2011, http://www.scribd.com/doc/21995233/The-Balkan-Railways; Dževad Juzbaši ć, Izgradnja željeznica u Bosni i Hercegovini u svjetlu austrougarske politike od okupacije do kraja Kallayeve ere , Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine/Odjeljenje društvenih nauka. Djela XLVIII/28 (Sarajevo: ANUBiH, 1974); Juzbaši ć, Politika i privreda u Bosni i Hercegovini pod austrougarskom upravom , Akademija Nauka i Umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine/Odjeljenje Društvenih Nauka. Posebna izdanja 35 (Sarajevo: ANUBiH, 2002), 49-176; Kolm, Die Ambitionen Österreich-Ungarns ; Franz-Josef Kos, Die politischen und wirtschaftlichen Interessen Österreich-Ungarns und Deutschlands in Südosteuropa 1912/13: Die Adriahafen-, die Saloniki- und die Kavallafrage , Zur Kunde Südosteuropas II/20 (Vienna – Cologne – Weimar: Böhlau, 1996); Emil Palotás, “Die außenwirtschaftlichen Beziehungen zum Balkan und zu Russland,” in Die Habsburgermonarchie im System der internationalen Beziehungen, 1. Teilband , 584-629; Rumjana Prešlenova, “Bulgarisch-österreichisch-ungarische Wirtschaftsbeziehungen 1878-1914,” in Bulgarisch-österreichische Beziehungen 1878-1996, eds. Christo Choliol čev, Karlheinz Mack and Arnold Suppan, Miscellanea Bulgarica 12 (Vienna: Verein “Freunde des Hauses Wittgenstein,” 1998), 18-29; Kurt Wessely, “Die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung von Bosnien-Herzegowina,” in Die Habsburgermonarchie im System der internationalen Beziehungen, 1. Teilband , 528-566. culture: today, moving to the beat of popular music, like “Balkan brass”, is in the foreground; in the 19 th century ethnographic objects like – folk costumes and pieces of handicraft, mainly from Bosnia – exerted a certain visual appeal. 12 The Austrian interest of in local “popular culture” which is partly perceived as “exotic” and “arachaic” 13 nowadays only rarely reaches beyond Bohemian circles of Vienna and the bigger Austrian cities. It does not belong to the official cultural policy, as was the case in the late Habsburg Monarchy. This has to do with the fact that the climate in small Austria – whose society had never fully come to terms with the National Socialist past and only in the second half of the 20 th century had completed nation building – is much more provincial and xenophobic than in the late 19 th century. Besides, we should not forget that the dynastic (multi-) cultural policies were mainly a top-down project which in turn stimulated already existing provincial and xenophobe and national resentments among the rising national elites of the monarchy’s German population. The latter would, in turn, contribute to the historical stock of modern negative stereotypes about the Balkans which are so widely disseminated within large parts of the Austrian society. In any case, intellectual and cultural circles in Austria – clearly are a minority, but one that could form a critical mass – are interested in the “culture” of the Balkans in a way which prevents that they develop a critical understanding of the Austrian role in the Balkans, so that a major discussion would be initiated. This postmodernist way of reception is therefore reduced to a concomitant of real interests of a part of the Austrian economic elites to establish themselves as regional player by way of profitable investments. During the “short twentieth century” Austrian economic interests in the Balkans, due to differing geopolitical contexts and reshaping of the state’s character and size, lost priority, but never totally broke down. 14 During the Nazi-rule of Europe the German interest in the Balkans expressed itself in the area of economic “supplementation”, i.e. exploitation, within the framework of the “Mitteleuropäische Wirtschaftstag” (Central European Economic Conference), as well as in the scientific approach of “Südostforschung” which, among other, was to prepare and underpin spatial planning which included the deportation of large portions of diverse populations. In both cases Austrian expertise played a considerable role. 15

12 Regina Bendix, “Ethnology, Cultural Reification, and the Dynamics of Difference in the Kronprinzenwerk,” in Creating the Other , 149-166; Reynolds, “Kavaliere, Kostüme, Kunstgewerbe.” 13 See Ulf Brunnbauer, “Europa und sein Balkan. Ein Essay über die Macht der Vorstellung”, in Handbuch der Eurolinguistik , ed. Uwe Hinrichs (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz), 91-110. 14 Peter Bachmaier, “Die Rolle der Kulturpolitik in den Beziehungen zwischen Österreich und Bulgarien 1962-2008,” in Österreich und Bulgarien 1878-2008 , 251-270; Otmar Höll, ed., Österreich – Jugoslawien: Determinanten und Perspektiven ihrer Beziehungen , Österreichisches Institut für Internationale Politik: Forschungsberichte 10 (Vienna: Braumüller, 1988); Arnold Suppan, Jugoslawien und Österreich 1918-1938. Bilaterale Außenpolitik im europäischen Umfeld , Veröffentlichungen des Österreichischen Ost- und Südosteuropa-Instituts 14 (Vienna: Verlag für Geschichte und Politik et al., 1996). 15 Christian Promitzer, “Täterwissenschaft: Das Südostdeutsche Institut in Graz”, in Südostforschung im Schatten , 93- 114; Carola Sachse, ed., “Mitteleuropa” und “Südosteuropa” als Planungsraum. Wirtschafts- und kulturpolitische Expertisen im Zeitalter der Weltkriege , Diktaturen und ihre Überwindung im 20. und 21. Jahrhundert 4 (Göttingen:

Travelogues as source for region-building The contexts of the geopolitical position of the Habsburg Monarchy vis-à-vis the Balkans in the decades before the First World War and of modern Austria towards this region after the political turns in Eastern Central and Southeastern Europe of 1989-1991 determined the respective activities of scientific research in the broadest sense of the meaning, including travelogues and intelligence. Researchers and experts in turn either followed or prepared the multilayered economic and political interests of their respective community. Here we only want to sketch the problem by concentrating on the role of scholarly travelogues on the Balkans whose authors were subjects of the Austrian Empire resp. Austria-Hungary since 1867 or acted on behalf of this state and whose work has contributed to the establishment of Austro- Hungarian expertise on this part of the European continent from the mid-1830s up to the First Balkan War of 1912. In the second half of the 19 th century the scientific value of the genre of travelogues was already in decline compared with their role in the preceding hundred years. But still, for regions which were not fully explored, the qualitative and statistical information they contained provided for insights which were both of use for foreign politics as well as for economic investments. Some travelers were even the first to draw detailed maps of the region they had visited and therefore contributed to the cartographical imagination of regions in the literal sense of the meaning. But also the clustering of travelogues on a given geographical area by explorers originating from a particular body politic in turn could produce the area’s perception as a region with common traits, whereby its aptness to become an object of interest by the power holders and elites of this body politic was not an inessential common trait. Thus, in 1887, having the strong position of Austria-Hungary in the Balkans in mind, the geographer Albrecht Penck (1858-1945) by then professor at the , expressed the view that the Orient – that region that, due to him, reached from the borders of the monarchy through to the Middle East – alone would be future’s hope for Austrian geography: “The Orient is the only spot on earth where Austrian explorers are able to pursue their profession successfully, for here they are not dependent from any sphere of power, while everywhere else they are disadvantaged in the competition with travelers from other states.” 16 This quotation shows that the period between the 1830s up to the Balkan Wars can be treated as a “saddle period” for the accumulation and interpretation of knowledge about the Balkan Peninsula by Austrian travelers. The diverse interests of the Habsburg Monarchy in the Balkans for the

Wallstein, 2010). 16 Albrecht Penck, Ziele der Erdkunde in Österreich. Vortrag, gehalten in der k. k. geographischen Gesellschaft in Wien am 22. November 1887 (Vienna – Olmütz: Roller & Comp., 1889), 7. preceding period notwithstanding, 17 we can observe a considerable increase of Austrian texts on this region after the introduction of steamships on the lower flow of the Danube in the mid-1830s, still more increasing after the hitherto periodically appearing plague epidemics came to an end in the early 1840s, so that permanent quarantines at the Habsburg Border with the Ottoman Empire were shortened and after the Crimean War totally abolished. 18 The Balkan Wars of 1912-1913, on the other hand, can be considered the end of this “saddle period”, when Serbia, Montenegro and Bulgaria succeed to drive out the Ottoman Empire almost totally from the Balkan Peninsula and start to assess themselves as independent regional factors vis-à-vis the Habsburg Monarchy. Despite the importance of this period for the acquisition of knowledge about the Balkan Peninsula, no major work on this period is extant for travelers from Austria-Hungary. 19 Academic literature on travelogues from German speaking lands which partly also treats Austrian authors is existing, however. But its level of elaboration remains positivist and treats the respective authors in an uncritical, affirmative manner. 20 Several monographs and articles have dealt with Western travelogues about individual Balkan states and regions like Albania, 21 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 22 Bulgaria, 23 Macedonia, 24 Montenegro, 25 and Serbia. 26 They all address authors from Austria-

17 See Bertsch, Anton Prokesch von Osten ; Boro Bronza, “Habzburška politika prema Zapadnom Balkanu: 1780-1815” (Master’s thesis, University of Banja Luka, 2005); Ulrike Tischler, Die habsburgische Politik gegenüber den Serben und Montenegrinern 1791-1822: Förderung oder Vereinnahmung?, Südosteuropäische Arbeiten 108 (Munich: Oldenbourg2000); see also the following documentation: Gertraud Marinelli-König, Die Südslaven in den Wiener Zeitschriften und Almanachen des Vormärz (1805-1848) , Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften: Sitzungsberichte Phil.-Hist. Klasse 603 (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1994). 18 Christian Promitzer, “Stimulating the hidden dispositions of South-eastern Europe – the plague in the Russo-Turkish War of 1828-29 and the introduction of quarantine on the lower Danube,” in Medicine Within and Between the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires: 18th-19th centuries , ed. Theodora D. Sechel (Bochum: Winkler Publishers, 2011), 79- 110. 19 In contrast, the period of the Balkan Wars and the First World War has been the subject of a study – see Mechthild Golczewski, Der Balkan in deutschen und österreichischen Reise- und Erlebnisberichten 1912-1918 , Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte des östlichen Europa 16 (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1981). 20 Zoran Konstantinovi ć, Deutsche Reisebeschreibungen über Serbien und Montenegro , Südosteuropäische Arbeiten 56 (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1960); Wolfgang Geier, Südosteuropa-Wahrnehmungen: Reiseberichte, Studien und biographische Skizzen vom 16. bis zum 20. Jahrhundert , Studien der Forschungsstelle Ostmitteleuropa an der Universität Dortmund 39 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz2006). 21 Fatos Baxhaku and Karl Kaser, Die Stammesgesellschaften Nordalbaniens. Berichte und Forschungen österreichischer Konsuln und Gelehrter (1861-1917) (Vienna – Cologne - Weimar: Böhlau, 1996); Kurt Gostentschnigg, “Zwischen Wissenschaft und Politik: Die österreichisch-ungarische Albanologie 1867-1918” (PhD diss: University of Graz, 1996); Gostentschnigg, “Pleksja e Albanologjisë austro-hungareze me interesat politikë të Monarkisë së Dyfishtë [The entanglement of Austro-Hungarian Albanian Studies with the political interests oft he Double Monarchy],” Studime Albanologjike 2-3 (1997): 44-52; Stephen Minta, “Albania,” in Literature of Travel and Exploration: an Encyclopedia , ed. Jennifer Speake, vol. 1 (New York, London: Fitzroy Dearborn, 2003), 9-11. 22 Milorad Ekme čić, “Slika o Bosni i Hercegovini u evropskoj putopisnoj literaturi od 1850 do 1878 godine,” Balcanica 8 (1977): 301-320; Ekme čić, “Das Bild Bosniens und der Herzegowina in der europäischen Reiseliteratur der Jahre von 1850-1878,” in Reisen und Reisebeschreibungen im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert als Quellen der Kulturbeziehungsforschung , eds. Boris I. Krasnobaev, Gert Robel and Herbert Zeman, Studien zur Geschichte der Kulturbeziehungen in Mittel- und Osteuropa 6 (Essen: Hobbing, 1987), 195-214; Denisa Gibovi ć, “Das Bild von Bosnien-Herzegowina in der österreichischen Literatur zwischen 1878 und 1918” (Master’s thesis: University of Vienna, 1999.); Amira Žmiri ć, “Austrijski i njema čki putopisi o Bosni i Hercegovini do 1941. godine” (PhD diss., Univerzitet u Novom Sadu, 2008); Amira Žmiri ć, “Austrijski oficiri kao pisci putopisa o Bosni i Hercegovini,” Rije č 3- 4 (2010): 159-165. 23 Petar Miyatev, Madzharski patepisi za Balkanite: XVI-XIX v. (Sofia: Nauka i Izkustvo, 1976); Ventseslava Behinova, Balgariya prez pogleda na cheshki pateshestvenitsi: Patepisi (Sofia: Otechestven Front, 1984) and Ivan Snegarov, Hungary, although rarely in a consistent way. There is also an otherwise useful historical survey on Austrian ethnographic literature which also addresses travelogues, although not exhaustively. 27 But a general overview on Austrian travelogues for the period in question – in the same way as Maria Todorova did for the French, Anglo-American and Russian narratives according to a chronological scheme 28 and as Božidar Jezernik managed to realize it for representative texts in the main Western languages by regrouping them according to selected topics 29 – is still missing. A recent monograph on Austrian travelogues from that period duly touches the Balkans, and has developed a critical understanding with respect to the investigated texts by applying Edward Said’s notion of Orientalism, but it is otherwise concentrating on Austrian representations of the Orient in general, thereby mainly focusing on the Middle East and North Africa. 30 Each project which intends to fill this gap, by theory and method will orient itself by discourse analysis in general and by Todorova’s “Imagining the Balkans” in particular, where the author – in critical discussion of Edward Said’s “Orientalism” – has developed her own convincing and meanwhile rather well-known concept of “Balkanism.” For the Austrian case the André Gingrich’s concept of “frontier Orientalism” is of pivotal meaning. Gingrich has developed this concept in order to comprise the ideological production of Austrian texts on Muslims, the Ottoman Empire, and the Balkans as border zone. 31 Gingrich’s concept appears to be plausible the more, if we consider it within the context older stereotypes, as they are expressed in the so-called “Völkertafeln” of the 17 th and 18 th centuries which show the perceived ethnic hierarchies within the family of European nations and whose effect is still present in the 19 th century. 32 Frontier Orientalism focuses on the immediate neighborhood of the Balkans vis-à-vis Central Europe. It could be of help in order to elaborate specific traits of the use of stereotypes about the Balkans in

Balgarskite zemi prez pogleda na chuzhdi pateshestvenitsi: 1828-1853 (Sofia: Akad. izdat. “Prof. Marin Drinov” 1997). 24 Aleksandar Matkovski, Makedonija vo delata na stranskite patopisci , 11 vol. (Skopje: Gjurgja, 1991-2008). 25 František Šistek, “Crna Gora u češkim putopisima (1890-1914),” Matica: časopis za društvena pitanja, nauku i kulturu 9 (32-33) (2007-2008): 101-132. 26 Vladimir Stojan čevi ć, Vi ñeni stranci o Srbiji i Srbima 19. i po četkom 20. veka (Beograd: Institut za politi čke studije – Čigoja štampa, 1998); ðor ñe Kosti ć, ed., Beograd u delima evropskih putopisaca / in the works of european travel writers , Balkanološki institut – Posebna izdanja 80 (Belgrade: Balkanološki institut SANU, 2003). 27 Siegfried Gruber, “Austrian Contributions to the Ethnological Knowledge of the Balkans since 1850,” Ethnologia Balkanica, Journal for Southeast European Anthropology 2 (1998): 209-224. 28 Todorova, Imagining the Balkans ; see also Hammond, The debated lands . 29 Božidar Jezernik, Wild Europe. The Balkans in the gaze of Western travellers (London: Saqi Books, 2004). 30 Veronika Bernard, Österreicher im Orient: Eine Bestandsaufnahme österreichischer Reiseliteratur im 19. Jahrhundert , Literatur aus Österreich und Bayern 9 (Vienna: Holzhausen, 1996). 31 André Gingrich, “Frontier Myths of Orientalism. The Muslim World in Public and Popular Cultures of Central Europe,” in Mess. Mediterranean Ethnological Summer School 2 , eds Bojan Baskar and Borut Brumen (Ljubljana: Inštitut za multikulturne raziskave, 1998), 99-127; Gingrich, “Kulturgeschichte, Wissenschaft und Orientalismus. Zur Diskussion des ‘frontier orientalism’ in der Spätzeit der k. u. k. Monarchie,” in Schauplatz Kultur – Zentraleuropa: transdisziplinäre Annäherungen, Moritz Csáky zum 70. Geburtstag gewidmet , eds. Johannes Feichtinger et al, Gedächtnis – Erinnerung – Identität 7 (Innsbruck et al.: Studien-Verlag, 2006), 279-288. 32 See Zoran Konstantinovi ć, “‘Tirk oder Griech.’ Zur Kontamination ihrer Epitheta,” in Europäischer Völkerspiegel: Imagologisch-ethnographische Studien zu den Völkertafeln des frühen 18. Jahrhunderts , ed. Franz K. Stanzel (Heidelberg: Winter1999), 299-314. Austrian texts in contrast to their pendants from other Western countries, since frontier Orientalism is not an “elite” Orientalism, but a phenomenon – due to the former Ottoman threat – that comprised the whole population. The once existing Ottoman “threat” is the second element which makes frontier Orientalism different from other Western variants of Orientalism which render the Orientals as weak and inferior. 33 In the case of the specific relations of the Habsburg Monarchy to the Balkans the use of postcolonial concepts seems even to be of greater use than in other cases, this the more if we interpret the notion of “colonial one” in a broader sense of the meaning: Pursuing thoughts of the Croatian philosopher Rada Ivekovi ć we have to consider that the expansive submission of non- European cultures stands for the “outside” of historical European imperialism; its lesser manifest “inner surface,” however, focuses on the domination of “peripheral” cultures in the East and Southeast of the own continent. 34 Consequently, the interpretation of Austrian travelogues will have to take into account the fact the opinion of Clemens Ruthner that Austria-Hungary, although not a colonial empire in the narrower sense of the meaning, at least in Bosnia and Herzegovina has executed symbolic forms of domination, which by the images it conveyed was similar to that one of colonial rule outside of Europe. 35 We can further assume that Austrian travelogues on the Balkans do not reflect such symbolic forms of domination alone; they also form a representative discursive cluster of how this region should be read by their auditory. Still another point will be to assess the share of these travelogues in the creation of persistent stereotypes about the “wild”, “aboriginal”, “filthy” and “backward” Balkans, whereby special focus will be on the recurrence of intertextuality. It appears that ascriptions of that kind did not only contribute to the establishment of hierarchically devised symbolic geographies of Europe, but also played their part in a complex game among the political elites in the Habsburg Monarchy when they discussed whether the Balkans should be considered as a region apt for a well-minded paternalist, one-sided cultural transfer or (often collaterally) as an area open to power politics concentration on blunt economic and political domination.

Texts and authors Who are the authors whose texts would come into question for a potential reader of Austrian travelogues on the Balkans? Any selection will be deficient: Would it make sense to start with the diplomat and orientalist Anton von Prokesch-Osten (1795-1876) or rather with the geologist and

33 See the concise description of frontier Orientalism in Baskar, “‘The first Slovenian Poet,’” 107-108. 34 Rada Ivekovi ć, “Die Spaltung der Vernunft und der postkoloniale Gegenschlag,” in Eigene und andere Fremde: “postkoloniale” Konflikte im europäischen Kontext , eds. Wolfgang Müller-Funk and Birgit Wagner, kultur.wissenschaften 8.4 (Vienna: Turia + Kant, 2005), 48-64. 35 Ruthner, “K. u. k. Kolonialismus,” 114. physician Ami Boué (1794-1881)? 36 In any case, we can assume that the stock of texts, provided by Prokesch-Osten as well as by Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall (1774-1856) was read by most of the authors of succeeding travelogues. Boué, in turn, seems to have introduced an encyclopedic tradition, which was begun by Alexander von Humboldt’s Latin American travels. In 1840 Boué delivered a four-volume compendium in French language on “Turkey-in-Europe” which was based on his travels; it was translated into german after his death. 37 It will also be useful to study the impressions of Ida Pfeiffer (1797-1858), one of the rare female travelers of her time, during her journey on a steamboat on the lower flow of the Danube. In her case the Balkans was only a thoroughfare to the Holy Land as the proper destination of her journey. 38 A survey of Austrian explores must not exclude Johann Georg Hahn (1811-1869) who became known as the founder of Albanian studies with his same-named monograph of 1854. 39 He greatly influenced the further course of Albanian studies. His successors in Austria-Hungary were the diplomat Theodor von Ippen (1861-1935) and the aristocratic traveler Franz Nopcsa (1877-1933). Hahn as well as the military officer Pai ć und Scherb, who worked on Montenegro, 40 appear to be the Austrian propagators of the topoi about the Albanian and Montenegrin folk heroes and their romantic lives as free highlanders. 41 The latter would find a late echo in Herman Bahr’s travel

36 Bertsch, Anton Prokesch von Osten ; on Boué see Tillfried Cernajsek, “Zum 120. Todestag von Ami Boué (1794- 1881). Einige Anmerkungen zu seinem Nachlass an der Bibliothek der Geologischen Bundesanstalt,” in Geschichte der Erdwissenschaften in Österreich. 3. Symposium, 27.-29. September 2001, Hallstatt , ed. Christoph Hauser (Vienna: Geolog. Bundesanst, 2001), 27-28; Wolfgang Geier and Jürgen M.Wagener, eds., Ami Boué: 1794-1881. Leben und ausgewählte Schriften (Melle: Wagener, 2006); Wolfgang Geier, “Ami Boué in der Südosteuropa-Kunde des 19. Jahrhunderts,” in Eduard Suess und die Entwicklung der Erdwissenschaften zwischen Biedermeier und Sezession , ed. Johannes Seidl (Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2009), 229-244; Dimitar Raykov, “Balkanskite prouchvaniya na Ami Bue,” Makedonski pregled 19 (1996): 35-36. 37 Ami Boué, La Turquie d’Europe , 4 vol. (Vienna: Braumüller, 1840); Boué, Die Europäische Türkei , 2 Bde. (Vienna: Friedrich Tempsky, 1889). 38 Ida Pfeiffer, Reise einer Wienerin ins heilige Land, nämlich: von Wien nach Konstantinopel […] Unternommen im März bis Dezember 1842 […] (Vienna: Jakob Dirnböck, 1844); Gabriele Habinger, Ida Pfeiffer. Eine Forschungsreisende des Biedermeier , Feministische Theorie 44 (Vienna: Milena, 2004), Habinger, ed., Ida Pfeiffer. ‘Wir leben nach Matrosenweise.’ Briefe einer Weltreisenden des 19. Jahrhunderts (Vienna: Promedia, 2008); Hiltgund Jehle, “Ida Pfeiffer – eine biographische Skizze,” in Ida Pfeiffer, Verschwörung im Regenwald. Ida Pfeiffers Reise nach Madagaskar im Jahre 1857 (Basel: Lenos, 1991); Oskar Pfeiffer, “Ida Pfeiffer nach ihren eigenen Aufzeichnungen. Biographische Skizze,” in Ida Pfeiffer, Reise nach Madagaskar. Nebst einer Biographie der Verfasserin , vol 1 (Vienna: Carl Gerold’s Sohn,1861), vi-liii; Christina Ujma, “Pfeiffer, Ida (1797-1858) Austrian Traveler and Travel Writer,” in Literature of Travel and Exploration: an Encyclopedia, vol. 2 , ed. Jennifer Speake (New York, London: Fitzroy Dearborn, 2003), 935-937. 39 Johann Georg Hahn, Albanesische Studien (Jena: Friedrich Mauke, 1854); Gostentschnigg, “Zwischen Wissenschaft und Politik,” 34-39; Gostentschnigg, “‘Hulumtime në terren’ në Shqipëri në rastin e udhëtimeve të Johann Georg von Hahn-it dhe Franz Baron Nopcsa-s rreth mesit të shekullit 19 dhe në fillim të shekullit 20 [‘Field research’ in Albania in the mid-19 th century and in the early 20 th century illustrated by the travels of Johann Georg von Hahn and Franz Baron Nopcsa],” Hylli i Dritës 26 (3) (250) (2006): 43-51; Gerhard Grimm, Johann Georg von Hahn (1811-1869): Leben und Werk , Albanische Forschungen 1 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1964). 40 Pai ć und Scherb, Cèrnagora. Eine umfassende Schilderung des Landes und der Bewohner von Cèrnagora (Montenegro) (Agram: Franz Suppan, 1846). 41 See Sabine Wienker-Piepho, Frauen als Volkshelden: Geschichtlichkeit, Legendenbildung und Typologie , Artes Populares Studia Ethnographica et Folkloristica 16 (Frankfurt et al.: Lang, 1988), 168; Nebojša Čagorovi ć and Cathie Carmichael, “Constructing and rethinking Montenegrin national identity,” Narodna umjetnost: Croatian Journal of Ethnology and Folklore Research 43 (1) (2006): 59-74; Reber, “Habsburgische Begegnungen;” Brunnbauer, “Europa und sein Balkan.” through Dalmatia in the early 20 th century. 42 In the case of Bosnia-Herzegovina it is worthwhile to use a contemporary study which shows the Austrian interests in this country already during late Ottoman rule, as is the case with the work of Johann Roskiewicz (1831-1902), 43 and to compare it with the expeditions of the archaeologist Moriz Hoernes (1852-1917) who shortly after the Austro-Hungarian occupation travelled through this province. 44 That a volume of Hoernes’ impressions on Bosnia-Herzegovina was published in Friedrich Umlauft’s ethnographical series on the monarchy says much about the “symbolic incorporation” of Bosnia and Herzegovina into Austria-Hungary. 45 Preliminary studies have otherwise shown that Hoernes‘ perception of Bosnia’s occupation is a “genuinely colonial” one. 46 Another comparison appears to be appropriate between Bulgaria under late Ottoman rule and thereafter: in the first case word is about the geologist Ferdinand von Hochstetter (1829-1884) 47 who in the late 1860s travels through the European part of the Ottoman Empire in order to conduct geological investigations for the presumptive railroad line which would link Istanbul with Central Europe. Hochstetter focuses on the economic potential of the country which European investors could exploit after the construction of the railroad. 48 The Czech historian Konstantin Josef Jire ček (1854-1918) in contrast applies a multilayered and less paternalist approach in his encyclopedic description of the young Principality of Bulgaria which is based on his stay in this country from 1879 until the mid-1880s during his engagement for the erection of the national education system. 49

42 Hermann Bahr, Dalmatinische Reise (Berlin: S. Fischer, 1909/3rd edition), 47-50. 43 Johann Roskiewicz, Karte von Bosnien, der Hercegovina und des Paschaliks von Novibazar (Vienna: Militärgeographisches Institut, 1865); Roskiewicz, Studien über Bosnien und die Herzegovina (Vienna – Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1868); Peter Broucek, “Roskiewicz, Johann,” in Österreichisches Biographisches Lexikon 1815-1950 , vol. 9 (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1986), 257; Ekme čić, “Das Bild Bosniens,” 198. 44 Moriz Hoernes, Dinarische Wanderungen. Cultur- & und Landschaftsbilder aus Bosnien und der Hercegovina (Vienna: Carl Graeser, 1894/2 nd , augmented edition [1888]); Hoernes, Bosnien und die Hercegovina , Die Länder Oesterreich-Ungarns in Wort und Bild 15 (Vienna: Carl Graeser, 1889); N. N., “Personalstand,” Almanach der Akademie der Wissenschaften 68 (1918): 426-433; N. N. “Hoernes, Moriz,” in Österreichisches Biographisches Lexikon 1815-1950 , vol. 2 (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1959), 368-369. 45 Stijn Vervaet, “‘Na granicama civilizovane Evrope.’ Austrougarska tekstualna kolonizacija Bosne i Hercegovine (1878-1918),” Sveske Zadužbine Ive Andri ća 24 (2007): 90-126. 46 Stachel, “Der koloniale Blick,” 267; see also Ruthner, “Habsburg’s little Orient,” 9, 11. 47 See N. N., “Hochstetter, Ferdinand von,” in Österreichisches Biographisches Lexikon 1815-1950 , vol. 2 (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1959), 345; Sascha Nolden, “Ferdinand Hochstetter (1829- 1884) und die Novara-Expedition in Neuseeland,” Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien 136-137 (2007): 15-30. 48 Ferdinand Hochstetter, “Reise durch Rumelien im Sommer 1869,” Mittheilungen der kais. und königl. Geographischen Gesellschaft in Wien 13(1871): 193-212, 350-358, 545-552, 585-606; Mittheilungen der kais. und königl. Geographischen Gesellschaft in Wien 14 (1872): 65-80, 161-180, 324-341; 15: 112-130. 49 Josef Konstantin Jire ček, Cesty po Bulharsku , Novo česká bibliothéka 27 / Spis ů musejních 160 (Praguee: Nákladem Matice české, v kommissi u Františka Řivná če,1888); Constantin Jire ček, Das Fürstentum Bulgarien, seine Bodengestaltung, Natur, Bevölkerung, wirtschaftliche Zustände, geistige Cultur, Staatsverfassung, Staatsverwaltung und neueste Geschichte , vol. 2 (Prague et al.: Friedrich Tempsky, 1891); Konstantin Yosif Irechek, Knyazhestvo Balgariya. Negova povarhnina, priroda, naselenie, duhovna kultura, upravlenie i novejsha istoriya (Plovdiv: Danov, 1899); Bulgarisches Forschungsinstitut in Österreich, ed., Constantin Jirecek, sein schöpferisches Wirken und sein wissenschaftliches Erbe , Mitteilungen des Bulgarischen Forschungsinstitutes in Österreich 3/2 (Vienna: Verein “Freunde des Palais Wittgenstein,” 1980); Alojz Ivaniševi ć and Jens Oliver Schmitt, “Konstantin Josef Jire ček 1854- 1918),” in Osteuropäische Geschichte in Wien: 100 Jahre Forschung und Lehre an der Universität , eds. : Arnold Another geologist, a disciple of Hochstetter and likewise with expertise on Bulgaria, is Franz Toula (1845-1917), who is otherwise of interest because he is one of the few Austrian travelers writing on Dobrudja. 50 Among Austrian authors Felix Kanitz (1829-1904) takes the central place in the encyclopedic coverage of Serbia. He undertook his numerous travels to Serbia and Bulgaria partly at the behest of the Austro-Hungarian ministry of foreign affairs. The style of his monographs, which he illustrated with his own drawings, is shaped by the attempt to combine literary, educational and scientific aspirations. He concentrates on ethnography, history, cartography and Byzantine art in the Balkans. 51 While some of the former authors held posts as university professors, or were renowned as diplomats, military officers or were considered as polymaths, the following group of authors, who were mainly active in last decades of the 19 th century and the early 20 th century, earned either the ambiguous reputation of being adventurers or were considered dubious for other reasons. Thus the ethnographer Friedrich Salomo Krauss (1859-1938) never could take hold at a university, which has partly to do with his pioneering concentration on sexology. 52 His ethnographic and sexological

Suppan, Maria Wakounigg and Georg Kastner (Innsbruck: Studien-Verlag, 2007), 41-89; Petar Miyatev, ed., Iz arhiva na Konstantin Irechek , 3 vol. (Sofia: BAN, 1953-1963). 50 Franz Toula, “Eine geologische Reise in die Dobrudscha,” Schriften des Vereins zur Verbreitung naturwissenschaftlicher Kenntnisse in Wien 33 (1893): 543- 604; August Rosiwal, “† Professor Franz Toula,” Verhandlungen der geologischen Staatsanstalt 1-2 (1920): 41-49. 51 Felix Kanitz, Serbien. Historisch-ethnographische Reisestudien aus den Jahren 1859-1868. Mit 40 Illustrationen im Texte, 20 Tafeln und einer Karte (Leipzig: Hermann Fries, 1868); Kanitz, Donau-Bulgarien und der Balkan. Historisch- geographisch-ethnographische Reisestudien aus den Jahren 1860-1879 , 3vol. (Leipzig: Hermann Fries, 1875-1879); Kanitz, Das Königreich Serbien und das Serbenvolk von der Römerzeit bis zur Gegenwart , 3 vol. (Leipzig: Bernh. Meyer, 1904-1914); Bulgarian Historical Review 24 (1996): 53-164; Géza Fehér, Kanitz Fülöp Félix. “A Balkàn Kolumbusa” élete és munkássága 1829-1904 (: Franklin Társulat, 1932) – see the Bulgarian translation: Feher Geza, Feliks F. Kanits – Zhivot, patuvaniya i nauchno delo , Balgarska biblioteka 19 (Sofia, BAN, 1936), also online, accessed January 1, 2012, http://www.promacedonia.org/gf/; Edit Király, “Die Zärtlichkeit des Kartographen. Die Reiseberichte von Felix Kanitz,” in Zentren, Peripherien und kollektive Identitäten , 239-254; Konstantinovi ć, Deutsche Reisebeschreibungen , 94-107; ðor ñe Kosti ć, “Felix Kanitz und die Serben,” in: Serben und Deutsche: Traditionen der Gemeinsamkeit gegen Feindbilder , eds. Gabriella Schubert, Zoran Konstantinovi ć and Ulrich Zwiener, Schriften des Collegium Europaeum Jenense 28 (Jena – Erlangen: Palm & Enke, 2003), 207-233; Kosti ć, ed., Balkanbilder von Felix Kanitz (Belgrade: Nationalmuseum, 2011); Friedhilde Krause, “Deutsche Reisende über Serbien und Montenegro um die Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts – Friedrich August II., Heinrich Stieglitz und Felix Kanitz,” in Serben und Deutsche , 183-205; Gordana Miloševi ć, “Feliks Kanic, crta č arhitekture Beograda i okoline,” in Beograd u delima evropskih putopisaca , 247- 262; “Tagung Felix Philipp Kanitz (1829-1904). Seine Forschungen über Bulgarien und die Balkanländer,” Mitteilungen des Bulgarischen Forschungsinstituts in Österreich 2 (7) (1985): 9-95; Johann Weiss, “Felix Kanitz, ein Pionier der Balkanforschung,” Mitteilungen der Österreichischen Geographischen Gesellschaft 73 (1930): 5-21; Olga Zirojevi ć and Milan Prodanović, “Kanitz – the Witness of the End of the Turco-Osmanlian Civilization in Serbia,” Bulgarian Historical Review 24 (1996): 107-111. 52 Friedrich S. Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der Südslaven (Vienna: Alfred Hölder, 1885); Raymond L. Burt, Friedrich Salomo Krauss (1859-1983): Selbstzeugnisse und Materialien zur Bibliographie des Volkskundlers, Literaten und Sexualforschers mit einem Nachlassverzeichnis , Mitteilungen des Instituts für Gegenwartsvolkskunde, Sonderband 3 (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1990); Christoph Daxelmüller, “Friedrich Salomo Krauss (1859-1983),” in Völkische Wissenschaft. Gestalten und Tendenzen der deutschen und österreichischen Volkskunde in der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts , eds. Wolfgang Jacobeit, Hannjost Lixfeld and Olaf Bockhorn (Vienna – Cologne – Weimar: Böhlau, 1994), 463-476; Gerlinde Haid, “Friedrich Salomo Krauss (1859–1938). An Austrian folk music researcher with multicultural visions,” in Glasba in manjšine, ed Svanibor Pettan (Ljubljana: Založba ZRC, 2001), 139-148; Peter Horwath and Miroljub Jokovi ć, Friedrich Salomo Krauss (1859-1938): folklorista, etnograf, seksolog (Belgrade – Novi Sad: Institut za jugoslovenske književnosti i opštu književnost, 1992); Hartmut research on the South Slavs rested upon his observations during travels. A deeper going analysis of his work would have to figure on his specific position as Jewish scholar and to compare it with contemporary travelers to the Balkans who had a German national background like Karl Hron (1852-1912) or Arthur Haberlandt (1889-1964). In 1889 the journalist Spiridon Gop čevi ć (1855-1936) published an allegedly scientific, but by its purpose to support the Serbian cause rather propagandistic monograph on Macedonia and “Old Serbia” (i.e. Kosovo). 53 Actually the biographer of Gop čevi ć believes that the monograph is not the result of authentic experience and that Gop čevi ć was never in Kosovo. 54 Gop čevi ć’s manipulations with respect the allegedly Serbian character of Macedonia have been already topic of exhaustive research; 55 but his views about the mutual relations between the Serbian and Albanian populations of Kosovo, in particular with respect to the contested notion of so-called “Arnautaši” (Albanians of alleged Serbian descent), have been only addressed by various authors – withouth going into the context: 56 Gop čevi ć’s monograph namely represents the singular attempt to combine his sympathies for the cultural development of the Serbian nation with the aspirations of Austria-Hungary as Great Power in the Balkans. Franz Baron Nopcsa had studied Geology and Paleontology in Vienna and acquired renown through his geological explorations in Northern Albania. 57 But his fame as adventurer was even greater; it was based on the fact that in the years from 1905 up to 1912 he lived with Albanian highlanders. Although engaged as agent of the Austro-Hungarian diplomatic service, he retained an independent view towards the Balkan policy of the Habsburg Empire. In his case a comparison with the work of his counterpart in Albanian studies, Theodor von Ippen, as well as with the individual volumes of the book serial “Zur Kunde der Baklanhalbinsel: Reisen und Beobachtungen” (“On the Lore of the Balkan Peninsula: Travels and Observations”), edited by Carl Patsch in the years prior to the Balkan

Walravens, Schriftenverzeichnis des Wiener Ethnologen, Sexualwissenschaftlers, Schriftstellers und Verlegers Friedrich S. Krauss (1859-1938) (Berlin: Simon, 2010); Bernd Jürgen Warneken, “Negative Assimilation: der Volkskundler und Ethnologe Friedrich Salomo Krauss,” in “... das Flüstern eines leisen Wehens ...” Beiträge zu Kultur und Lebenswelt europäischer Juden , eds. Freddy Raphaël and Utz Jeggle (Konstanz: UVK, 2001), 149-169. 53 Spiridon Gop čevi ć, Makedonien und Alt-Serbien (Vienna: Seidel & Sohn, 1889). 54 See Michael Heim, Spiridion Gop čevi ć: Leben und Werk , Albanologische Forschungen 4 (Harrassowitz: Wiesbaden1966), 90-114. 55 Ibid. 56 See Karl Kaser and Martin Prochá zka, eds., Selbstbild und Fremdbilder der Völker des europäischen Ostens , Wieser- Enzyklopädie des europäischen Ostens 18 (Klagenfurt - Vienna: Wieser, 2006), 251-255; Noel Malcolm, Kosovo: A Short History (London: Macmillan,1998), 205; Dietmar Müller, Staatsbürger auf Widerruf. Juden und Muslime als Alteritätspartner im rumänischen und serbischen Nationscode: ethnonationale Staatsbürgerschaftskonzepte 1878-1941 , Balkanologische Veröffentlichungen 41 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2005), 179-189; Oliver Jens Schmitt, Kosovo: Kurze Geschichte einer zentralbalkanischen Landschaft (Vienna – Cologne – Weimar: Böhlau, 2008): 166. 57 Robert Elsie, ed., Reisen in den Balkan: Die Lebenserinnerungen des Franz Baron Nopcsa (Peja: Dukagjini, 2001), also online, accessed January 1, 2012, http://www.elsie.de/pdf/B2001NopcsaReisenBalkan.pdf; Gostentschnigg, “Zwischen Wissenschaft und Politik,” 39-42; Gostentschnigg, “‘Hulumtime në terren;’” József Hála, Franz Baron von Nopcsa. Anmerkungen zu seiner Familie und seine Beziehungen zu Albanien. Eine Bibliographie (Vienna: Geolog. Bundesanstalt, 1993); Gert Robel, Franz Baron Nopcsa und Albanien , Albanische Forschungen 5 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz1966). Wars would be of special interest. We do not know much about the adventurer Gottfried Stransky. A certain Gottfried Stransky owned a photographic studio in Istanbul at the turn to the 20 th century. In 1903 a person with the same name was also tour escort of the Austrian geologist Franz Xaver Schaffer in the Southeastern part of Asia minor. 58 Likewise in the same year Stransky managed to publish an eyewitness report about the tense situation in then still Ottoman Macedonia in the venerable Bulletin of the Austrian Geographic Society. Stransky appeared to have visited the site shortly before the outbreak of the so- called Ilinden Uprising of August 1903. The report teems with adventurous depictions and reminds – due to its partially dialogical structure and to Stransky’s pseudonym “Jussuf Effendi” – on the Balkan novels of the then widely read German author Karl May. 59 It will be a major task to assess the authenticity of the report and the purpose of its publication all the more, since it seems to be the single publication by the author.

Conclusion In 2010 the Slovene ethnologist Bojan Baskar published a paper on the Orientalist perceptions of the Slovene poet Anton Aškerc (1856-1912), thereby focusing on a travelogue which reproduced Aškerc’ journey to Istanbul and his return through the Balkans in 1893. Baskar observes “certain Austrian imperial assumptions and sensibilities”, a “Habsburg travel pattern” and a “Habsburg” register, by which the Slovene poet perceived the capital of the Ottoman Empire. Aškerc was a member of a small nation under pressure by the dominant German culture, thus the only distinction from German Austrian travelers became apparent on his way back through regions inhabited by South Slavs, when he suddenly shifted from the Habsburg to a pan-Slavic register. 60 The example of Aškerc shows, how necessary it is, to delve into a thorough investigation of Austrian (resp. Austro-Hungarian) travelogues of authors who come from the very center of the Monarchy. It is symptomatic for the persistence of historical power structures even nowadays that – different from Slovenia – such a critical understanding of this set of issues has not been developed in Austria yet. This cannot be even hidden by the vast amount of literature on individual travelers; literature which, by the way, only to a certain part is dedicated to those issues which interest us in the first line. Therefore it is still a desideratum to assess the role of Austrian travelogues in the creation of the efficacious ideological complex of the Balkans as the “European other.”

58 See “Ünlü Alman stüdyo kabinet – Gottfried Stransky,”, accessed January 1, 2012, http://urun.gittigidiyor.com/UNLU-ALMAN-STUDYO-KABINET-GOTTFRIED-STRANSKY_W0QQidZZ17389375; Franz Schaffer, “Geologische Forschungsreisen im südöstlichen Kleinasien,” Mittheilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft 45-46 (1903): 71-125, here 106. 59 Gottfried Stransky, “Reise durch Albanien und Makedonien im Sommer 1903,” Mittheilungen der k. k. Geographischen Gesellschaft in Wien 46 (1903): 370-390. 60 See Baskar, “‘The first Slovenian Poet,’” 101, 102, 104. For further research in this direction we can only once more point to a circumstance which is often overlooked by representatives of radical constructivism: Domination, even in the shape of Gramscian cultural hegemony, is always based on economic and/or political power. We believe that only such awareness would grant for favorable exit criteria in order to explore the internalization of stereotypical images and imaginations as a means to perpetuate such kind of domination.