Union - ZANU - component of

Union - ZANU - component of the Patriotic Front) ZANU AND HISTORY >~-~' 5d4~ s~. / j ARMED STRUGGLE UNTIL VICTORY

ZANU FOREIGN MISSIONS MOZ \MBIOQLiU Headquarter, Zimbabwe African National Union C.P. 743 Maput' People's Republic of Mozambique E \ST \FRICA The Chief Representative Zimbabwe African National Union P.O. Box 20762 Dar e' Salaam U nited Republic of Tanzania Z* MBI A The Chief Representative Zimbabwe African National Union P.0. Box 2331 Lusaka Republic of Zambia NORTH AFRICA AND MIDDLE EAST The Chief Representative Zimbabwe African National Union 3 Ahmed Hishmat Street Zamalek Cairo Arab Republic of Egypt BOTSWANA The Chief Representative P.O. Box 9 13 Francistown Botswana WEST AFRICA The Representative Zimbabwe African National Union 4 Balea Hall University Hall University of badan Ibadan Nigeria UNITED KINGDOM The Acting Representative Zimbab% c African National Union 21 Caledonian Road London, N.I. United Kingdom CANADA The Chief Representative Zimbabwe African National Union P.O. Box 415 Cote des Neigc. Station Montreal H3S 2S7 Canada AUSTRALIA AND FAR EAST The Representative Zimbabwe African Nationil Union 51 Beddon Avenue Clav n Victoria \ustralia SC \NDINAVI A The Chicf Representative Zimbabwe African National Union Tulegtan 41) P.O. Box 1 9'553 10432 Stockholm Sweden UNITED STATES OF AMERICA The Chief Representative Zimbabwe African National Union 211 Fast 43rd Street 9112 New York. N.Y. 10017 United State- if America ROMANIA The RepresentativO Zimbabwe African National Union Sectorul Florese Str. Av. Protopopescu Nr. I I Apartment 24 Bucaresti Romania LIBYA The Representative Zimbabwe African National Union Box 4491 Tripoli Libya Arab Jamahiriya Contents 1. Editorials Letters 2. State of the Party 3. National Affairs 4. The War 5. Diplomatic Struggle 6. National Enemies 7. Ideological and Revolutionarv Education in ZANU ZIMBABWE NEWS Vol. 10 No. 3 May-June 1978 1 .... Miracles v. realities I .... From Ghana 2 .... From Jamaica 2 .... From Botswana 3 .... ZANU on the move throughout the world 5 .... .ZANU carries the burden of history" Cde. President Mugabe I I .... Takawira Day 1978 13 .... May in Zimbabwe lb .... The war is here, everywhere Cde. Josiah Tongogara 22 .... .The masses are on our side" Cde. Chapewva 23 .... War Communique No. 17 29 ... Women have total involvement in the struggle: Cde. Teurai Ropa 31 .... On building bridges: Cde. President Mugabes tour abroad 35 .... Cde. Vice President Muzenda presents P.F. case to O.A.U. 37 .... Camarada President Samora Machel's tour 3 S .... ZANU and Zimbabweans congratulate Mozambique 39 .... Solidarity with the people of Yugoslavia 401 .... Muzeum of People's struggle opens in Mozambique 41 .... Chronology of Struggle in Zimbabwe 43 . . Who does Muzorewa work for? I .... Ted Lockwood: on American Foreign Policy (I t)6(--1978) 54 ... June. 1978, in Zimbabwe 57 .... Political Commissariat Lecture Series 62 .... Education as Lin instrument for social transformation in Zimbabwe (continued from Zimbabwe News Vol. 10, No. 2, 1978) Cde. Shamuyarira (3 .... ZANU statement on massacre of missionaries by Smith 65 .... Nehanda died for Zimbabwe ZIMBABWE NEWS is the OFFICIAL ORGAN OF THE ZIMBABWE AFRICAN NATIONA L UNION (ZANU), component of the Patriotic Front, and is produced on the authority of the Central Committee by the Department of Information and Publicity, ZANU Headquarters, Caixa Postal 743, Maputo. People's Republic of Mozambique. ,c 1978 - World Copyright. Central Committee, ZANU VOICE OF ZIMBABWE VOICE OF ZIMBABWE is a special programme presented by the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) from Maputo on behalf of the Patriotic Front and the Zimbabwe People's Army. The broadcast is aired every night starting at 8 o'clock on 25, 31, 41, 49, 60 and 90 metres on short wave and 407 metres on medium wave. Listen to your programme - VOICE OF ZIMBABWE.

Editorial MIRACLES VS. REALITIES Recently, the Rev. Ndabaningi Sithole, speaking before his European Conmon Market pay-masters and Bishop Abel Muzorewa, speaking before his own bosses in Washington D.C., both bitterly denounced the Western powers for having little or no faith in miracles. From the two clerics' point of view, the Bible is clear: with faith, man can command mountains to move and they will. It was, therefore, scandalous, that no one should accept that the deal they concluded with Ian Smith on March 3rd, 1978, was as genuine a marvellous event due to some supernatural agency as the feeding, by Christ, of 5 000 people with seven loaves of bread and two fishes. The Western capitalist bosses can be excused for having less faith in miracles than the two Rhodesian priests. After all, their industrial revolution had been due to science and technology. When Germans and Americans want a mountain to move, they are more in the habit of hiring an engineering firm to move it than approaching their parish priests for prayers! The Patriotic Front, the Front-Line states, the O.A.U., the United Nations, all sovereign states, all international institutions and organisations have refused to recognize the so-called 'Internal Settlement', not-so, much because they are of little faith (Bishop Muzorewa and Rev. Sithole should not judge so they be not judged!), but because earthly experience suggests to them that the deal was a rotten, treacherous, criminal and opportunistic strategy on the part of Ian Smith, Bishop Muzorewa, Rev. Sithole and Chief Chirau. True, Bishop Muzorewa believes, that Ian Smith has completely changed. While many believe that St. Paul converted and repented, while on his mission to commit more tortures, massacres and barbarities on christians, few believe that history may be repeating itself in the case of Ian Smith. Many who have observed Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau, revel in their new wealth (air-conditioned homes, limousines, spacious offices, guards, fat pay-checks) doubt that these men follow Ian Smith on account of the latter's recent conversion as a result of a recent confrontation with God and the holy spirit. They rather suspect that two clerics may be using God's name in vain, to camouflage their selfish lust for power and money at the expense of the rights and interests of the seven million Zimbabweans. Besides, Bishop Muzorewa's later-day St. Paul still murders, tortures and massacres women and children all over Zimbabwe and in various refugee camps in Mozambique, Zambia and Botswana. Besides, people have rejected the "Internal Settlement" not so nruch because it does not appear to be a marvellous event due to some supernatural agency, but because it obviously ignores the facts. The facts, as earthly mortals see them, are, that the seven million people of Zimbabwe, under the leadership of the Patriotic Front, their sole and authentic representative - are determined to die to the man or woman in opposition to it. Their armed forces, under the joint Command of Comrade Presidents Robert Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo, have sworn to smash Ian Smith and the holy puppets, by arms. Since the signing of the diabolical agreement, the world has watched the Patriotic Front liberate district by district, region by region and province by province. The world has watched Sithole and Muzorewa vainly try to bring about a cease-fire. They have watched Ian Smith continue to wield and crack the shambok; announce perfidious and rigged election programs which are doomed to fail; callously promise white settlers that the agreement he entered into was merely a ruse and military strategy etc. No one has been fooled. Given all these realities, the world may be forgiven for being realistic. They know that the Patriotic Front is winning the war. They have to come to terms with that hard fact. For our part, we do not wish to be misunderstood. The Patriotic Front believes that our Zimbabwe history is made by our Zimbabwean masses, not by any one else - certainly not by supernatural powers. Our people will have to word hard, very hard, very very hard with their own hands and minds to develop their country for themselves once liberation has been earned through sweat and blood. They would be foolish to invest in the economics of miracles paddled by two greedy, treacherous, murderous business men, who wear dog-collars and frocks to beguile Zimbabweans and the world. Pamberi ne Chimurenga! Letters to The editor Youth Forces for National Liberation c/o 8 Olympic Way Kingston Jamaica W.I. 12th June 1978 Z.A.N.U. Dear Comrades, Revolutionary greetings. As part of our programme of raising the political consciousness of the oppressed Jamaican People our Y.F.N.L. operates the Red Star Bookshop which is located at 8 Olympic Way, Kingston 11, Jamaica. Our Bookshop is serving to inform the Jamaican people of the revolutionary struggle of the world oppressed peoples. We distribute literature originating from China, Europe, North America; but nothing directly from the mother land, Africa. We are therefore requesting that our bookshop become the distributor and agent of all Z.A.N.U. and Patriotic Front literature, posters etc., if not only in Jamaica but the whole Caribbean. The fulfilment of such a request would serve to strengthen the ties of friendship and understanding between the peoples of your country and the Caribbean at the same time. Passing on valuable experience of your struggles against imperialism. We look forward to an early reply. Africa Jamaica one struggle! Zimbabwe must be free! Death to black and white oppressors! Yours in struggle for Y.F.N.L. (Jamaica) Accra North Ghana THE CHIMURENGA HIGH COMMAND Z.A.N.U. Caixa Postal 743, MAPUTO People's Republic of Mozambique 27th June, 1978 Dear Comrades, This is to express oUr gratitude to the Chimurenga High Cormmand and all Patriotic Zimbabweans for bringing about the spectacular victories. being register- The State of the Party Zimbabwe News I ed by ZANLA forces against Smith's hired mercenaries. We are of the firm conviction that the Anglo-American proposals on resolving the Zimbabwe Independence have out-lived their usefulness thus throwing all rumblings about negotiations with the enemies of Zimbabwe into the garbage heap of history. We are grateful to you for the copy of the January-February 1978 issue of the Zimbabwe News, you sent to us. Our Comrades of the New Beginning Movement (2, st. Vincent Street, Tunapuna, Trinidad and Tobago) have expressed the desire of exchanging ideas and information with your Revolutionary ZANU (PF). We hope you will correspondent with them as soon as practicable. Find attached a copy of our liberation Day Anniversary Message to Africans and People's Fighting Cadres of ZANLA especially our Sisters and their gallant Leader, Comrade President Robert Mugabe, members of the Chimurenga High Command and all Patriotic Zimbabweans. A luta continua! Pamberi ne CHIMUREN GA! Kofitse Aladzi Pan African Affairs Research Centre Uhura na Umoja - Freedom and Unity P.O. Box 10575 Accra - North Ghana What is Majority rule and What is Majority? Why must the liberation war continue in the face of the promised so-called majority rule? This question may still be asked by some people living in the urban centres of Zimbabwe. To answer this question, let us first look at the objective conditions that compelled Zimbabwean workers and peasants to take up arms against the capitalist system in our country. British capitalism, having davasted its own raw materials, had three major objectives in its colonization of our country: 1. to find new sources of mineral resources and agricultural commodities such as cotton and tobacco. 2. to find new markets for its finished production-products that had neither domestic markets nor markets in other capitalist countries because of sharp capitalist competition. 3. to find new settlement for masses of unemployed British labour power. After the heroic stand by our forefathers in the FIRST CHIMURENGA Mail from all over Zimbabwe and abroad pours into Publicity and Information office WAR our major economic concerns fell into the hands of settler minority. This minority is supported by the real owners of capital situated in Britain, West Germany, the United States of America and irance. What does this mean in concrete terms? It means, that with the seizures of our wealth by a minority, the concept of MAJORITY was shattered. The following facts support this claim: (a) The largest share of national wealth comes from mineral extraction. African labour constitutes the largest majority in this industry and yet African workers receive the least income from this economic activity. This is expressed by the slum conditions under which they live. On the other hand, the minority who own these properties - plus those favoured by them on racial grounds enjoy the largest share of this wealth. On the side of decision-making, the African majority have no democratic right what-so-ever. They do not even have any right to go on strike against excessive exploitation. (b) In factories throughout our cities, the majority are the workers and yet they have no democratic rights as to how the product of their labour should be distributed. The only democracy they have is the democracy of living in the slums scattered all over the cities while the minority of settlers have the best of what Zimbabwe can produce. (c) In the rural areas the situation is even worse. The largest single majority in the entire country is the peasantra. Every Zimbabwean knows that the largest share of productive land is in the hands of the minority settler farmer. If the majority is to assume, its true meaning the opposite should be the case. It was the deprivation of these democratic rights (and indeed property rights) that caused the Zimbabwean workers and peasants to take up arms and fight this evil system led by Smith and his running dogs. What has been the role of the socalled parliament during the 90 years of British colonial rule in our country? This so-called parliament has made laws (mainly property laws) in the interest of the minority property owning racist cliques in collaboration with their financial bosses in London and Washington. To impose these class laws an evil state machinery has evolved during this period. This state machinery (in the form of racist army, police, selous scouts, civil service etc.) has committed untold crimes against workers and peasants in their resistance against exploitation. This is the reason why this parliament (being a reflexion of an evil system) will continue to be evil and undemocratic even if it is redecorated with black puppets. In order to achieve this majority (a majority which is not negotiable) Zimbabwe workers and peasants must support their existing liberation army an army which not only defends their intersts but one which draws its membership this class. This (we repeat) is what we mean by a majority.., not the type of advocated by the Salisbury clique. This true majority can not be achieved without sacrifices. That is why we say: Pamberi ne CHIMUREGA! J.R. Masaya, Gaberone Botswana 12/7/78 2 Zimbabwe News The State of the Party

State of the party ZANU on the move throughout the world May and June were among the busiest in ZANU and ZANLA's armed struggle programm. Every party department appeared to be in a hurry. Everybody was aware that on June 30. 1978, the party would reach a half-way mark in its Year of the People programme, proclaimed by Comrade President Mugabe last January. The Central Committee members were scattered everywhere - prosecuting their programmes and executing their tasks with visible sense of urgency. ZANLA forces tightened vigilance and pursued the excalation of the war to new hights. Comrade President Mugabe travelled more than 25000, around the world, deepening the party's alliance and solidarity with other nations and peoples. During the second week of May (10th 13th May), he held intensive talks with the Government leaders of Ethiopia in Addis Ababa. On the 15th May, Comrade President Mugabe arrived in Damascus, Syria, for discussions with Syrian Government and Party officials and the leaders ot the Palestine Liberation Movement. The discussions were wideranging-covering the struggle against Zionism in the Middle-East and racist colonialism in Zimbabwe and lasted three days. From Syria Comrade President Mugabe flew to Pakistan, where he held fruitful discussions with the Government leaders in that country. Pakistan has consistently identified itself with the oppressed masses of Zimbabwe in their armed struggle against the racist and murderous Smith-Muzorewa- SitholeChirau regime. The discussions which lasted two days (19th - 20th May), further strengthened the bonds of friendship between the Pakistani and Zimbabwean peoples. On May, 21st, Comrade President's party arrived in Peking on a two day transit stop enroute to the Peoples' Republic of Korea. During the brief stay in the Peoples Republik of China, Comrade President Mugabe once again strengthened the long-standing revolutionary relationship that has grown over the last 15 years between the Chinese and the Zimbabwe people. The Chinese leaders expressed their total commitment to assist the struggling and oppressed masses of Zimbabwe in their revolutionary armed struggle against colonialism and imperialism. The ZANU delegation arrived in North Korea on the 23rd May to a heroes' welcome form the Government, Party and People of the Peoples' Republic of Korea. Comrade President Mugabe was welcomed by the Great leader Kim Il Sung, President of the Peoples' Republic of Korea and Secretary-General of the Korean Workers' Party. The discussions, which lasted four days (23rd-27th May), included a thorough alalysis of the war agaipst the criminal regime of Smith- Sithole-Muzorewa and Chirau. The Korean Government, Party and People once again pledged themselves to give all moral, diplomatic and material support to the Peoples' forces in Zimbabwe. Comrade President's delegation, which included Comrade Mayor Vurimbo, Chief Political Commissar and Comrade Agnew Kambeu, ZANLA's Director of Training, left Pyongyang, for Hanoi, Peoples' Republic of Vietnam on the 28th and arrived on the 29th. The tour of Vietnam was most enlightening and educative. The ZANUdelegation, toured both North and South Vietnam, held detailed discussions with General Vo Nguyen Giap, Minister of Defence of the Government of the Socialist Republic of Vientam, on the militarv and nolitical situation in Zimbabwe. General Giap spoke to the delegation about his country's revolutionary experience and the need to base the military line upon the Party's political line. He also emphasized the requirement that in order for victory to be achieved, any revolutionary struggle must base itself upon the people. The ZANU-delegation also held talks with Comrade Pham Van Dong, the Prime- Minister and Comrade Hoang Minn Xiam, President of the Vietnam Committee for friendship and solidarity with people of other countries; Comrade Xuan Thuy, member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Vietnam, and other senior Party and Government officials. The highlight for the ZANU delegation was the visit to Ho Chi Minh City (former Saigon) in the South. The delegation laid a wreath at the Ho Chi Minh museuleum and were entertained to traditionel music and dance. Comrade President's Party returned to Mozambique in June. Administration As the President's Party toured the far East, the Secretary-General, Comrade Edgar Tekere led another delegation to Iraq, Egypt, Yugoslawia and Romania. In these countries, the Secretary-General's Party entered into serious discussions with government- and Party-leaders about the state of the revolution in Zimbabwe and the import- Every Department of the party intensifies work Zimbabwe News 3 The State of the Party ance of material and other assistance during this last phase of the war against the racist Smith-Muzorewa-Sithole and Chirau regime. Publicity and Information The Department of Publicity and Information was busy copying with expanded responsibilities arising form ZANLA's conturning military victories in Zimbabwe. Letters are pouring-in by the thousands each month into the Publicity Department from araound the world. By far the largest bulk comes from Zimbabwe in response to our Voice of Zimbabwe request programme. The Publicity and Information Department's staff has been expanded enormously to cope with growing tasks. The publications division intensified their efforts in order to ensure that The Zimbabwe News remains the best-produced Central Organ ever produced by a Liberation Movement. The ShonaNdebele "Chimurenga" bi-monthly which is distributed throughout Zimbabwe by the ZANLA-Forces will now have a specially designed cover. Its popularity with the Zimbabwe masses has proved staggering. The Voice of Zimbabwe radio programme has clearly become something of a phenomenon in Zimbabwe and Southern Africa as a whole. Our surveys show that it is now the No. 1 radio station, tuned-into by over 98 % of all Africans and 50% of the settler community. The department's goal is to completely supplant the Rhodesia Broadcasting Corporation's news programme. Everyone in the country now knows, that the RBC news program is all lies from beginning to finish. Comrades Grey Tichatonga and Victor Mhizha, who broadcast daily, are to be congratulated. The Publicity and Information Department will now also be broadcasting a Zimbabwe programme over "The Voice of the Revolution" in Addis Ababa. The Zimbabwe News now has a French Edition printed in Paris and distributed in France and French speaking Africa. The next six months will see other language editions of the same paper. Education and Culture The department of Education and Culture has devoted the last two months intensifying its training and skills programmes in conjunction with the Department of Manpower and Planning. Sec. General E. Tekere makes the call More and more young men and women form ZANLA's ranks are studying technical courses. The aviation courses given in several African countries have attracted many. Other areas being emphasized by Comrade Dzingai Mutumbukas' department include languages (especially a Portuguese language training programm) at the Eduardo Mondlane University in Maputo, teacher training, vocational courses and straightforward academic studies for thousands of school children in refugee camps in Mozambique. The Department is also beginning to think in terms of re-opening and administering schools closed down by the regime in Zimbabwe especially in the liberated and semi-liberated areas. Welfare and Transport The department of Welfare and Transport continues to develop ways of servicing two of the party's most difficult functions: Catering for the welfare of Comrades waging the war and maintaining our few vehicles, trucks, automobiles and other machinery on the road. Comrade Kangai, Secretary for Welfare and Transport is confident that the worst is over - the wake of the enemy's attacks on Tembue and Chimoio in November 1977. The Department of Welfare and Transport working together with the departments of Finance, Production, Reconstruction and Development, and Health have ensured that ZANLA-forces have adequate food and clothing: thanks to solidarity and other progressive groups around the world, who have rallied to the party's appeal for assistance. Defence Department The Defence Department according to Comrade Josiah Tongogara, Secretary for Defence, achieved real breakthroughs during May and June. As the War Section in this Issue clearly reveals, the war continues to escalate. Daily the enemy announcet casualties and the puppets (Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau) have grown more and more restive among their own ranks. They know, that the 'Internal Settlement' is dead now. The Defence Department is now fully prepared to deal with any treacherous trick of the enemy between now and the rigged so-called elections scheduled for sometime in November by the regime. Abroad In the United Kingdom, the ZANU district is firmly on its feet. There are now 17 fully constituted branches of the party. Party activities including seminars, fund- raising, and rallies are reported to be running well. The party now has new offices at 21 Caledonian Road, London N1. In the United States ZANU now has 10 branches, 27 units and scores of support committees. There is now a move to establish a national support movement for the party. All this shows, that the party is moving briskly towards meeting its goals set for it by Comrade President Mugabe in January this year. Everyone is determined to make this year, truly, a year of the people. 4 Zimbabwe News The State of the Party

National Affairs ZANU carries the burden of history - Cde President Robert Mugabe the puppet monarchs and their imperialist masters. The fact was that Mamvura, in order to ascend to the throne against Kapararidze, the rival prince generally preferred by the people, had mortgaged the people's national will by soliciting Portuguese military intervention - and binding himself to subservience by a sell- out treaty in 1662 which exacted tribute from him and his people to the King of Porgugal in Lisbon. Modem Mamvuras Mamvura is not without his counterparts in present-day Zimbabwe, for in the treachery of Ndabaningi Sithole, Tondekai Muzorewa and Jeremiah Chirau we see history repeating itself. And though it was not until the 18th Century that the Portuguese were finally expelled from the hinterland and until 1974 that they were completely defeated in Mozambique,, Angola and Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde, it certainly will not be long before the settler dynasty of Ian Smith and his rilling stooges is similarly liquidated by the people's national will and commitment to national sovereignty. Comrade President Mugabe looks at the Zimbabwe past in a search for answers to the crucial issues facing Zimbabwe in 1978. The distinguishing features of our nation such as cultural homogeneity (even heterogeneity), our biological and genetic identity, our social system, our geography and our history, which together characterize our national identity, also combine in producing out of our people a national vigorous and positive spirit which manifests itself in the consistantly singular direction of its own preservation. The scientific law of survival A people as a national entity, always retains a capacity for its own perpetuation and hence for the onward carriage of its biological and genetic heritage and with it its own political, social, economic and cultural heritage. Equally, it has a given capacity, which manifests itself in given capabilities, to defend itself against forces either internal or external which would operate against inherent right of self-preservation and self-determination. Our experience of the Portuguese aggressions Thus, when the Portuguese imperialism in the 16th and 17th centuries sought to establish its hold on the land, then the empire of Munhumutapa, the people constantly and vigorously repulsed the enemy, especially from the then gold- mining north-eastern region of the country. Even after the Portuguese momentary victory of the 1620's when the Munhumutapa Mamvura and his successor son acquisced in Portuguese suzerainty and allowed the Portuguese free passage, the masses of the people broadly remained opposed to British imperialist aggression Portuguese imperialism having been effectively curbed in the 18th century in respect of the area constituting present-day Zimbabwe, a new imperialist and colonialist thrust was launched from the south in a context in which British. Dutch, French, Belgium and German imperialisms vied with each other for control of portions of Africa. Colonialism has always been the handimaid of capitalism and nowhere has this principal-agent relationship between capitalism and colonialism better demonstrated than in Zimbabwe. British colonialism had superimposed itself by military conquest over defeated and disintegrating Dutch colonialism in the far East and South Africa, creating thereby an intricate matrix of contradictions with sharp political, economic and social dimensions. Boer and Briton fought each other for political power as Zimbabwe News 5 National Affairs

Antagonistic Contradictions Sharpen repression & conflict they fought each other for control of the economic resources in the wake of the discovery of both diamond and gold at Kimberly and on the Rand respectively. At the base, the struggle between avid fortune-seekers had brought to the fore a bigotted Briton, one John Cecil Rhodes, who, by out-bidding, outclassing, throttling, cheating and deceiving his prospecting fellow partners and speculative opponents alike, had emerged a millionaire committed to the territorial expansion of British colonialism. Having won his power-war at the individual capitalist level, Rhodes now sought to transform his individual capitalist gains into national colonial gains. All Africa to the north was to him fertile ground for British colonialism. And the Botswana King having, through missionary persuasion, opted for a British protectorate status for his country, Rhodes' most immediate target became the reputed Munhumutapa hinterland north of the Limpopo. Purporting to have extracted the right of entry from Lobengula in form of what later became known as the Rudd Concession, a swindling instrument which Rhodes utilized as pretext for seizing our country, he proceeded with great speed to create a iolonising share-holder company, charged by royal charter for the purpose. The British South Africa Company was financed by Rhodes, and when a strange assortment of 200 gold-sniffing fortune speculators had been found and the terms of armed occupation well dictated by him, the group of racist adventures soon hoisted the flag of British imperialism and capitalism on our soil. The act occured on 12 September, 1890. Capital had on this occasion acted as the end and means of colonalism. Antagonistic contradictions The September 12 flagrant act of aggressions, the subsequent landgrabbing gold speculation and capital investiment that went with it imported to the country new dynamics of conflict, that from the very on-set ramified sharply antagonistic contradictions. The trend had hardly begun towards the inevitable creation of a class structure when, first, in 1893 the Ndebele community and secondly in 1896 to 97, the whole Shona-Ndebele community rose up in arms to expel the enemy and liberate the fatherland. When in 1896, the settlers were on the verge of defeat and British colonialism was about to collapse, Britain, hurriedly sent reinforcement to sustain its newly established colonial system and our people thus suffered military defeat. The British South Africa Company, the settler community, and British colonialism, had gained, by usurping our people's right to sovereignty independence and negating the traditional social process, a new lease of life. The forces of revolutionary resistance were henceforth forced to remain latent but galvanising. From now on, the capitalist objectives of the royal charter granted to the British South Africa Company on 29 October, 1889, were to be implemented with full commitment. These were a) the extension of the railway from Kimberley northward towards Zambezi; b) the encouraging of immigration and colonisation; c) the promotion of trade and commerce; and d) the securing of all mineral rights in return for guarantees of protection and security of rights to the tribal chiefs. The fourth object which purported to accord to the tribal chiefs protection and the security of their rights as a price for acquiring mineral rights did not gain that fulfilment, and mineral rights were acquired in defiance of the chiefs and their communities in the same way as, if not alongside the manner in which land was acquired. Blood-sucking exploitation The objects of the charter either expressly or implicity authorized the occupation of the land for economic purposes. In their fulfilment, capital investment was to be attracted firstly, into the extractive and infrastructural areas, and secondly into the constructive or secondary sector. Labour - both cheap and forced - has been as much the product of the social circumstances of profit-oriented capital investment as indeed it has been the new creator of investment capital, in turn creating a new environment of class-formation in which the capital sponsered bourgeoisie emerges as the economically and so politically and socially, dominant class as opposed to the oppressed and exploitated working class. So it was when capital acquired through cheap labour in South Africa and Britain invested both in agricultural Late Chairman, Comrade Chitepo: He taught us that true independence comes out of the barrel of the gun. and mining sectors of Rhodesia's primary industry, the socio-economic circumstance that immediately arose was one which impelled the newly established mining and agrarian bourgeoisie to draw by forcible methods, cheap labour from the African peasantry. The creation of the envisage infrastructure (railways, roads and bridges) also became possible through forced labour. An exploitated working class thus soon emerged alongside a peasantry whose total land size had begun progressively to diminish as the size of the white settler community progressively increased in accordance with the second object of the charter - to encourage immigration and colonisation. The matrix of contradicitions The creation of a new civil administration in the context of the establishment of a new political order based on the monopoly of power by the settler community, the forcible acquisition of land by the settlers and the entrepreneurial pursuits of mining, agriculture, trade and commerce, ushered in a matrix of antithetical relations which exemplified themselves in the following potentially dialectial pattern and eventually led to a violent conflict: a) The White Settler Community i) became the ruling dynasty ii) became land and property owners and thus constituted a bourgeois and comprador class 6 Zimbabwe News National Affairs

The matrix of contradictions iii) as ruling class made laws in protection of its political and ownership rights iv) by social practice and legislation racially discriminated against the black community and colour became a passport either to privilege or to exploitation, the white men became a masterrace. v) by social practice, exploitative practice and legislation actively prohibited the educational and socio- economic development and transformation of the black community vi) his head forever digging deeper into the sand the settler soon established a solid social wall between the white community on the one hand and the black community on the other, ignoring completely the suffering this caused. vii) realizing the imminent danger of war, he armed himself to the teeth and created a large army. a) The Black Community i) refused even to recognize the ruling right of the whites as justly attained and thus always regarded them as usurpers ii) individual ownership of land and natural resources cut across the traditional concept of collective ownership while the deprivation of land has always remained a major source of grievance. iii) the creation of a class of industrial workers, whether by persuasion or coersion, also was resisted as undermining communal and family life. iv) however once created the workerclass continued to feel grieved by the meagre wages paid them and often as happened in urban areas. v) the effect of the settler social, political and economic discriminatory practise was to constitute every black man by virtue of his colour an underdog; he was held as a servant per se. Educational and economic vi) the narrow educational and economic avenues grudgingly allowed him in his limited sphere eventually created in him an increasingly greater political consciousness and an awareness of his, lost fundamental rights, hence he started organizing himself first for the correction of the wrongs and injustice, but later for the overthrow of the oppressive system vii) in 1966, the Africans launched armed struggle to liberate themselves. The above analysis no doubt shows how the conflict situation has developed to the point where the contradictions, created and manifesting themselves in various socio-economic and political areas though initially generalised as between the two communities en bloc, have eventually bred armed hostility between the self, same communities. In the process as the line of demarcation between the rights and the interests of the employer and the rights and interests of the worker became drawn so also was the point of conflict established. Similarly as the rights and interests of the new farming bourgeoisie became defined, conversely the rights and interests of the peasantry (that is of some 85 % as at present) became proscribed, thus creating a generalised situation of conflict as peasant hostility became directed towards the whole settler community. Struggles for national liberation can operate to defeat their own objectives un less they are properly organized and properly led. The earliest nationalist movements such as the Southern Rhodesia African National Congress (up to 1957) and the British Voice Association, lacked, firstly, the sound basis of well defined principles and objectives; secondly they lacked committed, clear and courageous leadership; thirdly, they had no effective methods of purposefully appealing to and mobilizing the mas- Zimbabwe hero: Comrade Kaguvi, in imperialist chains at the end of the war in October 1897. His blood was shed for every Zimbabwean. Zimbabwe News 7 National Affairs ses; and fourthly they were devoid of a motivated nationalist ideology. They were thus bound to be short lived. So they were never a real link between the nationalist uprising of 1896 - 1897, which aimed at the overthrow of the then newly established B.S.A.C. regime for they aimed at the correction of the wrongs by praying and appealing to the violent wrong doer without either the means of violence or the intention to overthrow him. The leaders of these organizations thus never really fully appreciated the demands of the situation nor did they feel the same intensity burden resting on them as Nehanda and others felt in 1896. They felt overwhelmed by the national experience of defeat and subjection to the settler usurpers. They did what, within the limits of their comprehension and the circumstances of the moment, was possible. And yet even that which they judged as possible translated itself into the impossible, and the grievances they had sought to remedy - such as land shortage, forcible ejection from acquired lands, meagre wages, poor accommodation in industrial areas, etc. - received but little palliative correction. The major grievances went unheeded by the ruling white dynasty. In the context of the struggles of other nations such as those of the Congress Party of India (up to 1948), that of the C.P.P. of Ghana (up to 1957), that of Algeria and Kenya, that of the granting of independence to several African countries by 1962 and that of well-based, well-organized and well directed several nationalist movements such as the ANC of South Africa in 1950 - 1952, PAC later, ANC and later UNIP in Zambia, ANC and later the Malawi Congress Party in Malawi, the Zimbabwean nationalists found ripe circumstances replete with variegated movement experience for the launching of an effective nationalist movement exposing well-defined principles and objectives and with a leadership at the time predominantly, though not wholly, clear-minded and courageous. The rise of modern nationalist movement Thus when the A.N.C. was launched in 1957, there was an appreciable mobilization of people in certain urban and rural areas of the country, but the approach was not very removed from remedial or reformist politics. However, with the creation of the National Democratic Party in 1960, the Nationalist Movement, for the first time on the country's history, fought for the change of the system of government. The leadership of the N.D.P., in their discharging of the burden of history, eff !ctively mobilized the people towards 'he acquisition of political power, and weaned them off the idea of seeking the mere correction of their grievances. They clearly stated their ultimate political objectives as majoritv rule, and thus organized strikes, boycotts, demonstrations, sit-ins and industrial sabotage, in 19601961 in pursuance of this objective. Like the ANC, the NDP failed to comprehend the requirements of the situation in terms of the correct methods of the struggle. Its resort to strikes, boy- cotts, demonstrations, etc., were not intended to overthrow the settler regime but rather as a means of pressure upon both the British Government and the settler regime to democratize the parliamentary system and its franchise leading to majority rule. Whilst this type of struggle succeeded in Malawi and Zambia, as indeed in Ghana and several other African countries, it just could not work in Rhodesia and South Africa, where the bigotted racist settler communities, having acquired, self-rule in respect of whites in Rhodesia in 1923, and independence in respect of South Africa whites in 1910, were pledged to wage armed resistance against any 4 - - Heroes forever: Comrades Nehanda and Kaguvi who planned and led the armed struggle for national liberation in 1896 - 97. They were executed by imperialists. 8 Zimbabwe News National Affairs

Where nationalists failed change undermining their position. The realisation that an oppresive bourgeoisie that sustains itself and maintains its exploitative civil and socio-economic structures by armed force can only be overthrown by armed force employed as an instrument of the broad masses had not dawned upon the N.D.P. leadership, and neither did it upon the leadership of ZAPU of 1961 - 1963. True, the burden of struggle yielded by history was felt. True nationalist goals were cleatly defiled and on the basis of salient principles. True, the method of struggle Was defihed and pursued on the basis of as to sabotage and violence though limited only to the economic institutions and structures. True, cadres were sent for military training. And yet the immediate objective was never to overthrow settler imperialism by force, but rather to create persuasive pressures capable of making Britain act in convening a constitutional conference to negotiate an agreement based on majority rule. This approach was sadly enough persisted in some nationalist circles. More sadly still it sold itself effectively to several of our supporting brothers in Africa, and friends and sympathizers in the international community who have been led to believe that our struggle is aimed, not at the direct seizure of power but at causing a constitutional conference to be held presided over by the colonial power with all existing parties, whether genuinely nationalistic or bogus or even reactionary, contesting equally for fair and impartial treatment. With the launching of armed struggle by ZANU in April, 1966, and also by ZAPU later that year, and the improvement of guerilla warfare strategy and tactics by ZANU in 1972, there had now occurred a transformation in the evaluation of not only the methods of struggle but also in the appreciation that power could only transfer with the total overthrow of the enemy or with the advent of his abject surrender. And as the struggle later intensified and more fronts were opened 1976, ZANU had, by mobilizing the broad masses through the instrumentality of the war, lent the national struggle both its motive force and its correct perspective. It should be constantly born in mind that our revolutionary process being a historical social process carries with it from the social past to the social present, and in terms of both our present and future attainable goals, not only National Affairs the antithetical burden of the relations of our two broad racial communities historically locked up in bitter conflict and within that broader conflict situation, that of the deepening strive between the existing classes but also the synthetical and therefore more positive burden of mobilizing those groups which constitute the motive force of the Zimbabwean revolution. Thus, our peasantry, middle, poor or landless, the workers, our youth, students, intellectuals, petty bourgeoisie and even those religious groups and persons who support the national liberation struggle, should be constituted into a national democratic front to be violently pitted, as democratic anti-settler-imperialistic forces, against the colonialist system, its regime, the renegades national and reformists and the reactionary puppets of history falling upon us as the revolutionary vanguard organization will have in turn been translAted into the national task of establishing a national basis for the revolution. Accordingly, the struggle originally pioneered by a few would have transformed into a revolutionary national struggle for national liberation and national independence. The cementing bond between the national democratic forces is, of course, their common suffering, their common opposition, their common aspirations and their common national destiny. Since our revolutionary burden is both historical and national and our revolution exists in a world context whence its historical dimensions derives, by virtue of the overall situation creating it, and since the international community has long experienced identical antithetical relations and contradictions resulting in the similar revolutions and the emergence of socialist states and progressive forces, there is therefore an additional burden on us to create a rear revolutionary alliance with these international forces in our fight against a common enemy and for common goals. The task of overthrowing bourgeoisie empires and creating in their place national democracies offering ripe circumstances for programmes of social transformation is thus as much as national as indeed it is an international one, welding together as it must, and on both fronts, all truly democratic forces. A vanguard party leading a revolution must have the basic principles of its revolution well laid down; the objec- tives of such revolution must be clearly defined, and the means of the struggle correctly chosen in terms of a clearly identified enemy and enemy situation. The ideology of our party (adopted) in 1973 as Marxist-Leninist and Mao Tsetung Thought must provide both the direction bond and motivation to the Central committee, members of the High Command and General Staff down to the commanders of the Army's sectional units, should be fully conversant with the basic principles of our ideology. We are not a social club, nor are we just any Party. We are a socialist Party committed to a scientific socialist ideology whose basic principles are clearly enunciated. We cannot be anything else and pretend to be working for the people. Nevertheless, since the requirements of our present situation demand an alliance with such progressive national forces as may not have the same ideological orientation with our Party members, the bond between us and them must be that defined above - our common commitment to the overthrow of settler-imperialism and the achievement of popular democratic power. Within the Party, however, ideological education must continue to intensify. To summarize, the evil imperialist and colonialist act of aggression and forcible occupation of our country has over the years yielded opposing relations between the white coloniser community and the black colonised community, the effect of which has imposed upon our broad masses the intolerable burden of a) being perpetual political underdogs in their own country, b) being subjected to a brutal social and legal system that has dehumanized them, c) being will-nilly turned into a class of exploited workers and of a poor or landless peasantry most land having been seized and apportioned to a settler farming bourgeoisie, d) being brutally massacred, hanged, tortured, quarantined in squalid conditions of hunger and disease, detained and imprisoned for opposition to the system, e) maliciously denied opportunities for educational, technical, social and cultural development, and f) being racially despised and discriminated against, and otherwise insulted and down-graded. In order to resolve this bitter and rid themselves of untold suffering the people of Zimbabwe have accepted the historical burden demanding of them in its discharge the supreme sacrifice of their Zimbabwe News 9

The crucial role of 7~> a vanguard party own lives. They have embarked on war . as the most effective means of ridding their country of the scourge of settler- N imperialism and regaining their lost sovereign status. The revolutionary task of waging armed struggle have been undertaken, the complete discharge of the burden will only follow when the task "N, has been fully accomplished. The full accomplishment of the task now requires that our war should with immediate effect assume new proportions in intensity and the dimensions of its strategy. The enemy must continue to be harrassed day and night by our directing attacks as much on his person as on his home and property. The farms he has deserted must come under the effective occupations of our well-organized and well-politicized peasantry and should alongside other liberated rural areas, constitute our revolutionary base areas for purpose of consolidating our gains and the fight to new zones. Throughout the active involvement of the broad masses must remain the sine qua non of our revolution. Ancillary to the accomplishment of our immediate task is the intensification of our training programmes. And yet basic to the fulfilment by our liberation movement of its most immediate revolutionary tasks is the equal task upon our allies and friends to reinforce our struggle with arms of the right quantity and quality, and the intensification of their diplomatic and political support for us. The burden of history still remains undischarged, but the unfolding tasks being pursued in its discharge have resulted in the fatal wounding of the imperialist monster. The settler and puppet regime is collapsing. The people are winning. Victory is definetely in sight. The burden will and must be need be dis charged! R. G. Mugabe "We are not a social club, nor are we just any Party. We are a socialist Party committed to a scientific socialist ideology whose basis principles . are clearly enunciated. We cannot be anything else and pretend to be working for the people." Cde. Mugabe Member of the ZANLA forces being welcomed by a peasant in the liberated areas. Center: Comrade quenching thirst with home brew in the liberated areas. Bottom: Comrade President and the Zimbabwe masses. 10 Zimbabwe News National Affairs

Take up arms and liberate yourselves! Said late Comrade Takawira Neither on the ground nor in the air is the enemy safe now. June 15th 1978 came with a bang soon after Sinoia and Chitepo days. This time, on this day, it was time for the entire ZANU family, to commemorate the 8th anniversary of the death, in Salisbury Prison, of one of Zimbabwe's most reverred and loved heroes: Comrade Leopold Mukumwaidzi Tapfumaneyi Takawira, who, until his untimely death on June 15, 1970, was Vice President of ZANU and member of the Central Committee. As is the established ZANU practice, Comrade President Robert Mugabe, led the Central Committee, the High Command, the General Staff and all ZANLA-forces in the anniversary proceedings. Comrade President Mugabe delivered a comemorati ve address in Maputo, Mozambique, which was later National Affairs that night broadcast to the struggling and toiling masses of Zimbabwe over the Voice of Zimbabwe, Radio MAPUTO. In his brilliant address, Comrade President Robert Mugabe said: "Leopold Mukumwaidzi Tapfumneyi Takavira was born in 1906 in Chilimanzi, Zimbabwe. He was educated at various schools including Kutama Mission, Makwiro, before going to Holy Cross Mission near Fort Victoria. He was such a brilliant and deligent student - always hungering and thirsting for more knowledge. His hopes and wishes were soon fulfilled when he was admitted at Marian Hill College, Natal, in fascist South Africa where he matriculated. After matriculation and acquiring a teacher training diploma, he returned home to join the teaching profession, where he proved so capable, that he soon became Headmaster of a Government school in Highfield. The thirst and hunger for more education, however continued. So, in 1952 when he was already an established educator and Headmaster, he decided to enter Pius XII University College, Roma, Lesotho to read for the Bachelor of Arts degree. He did however not stay for the three required years to earn the degree, but he had read widely in the fields of classics, literature, history, administration and political science. Back in Zimbabwe in 1954, Comrade Takawira rejoined the teaching profession. He soon became a member and leader of the African Teacher's Association (A.T.A.), where he actively worked in organizing other African teachers in order to improve their rights, salaries, working conditions and the equality of education given to the African students. At that time, no legislation had been enacted forbiding teachers from participating in politics. In 1954, he was transferred to Driefontein Mission in the Midlands but he was soon back in Salisbury, where he was able to participate in the early development and growth of African Nationalism. Soon thereafter, Comrade Takawira joined the Voice Association led by B.B. Vurombo, in which, for a brief period, he served as a committee member. He also became a member of the old African National Congress, which had been formed in the early 1930's. It did not take long before the politics of the old A.N.C. and African Voice Association were transformed, by the peoples' national grievances into agitation. The birth of the Salisbury Youth League in 1955/1956 marked the end of the beginning. It also signified the beginning of the new politics that emerged with the birth of the new Southern Rhodesia African National Congress in September 1957, which incorporated and superceded the Youth Leage. Comrade Takawira became a member of the new Zimbabwe News 11

- Late ZANU Vice President, Comrade Leopold Takiwara. organization. Following the ban of the ANC in February 1959, Comrade Takawira and others prepared and paved the way for the formation of the N.D.P. in Januray 1960. The new organization was led by Michael Mawema. Comrade Takawira became founder-member of the N.D.P. and chairman of its Harare Branch. Later in the year, he became President of the N.D.P. when Michael Mawema resigned. The N.D.P. was banned in 1961 by the racist government of Edgar Whitehead, but soon thereafter the Zimbabwe African Peoples' Union (ZAPU) was formed in December 1961. Comrade Takawira was a member of the National Executive, one of its most popular members, and a very active participant in the then popular mass organization. His popularity was due to his untiring participation and the very active role he played in relaying messages of liberation to his fellow comrades. It was typical of him, for excample, to address five rallies in three days as he did on the 12th, 13th and 14th of April 1962, when he spoke at rallies in Tsonzo, Chikore, Chirinda, Bocha in Marange and at Florida Hall in Umtali. In Umtali he held his coloured audience spell-bound throughout the meeting. It was at this meeting, that he told the coloured population, to realize where they really belonged and to remember that their British fathers did not care for them. He also spoke of mental colonization, and told his audience, that it was beyond the imagination of colonized minds to accept that an African could ever become Prime Minister. The racist Rhodesian police were following every speech he made. It was at this juncture that the fascist police decided to arrest him. Early, during the 1961 constitutional talks, Comrade Takawira was in London, as the NDP representative. This conference ended up in a sell-out agreement giving only 15 seats out of a house of 65 seats to the African people of Zimbabwe. Comrade Takawira, who always had the people's interests at heart, outrightly condemned the 1961 sell-out constitutional agreement, even before he left London. One of Comrade Takawira's outstanding abilities which other nationalists lacked was that he could immediately point-out anything that was against the interests of the Zimbabwean masses, despite the existence of the repressive laws passed by the Edgar Whitehead colonial regime. Where he addressed a rally, Comrade Takawira was accused of breaking the fascist Law and Order (maintenance) Act, which among other things stated that every political activity was subject to governmental approval as a means of silencing African Nationalists. Subsequently, nearly after every meeting, he was accused of being subversive in his speeches. At one of his meetings in Mashaba in 1962, Comrade Takawira was arrested at the platform by the racist Rhodesian police. The racist Magistrate sentenced him to 14 days imprisonment. The days were increased to 28, but Comrade Takawira still demanded for more, after which the embarrassed racist magistrate refused to make a further increament. The masses, mostly peasants from the surrounding areas and from Chibi District, came rioting, wielding axes, and demanded the release of Comrade Takawira. He was released the same day. Although this hostile attitude of the racist policy towards the late first VicePresident of ZANU, foreshadowed his future death at the hands of the racist, and imperialist agents led by Ian Smith, this did not scare or deter him from his work; instead, he increased his activities in the interests of the masses. The death of Comrade Tichafa Parirenyatwa, who was the Vice-president of ZAPU, was followed by the ban on ZAPU, and all the leaders and activists were detained in 1962. Comrade Takawira, together with his colleagues - like the late Chairman of ZANU, Comrade Herbert Chitepo, actively contributed in formulati ng a new line of action for the liberation of the Zimbabwean people, which could meet the demands of the new historical revolutionary epoch. At this period, Africa was still in its initial stages of fighting against colonialism, that led to the formation of the OAU, which had its first meeting in Addis Ababa - Ethiopia, in 1963. The Zimbabwe nationalist leaders were also 12 Zimbabwe News present, to present their problems. Shamefully, no programme was presented, as was the case with other delegations. They wanted to form a Government in exile, but without any army or trained men. Different opinions appeared in the minds of various Zimbabweans towards the leadership of the then only nationalist organisation in Zimbabwe. The majority of the leaders (Ratio of about 7-5), decided on forming a new organisation, with new policies, ideologies, and methodology. Comrade Takawira and his colleagues left Tanzania towards the end of August 1963, where they had gone when they decided on a government in exile. They returned home solely to implement the new decisive step-ahead in the struggle which they had planned. This led to the formation of ZANU The Zimbabwe African National Union, on the 8th August 1963, in Highfields Township, Salisbury - Comrade Takawira was actively involved as co-founder of the party. He became Vice President. The Party's programm aroused the morale of the masses, who were quick to ' spond because the founder-members of the new party - ZANU, were in close links with the masses of the people of Zimbabwe, cutting across all the classes within the Zimbabwean society. For instance, Comrade Takawira had most of his supporters among the youth, because he had intense interest and faith in youth activities. After the Party, ZANU, had sunk deep roots within the people, the First Congress was held in Gwelo on the 22nd of May 1964, where he was elected as its first Vice-President. The youth were organized for sabotage, with Comrade Takawira being one of the activists performing this task. The enemy discovered in him a zealous revolutionary and an ardent believer in violent armed struggle. The ban of ZANU on the 26th of August 1964, was then followed by the arrest of all the ZANU leadership and acitivists, who are detained at Wha-Wha detention camp. Throughout his stay in detension, the enemy kept his eye on Comrade Takawira, because he was a man of uncompromising priciples and dynamism. In 1965, before rebel Ian Smith's notorious UDI, he led a delegation from detention to meet Arthur Bottomley, a British envoy, for constitutional talks on the independence problems of Zimbabwe. Comrade Takawira and his delegation went to the airport where they National Affairs denounced the intended treacherous manoeuvre, before Arthur Bottomley could land. Comrade Takawira held a press conference, after which Bottomley tried to have private talks with him. This, the first Vice-President of ZANU, firmly rejected, and proceeded to openly denounce Arthur Bottomley. Comrade Leopold Takawira was an obstacle to the racist plans of Ian Smith and his settler regime. As a result, the racists planned to disrupt his political career by terminating his life. One day, while he was in detention in the Sikombela Forests, Comrade Takawira was taken to Conmara Prison privately, where he was brutally tortured by the racist police murder squard. From there he was taken to Salisbury prison. Inspite of all these brutalities and untold hardship, he did not draw back but instead persisted in actively advising and strengthening the stand of his colleagues to oppose the UDI, colonialism, settlerism and national capitulationism. He was unwell for five years after the tortures. Because of the injuries sustained from brutal torture and ill treatment by the fascist Rhodesian police, Zimbabwe was robbed of one of its most precious sons on the 15th of June 1970, and the whole country wept. The pains of the loss of Comrade Takawira were clearly reflected in the headline of the newspaper Moto, which read: "The lion roars no more - lying in Chilimanzi". Comrade Takawira was buried at his home in Chilimanzi. This was the end of a great revolutionary - Comrade Leopold Tapfumaneyi Takawira, the first Vice- President of ZANU, who had lived and finally died for the struggle, murdered by the imperialist apologists of Ian Smith. Even though they killed him, his words and inspiration shall forever live in the hearts and minds of the people of Zimbabwe. When Commemorating the death of Comrade Takawira, we must also remember the countless heroic comrades, who died in the enemy detention camps, prisons and concentraion camps and in the battlefields, where they were engaged in the titanic struggle against agents of imperialism. The only way for honouring these beloved heroes, is through total dedication to the struggle and final liberation of the fatherland. Zimbabwe - by the final liquidation of all forms of oppression. "A revolutionary never dies but falls, and continues to live in his deeds and in our hearts. Pamberi ne CHIMURENGA! Pamberi na PRESIDENT ROBERT MUGA BE! May in Zimbabwe (As reported by the Voice of Zimbabwe) Comrade Herbert Ushewokunze, the Secretary for Health of ZANU, a component of the Patriotic Front, has been refused entry into West Germany by the blood- sucking capitalist Bonn government. In Salisbury, the illegal black and white so-called interim executive council has set up a sub committee to investigate the sacking of the puppet black "joint minister" Byron Hove. Wednesday 3/5/78: The confused African traitors and white murderers in the Salisbury regime have repeated their stupid call to ZANLA freedom fighters to put down their arms and put themselves at the mercy of the illegal regime. From the midlands of racist Rhodesia, it has been reported that African detainees are being releassed on condition that they support and join any one of the three African treacherous groups involved in the sell-out Salisbury deal. And in the war zones of Zimbabwe, the barbarous colonial troops of the Smith, Sithole, Muzorewa, Chirau regime are intensifying their murders and atrocities against the African civilian population. The rebel and terrorist Rhodesian regime, which has, through its desperation incorporated the African puppets Sithole, Muzorewa, and Chirau, is intensifying its massacres and atrocities against the African civilian population in the war zones of Zimbabwe. Repbrts reaching here from Beit Bridge, in the South East ZANLA controlled guerilla zones reveal that on the 3rd of November last year armed bandits of the terrorist Rhodesian regime forced 116 African civilians to drink poisoned water. All of them died and they were buried in a mass grave about 15 km from Pandamine along the Beit Bridge road at Timitos village. The cold-blooded massacre was carried out after 19 terroristRhodesian troops had been killed by ZANLA freedom fighters in nearby bush. On March the 28th this year at chief Chifumira area about 50 km away from Beit Bridge, 317 defenceless civilians who had refused to go into the concentration camps, the so-called protected villages, and fled into nearby hills, were subjected to an airborne raid backed by ground froce. Over a hundred were killed and the rest injured. Thursday 4/5/78: Both Africans and white settlers in the Battle-torn British colony of Southern Rhodesia have expressed that the so-called internal settlement will not stop the armed struggle being waged by the Revolutionary forces of the Patriotic Front. Racist Rhodesia has ordered an American freelance journalist to leave the embattled cbuntry within two weeks. qS tlocicage ana aestroy! LA the masses. .A forces now manifest the "arrogance of power" - the power of Zimbabwe News 13 The War

Friday 5/5/78: The leadership of African Trade Union Movements is planning to step up its aid for African National Liberation movements. Thursday 11/5/78: Only 600 people attended the rally organised in Mrewa yesterday by the invalid so-called interim executive council of the murderer Ian Smith, renagade Sithole, puppet Chirau and stooge Muzorewa. In The Battlefield More reports have come in from the battlefields of Zimbabwe. ZANLA freedom fighters gunned down two war planes of the terrorist regime on Monday the 24th of April 1978 in the Chiyendambuya area. The planes were shot down when enemy forces tried to raid a strong ZANLA unit which was camped in the area. Several enemy troops were killed during the abortive raid and weapons were captured. In the Northern war zones, ZANLA guerillas killed seven enemy troops in an ambush in Kazi area, Sipolilo district, on the 15th of last month. ZANLA Provincial Field Operational Commander in the area also reported that over 2500 Zimbabwean civilians were freed from Smith's nazi-type concentration Camps in operations during the last three months. He said enemy movement in the Northern zone has been drastically limited by ZANLA combatants working in collaboration with the opressed masses. Other reports from Shamva area, in the North-Eastern war zones say a unit of ZANLA freedom Fighters stormed Madziva mine at the beginning of this year and captured large quantities of materials including tools and groceries from the mine owned tuck-shop, which were distributed to the local people. The mine was officially closed down on the 21st of January this year. Friday 12/5/78: The prices of all fuels in the embattled British colony of Southern Rhodesia have been increased with immediate effect to raise funds and save fuel for the losing war against the armed forces of the Patriotic Front. The quisling Ndabaningi Sithole has ferried his men from Uganda and Malawi to Salisbury to pose as ZANLA guerrilas surrendering to the terrorist Rhodesian regime. There is a short report from the war zones in Zimbabwe. The terrorist Rhodesian troops, who have been placed at worst defensive position by the ZANLA freedom fighters of ZANU, are intensifying their atrocities against the African civilian population. Seven troops in the regime's barbarous army raped a 16 year-old African girl in Mrewa area recently. The names of the barbaric troops are Martin Chivasa, Patrick, Jimmy and Henry, and the other two are coloureds. According to Austin Mupfumise, a former member of the regime's army now a dedicated ZANLA combatant, the seven enemy forces later assaulted the girl and left her unconscious. In the Uzumba area, enemy African district assistants guarding Chododo concentration Camp, in Mugabe village, broke into a store in the area belonging to Fenyenyegwenye store and stole hundreds of dollars including goods. The same enemy district assistants raped two young girls, Luckshin Kashiri and Ndaziveyi Nyahomo. During the course of the year, they shot and killed one girl for refusing them love and also wounded two others. The notorious district assistants are Paul Matombo, Kandege Ishmael and so-called corporal Joseph. Saturday 13/5/78: Comrade Robert Mugabe, co-leader of the Patriotic Front has held talks with Ethiopian leader, Mengistu Haile Mariam. The terrorist Rhodesian leader, Ian Douglas Smith, has said he does not think his acquiesent stooge bishop Muzorewa will withdraw from the sell-out Salisbury agreement. In the War Zone Towards the midnight hour of April the 20th 1978, a heavily armed ZANLA mobile unit attacked and destroyed the terrorist Rhodesian military post at Rugwetitswidze, about 40 km East of Rusape. Buildings, arms, trucks and other installations were destroyed. Several enemy troops were killed and many wounded. There was no reaction from enemy headquarters until late on the next day when a truck with troops on board detonated a well laid ZANLA landmine on the road leading to the Camp. Another 9 enemy forces were killed and several were fatally injured. ZANLA's field operational commander in the area said the operation was aimed at raising the moral of Zimbabwean villagers in the vicinity who were subjected to constant harassement by enemy troops station in the destroyed Camp. Sunday 15/5/78: In fulfilment of what was said by his rebel and terrorist master [an Smith, the acquiescent stooge bishop Abel Muzorewa has decided not to withdraw from the sell-out Salisbury agreement. In the War Zone This evening we carry a report from the Eastern war Zones of Zimbabwe on successes by the National Liberation forces during the early months of this year. Relying on information on enemy movements given by local Zimbabwean masses on the 17th of March, a ZANLA crack unit ambushed 15 terrorist Rhodesian troops on the road from Nyakamboto to Mutukumira in the Inyanga district. 11 of the enemy troops were killed and the other four were seriously wounded. The following day in another ambush, ZANLA guerrillas killed 5 enemy soldiers and wounded a few others on the road between Nyadowa and Mutukumira. The ZANLA combatants also captured Belgian made guns and other military equipment from the enemy forces. Earlier on, in Dawara area, Chikore district, on February the 2nd, another ZANLA unit gunned down one enemy war plane killing the pilot and three others on board. On January the 21st on the same area, a section of eleven ZANLA freedom fighters attacked a band of terrorist Rhodesian troops. Five were killed and the rest fled, some leaving their weapons. During the early hours of May the 4th, about ten days ago, on the Shabani side of the Lundi River, a section of Zimbabwean freedom fighters ambushed and caputured a Newspaper delivery van which was taking papers from Bulawayo to Shabani and Fort Victoria, in the interior South Eastern war zones of Zimbabwe. Tuesday 16/5/78: Comrade Robert Mugabe, co-leader of Zimbabwe Patriotic Front has left Addis Ababa after talks with the Ethiopian leader colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam. ZANU's secretary for Defence has issued a war communique. (see in this issue the war Section). 14 Zimbabwe News The War

The British Newspaper, the Financial Times, yesterday said recent events in Muzorewa's puppet Organisation concerning the expulsion of opportunist Byron Hove from the illegal black and white Salisbury regime, will lead to a further rapid loss of the little support the stooge Bishop Muzorewa enjoys among the African people. Meanwhile, the Tanzanian Daily News today said that if the stooge Abel Muzorewa had pulled out of the treacherous Salisbury agreement, it would have been a principled and honourable decision. Wednesday 17/5/78: ZANU, the party of the masses of Zimbabwe, today strongly condemned the murder last Sunday by the terrorist forces of Salisbury, of over a hundred innocent African civilians. ZANU's President and Patriotic Front co-leader, Comrade Robert Mugabe, is in Damascus for talks with Syrian leaders. The Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army has issued a summary of Chimurenga war communique No. 16. An American solidarity group, the National coalition to support African Liberation, has revealed that the United States is embarked on efforts to install black puppets regimes in Zimbabwe and Namibia. President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia is holding talks on Zimbabwe and Namibia with President Jimmy Carter. Thursday 18/5/78: Discussions continue in Damascus between a ZANU delegation, led by Comrade Robert Mugabe, the President, and Patriotic Front co-leader, and Syrian government officials. At least fifteen white terririst Rhodesian troops wounded by ZANLA freedom fighters are admitted in the whites-only Andrew Fleming Hospital in Salisbury every day. The desperate terrorist Rhodesian regime has imposed 22 hours daily curfew upon Zimbabweans living on an extensive area in the Eastern war zones. ZANU, the party of the masses, said at least 1056 terrorist Rhodesian troops were killed at ZANLA freedom fighters during the period of January to April this year. During the same period, the ZANLA freedom fighters gunned down 10 war planes of the Smith regime destroyed 65 military vehicles, 7 vital bridges, 3 landmine detector vehicles, one armoured car, and razed to the ground 21 white owned farm homesteads. Saturday 20/5/78: The co-leader of the Zimbabwe Patriotic Front, Comrade Robert Mugabe is expected in China for talks with leaders of the Chinese Communist Party. The Secretary General of the United Nations, Kurt Waldheim has underlined the need to now implement the resolutions against the racist regime of Salisbury adopted by the UN Security Council during its last debate on Zimbabwe last March. Sunday 21/5/78: The UN Security council committee on sanctions against the rebel and fascist Salisbury regime has published a report on capitalist countries which are violating the sanctions against the regime. Wednesday 24/5/78: The co-leader of the Zimbabwe Patriotic Front, Comrade Robert Mugabe has today arrived in Pyongyang, the capital city of the People's Republic of Korea. ZANLA freedom fighters have repulsed a military campaign by the terrorist Rhodesian forces to regaing the upper hand in the south Easters war zones of Zimbabwe. Thursday 25/5/78: The renagade quisling Ndabaningi Sithole and the stooge Abel Muzorewa are in Malawi to confer on the treacherous Salisbury agreement with Kamuzu Banda. And the terrorist Ian Smith is in fascist South Afrika for similar talks with the racist Johannes Vorster. ZANLA freedom fighters operating in the South Eastern Zones of Zimbabwe are intensifying their Revolutionary activities of freeing Zimbabwean civilians imprisoned in Smith's nazitype concentration camps. The Secretary General of ZANU, the Zimbabwe Afrikan National Union, a component of the Patriotic Front, Comrade Edgar Tekere today said the so-called internal settlement of Salisbury is really no event at all, it is no news. The chairman of the United Nations Decolonisation Committee yesterday expressed the need for the strengthening of solidarity with the colonised people of Southern Africa, who are waging Liberation wars. Saturday 27/5/78: One of the traitors of the cause of the people of Zimbabwe, the renegade quisling Ndabaningi Sithole, is in London for talks with David Owen, the British foreign Secretary. Reports from the war zones of Zimbabwe reveal that many African servicemen are defecting from the terrorist Rhodesian army to the ZANLA forces of the ZANU. Sunday 28/5/78: A delegation of the Zimbabwe African National Union, ZANU, a component of the Patriotic Front is expected in Madrid, the Spanish capital tomorrow for a seven day official visit The Swedish government is to give about 10 million dollars to Southern African National Liberation Movements in the next few months. Monday 29/5/78: The Federal Republic of Nigeria has reaffirmed its support for the Liberation war being waged by the forces of the Patriotic Front against the SalisburySmith- Sithole-Muzorewa-Chirau regime. Tuesday 30/5/78: John Graham from the British foreign office is to fly to Lusaka at the end this week to meet Steven Low, the American ambassador in Zambia, before starting another Anglo-American shuttle initiative to try and settle the Zimbabwean independence problem. The British Newspaper "The Daily Telegraph" has revealed that David Owen, the British foreign Secretary, and the African acquiescent stooge, Ndabaningi Sithole, are embarked on plans to try and split the Zimbabwe Patriotic Front. Racist Rhodesia's top representative in the United States has acknowledged that his regime is imprisoning more than 500000 Africans in nazi-type concentration Camps. "The task of overthrowing bourgeois empires and creating in their place national democracies offering ripe circumstances for programmes of social transformation is thus as much as national as indeed it is an international one, welding together as it must, and on both fronts, all truly democratic forces." Cde. Mugabe Zimbabwe News 15 The War

The War The war is here, every where! - Cde. Tongogara Comrade Josiah Magama Tongogara - Secretary for defence. Comrade Josiah Magama Tongogara, ZANU's Secretary of Defence, declared in an interview with a reporter of THE ZIMBABWE NEWS that ZANLA (The Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army - the armed wing of ZANU) had won the liberation war on the battlefield of Zimbabwe. What was left now, was a political battle. He said: "The enemy's forces had been scattered and demoralised, his resources and strength depleted, and the leadership stripped off any authority it had. The enemy does not know where to go now. Ian Smith (The Prime Minister of the white settler regime) is finished, and his forces are on the run. Bases where he used to maintain a battalion, we now find only 6 or 7 soldiers. The leaders, and indeed their security officers, are now engaged in widespreadcorruption, ransacking shops and stores, and taking the loot elsewhere to build new homes for their families. This year they have been restrained a little by their three running dogs Chief Jeremiah Chirau, Rev. Ndabaningi Sithole, and Bishop Abel Muzorewa - who have been saying ' 'boss wait, we are organising meetings with the fighters", but they are in complete disarray. The people of Zimbabwe have won the war, what is left is just the political battle." Comrade Tongogara answered ten questions in which he recounted the growth of ZANLA from a small band of committed men numbering about 100 in 1964, to about 400 in 1967 when he was elected commander, and to the present mammoth army that has successfully challenged and defeated the white Rhodesian army and airforce. At the beginning of the liberation war 14 years ago the Rhodesian army enjoyed many advantages, experience of action in two world wars, sophisticated weaponery, mobility, financial resources, and a strong determination to defy and defeat the African nationalist movement. However, after many years of painstaking work by Comrade Tongogara and the small band of committed men around him, out in the bush with little food clothing, and very few old weapons the ZANLA forces slowly turned round the corner of opposition, and tipped the balance against the powerfully armed Rhodesian forces. In one of the rare interviews given by the ZANU's Secretary for Defence, Comrade J.M. Tongogara, he spoke candidly about the successes and failures of the last 14 years of armed struggle, in an unassuming manner. Born and educated in Rhodesia, he moved to Lusaka in Zambia in January 1960 to take up employment as an accounts clerk for a large brewery. He joined ZANU at its inception in August 1963, becoming Chairman of the Lusaka District in 1964. In 1965 he resigned his job to work for the party. He was sent to Tanzania for military training for a year; and then to the People's Republic of China for 9 months of further training. Returning to the party headquarters in Zambia he was given the responsibility of building up the Department of Security Intelligence and Reconnaissance, and posted to the front in north and Western Provinces of Zimbabwe. In June 1967, the Party established a Military Planning Committee headed by the then Secretary for Public Affairs, Noel Mukono, as Chairman and Josiah Magama Tongogara as Deputy Chairman and Chief of Operations. From that date onwards he became virtually the Chief of Defence of ZANLA forces, and the 16 Zimbabwe News The War

Escalation and victory, only way to save lives - Cd. President dominant figure in ZANU's military affairs. He combined his military role with the political in 1973 when he was elected Secretary for Defence, and he stressed in the interview that in ZANU it is politics that commands the gun, although it is the gun that liberates the country. The three foundation stones of ZANLA were: the decission of the first Congress of ZANU at Gwelo in May 1964 to launching of the armed struggle at the famous Sinoia Battle in April 1966, and the formation of the Military Planning Committee in 1967 and the Military Council in 1969. Its phenomenal growth from 400 men in 1967 to the 40000 men and women it had trained and equipped, and put into battle by mid-1978, is indeed a glorious page in the history of Zimbabwe. Part of this page is recounted in the following interview by the man who knows most about it, and whose own life and work has been inextricably interlinked with the ups and downs of ZANLA, Comrade Josiah Magama Tongogara, Secretary for Defence: Question: Could you recount the early history of ZANLA - its origins, pro blems and programmes? Answer: After the Gwelo Congress in 1964, military work was started within the Department of Public Affairs. Planning and training cadres for a protracted armed struggle was started. When the Party was banned in Zimbabwe in August 1964, the members of the Central Comittee who had been detained, instructed those who were outside to continue with the preparations and operations for armed struggle. A Revolutionary Council headed by Comrade Herbert Chitepo was formed consisting of those members of the Central Committee who were outside, and others who were emerging from the Military Planning Committee. Our general strategy was to face homewards, mobilise the masses, and recruit new cadres. The programme succeeded although we met many difficulties such as the geographical barriers of the Zambezi river, and the escarpment on the Zambezi side of the river which is uninhabitated. We had to cross the Zambezi in canoes and dingy boats which did not make noi- se. The enemy engaged agents who patrolled the river daily and reported any tracks and footprints. Even after crossing the river, it took us between 2 and 5 days walking through forbidding and thick bush before we reached the first villages. Water was scarce and dangerous wild animals were plentiful. These geographical factors slowed down our infiltration and recruitment programmes, but after some time we managed to penetrate deep into the population behind enemy lines. The battles at Sinoia, Makute, Binga and Urungwe were some examples of the success of our programme at the time. Question: How did ZANLA prepare for the Sinoia battle and what lessons did it draw from it? Answer: The Sinoia battle introduced the gun and the armed struggle into Zimbabwe politics in line with our policy of liberation through the barrel of the gun. At that time we lacked experience and we made a lot of mistakes. We learnt the importance of studying the characteristics of the people in any given are before introducing the gun, and working hard to raise their national consciousness, and articulating the national grievances of the people themselves. Our first groups went into an area carrying guns on their back. They frightened away the villagers who rushed to the enemy to report our presence. Furthermore, at that time the masses in this area were not receptive to the armed struggle as the only method of freeing themselves and defeating the enemy. However, in spite of the initial mistakes we made, the Sinoia battle was a landmark in our struggle. It shattered the myth in the minds of our people that the white man was as invincible as he had been made to believe. For their part, the white settlers panicked and realised that we meant business. Question: Who were the main external supporters of ZANLA? Answer: Obviously, those who gave us training facilities and weapons, notably Tanzania in Africa, and socialist countries in Europe and Asia. Question: As the people's army, how has ZANLA handled? Commander-in-chief of ZANLA and President of ZANU, Cde. Robert Gabriel Mugabe. Zimbabwe News 17 The War

(a) the enemy forces? (b) and the Zimbabwe masses? Answer: In his writings Chairman Mao stresses that captives should not be ill- treated. When a liberation army captures an enemy soldier it should treat him with humanity and tolerance. The principal enemy is the one who is holding a gun pointing at us in defence of the oppressive and exploitative system, irrespective of the colour of his skin, race or nationality. Even if it were my mother or father holding that gun of the oppressor I would shoot her or him before she or he pulled her or his trigger, let alone the other national traitors. About the masses, it is important to study the characteristics of the people, analyse their class origins, and identify the principal contradictions in that society. ZANLA listens carefully and patiently to the people's national grievances by a thorough system of investigation and meetings. When the national grievances have been identified and thorough analysis completed, only then is it possible to identify who is the enemy, and who is a friend, and then to draw up a priority list of targets whose destruction would serve the best interests of the masses of our people. ZANLA's true friends have been the ordinary peasants of Zimbabwe. As Chairman Mao said they have been the water in which the ZANLA fish have swum, slipping between the fingers of the enemy. A fish can only survive the forces of repression and suppression when he or she is thoroughly integrated among the people. Question: What were the special fea tures and lessons to be drawn from the North -Eastern offensive in 1 972? Answer: In order to find an answer for tomorrow, one should study the past and present. A war progresses in stages, and one should study carefully the past and the present stage in order to avoid problems of tomorrow. I have said that we made some mistakes in the 1960s. We studied these mistakes and the geographical obstacles referred to above. We also studied the characteristics of all border populations. We found that when ZANU was formed in 1963, it had received strong support in north and north-eastern areas and in the Midlands. Furthermore by moving to the north-east, we minimised the difficulties of terrain and geography. We started negotiations with Frelimo with a view to utilising their liberated areas in Tete Province as an entry point to Zimbabwe. Although Frelimo had good rela- Smith and the puppets Must be overthrown tions with ZAPU, they agreed to collaborate with us on the ground that we were Zimbabweans anxious to liberate our country. We submitted a programme of action in 1971 which they accepted. We sent a scouting team consisting of Meya Hurimbo (now Chief Political Commissar), Ernest Kadungure (now Secretary for Finance), Justin Chauke (now Deputy Secretary for Welfare and Transport), and Joseph Chimurenga (member of the High Command), to survey the area and ascertain the possibilities. After six months of thorough study and discussions with Zimbabwean peasants, they reported that the conditions were favourable. We sent in 45 Comrades as Commissars to go and organise the masses, raise their consciousmess, and identify their national grievances. At the same time we carried weapons and war materials into strategic areas, so that when the fighting started the enemy would not cripple our supplies by cut- Say Zanu Leaders ting our supply lines. We spent six months building up our material supplies and weaponry inside the country. Although the journey from Chifombo in Zambia to Mukumbura on the border between Mozambique and Zimbabwe was long and arduous - 180 miles carrying food and weapons on our backs - we were able to put several tons of weapons inside the country. In this Herculean task we were assisted by Mozambican peasants who carried large quantities of ammunitions to the Zimbabwean border. From Mukumbura into the northeastern District, we were assisted by Zimbabwean peasants who regarded the war as indeed their own. The north-eastern area was particulary favourable because the people still remembered the battles fought in 1897 As the war escalates, training becomes more rigorous. 18 Zimbabwe News The War and as late as 1917. Nehanda, the famous spirit medium, had taken the last stand against colonisation in this region. Furthermore, Zimbabweans could see what Frelimo had achieved in liberating Mozambiquans from Portuguese colonialism and fascism across the border. Some of our Comrades took refresher courses with Frelimo and participated in some battles where they saw Frelimo fighters annihilating the common enemy. All these factors combined to raise the morale of our people, and generate enthusiasm for the war. When we felt we had our people, a grip on the area, we struck the first blow with the massive force in the rich settler farming district of Centernary on December 22, 1972. Although many farmers were killed in this offensive, we did not attack white farmers as such. Realising that we had mined several roads, the enemy airlifted soldiers into strategic farms in Centenary. We had to attack such farms in line with our general policy of annihilating the enemy security forces whereever we found them. Some farmers were members of the Police Reserve and the Security forces that were concentrated in these strategic farms, and therefore had to be attacked as enemy forces. But, we tried to avoid attacking individual farmers as such. Your readers may be surprised and interested to be told that one of the contributing factors to the success of the north eastern offensive was the cooperation we received from some European farmers and Missionaries. For example, when the students of St. Alberts Mission marched en-bloc to our camps, the Missionaries came with them, providing money and food. We thanked them and told them to return to their posts. The Smith regime then started killing Missionaries in order to starve and isolate our forces in the area. One of our units in the north-eastern offensive captured a white farmer and surveyor called Gerald Hawksworth Captured enemy pistols who had raised his arms before them and surrendered. According to ZANLA rules and regulations we do not shoot a man or a woman who surrendered and no longer points a gun at us. Gerald knew the area well, and he gave us a lot of information about the position of the enemy forces, storage of arms and ammunition, and their points of strength and weakness in the area. Some of the targets we attacked successfully were as a result of the information we received from Hawksworth. After a time, we released him because he had been cooperative and repented. Question: What is your attitude to the question of unity of the fighting forces, and the political movements of Zimbab we? Answer: Unity of the fighting forces is of paramount importance. You can never succeed without maintaining the unity of the forces. But unity emerges from a high level of political consciousness among the cadres and their commitment to common objectives in the armed struggle. ZANLA forces have remained intact through the many years of struggle. The question of unity with ZAPU was tackled at many stages by the party, ZANU. In 1964 the Foreign Ministers of Malawi and Zambia convened a meeting of ZANU and ZAPU leaders in Lusaka in an effort to unite us. ZAPU spurned and foiled these efforts saying that ZANU did not exist. Again, in 1971 we formed the joint Military Command with the objective of forming one formidable army of ZANLA and ZIPRA (Zimbabwe Peoples Revolutionary Army, the armed wing of ZAPU). We took the Joint Military Command seriously but it foundered on the rock of opposition from ZAPU which merely wanted to use it as a instrument of survival. When ZANU members of DARE (the external executive) and the High Command were arrested and detained in Zambia in 1975, we held discussions in prison with the late Jason Moyo, then leader of the external wing of ZAPU. We sponsored and approved the formation of ZIPA (the Zimbabwe People's Army), for the purpose of continuing the armed struggle. Our political leaders who had been released in Zimbabwe also called for National Unity in Zimbabwe with ZAPU. The youngmen in the General Staff of ZANLA who formed ZIPA rose to the occassion and did an excellent job of reorganising the armed struggle and opening new areas, and launching of new offensives. The Patriotic Front of ZANU and ZAPU was formed for the purpose of confronting the British Government and the Rhodesian regime as one fighting entity, and for co-ordinating our armed struggle in Zimbabwe generally. It was not formed for a Geneva conference of November 1976 as some people have urged. We have steadily and surely broadened our areas of co-operation. We have put behind us any possibilities of a major military conflict between ZIPRA and ZANLA, although there may be mischievous and self-seeking individuals who may try to incite one army against the other. I must stress that both ZIPA and the Patriotic Front were creations of the People of Zimbabwe and their leaders after careful analysis of the demands of the armed struggle and the objective situation. Before these steps were taken, we had long and comprehensive discussions with ZAPU political and military leaders, especially the late Jason Moyo. Question: What was the impact of the liberation war of the three phases detente in 1 974, 1 976 and 1 978? Answer: The stated reason for the detente exercises was to stop the spread of Communism into Southern Africa, but the real objective was to destroy ZANU. It nearly succeeded because the imperialists managed to eliminate our illustrious Chairman, Herbert Chitepo, who was the rallying point of the Liberation Struggle. After his death, ZANU military and Political leaders were detained, although the overall objective was to eliminate them physically using agents they had placed in the organisation and elsewhere. Chitepo was certainly killed by imperialists using their agents who may have been white or black. When physical elimination failed, and the liberation war continued, the imperialists then sought a new strategy of nullifying our influence at the constitutional confeience table. The Geneva conference was second front created by our fighting forces who had now pinned down the enemy. The achievement of independence in Mozambique had removed most of the geographical barriers we had encountered in the past, and opened a new fronier of 800 miles that made it possible for us to launch new offensives in Eastern and Southern areas of the country. Ian Smith who boasted that he would never sit at a conference table with Africans had to eat his words and come to Geneva. At the Geneva Conference, the enemy started on a new strategy of creating proteges among Zimbabwean Nationalists, and opposition groups that pretended to be revolutionary bur actually set up to defeat the revolutionnary cause and disrupt the Zimbabwe News 19 The War

Pamberi ne Chimurenga!! Young comrade relates his experiences in the war. process. Alliances and contacts were made with Ndabaningi Sithole, James Chikerema, George Nyandoro and they were promised safe return if only they condemned the fighting forces. This move was not unexpected. A liberation war process goes through many phases. When you reach the decisive stage the enemy creates proteges and opposition groups within the liberation forces in an attemppt to rob the people of final military victory, and to perpetuate the dying colonial system in new guise, and new way. We were surprised at Geneva to find some African People and the some-socalled leaders who were talking the same language as the enemy. Once the enemy showed an inclination to talk to them and to incorporate them in his exploitative and repressive system, the struggle for them was over. What about the toiling masses back home? Fortunately for us, and because of the experience we had accumulated over the years in the struggle. ZANU survived these imperialist pressures and remained commited to the correct political and military line; our leadership continued to put the interests of the masses before everything else. Our leadership kept its ears to the ground listening to the voice of the people, and our eyes wide open to counteract and foil imperialist manouvres by the United States, Britain South Africa and the racists at home. We are also fortunate in choosing friends who backed us to the hilt in our mounting resistance to the detente exercises. The Front-line States and the socialist world backed us in our resolve to continue the struggle - ''A Luta continua!" Question: What has been the basic strategy of ZANLA in the current phase, and where does it draw most of its sup port in the Zimbabwe population? Answer: President Robert Mugabe has said that 1978 was to be the year of the people when we should create political base areas within Zimbabwe. We are working hard in the North, NorthEast, East, South-East, South and South-West to create areas where we impose a new administration, establish Party structures, and run civil administration providing social services to the people. This phase of consolidating our political power in these areas is a difficult one but it has been made easy by the support we have among the people. The masses of Zimbabe have denounced the so-called internal settlement in totto, and they are rallying to the cause of true liberation which we represent. We have attacked and destroyed many protected villages and freed the people. President Mugabe has estimated that a million people now live in areas where they can no longer be molested by the oppressive settler adminiatration, and they are co-operating with our army in establishing a new socio-economic order. The bastion of our support has been the Zimbabwe peasantry, but the workers in the cities, students in the high schools and universities, and intellectuals have joined in a massive national democratic revolution. Strikes of workers and students have disrupted the enemys administration, and swelled the ranks of our forces and recruits. All the masses of Zimbabwe have joined in a massive national and patriotic war. Question: What is your vision of the new social and economic ordera free and independent Zimbabwe? Answer: I would like to see a Zimbabwe socialism in which all people share what they have and work for the common good of all. In ZANLA we share the little that we have. If I have two pairs of trousers and another Comrade has none, I give him mine. As we have spent so many years living, eating, working as a community of Zimbabweans in the bush, it would not be easy to go back on this experience and return to individualistic capitalist practices. The most important thing in the new social and economic order is to go to the people, ask them, and do what they want. Our people have worked and lived under a system they called communalism in which the interests of the community were placed above those of the indivi- ZANU is building a militia force in the liberated areas. 20 Zimbabwe News The War

Self-reliance is the rule dual. This is an element we should retain. I can not describe myself as a communist, although we have consistantly been accused of trying to bring communism in Zimbabwe. Question: What is your personal view of the political leaders under whom and with whom you have worked in ZANU? Answer: Well, our first president was Ndabaningi Sithole. I found him to be throughly dishonest, and possessing typical reactionary and capitalist ideas. He does not have a single idea about socialism in his head although he has written books about it. After his release from detention in 1974, it was my task to brief him on the progress of the liberation war. I found that he did not understand a thing about the on-going revolution. All he wanted was to remain leader of ZANU. He thought he was impressing me when he told me that he would see to it, that we have farms, cars, and lots of property in a free Zimbabwe. He imagined that we spent so many years in the bush for farms and cars. I was not surprised to hear that Sithole was conniving with the enemy in prison. When he was released, and we were detained in Zambia we expected Sithole to offer direction and leadership to the Party but he did not. He turned a deaf ear to all of us, tried to appoint persons from his district to key positions in ZANLA, paid no attention to victims of the Mboroma shooting or the wives and children of detainees, and blessed the Zambian interpretation of events leading to the assasination of Comrade Herbert Chitepo. As we could no longer have a tribalist and a reactionary at the head of a revolutionary liberation movement, we consulted and agreed on the Mgago document which effectively desposed him. The late Herbert Chitepo can not be compared to Sithole. Although he had grown up at a mission school and became one of the leading intellectuals in Zimbabwe, he quickly adapted to the needs and demands of the revolution. He mixed freely with people and listened to their grievances. During his 9 years of leadership of ZANU he became a father of the party. More importantly he understood and internalised the process of the revolution. Bishop Abel Muzorewa is a churchman who can not even slaughter a chicken, but surprisingly at one time Poultry and agricultural production is booming in ZANU controlled areas. Cde. President and Central Committees members on tour of Production projects in base areas ZANLA-forces building roads in operational area Zimbabwe News 21 The War he thought he could lead an armed struggle. I was summond to private office in the State house of Zambia in November 1974 to confer with the bishop. There he told me of his plan to return to Salisbury with Sithole, Nkomo and others, and then return to Lusaka to visit the military camps with me. I realised that the little bishop was power hungry and ambitious. I told him, that he could only tour the camps in the company of Sithole who was the leader that time. When he insisted on returning alone, I stood up, slammed the door in his face and left. Robert Mugabe, the present leader of ZANU, is a self confident and principled man. He can not be moved from principles he holds, or from collective decisions of his organisation. His practice is firmly set against tribalism and regionalism; he judges issues on their merits, not on the colour, tribe, or region of the person who has brought them up. ZANU is blessed to have such a Leader. (END) The Commander-in-chief on inspection tour of ZANLA strongholds. Comrade Chapewa "The Masses are really on our side" Ouestion: Comrade Chapewa Masange, I understand you were one of the commanders who recently attacked one of the biggest camps in this part of the country. Is it true? Answer: Yes, I am one of the commanders who was there. I was interested in observing the enemy's tactics. The camp was the main source of reinforcements, it is where some of the terrorist forces who attack Mozambique come from. Question: What is the name of the camp? Answer: The name of the camp is Luangwa. Question: Were is it situated in this part of the country? Answer: It is near Katevere area. Question: Can you go ahead and tell me how you attacked the camp from the initial stage of reconnaissance until finally you went to attack the camp? Answer: We got information, that the enemy was using the camp as a bridge in attacking neighbouring Mozambique. We had to reconnoit. After reconnoiting, we discovered that the camp was easy to be attacked. We went back to collect the forces. Question: How many forces were there? Answer: We were about two hundred and forty five. Question: Can you tell me what kind of weapons you used during the attack? Answer: The weapons we had were three recoilless rifles four HMG two M10 rocket launchers LMGs and the rest were SMGs. Question: When was that? Answer: It was on the 16th of April. We arrived at the camp which was composed of D.A.S. base and the so called security forces, base. We then deployed ourselves. We used a triple strategy, i.e. dividing our forces into three groups. One went to the D.A.S. camp one to the army and the other to the airport. The battle started at 11.45 p.m. Question: How much enemy property was destroyed during the attack? How many enemy forces were killed or demobilised? Answer: Too much property was destroyed. Buildings, and cars were destroyed. Countless forces were killed. The whole camp of the so-called security forces had 75 troops and about 45 of them were seriously injured and the remainder were killed. Question: According to your reconnaissance before you attacked the camp, how many D.A.S. would you think were in this camp? Answer: They were about forty five. Question: How many were killed? Answer: Many were killed and according to the latest information I gathe- red, the masses were forced by the terrorist forces to bury the decomposed bodies of the D.A.S. The terrorist forces went on to strip off the Jeans of their white soldiers and put them on the dead D.A.S. claiming to the masses that they were dead bodies of freedom fighters. Question: What was the enemy reaction after the attack? Answer: The following morning only one plane arrived. After three days, the enemy started to send reinforcements. Question: Did he launch any counter attack? Answer: He tried but he failed. Qzestion: Can you comment on the mass situation around the area you attacked? Answer: The masses are really on our side but they did not get the chance to speak to us because of the terrorist forces since their villages surrounded the camp of the terrorist forces. Question: What of the enemy situation around the area? Answer: The enemy cannot travel for a distance of five kilometres away from the camp. The enemy forces can only roam around the villages of the masses. Generally, the situation is in our favour. Question: Did you have any other battle after the Luangwa attack? Answer: We did not have any other battle with the enemy. 22 Zimbabwe News The War

WAR COMMUNIQUE NO 17 The period between April and midJune 1978 clearly marks the transformation of the liberation war from a mere armed struggle into a true Peoples War. Zimbabwean masses have shown active participation in carrying out acts of sabotage on the racist regime's crumbling economy as well as raising self-reliance projects in the semi-liberated areas. ZANLA combatants throughout Zimbabwe have consolidated political and ideological education on the masses. This has led to the creation and consolidation of political base areas in the rapidly expanding semi-liberated areas. New administrative organs are being set up in the semi-liberated areas in an effort aimed at strengthening People's democratic dictatorship. Military operations carried out by ZANLA during the period clearly indicate that the racist Rhodesian terrorist army has been put to the defensive. The National liberation Army is enjoying a strategic superiority over the enemy and is now striking telling blows on vulnerable points at the enemy's economy which is grinding to a halt. Several Major enemy camps have been destroyed during this period. Administration of the terrorist regime is only limited to the urban areas. ZANLA combatants are however intensifying their operations towards these urban areas. A large number of racist owned farms situated in the fertile highveld of the country, the so-called European areas, have been deserted. Rail and road communication throughout the country have been crippled by the intensified military activities. In this period over 3 500 toiling Zimbabweans were freed from the NAZI-type concentration camps and resettled in the semi-liberated areas. From the beginning of April to midJune, ZANLA combatants successfully carried out: (1) 90 surprise attacks on the enemy, (2) 62 ambushes, (3) 36 sabotage operations, (4) killed 615 enemy troops, (5) destroyed 6 keeps, (6) destroyed 2 Major bridges, (7) shot down 5 enemy war planes and 30 military vehicles. The War in the Tete Province (Northern Region of Zimbabwe) This region has been the traditional operation zone of the Zimbabwe African Liberation Army from 1972. ZANLA combatants in this region are continually expanding the semi-liberated zones as they wrest land inch by inch from the racist gangsters of the SmithMuzorewa-Sithole-Chirau regime. Several concentration camps have been destroyed and over 3500 Zimbabwean masses set free and resettled. The War in the Northern Province Selous Scouts die On the second of April 1978, three members of the notorious Selous Scout-band were killed by the liberation forces in Mutsvaire village, Mount Darwin area. These Scouts were "surprise attacked" when they were mobilising the people to support the sell-out internal deal by Zimbabwean masses throughout the country. FN Rifle Captured in Guerrilla Assault A ZANLA unit operating in Kaunye area, Mtoko ambushed and assaulted the terrorist troops capturing an FN Rifle on 4th April, 1978. Three racist troops died in the engagement. The masses were highly delighted. Enemy Troops Die In "Keep" Destruction In another incident in the same day, ZANLA combatants "surprise-attacked" Kamwanjiwa "keep", freeing all the masses who were still imprisoned in the nazi- type concentration Camp. Several enemy troops and district assistants were killed in this operation. The people are now living in the semi-liberated areas where they can plough at their own will. Picks and shovels in Militia's Initiative On April the 5th, 1978, at 6.00 p.m. the Nyabini bridge in the Mtoko district was destroyed by the people's militia using picks and shovels. The destruction of the bridge is a blow to the enemy's desperate campaign to reconsolidate in this area. Down With Exploitation On April the 6th, 1978, the National Liberation forces launched an attack on an racist owned farm in Maranda district, killing the racist exploiter. This farmer was notorious for forcing the local people to labour for very low wages. Guerilla Trap Kills Two Racist Troops A carefully laid ZANLA grenade booby trap claimed the lives of two racist troops on the 6th of April, 1978. The trap was laid near a Rhodesian troops regular camping site. Not far from Kusema farm in Chesa Purchase area. Captured reactionaries and agents under political education. Zimbabwe News 23 The War

Landmine Blasts - Three Die An enemy truck detonated a landmine, completely destroying the truck and killing three racist troops on board on April the 6th, 1978. The mine was laid by ZANLA sabotage unit midway along the Macheke-Mtoko road. The landmine was laid with the objective of blokkading enemy reinforcement to settler owned farms in Macheke. Even Water Engines Explode On April 6th, 1978, a ZANLA engineering unit laid pressure ignited mine under a water engine a kilometre away from "Kawere keep". The mine exploded destroying the engine and killing three district assistants, one of them an engine operator. Engeneering Experts fall for guerilla trap In another incident on the same day, two enemy engineering experts were killed by a booby trap while trying to diffuse what appeared to be a landmine. The booby trap was laid by a ZANLA unit. Mine Explodes Near Kawere "Keep" On April the 9th, 1978, five terrorist troops were killed and several others wounded when a vehicle they were travelling in detonated a ZANLA self-reliance mine near "Kawere keep" Mtoko area. The truck was completely wrecked. Racist Murderers Flee On April 12th, 1978, a ZANLA crack unit clashed with racist troops in Chimphanda area, Rushinga. At least six enemy troops were demobilised and others fled in panic. Other Racists Die In Ambush On April 13th, 1978, ZANLA combatants ambushed and killed four terrorist troops in Kazi area, Sipolilo. An enemy (NATO) light machine gun and an FN rifle were captured by the liberation forces in this engagement. Masses Resettled On the 16th of April 1978, freedom fighters "surprise-attacked" Kawere "keep" in Mtoko freeing three-quarters of the masses imprisoned in this nazitype concentration camp. These masses are now living in the expanding semi-liberated areas in the region. The Kawere "keep" operation was planned to coincide with another surprise attack on Denson "keep" the same night. In this engagement, several members of the enemy guard-force were killed. A mine laid by guerrillas on their retreat from Denson concentration camp was detonated by an enemy "Hino" truck the following morning. Several enemy troops died on the spot. Another mine Explosion At 6.30 p.m. the same day another ZANLA mine exploded along Matedza road, Mtoko, killing several racist troops and injuring others. An "Isuzu" truck in which they were travelling was completely wrecked. This operation was aimed at blockading enemy reinforcements to an African farming area. Chipake Concentration Camp Attacked In a seperate incident fifteen minutes later, on the same day, a heavily armed ZANLA Comrade Commando unit surprise attacked Chipako "keep" 2 in M'toko area. In the engagement that ensued, two racist troops and several district assistants died. The morale of the masses was raised. Viva ZANLA! On the nineteenth of April 1978, a heavily armed ZANLA detachement killed twenty terrorist troops and five district assistants in a fierce encounter near Kamusenzere "keep". Youth Militia Unit Demoralises District Assistants Using huge hammers, a militia unit of nineteen youths destroyed a water engine used by district assistants guarding Chingwena "keep" in the M'toko Area. The incident upset the district assistants who were too scared to walk a kilometre distance to the nearest stream in fear of guerrilla ambushes. This incident happened on the 19th of April 1978, at 11.30pm. Four days later on the 23rd of April 1978, a series of three nearby similar operations were carried out by other militia youths in three nearby "keeps" namely Nyakuchena, Makosa and Katavinga. All water engines were completely destroyed. Chipako "Keep" Masses set Free At 9.25 p.m. on April the 25th ZANLA freedom fighters attacked Chipako concentration Camp in Mtoko. Quarters of the racist regime's D.A.'s were destroyed and D.A.'s killed in the attack. Toiling Zimbaweans who lived in the "keep" were all freed and settled in the semi-liberated area. All D.A.'s who survived in the attack were withdrawn to M'toko Camp. Enemy Supplies To Tsiko Camp Cut On the 29th of April 1978, the racist regime's supplies to Tsiko Camp in M'toko area were blockaded. An enemy British made bedford truck carrying the supplies to this Camp detonated a well laid Z.A.N.L.A. combatants laid a blockading mine along the same road further from the-Camp. Another enemy truck carrying reinforcement enroute to the scene of the first explosion detonated this mine in the late hours of the same day. In both explosions, 10 racist troops were killed and several were wounded. The War in the Manica Province (Central Region of Zimbabwe) The region is the most densely populated in Zimbabwe. Major towns are situated in this region along the railway line which runs west-wards from the eastern border town of Umtali through the capital city Salisbury continuing south- westwards to Bulawayo town to Plumtree. The racist minority regime has lost control of the rural areas in the area. Racist owned farms which occupy the fertile highlands of Zimbabwe, the so-called European areas are deserted while those that have remained in operation are constantly under threats of attacks from the Zimbabwe African Liberation forces. Railway communication between Bulawayo, Salisbury and Urntali is continually being disrupted thus causing setbacks to the racist Rhodesia's rich manufacturing industries. Major commercial companies are virtually failing to operate in the rural areas following intensified military activities. During this period, over 15 racist settler owned farms in this area were attacked and destroyed by ZANLA combatants while several others were deserted by panic-stricken farmers. ZANLA Forces block enemy supplies to the Burma Valley Chigodora area On the evening of April the 1st 1978 at 9.25pm, a seven ton logistics truck of the Rhodesian terrorist army detonated a well laid ZANLA landmine and killed 13 racist troops in the explosion. The incident took place along the UmtaliBurma Valley road in the Chigodora area. The following Day, enemy rein- 24 Zimbabwe News The War forcements rounded up the place of the villages staying in the vicinity for cruel interrogation. A number were imprisoned. In a seperate incident, on the same day in Inyanga area North of Chigodora, ZANLA Freedom Fighters annihilated a unit of five terrorist Rhodesian troops. Another blow on racist Rhodesia's Agricultural Industry Ranching at Droefontein farm in Melsetter area was disrupted on 3rd of April when ZANLA Freedom Fighters ambushed and killed the rancher-, a police reservist of the Salisbury regime. The racist rancher had become notorious among the masses in nearby Chayamiti Kraal. He was harassing them allegedly for rustling his cattle. His death was therefore welcomed by the local masses. Captured hats of the Ian Smith policemen Racist owned store raided Zimbabwean rural masses are also intensifying their active participation in disrupting the enemy's economy. On the 3rd of April 1978, Zimbabwean masses in Chipinga area raided a racist owned store and captured large quantities of material including agricultural equipment. A sum of 94 dollars was also captured. Earlier on during the same day, a commercial vehicle loaded with tea was destroyed in a landmine explosion along the Mount Selinda-Emerald road in the same area, by ZANLA forces. Captured "poison syringe" The War Over 20 enemy troops killed and a military bedford truck destroyed In a well planned surprise attack, ZANLA Freedom Fighters killed 20 terrorist Rhodesian troops at a racist owned farm near Christmas Pass on the evening of April the 5th. The following day, a truck carrying the would-be enemy reinforcement detonated a ZANLA blockading landmine killing a number and injuring others. On the same day in Makandura areaMelsetter district South of Umtali - a section of ZANLA Freedom Fighters ambushed and a annihilated a patrol unit of nine troops of the Salisbury regime. Yet another blow on the regime's Agricultural Industry Production ceased at a racist owned farm near Chikukwa kraal in Melsetter District on the 7th of April 1978 after ZANLA Forces razed to the ground the farm homestead. The farm is now- as in the words of the Salisbury regime - "a heaven for the freedom fighters". Nine enemy forces killed On the afternoon of the 9th of April, nine terrorist Rhodesian troops were killed and several wounded in a ZANLA ambush. The incident took place in a bush near Melsetter South of Umtali. Two commercial vehicles destroyed A ZANLA sabotage unit operating in the Chayamiti area-Mutambara, captured two heavy cargo trucks belonging to the exploitative Howard Transport Service Company on the 10th of April 1978. The Freedom Fighters distributed the contents of the vehicles to the local population and destroyed the vehicles. The Howard Transport Services has ceased its activities in the area. In the same area on the same day, two other vehicles belonging to the Umtali Bottling Company were wrecked by another ZANLA sabotage unit near Hot Springs. The contents of the vehicles were also distributed to the rightful owners - the Zimbabwean masses. Five more killed by ZANLA Forces The 13th of April 1978 witnessed the cessation of production at another racist owned farm in the Mutumbara area, when ZANLA Freedom Fighters attakked the farm house and killed the racist owner - member of the terrorist Rhodesia Front Party. Tractors and other agricultural implements were destroyed during the raid. Captured enemy NATO (FN) rifles Simultaneously in the Marange area between the Odzi and the Sabi rivers, a section of ZANLA combatants demonstrated their principle of quick decision and rapidity of action in face of new situations. The ZANLA section killed four terrorist Rhodesian troops in a counter surprise attack - wounding several others. Economic sabotage In continued acts of economic sabotage, another two heavy commercial vehicles of the Salisbury regime were set ablaze on the 14th of April 1978, by ZANLA Freedeom Fighters along the road between Umtali and Birchenough bridge in the Chitimata area Mutambara. Later that day along the same road, a bus on a trip sponsored by the quisling Ndabaningi Sithole, was also set ablaze. The occupants most of whom were Sithole's sycophants had an hour of political orientation from the freedom fighters before they were let to their homes. Sithole is a member of racist Rhodesia's invalid executive council who falsely claims to be the commander of the liberation forces. Also on the 13th of April at 5.00pm in Marange area a few kilometres North of the scene of the afore mentioned incident, five troops of the Rhodesian terrorist regime met their end in an encounter with the Freedom Fighters. This happened at Mutyaanga Kraal. The following day, in Mutumbara area at Nemaraba, an enemy bedford truck and a land rover were destroyed in a well calculated ZANLA ambush. Six racist troops were killed and four others wounded. Disruption of rural settler administration On the 16th of April, a ZANLA sabotage unit destroyed a cattle dip-tank Zimbabwe News 25 in Gandanzara area. A mine which was laid before this operation, on the road leading to this dip-tank was detonated later that day by a truck carrying the would-be enemy reinforcement. The truck was completely wrecked in the explosion killing 6 enemy troops. The operation was carried out at the request of the local masses. The racist regime's civil servants were using the dip-tank as a means of misappropriation of cattle done under the pretext of limiting overgrazing. In a seperate incident on the same day the 16th of April, a land-rover carrying 8 troops of the Rhodesian regime was destroyed in a landmine explosion near Nzvenga Kraal in Marange District. Four of the racist troops were killed and the rest wounded. During the late hours of the same day in Chipinga area, ZANLA guerillas razed to the ground the enemy military base at Zona Tea estates. According to reports by a ZANLA reconnating unit, about a 100 enemy troops had been massed by the regime in preparation for a campaign to gain its control in the area, which is heavily contested by the ZANLA forces. In the raid 44 racist troops were killed and several wounded. Buildings and other military installations were destroyed. Earlier that day, a racist farmer was killed by ZANLA Freedom Fighters in the Melsetter District. The ZANLA Forces captured a British made FN rifle, a pistol and a land-rover which they later destroyed. They later advanced to the farmhouse, captured military radio communication set, and set the farm house on fire. Another house in Matema area was also destroyed during the same day. Six terrorist Rhodesian troops who were camping at the farmhouse were killed during the operation. Racist radio-man dies On April the 18th, a ZANLA section operating in the Chiteera-Maungwe area- Makoni surprise attacked a unit of racist troops killing the radio communication operator and others. Another blow on the racist economy In Mutambara area on the evening of April the 19th, Freedom Fighters captured a deisel carrier belonging to the exploiting Multi-National Caltex company. After distributing the oil to the local Zimbabwean masses, the ZANLA combatants set the truck ablaze. On the same day in a seperate inci- dent, the ZANLA combatants launched an attack on Bene enemy camp in Mutema area. The terrorist troops of the Salisbury regime were killed and two wounded seriously. In another incident again on the same day- April the 18th, five enemy troops were killed in an encounter with the liberation Forces in Chayamiti area, Mutambara. Racist spotter plane downed On April the 20th, a light aircraft spotter plane of the racist Rhodesian airforce was shot down by freedom fighters in Ngorima area, Melsetter. All the racist crew on board died and the plane was completely wrecked. Racist supplies to South-Eastern region blocked again In a separate incident on the same day at 12.30pm, another two heavy logistics transport vehicles of the Rhodesia terrorist army were ambushed and destroyed by the liberation forces. The trucks which were enroute to Birchenough were ambushed in Dzitoro, Mushua area. The racist regime now supplies its terrorist troops in this region by air. Enemy Chakohwa Military camp stormed On the evening of April the 26th, a ZANLA mobile unit surprise attacked enemy Chikohwa camp in Mutambara killing thirty six rebel troops wounding many. This attack completely paralysed the camp which was the main efemy military base in the area. Regime's communication truck set ablaze The following day April the 27th, ZANLA combatants captured a landrover belonging to racist Rhodesia's Post and Telecommunications Services. After ordering out all the personnel on board the truck, the freedom fighters set it ablaze. The exploited Zimbabweans were dismissed to their homes after an hour of political orientation. Economic Sabotage again On April the 28th two heavy transport trucks belonging to the exploitative Rhodesia Railways Company were ambushed by the freedom fighters along the Umtali-Birchenough road in Tonhorai area Mutambara. The two trucks were completely wrecked while all the racist crew members on board were killed. On April the 29th, 1978, ZANLA combatants attacked a racist owned farm in Chayamiti area Melsetter destroying an irrigation engine and slaughtered 25 herd of cattle. The meat was distributed among the local Zimbabwean masses. Minority regime's communication disrupted In a seperate incident that day, a ZANLA sabotage unit demolished 3 telephone poles near Gunyana in Mushua area, Mutambara. The regime was un- Comrade Rex Nhongo, Deputy Secretary for Defence: Intensifying operations. 26 Zimbabiwe News The War able to repair this damage until after 5 days. 4 racist troops surprise attacked On April the 30th, 1978, a ZANLA section attacked and killed 4 enemy troops in the Chinyamuchesa mountains, Makuni area. Another racist terrorist camp attacked Between 3.45 and 4.30 a.m. on May the 2nd, a heavily armed ZANLA Mobile Unit attacked enemy Mhakwe camp in Melsetter area. Over 20 troops of the racist regime were killed and several wounded while several buildings were razed to the ground. The camp was the largest enemy military base in Musha T.T.L. Encounter with the enemy near Chikwiza bridge On May the 4th 1978, a section of ZANLA combatants was ambushed by enemy troops near Chikwiza Bridge, Mushua area in Melsetter. The Liberation Forces quickly neutralised the situation to their favour, killing several enemy troops and forcing the surviving enemy to retreat. Another spotter plane gunned down On 12th May, 1978, ZANLA forces ambushed and shot down an enemy spotter plane in Mushua T.T.L. Melsetter area, south of Umtali. The spy plane was completely wrecked and all its occupants killed. A seperate incident the same day resulted in the death of 4 racist troops who were ambushed by ZANLA fighters in Chitimani area, Melsetter. The Liberation Forces captured 4 rifles in this engagement. Yet another sabotage operation In the late hours of the same day in the same Melsetter area 2 heavy commercial trucks were captured by the Liberation Forces. The trucks were ablazed after their contents had been distributed to the local population. Enemy jet bomber shot On May the 13th 1978, freedom fighters had a fierce engagement with the racist regime's airforce in Hlabiso Ngorima area in Melsetter. In the encounter, the ZANLA combatants shot down 1 enemy vampire jet plane forcing the other aircrafts to retreat. Closure of 1 more racist farm All production activities ceased at another racist owned farm near Melsetter when on the 14th of May freedom fighters attacked the farm setting the homestead ablaze. The owner of the farm, a certain Charles Hughes who was a member of the racist gangster army deserted before the attack. This racist died the following day when his car detonated a landmine laid by ZANLA on the day of the attack. He was on his way back to inspect the damage inflicted during the attack. Mine detecting vehicle destroyed May the 14th witnessed the destruction of a mine detecting vehicle of a racist army. This vehicle was ambushed in Mutambara area and completely wrekked by ZANLA rocket fire. 4 Racist occupants of the vehicle died on the spot. Another ZANLA ambush on the same day resulted in the death of 3 racist troops in the Cashel Valley area. Freedom Fighters captured 3 f.n. rifles during the attack. A separate ZANLA Sabotage operation launched on the same day in the same area resulted in the destruction of a heavy transport truck belonging to the exploitative multi-national AngloAmerican co-operation. After capturing the vehicle ZANLA combatants set it ablaze together with its load of one brand new military land rover and several drums of fuel. The Anglo-American co-operation which is one of the major financial magnets operating in racist Rhodesia is fully backing the Salisbury regime as a means of safeguarding its economic interests in the colony. More enemy guns captured On May 16, 1978, ZANLA combatants in Mutambara area ambushed and killed 2 enemy racist troops. The Liberation Forces captured 2 f.n. rifles and a quantity of ammunition in this engagement. Sabotage again On the 25th of May, at 10.45 a.m. near Chizemo Kraal, Musha area ZANLA freedom fighters killed 2 terrorist Rhodesian troops in an ambush. The Liberation fighters destroyed a heavy transport truck belonging to the regime's railways which the two troops were escorting. In another sabotage operation carried out on the 27th of May along the Melsetter- Beit Bridge road near Melsetter, a 5 ton truck of a new bakery company was captured by the Liberation Forces. The Liberation Forces then set ablaze the truck after distributing the contents to the Zimbabwean masses. Regime's B.S.A.P. camp stormed On the evening of the 6th of June 1978, a mobile unit of 106 ZANLA combatants attacked the Salisbury regime's Melsetter B.S.A. Police base and killed over 50 enemy troops wounding several others. The ZANLA unit simultaneously attacked a so-called District Assistants camp adjacent to the para-military police base and the homes of senior reservists of the racist government situated behind the police camp. During the ensuing one hour battle, After combat with the enemy, every ZANLA section holds political lessons at the "gathering place". Zimbabwe News 27 The War the ZANLA combatants who were armed with recoiless rifles, mortars, bazookas and other heavy weapons and small arms wrecked some of the buildings and vital installations at the Melsetter camp. The camp was a centre of murder and torture. It's wreckage by freedom fighters was therefore an encouragement to the African masses who were victims of racist terror in the battle torn British colony. Biriiri enemy camp attacked On June the 10th, ZANLA freedom fighters attacked a racist Rhodesian military base near Biriiri Mission in Musha area in the Eastern war zone. 28 ZANLA combatants armed with rocket launchers mortars and light arms stormed the camp at 8.30pm and killed 16 enemy troops of the Rhodesian regime wounding several others. Buildings and other military equipements were destroyed in the attack. The war in the Gaza Province (Southern Region of Zimbabwe) In the months of April and May, ZANLA military operations in this region escalated. During this period one major enemy camp was destroyed, while several others, smaller in size, were devasted. The Rutenga railway line, the racist regime's linking line with apartheid South Afirca was also put out of use on several occasions. Reports from ZANLA intelligence in the region confirm that the Rhodesian terrorists are being heavily reinforced by racist South Africa troops. This is a joint effort by the Pretoria-Salisbury regimes to protect the only direct exportation route of goods from the battle-torn racist Rhodesia. ZANLA in Action On the 16th of April, 1978 a ZANLA section made a sudden encounter with 15 enemy troops in Mawane area, Chief Maziafa. 7 enemy troops were killed on the spot and others were seriously wounded. 2 managed to run away unharmed. In revenge the 2 terrorists cold-bloodedly murdered a 14 year old boy from a nearby village. British / South Africa Military Cars Destroyed On the 8th of April 1978, a crack ZANLA unit liquidated 7 terrorist troops along the Ringo road, Nyajena. The daring broad day light attack also Vigorous drill, vigorous practice, vigorous work, vigorous study forever. saw the complete destruction of a British-made Bedford truck and a land Rover with South African number plates. Mataka Base Pounded On the 9th of April 1978, at 2.00am. Mataka enemy military base, Belingwe, came under heavy fire of mortars and heavy machine guns from a ZANLA mobile unit. Thirty seven (37) terrorist Rhodesian troops were killed on the spot and many wounded. A high frequency radio system and armoury were destroyed. This attack panic-struck the enemy Headquarters in Salisbury for this was a major deployment centre of enemy troops operating in the asbestos rich mining area of Shabani. Bedford Blasted On Mataka Road 2 days later on the 11th of April 1978, along the same Mataka road, at 11.45 a.m., a Bedford carrying enemy troops detonated a ZANLA laid land mine killing all the occupants on board and destroying the truck beyond repair. D.A.'s Refuse Racist Orders Racist D.A.'s refused an order to travel to Mataka camp which lies along the Botarakwe-Mnene road following intensified ZANLA attacks in the area. The day before an Isuzu truck and a mine detector travelling along the same road had been blasted beyond repair on the 13th of April at 8.35am. in a daring ambush attack launched by ZANLA combatants. Enemy Annihilation At Natenda On the 16th of April 1978, a crack ZANLA unit operating in the Natenda area, Shabani killed 10 enemy racist troops in a successfully laid ambush. Working in close collaboration with the masses, the ZANLA liberation forces had been informed of the racist troops' mission to enforce tax payment on the local masses when they met their end. On the following day, in reaction to the shameful defeat the racist troops carried out a terror campaign on the local masses resulting in the death of 2 Comrades who were non-combatants. Racist Officers Killed Following the series of attacks that took place on the Bulawayo Beit Bridge road, 4 racist officers of the terrorist army were sent down to investigate on this when the vehicle they were travelling in was ambushed 10 K.m. from the border town of Beit bridge. All the four were killed in the ambush which took place on the 17th of April. A Luta Continua In a seperate incident, on the very same day the 17th of April 1978 a ZANLA unit gunned down an enemy helicopter in a counter surprise attack at M'tendengwe 17 K.m. from Beit bridge. In the 15 minute battle the enemy used 4 helicopters and 1 vampire jet fighter. The victory proved beyond any doubt how an oppressed and colonised people, given the opportunity to unite and get together thus forming one nation is determined to fight for freedom, independence and social justice, thus defeating the aggressive army of the imperialist state. 28 Zimbabwe News The War

ZANLA Cuts Enemy Communication And Supplies On the 19th of April 1978 a ZANLA unit ambushed and scored a stunning victory along the Beit Bridge-Gazani road. In the tensing battle the two military Bedfords carrying food to number 10 enemy Camp were destroyed and all the enemy troops (15) were killed. Belingwe District Officer Dies A heavily armed ZANLA section operating in the Mataka area on the 21st of April laid a succesful ambush along the Nyaka-Belingwe road. This resulted in the death of the so-called Belingwe District Officer and 11 racist troops. On the morrow the enemy, reinforced with light infantry, launched terror campaigns on the innocent masses in the area of the incident. ZANLA "Potatoes" Explode! On the following day, a Bedford truck carrying enemy racist troops flew sky high after detonating a land mine laid by ZANLA forces on the road between Mataka Camp and Tom's store. All occupants on board were victimised. The enemy reinforced on the morrow with the hope of finding the swift moving ZANLA forces, only to find corpses of their fellow gangsters. Ambush at Nyajena A heavily armed platoon of ZANLA veterans ambushed a heavily armed convoy of racist troops in Nyajena area near the rich sugar town of Chiredzi, killing 25 racist troops and wounding several others by the ZANLA combatants around this town, thus dwindling the supply of sugar to the other towns, the enemy now finds it difficult to supply sugar to urban areas. Communication Breakdown Along the Racist Regime's Lifeline On the night of the 20th of April, 1978, ZANLA combatants attacked Sarahuru rail-station along the Rutenga Concentration Camp Pounded On the 23rd of April at 7.00 p.m. a ZANLA unit victoriously destroyed "keep" number 17, 20 K.m. from Beit Bridge which was under construction. The 150 troops who were guarding the Camp fell under heavy mortar bomb and machine gun fire. 4 rebel troops returned fire using search lights but this only increased the intensity of the attack from the People's forces. During this 25 minute battle 11 enemy tents were burnt to ashes and 59 Terrorist Rhodesian troops were killed. Consequently the keep was shifted to another position known as "keep" No. 10. railway line. The station is used as a transit camp by terrorist troops. The liberation forces pounded all military in- stallations at the station and damaged a locomotive which had brought supplies to the enemy forces as well as a house used as military barack. A water tank was destroyed and several enemy troops were killed and wounded. For three days following the attack, the Rutenga railway, one of racist Rhodesia's lifelines was out of use. Since the Salisbury regime is heavily dependant on Pretoria for the maintenance of its domination in several aspects, the attack was another heavy blow on the crumbling regime's economy and communication. A goods train from the fascist Republic of South Africa was forced to stop at the railway border station which is just before the Sarahuru station. Another one which was on its way to the fascist republic stopped at Garara, while repairs were being made. Newspaper Delivery Van Captured On its way to deliver papers from Bulawayo to Shabani and Fort Victoria, a delivery van was ambushed and captured by a crack ZANLA unit operating in the interior South Eastern war zone of Zimbabwe on April 30, 1978 at 8.00 a.m. According to ZANLA commanders, the van has already been taken to a semi- liberated zone where it is doing more work than just delivering the heavily censored Bulawayo Chronicle which is spreading heresy to the sons and daughters of Zimbabwe. Comrade Teurai Ropa: Women have total involvement in struggle. Comrade Chairwoman: On behalf of my Party, ZANU, I would like to thank you for the invitation you have extended to ZANU, the vanguard of the Zimbabwe Revolution, to take part in this important International meeting on the 8th Congress of the Women's Union of Albania. I would also like to convey to you Revolutionary salutations from our President Comrade Robert Mugabe, our Central Committee, our High Command, our General staff and the backbone of our Revolution, the gallant ZANLA forces, especially the women's brigade of ZANLA forces. It is a great pleasure for us to be here in this small but great country, great because of the heroic struggle that the freedom loving people have been waging to protect their hard won independence and to build socialism. Not so long ago I saw a film on the role that the Albanian women played in the fight against the Nazis. I then realised the common denominator between the Zimbabwean women and the Albanian women in the struggle: So we come to learn from your mag- nificent example and to share our humble experiences with you over the decades, spreading into the last century when marauding bandits from South Africa invaded our country and asserted Above all, learning to shoot straight is one of ZANLA's most important rules of economics. Zimbabwe News 29 The War their wicked oppressive machinery because of superior arms. Comrade Chairwoman, allow us to dwell for sometime on the role that women- folk have been playing alongside their menfolk in the National Liberation struggle in our country, Zimbabwe. For clarity the role of the Zimbabwe women in the Revolution has to be treated in a historical context. The advent of colonialism created serious problems for the women in Zimbabwe. Because of the cruelty and individual selfishness of colonial capitalist exploitation the Zimbabwe women have been suffering double exploitation. They have been suppressed by bureaucratic Zimbabwean men and even more viciously, they have been exploited and oppressed by colonialists. The exploitation of Zimbabwean women by Zimbabwean men was based on the highly patriarchal social structures in which women were regarded as minors whilst men were regarded as majors. Thus women were paid for in lobola (bride price) in marriage, they had no right to guardianship over children who were regarded as man's property. Indeed women were often considered as part of the man's household effects. What colonialism brought to Zimbabweans was an increase of the exploitation of women both qualitatively and quantitatively. Under colonialism women have suffered as much as their menfolk. They have been arrested, harassed, tortured, raped, sentenced to long prison sentences and hanged. Even worse our women-folk have been abused by lusty racist sex maniacs and given children against their will. It is sad to point out that this is the origin of much of the coloured community in Zimnabwe. It is important for us to state that we are not against proper inter-marriages but the origin of the mixed race community marks a shameful era of colonial history in our country. Chimurenga, the Revolutionary armed struggle in Zimbabwe, has opened up a new era for the Zimbabwean women. It has also been a wonderful eye-opener for the backward and feudal-minded male chauvinists. While it is true that in a Revolutionary situation, especially in a colonial country, it is often easy for men to fight against imperialist exploitation while unconsciously maintaining the domination of women, the hard realities of our struggle since 1966 have forced the Zimbabwean Revolutionaries to analyse the question of the women's role in our Revolution very con- cretely. Indeed a Revolutionary armed struggle in a colonial country is one of the good tests of a genuine revolution. Under such conditions it is easy to find out if one stands for liberation from colonialism and capitalist exploitation only or whether he stands for the emancipation of women as well. No society which exploits half of its people could even consider itself free, least of all aspire to the noble cause of building socialism. The revolutionary armed struggle has been the biggest blessing for the Zimbabwean women. Within a few years it opened doors which would probably have taken decades to loosen. The struggle for National independence has opened our women-folk to a world even they would not have dreamt of. The need for each other, the need for manpower to perform a variety of important Revolutionary tasks, have shown that once given the opportunity to unlock her creative talents, a woman, like any exploited and oppressed person, is capable of performing heroic and magnificent feats. Today the Zimbabwean women is giving more than her fair share for the cause of freedom, National Independence and self-determination. Gone are the days when all women did was to sew, knit, cook, commiserate with and mourn for their fallen soldiers. Now they too participate in the fighting, they too face the music. Our Revolution has reached a stage where physical force is not a passport to a superior position but mental power and other abilities are important and complement the physical encounter with the enemy. Our women's brigade is involved in every sphere of the armed revolutionary struggle. Their involvement is total. In the frontline they transport war-materials to the battlefield and as often happens, are often forced to fight their way through enemy territory to reach our fighters. They do politicisation work among the masses - this can often be very dangerous especially in virgin areas, where our cadres do not know the people properly. They cook food and care for wounded Comrades. They teach the masses how to hide wounded Comrades, hide war materials and carry out intelligence reports behind enemy lines. With the collapse of the enemy's administrative machinery in many parts of the country under the weight of our thrust, women Comrades, together with their menfolk, are reconstructing a new social order. They are engaged in administration, health work, production and construction, educational work etc. At the rear our women Comrades' tasks are even more extensive. They are involved in the work of every department of our Party, ZANU. They work as commanders, military instructors, commissars, medical corps, teachers, drivers, mechanics, cooks, in logistic and supplies, Information and Publicity, as administrative cadres. There is no department, where their beneficial presence is not felt. Women Comrades are represented at every level of our organisation from the National Executive, through the Central Committee, High Command, General Staff, down to every level of the ZANLA-forces. There can be no doubt, that the Zimbabwean women have stood up. We have won our rights and place in the Revolution not by anyone's pity, but through our own determination, devotion, and bravery in our Chimurenga. To be fair, however, we owe a lot to our progressive male Comrades, who have stood by us, fought for our rights, allowed us the degree of freedom to contribute to the best of our abilities for the National cause. We, the Zimbabwean women in struggle are the heirs of Mbuya Nehanda, that Revolutionary heroine, who inspires every Zimbabwean woman with feelings of great patriotism. Mbuya Nehanda was an exemplary freedom fighter during the first Chimurenga. She fought gallantly and refused to give in to the colonialists. Although the racist colonialists executed her by hanging her at the gallows in what is now known as Salisbury's Maximum Security Prison in 1897, her spirit is still fresh in the minds of many Zimbabwean women. Her exemplary heroism is the spirit that guides every Revolutionary Zimbabwean. Her spirit lives forever. Since we are people, who are still struggling for freedom, I have nothing to present as a gift from our Party. With the impression I have had from the congress, I would like to sing a song which shows that the First Secretary of the Labour Party, Comrade Enver Hoxcha, and our Party, ZANU. led by President Robert Mugabe, are together. Song: Long live Comrade Hoxcha Long live Comrade Hoxcha we shall remember. Long live Comrade Hoxcha. Rest in Peace, Martys of Albania We shall never forget Rest in peace, Martyrs of Albania. We shall ever remember. 30 Zimbabve News The War

Cde. Pres. Mugabe's delegation discusses with city trait of the great revolutionary, Ho-Chi-Minh Diplomatic affairs Cde. President builds bridges The last two months have seen the President and several executive members make extended efforts to build diplomatic and solidarity bridges throughout the world. In May the President visited Ethiopia, Pakistan, China and Korea (North). In June he had an extended tour of Vietnam. Earlier in the year the President visited the United States and later he visited Cuba. In the meantime the Secretary General, Comrade Edgar Tekere, visited Iraq, Egypt. Yugoslavia und Rumania. Later in the year the Vice-President is scheduled to lead a delegation to the Non-aligned Nations Conference, in Belgrade, Yugoslavia. President Robert G. Mugabe made a successfull tour of four socialist countries in Eastern Europe and Asia from May 10to June 10, 1978. The important leaders and revolutionaries he met, expressed solidarity with the struggling masses of Zimbabwe, and unstinting support for ZANU and its correct revolutionary line. In particular, the leader of these socialist countries condemned the so called internal settlement of the Smith regime and its black henchmen. They praised ZANU's resolve to continue the armed struggle to the bitter end. Specifically the President visited the Socialist Republic of Korea, the People's Republic of China, the Republic of Vietnam and Romania. In an interview with a reporter of The Zimbabwe News in Maputo, President Mugabe said: "The leaders of all these countries wholeheartedly support our armed struggle. They have all had ex-perience of fighting; they won their freedom and independence through armed struggle". In North Korea, he met among others, the Secretary-General to the Korean Workers' Party and President of the state, the great leader Comrade Kim II Sung, who promised material, diplomatic and political support for our struggle. His country has already been assisting us, and they will continue to assist us in future. He expressed the hope, that our armed struggle will intensify and that we will eventually win the country from the shackles of imperialism. Their struggle was based an the people; and the military line was based on the political line of the Korean Workers' Party. They mobilised the entire popu- Cde. Pres. Mugabe lays wreath on the tomb of Revolutionary leader Ho-Chi- Minh. Diplomatic Struggle "A. vanguard party leading a revolution must have the basis principles of its revolution well laid down; the objectives of such revolution must be clearly defined, and the means of the struggle correctly chosen in terms of a clearly identified enemy and enemy situation." Cde. Mugabe Cde. Mugabe on Diplomatic Struggle 6l L Zimbabwe News 31

Great leader President Kim 11 Sung and Cde. Mugabe's delegation General Nguyen Vo Giap (5th from left) with ZANU delegation in Hanoi In Peking, LANU delegation paid respects at the moseleum of chairman Mao lation behind the party, and fought their war to the bitter end until all imperialist forces and their agents had been defeated. President Mugabe visited Vietnam, whose history of the armed struggle is more recent. In 1975 America was thoroughly defeated. President Mugabe met General Nguyen Giap, the Minister of Defence, who is the hero of the war of national leberation, and also of their first war against France, which ended with the decisive victory of the Vietnamese at Dien Bien Phu in May 1954. Their struggle was much more complicated than ours. They fought four imperialisms one after another and defeated them all. First there was French colonialism, followed by Japanese colonialism, which super-imposed itself on French-imperialism during the second world war; then the British came in to assist the French once again; and after the defeat of the French at the historic battle of Dien Bien Phu, the Americans came in. The Americans wanted southern Vietnam to be a distinct and separate state with sovereign status of its own. This aggressive imperialist design ran counter to the principle of unification and the oneness for which the people of Vietnam had fought. The military effort to impose this division led directly to the Vietnam war - possibly the most vicious war ever fought by any people in the world. The B 52 American bombers dropped millions and millions of bombs on the Vietnamese people and their villages. But the will of the people could not be broken. The lesson we learnt from Vietnam was, that the struggle, if it is to be won, must be organised thoroughly by a party with a well defined political line. In Vietnam, the Communist Party of North Vietnam and the Viet Communists in the South, gave the line and mobilised all the democratic forces in the south, which agreed on the need to establish an independent state. These forces were welded together in a national liberation front which then mobilised the entire population behind the armed struggle. We therefore learnt this one sound lesson, that there must be a well defined political line. Our party has defined this political line. We mobilised the people for independence. Secondly, our military struggle must take cognisance of the political principles and objectives of the party. This too our army has done. It is organised on the basis of the political line - and, hence we say, politics commands the gun. The fighter is as much a 32 Zimbabwe News Diplomatic Struggle political organiser as he is a fighter. With this unity between the political line and the military line, you easily sail to victory, because you have the correct direction and perspective. Given the full mobilisation of the masses, you cannot lose. Asked to comment on the rush of Western powers into Africa for a second Berlin- like scramble, President Mugabe said the leaders of the countries he visited, expressed concern that Western powers were coming once again in a bid to preserve their economic interests in some of the neo-colonial states in Africa. They are combining determinedly against the progressive forces in Africa. "It is a situation, which demands that all the progressive forces combine in a bid to oust imperialism totally from Africa and from any other part of the world, where it is still reigning. There is a preparedness in these countries, to support us fully not only because our cause is just, but because we stand for the progressive policies which they have fought for in their own countries and regions. My own personal view is, now that our revolution has unfolded to the extent that it is frightening imperialist powers, they are rallying behind South Africa in order to support Vorster and Smith, and indeed they are openly selling arms to South Africa, which is in turn sending them to the beleaguered regime of Ian Smith. They regard the fall of Smith as opening the way to revolutionary change in South Africa. According to them Rhodesia must be preserved as a buffer state to the north of South Africa." "The realization that an oppressive bourgeoisie that sustains itself and maintains its exploitative civil and socio-economic structures by armed force employed as an instrument of the broad masses had not dawned upon the N.D.P. leadership, and neither did it upon the leadership of ZAPU of 1961 - 1963." Cde. Mugabe "Struggles for national liberation can operate to defeat their own objectives unless they are properly organized and properly led." Cde. Mugabe The President then commented on the statement made in June by Dr. David Owen, British Foreign Secretary, that Britain would consider sending troops to rescue those whites and blacks, whose lives were threatened by the present war between the people of Zimbabwe and the settler regime and its henchmen. President said this statement demands an explanation from us. "This is a strange statement which raises many questions and arouses concern. For a very long time, Britain has made it known to the world, that they are not prepared so send any troops to the country to intervene on behalf of the African people, and therefore on behalf Fantastic entertainment awaited ZANU delegation in Ho-Chi-Minh-City i d Cdc. Mugabe is mobbed by children of Ho-Chi-Minh-City Zimbabwe News 33 Diplomatic Struggle

Cde. Pres. Mugabe in discussion with Col. Mengistu Cde. Mugabe in discussion with Pres. Assad of Delegation with K. Fahoum, Chairman of National Council of PLO of our just cause. They have said this time and time again in the media and to the United Nations. But now we hear from Owen, that he would like to send troops to Rhodesia to rescue whites and blacks - rescue them from what? Yesterday, when it was Africans, who were being imprisoned and/or brutally massacred, tortured, herded into protected villages, detained without just cause, hanged for political reasons, he did absolutely nothing." "The suffering of the blacks means nothing to him. But now, because the whites are in jeopardy, and the regime of Ian Smith is about to be overthrown, Owen is frightened, that his kith and kin are losing the war, and speaks of rescue teams. This is the recism we have accussed him of in the past. Its a racial approach he is adopting. The blacks have been living in danger of losing their lives for the 88 years of colonialism, and even more since the unilateral and illegal declaration of independence by the Smith Regime in 1965, which Britain condoned. However, we must warn David Owen, that if he sends his troops to Zimbabwe, we are ready to meet them. We shall not fight shy of our responsibility to wage the war to the finish and achieve victory for our people. It is our obligation, and it shall be fulfilled with vigour by all our forces." On his return, President Mugabe had cordial discussions with the Ethiopian Head of State, Col Mengistu Mariam, in Addis-Ababa. They agreed to cooperate in waging the armed struggle in Zimbabwe in particular, and Southern African as a whole. ZANU has opened an information- and publicity-office in Addis-Ababa, which broadcasts news and commentaries beamed to Southern Africa every day, on Radio Ethiopia. "It should be constantly born in mind that our revolutionary process being a historically social process carries with it from the social past to the social present, and in terms of both our present and future attainable goals, not only the antithetical burden of the relations of our two broad racial communities historically locked up in bitter and, within that broader conflict situation, that of the deepening strive between the existing classes, but also the synthetical and, therefore, more positive burden of mobilising those groups which constitute the motive force of the Zimbabwean revolution. Cde. Mugabe 34 Zimbabwe News Diplomatic Struggle

The Zanu Case At the OAU Presented by Cde. Muzenda Mwalimu Dr. Julius Nyerere, mentor of the armed struggle of Southern Africa. The Vice President of the Zimbabwe African National Union, Comrade Simon Muzenda, denounced the internal government of Rhodesia and called on the OAU to provide more funds to overthrow the fascist new Rhodesia Front regime including Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau. Addressing the ordinary session of the OAU Liberations Committee, Comrade Muzenda said: "We would like first to express our deep appreciation and gratitude to the President of the United Republic of Tanzania, the government, the Party and the great Tanzanian people for their support of the Zimbabwe struggle. Mr. Chairman, we also express the same appreciation and gratitude to the Frontline States and their heroic people for their outstanding contribution to our struggle. It is with great pleasure and honour, that we address this session of the Liberation Committee. We are pleased, because these sessions always demonstrate the unrelenting drive of the O.A.U. towards the total liberation, unity and independence of Africa. The last and per- haps the most difficult lap of the struggle is on us in Southern Africa. Were it not for the O.A.U., through this Committee, the task would be well nigh impossible. We are, therefore, deeply thankful for the material, moral and diplomatic assistance we receive to prosecute the struggle. Zimbabwe is currently going through a complex political stage. The enemy is using every trick in the book of confuse the issue of the struggle. On the 3rd of March in Salisbury, the racist-oppressor, Ian Smith, acquired and blended a brand-new type of stooges to afford his regime a further lease of life. He combined Bishop Muzorewa, the Reverend Sithole, erstwhile nationalists - with the traditionalist, Chief Chirau, to lend an impression of racial harmony and therefore, a supposed solution to the Rhodesian problem. However, the combined firm stand to the masses of Zimbabwe, the O.A.U. and the United Nations against this bunch of traitors has halted and exposed the treachery to the marrow. No one is in any doubt now that Ian Smith produced the so-called "internal settlement" as a camouflage to legitimise his greater hold on power to suppress and massacre the people of Zimbabwe more than ever before. Close to a hundred Zimbabweans are murdered by the racist forces per week under one pretext or another. 19 women and children plus three elderly men were bombed and eliminated at Mashonganyika village, 12 miles from Salisbury, under a pretext that a guerrilla had been spotted entering the village. This massacre was hot on the heels of another massacre of yet greater numbers of villagers at Devure on 14th May under the pretext of a guerrilla spotted addressing a meeting. Bishop Muzorewa, the Reverend Sithole und Chirau are now an integral part of the regime committing these crimes against the people. What else can they be but avowed enemies of the people's liberation struggle and therefore traitors Peter Van der Byl, Smith's Foreign Minister on the 19th of April, 1978, confirmed this when addressing a white-only audience. He said of the socalled "internal Agreement": "According to all our friends, we have to accept majority rule in one form or another. As we have failed to win the war which has spread to the whole of the country. We have not been defeated. We could have gone alone without defeat but for the turn of events in Mozambique and Angola. The effects of the economic recession have hit us hard. Mines are closing all over the country. There are many financial crashes. Unemployment black and white - is rising. We are finding more difficult in finding manpower for the war. Consequently, there was no escaping majority rule. What we have achieved is a modus vivendi and a mechanism to stop the war. Zimbabwe News 35 Diplomatic Struggle We had two vital necessities: to find an alternative to Anglo-American proposals and to grant majority rule. What we have achieved is a master-piece as a politico- diplomatic exercise. No one ever believed that we could get the internal leaders to agree to so much. The eight entrenched clauses of the agreement are effective guarantees because any alteration to any one of the eight points would require six whites to vote with all the blacks against the retention of the point. Also our forces will remain intact and will always defend us against illegal action. The advantage is this: whereas we were alone, we now have the advantage of authentic black nationalists defending our political position." Administration faling apart Only last week was the Reverend Ndabaningi Sithole in Cape Town, South Africa, as a guest of the Press Club of racist oppressors, a veritable enemy.of the African continent. He extolled this enemy as a "historical and cultural" friend of Rhodesia. Is this diplomacy or down right treachery? The production and promotion of neo-colonial traitors to defeat the liberation struggle in Southern Africa is the preoccupation of imperialist strategy these days. It is with a sense of deep commitment to the liberation struggle, that we are pleased to assure you, that our forces of the Patrioticc Front are making gains by the day. The desperate massacres being perpetrated by the enemy on our people, are a symptome of the enemy that is losing ground. We reported to the Standing Committee of this Co-ordinating Committee, only a fortnight ago, that the enemy administration in the rural areas had broken down and that our forces were enjoying solidarity with the masses in these areas. This continues to be the case. It is the towns and cities along the railway lines, the trunk roads and a few racist farmsteads which are the targets of our immediate concern. We have sufficient manpower to wipe out the enemy but for certain facilities and equipment; We are, however determined. The internal question of unity within the Patriotic Front is naturally an issue of imperative urgency. We are pleased to say, that we have accomplished the political and militiry requirements for effecting the necessary fusion. We have as yet to accomplish the actual structural fusion. We have however, undertaken the necessary co-ordination and singleness of action to ensure that there shall be no reversal of the trend. In this sense, the alliance is working quite well. As sure as the armed struggle advances, so shall the question of unity. All-Party Conference Parallel to the armed struggle is the Anglo-American effort at a negotiated settlement of the Rhodesian problem. British and United States envoys are currently circulating in the region. Their Mission is no longer to convene a constitutional conference in accordance with stage two of the requirement of thei Anglo-American proposals, but to seek to set up a so-called "All-Party Conference". This is a device to shift from the Anglo-American proposals and try to rope the Patriotic Front into the frame of the so-called "Internal Agreement". This new Anglo-American strategy is based on the failure of the British and United States Governments to shift Ian Smith outside his own terms. The Patriotic Front though fully ready to attend a constitutional conference under Anglo-American proposals, considers that the British and United States Governments have lacked consistency and have dismally failed to implement their own proposals. The armed liberations struggle is fast relegating the Anglo- American proposals to forgotten history. The struggling people of Zimbabwe cannot stand and wait watching the United Kingdom and United States Government apply dilatory tactics in order to give chance to traitors to consolidate a development towards a neo-colonial regime. The armed liberation struggle must take its unrelenting course until final victory. We remain always grateful to the O.A.U. for its assistance. Only the armed struggle can assure victory. Down with traitors! Victory to the people! A luta continua! Simon V. Muzenda (Vice President of ZANU) Cde. Vice Pres. Simon Muzenda at the OAU 36 Zimbabwe News Diplomatic Struggle

PRESIDENT MACHEL RETURNS The President of the People's Republic of Mozambique, Camarada Moises Samora Machel, arrived in Maputo on the 5th of June 1978 after paying official visit to the Democratic Republic of Korea, the People's Republic of Mongolia, the People's Republic of China and the People's Republic of Hungary. Among those in the delegation, which accompanied the President and his wife, Camarada Grace Machel, were the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Camarada Jorquin Chissano, the Minister for Industry and Health, Camarada Juse Mario Machungo, the Minister for Transport and Communication, Camarada Jose Cabaco and other Party- and Government-Leaders. The delegation left Mozambique an May 13 and first visited the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Talks were held there with DPRK delegation led by President Kim-I1-Sung, resulting in the signing of a treaty of Friendship and Co- operation. the third such treaty to be signed by the People's Republic of Mozambique with socialist countries. The first two where with the Soviet Union and China. Plans were also made for cooperation in the field of agriculture, particularly irrigation, in which the Korean workers and peasants have a wealth of experience. The Mozambique delegation went next to the People's Republic of Mongolia, where talks were held with a delegation led by Yanjeagyn Tsendebal, Mongolian President and first Secretary of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party. A culture agreement was signed and Camarada President Samora Machel was awarded the country's highest decoration, The Order of Sukhe Bator, in recognition of the Mozambican People's victory over colonialism and imperialism. A representative of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party attended the third Congress of FRELIMO in Maputo last year and latest contact between the Party Leaders themselves strengthened existing fraternal relations. The visit to the People's Republic of China was President Samora Machel's first, since the death of Chairman Mao-Tse-Tung, Premier Chou-En-li and President of the Permanent Commission of the People's Assembly, Chi-Tar. The main aim of the visit was to make direct contacts with the new leadership team and talks held with Chairman Hua-Kuo Feang and the other Chinese Leaders provided the opportunity for reinforcing the links of friendship, co-operation, between FRELIMO and the Chinese Communist Party. The Mozambican delegation's travels in the interior of the country, gave them a deeper understanding of the process of building socialism in China, a country currently engaged in the modernisation of all sectors. During the visit an agreement on technical commercial co-operation between Mozambique and China was signed. In the Republic of Hungary, the President Camarada Samora Machel's delegation held important talks with a delegation of the Hungarian Socialist Workers Party, led by an interparty agreement. While in Hungary the Mozambican delegation was able to finalise and ratify some agreements at government level made during visits to Mozambique by Hungarian Ministers and visits to Hungary by Mozambican Ministers. On his arrival in Maputo, Camarada President Samora Machel was met at the airport by members of FRELIMO's Standing Political Committee and Central Committee, Government Ministers, Members of General Staff of the Mozambican Liberation Forces and Members of the Diplomatic Corps. The Vice President of ZANU component of the Patriotic Front, Comrade Simon Muzenda, accompanied by Comrade Ernest Kadungure, Secretary for Finance, Comrade Kumbarai Kangai, Secretary for Welfare and Transport, were also at the airport to welcome Comrade President Samora Machel and his delegation back home. Zimbabwe News 37 Diplomatic Struggle ii '1

Congratulations Mozambique! Mozambique celebrated its third independence anniversary this month. President Robert Mugabe of the Zimbabwe African National Union, sent the following message of congratulations on the day of celebration: Dear Comrade President, On this auspicious occasion of the third anniversary of the independence of Mocambique, allow me, on behalf of the struggling masses of Zimbabwe and the valiant fighting forces in the vanguard of our struggle, to congratulate you, comrade President, FRELIMO, the GOVERNMENT and victorious PEOPLE of Mocambique upon the last three years of successfully defending and consolidating your hard-earned independence and revolution. The bitter, bloody and heroic revolutionary march from Ruvuma to Maputo has, no doubt, been followed by three years of full revolutionary commitment to soc ialist construction on the basis of clearly defined politico-socio-economic lines laid down by FRELIMO. At the same time, and as a precondition to such construction, FRELIMO itself has undergone a goal - oriented qualitative transformation as a Marxist-Leninist vanguard Party, thus equipping it for its historical role both as leader of the people's socialist revolution and as the central dynamising force in the defence of that revolution against the forces of aggressive destruction, either external or internal. Indeed, the last three years have been a bitter testing period for your independence and have put to test the will of the Mocambicans to defend and sustain it. A double stream of unprecedented hazards, namely, those unleashed by the aggressive and terrorist hand of the racist fascist Smith-regime on the one Hand, and the natural ones caused mainly by river floods on the other. The unprovoked acts of aggression by the callous Smith regime, though claiming a heavy toll of civilian life and massive destruction of property, even to this very anniversary day, have, contrary to the expectations of the enemy, made the people of Mocambique even more determined to unite in defence of their fatherland and the freedom to pursue their own policies. More than that, they have continued to lend their courageous and unflinching support to the liberation struggle in Zimbabwe. The people of Zimbabwe could not wish for a better brotherly alliance than that in which they find themselves alongside the gallant people of Mocambique. May we trust that just as the people's revolutionary efforts have reversed the unprecedented disaster wrought by last year's floods by realising an unprecedent bumper rice harvest this year, so shall their joint will and efforts in an ever growing upsurge progressively reverse the fortunes of imperialism and colonialism in our region until people's power is fully restored. We wish you more glorious anniversaries, more victories, and more economic bumper harvests. R.G. MUGABE (President of ZANU and Co-Leader of the Patriotic Front) ZANU-delegation welcomes Camarada Pres. Machel home Camarada Pres. Machel inspecting the F.P.L.M. guard 38 Zimbabwe News Diplomatic Struggle

Solidarity with the people of Yugoslavia The President of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Union, a component of the Patriotic Front, today sent out two messages of solidarity, one to President Tito of Yugoslavia, and the other to the 11th Congress of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, which started meeting today. Here is the full text of the message to President Tito: "On the historic occasion of the 11 th Congress of the League of communists of Yugoslavia, I wish on behalf of the Central Committee of my Party (ZANU) which is a component of the Patriotic Front, and the struggling downtrodden masses of Zimbabwe, to sent you our message of solidarity and close friendship with you, and the League of communists which you have for so long ably led. Looking back into history forty years ago, one cannot fail to admire your heroic leadership that mobilised and welded the oppressed masses of Yugoslavia into a revolutionary nation, resolute in its courage, daring in its bravery, clear in its objectives, as it fought a long drawn armed struggle against NAZI aggression and imperialism and defeated it. Victory under your leadership was victory for the progressive forces not only in Yugoslavia, but the world over. For as the way became open for socialist transformation to take effect under peaceful conditions in Yugoslavia, the circumstances also became ripe for your Excellency to champion the cause of peace and disarmament through the instrumentality of the non-aligned nations by their critically participating in and often initiating worthy peaceful solutions and exercises. The appeal made by the Belgrade Conference to the big powers then torn by the cold war, is a case of point. In respect of colonial situations, your heroic revolutionary leadership has constantly advocated not only the total decolonisation of colonies and transfer of power to the people but also full material, political, diplomatic and moral support for the struggling peoples. We are happy to have been the recipients of such assistance alongside the inspiration, we have derived from your own revolutionary struggle and the experience it offers us and which have fired our just struggle to advance with an ever gro- wing momentum against British settler, imperialism and colonialism. Like you, we are determined that our broad masses as led by our Party and Liberation Army shall crush the ugly head of the imperialist monster. Our greatest wishes are for your good health and long life which we hope will continue to sustain you for Yugoslavia, Zimbabwe, the socialist and non-aligned communities." Robert Gabriel Mugabe President of ZANU and Co-Leader of the Patriotic Front Message of the eleventh Congress of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia On the auspicious occasion of your historic eleventh Congress, the Central Committee of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Union, a component of the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe, wish to congratulate you upon your glorious revolutionary successes in steering your great country ever progressively along the path of socialist construction and in upholding and honouring the principle of international proletarianism, not in mere theory, but in real practice.-The Eleventh Congress comes as one more milestone in your outstanding contribution towards the building of a new society, based on social justice both at home and abroad. We avail ourselves of this opportunity to express our heartfelt gratitude to the League of Communists, the socialist Alliance, the Government and people of Yugoslavia for their unstinting material, diplomatic, political and moral support to our liberation struggle. Just as we regard your victory over Nazi and fascist imperialism as our victory, so do you hold our struggle as your own. The freedom of man kind in any part of the world from the shackles of colonial bondage, certainly deserves to be the concern of progressive communities in other parts of the world. The People of Yugoslavia have thus directly concerned themselves with the just struggle we have been waging for the total liquidation of colonialism and for the attainment of national independence in such democratic circumstances as will promote our own programmes in socialist construction and transformation and lead to the creation of a proletarian society. We pledge ourselves firmly to continued solidarity with the League of Communists, the Socialist Alliance and the Government and the people of Yugoslavia. We wish every success to your Eleventh Congress. Long live the mighty League of Communists of Yugoslavia! Long live the solidarity between the victorious people of Yugoslavia and the struggling people of Zimbabwe! Long live the International Proletarianism! Long live President Tito!" R.G. Mugabe President of ZANU and Co-Leader of the Patriotic Front Comrade Samora Machel is welcomed by President Tsendenbal of the Peoples Republic of Mongolei. Diplomatic Struggle Zimbabwe News 39

MOZAMBIQUE OPENS MUSEUM OF THE STRUGGLE OF A PEOPLE! The Government of Mozambique has opened a museum of the revolution. The Museum was opened by President Samora Machel on the third anniversary of Mozambique's independence, June 25th. The museum covers the history of this country from pre-colonial days, through colonialism to the revolution and victory. In its four floors of a restored building in the Alto Mae district of Maputo can be seen scenes that date from the invasion, occupation and colonial oppression to the beginnnings and victory of the struggle against Protuguese colonialism and imperialism that ended with the realisation of the 3rd FRELIMO CONGRESS to the great victories of the Mocambican peoples after independence. "We should read, study, learn correctly and then interprete culturally, politically, militarily, economically and ideologically what this museum has to show us," said the Director of the museum at the end of the official visit. As we said at the beginning of this text the "Museum of the revolution" is an open book of the history of the Mocambican peoples, a history that was for centuries closed to the world and the Mocambican peoples. The history that was taught in the colonial schools to the few Mocambicans, who had the privilege, was the history of Portugal and of the colonial" heroes" (to the portuguese) who massacred our people in a war of occupation, physical and cultural genocide. It is precisely this that is obvious in the "Museum of the revolution". The actual figures refering to the number of Mocambicans in the country and even those of the last days of colonial occupation are there. Reading once again the words of Comrade Samora Machel during his visit to the museum: we see there - "The resistance, the proper ability of history to resist persecution, but it resisted and has resurged now with more force and vigour, history closed for centuries, but when we opened it we found gold and ivory there, the same ivory that attracted many people to our country, we also kept here. We see in the museum all our past, our present and prospective future. There are hundreds of thousands of pages, all of them brilliant and bathed in blood. Now its up to us, each one of US." "The Museum of the Revolution" has four floors. The first floor deals with the period of occupation until the advent of the nationalist manifestation. The second to the formation of FRELIMO and the beginning of the armed struggle for National Liberation. The third to the violent struggle and victory. The fourth to the period after independence, the 3rd FRELIMO CONGRESS, and the victories of the Mocambican peoples in the various aspects of national life from Education and Health to the formation of agricultural cooperatives and Communial Farms passing on to the organisation of the workers and factory production. On the floor dealing with the period of occupation and the resistance struggle until the beginning of nationalism, the museum presents in a didactic form all the aspects, using marked maps, as well as photographs and documents of the period. Here you can see the famous (Orange-Map) (Original) where Portugal wanted to join Angola und Mocambique that was contested by British Imperialism. Modern warfare arms material side by side with primitive arms, such as (arque-buses), bows and arrows, show clearly the disparity between the forces and war material favourable to the invaders. The power of the stately campaigns is evident in the stamps and money that they themselves had turned out and are on display on one of the show cases. The Gungnhana Prison Act (deed: document) is also there. The whips and rods are next to the old passes, the native pass books, showing to the public the cruelty and discrimination excercised by the Portuguese colonials. Here as in all the rooms President Samora gave suggestions and valuable contributions for the historic encirclement of the museum. He refered to the necessity to display histories of the colonial administration in various conscriptions and districts of all the provinces in the country, so that old 'supainos' and chiefs could be questioned on the matter. The President himself affirmed that he still had his native pass book and assimilation application and that he would hand those over to the Museum. It is necessary at this point to reflect over the Presidents words. There are still many Mocambicans, who posses documents and articles of great historic value in their homes and it would be good to start sending those articles to our museum, contributing to its valorisation. Advancing in our historic progress the Museum shows the orginal documents of the formation of the first movements for national liberation, letters from the leader of those movements to President E. Mondlane, the formation of FRELIMO and the documents of the 1st CONGRESS are also there just like the first arms that were used, the most sophisticated being a Thompson machinegun. The first liberated zones, the 1968 crisis and the 2nd CONGRESS are relived through pictures of the time, documents, letters by President Mondlane, uniforms stained with blood and the arms of Mocambican heroes killed during the crisis, like for example - Samuel Kankomba and Filipe Magava, culminating in a hall dedicated to President Mondlane, where his uniforms, books, documents and manuscripts can be seen. President Samora Machel affirmed on his visit that he had recordings of meetings with the fighters explaining to them the reason why those early liberation movements failed. On the other hand the Mocambique leader refered to an unpublished letter of E. Mondlane that should be in the archive, written in 1965 by the Minister of Foreign Affairs for Portugal, that says more or less the following: "Doctor, we can unterstand the violence lashed out by an illiterate Holden Roberto, but you Doctor, so brilliant, so cultured that you were able to accept Portugal at the UN, now getting together with a bunch of terrorists." "Imperialism and its allies in our country - internal reactionaries and the remnants of the colonial bourgeoisie - stand opposed to the interests of the labouring masses." Victory over reaction and imperialism is the condition for building a socialist society. It requires that the laboring masses be organized to impose their will on the internal exploiters and to defend the country and the revolution from imperialist aggression." Cde. President Samora Machel 40 Zimbabwe News Diplomatic Struggle

Following the 1968 crisis, the colonialist let loose the great "NO GORDIO" operation, well explained in the museum, with respective photographs both from the FPLM defence and counter-attack as from the colonial troops. After "NO GPRDIO" follows the general offensive on all fronts that lead to the merciless (impertous) advances and finally the defeat of the colonial army - and victory. This most recent hi- story can be found well documented as well as the last battle which President Samora gave further explanations to a better understanding of what happened. He described the tactics used that completely mocked the Portuguese and wiped out their intensions of turning their defeat into a last minute victory. Throughout this exhibit the visitor will see the new type of weapons used by the FPLM, arms that are heavier and more sophisticated, that give a good idea of the dimension of the struggle for liberation and its ext ension, from efficiency to the tactics used. Independence and the 3rd CONGRESS, the nationalisation and transformation of the production (relations) are clearly visible in the upper floor of the Museum. The Visitor leaves with a perspective that history continues and that the museum will continue to be enriched by history in the making. CHRONOLOGY OF THE ZIMBABWE STRUGGLE 1000 - 1550: Wealthy Empire of Zimbabwe flourishes under a series of kings with the title of ''Mwenemutapa" or simply "Mutapa" Construction of now famous Zimbabwe Ruins begun and eaxpanded during this period. Trades with the Portuguese who had established themselves along the East African coast since 1500. Portuguese attempt to seize the Empire of Zimbabwe and its wealth and to establish a puppet regime. 1572: Portuguese routed by the Mutapas at the battle of Maungwe. 1830: Empire of Zimbabwe now in decline. 1833: Attack by the Swazi. 1837: The Ndebele, an off shoot of the Zulu's of South Africa arrive and establish their kingdom in the Western fifth of Zimbabwe. 1890: During the so-called ''scramble" for African colonies, Cecil Rhodes, empire builder, adventurer and Prime Minister of Cape Colony, after making a fortune for himself out of diamonds and gold in South Africa, sends an expeditionary force of British Government under a Royal Charter granted to his commercial Company, the British South Africa Company in 1889. Rhodesia ruled by the Company until 1923. 1893 - 1896 and 1897: The Ndebele and Shona fight wars against settler oppression. Ten percent of the white settlers killed in these wars of resistance and British troops called into help fight against the early freedom fighters, some of whom were put to death after the war. 1923: White settlers in Zimbabwe granted internal self-government, entitling them to set up their own government, with a cabinet and Prime Minister and to raise their own defence force. A Parliament of 30 members, all of them white, was established. 1930: Land Apportionment Act passed by the Rhodesian regime and approved by the British Government dispossesing most Africans of their Land. 1953: The Central African Federation a brain child of the British Government, formed consisting of Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia) and Nyasaland (now Malawi) Federation dedicated to the policy of partnership between races. Polishborn, former train driver, Sir Roy Wellensky became Federal Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia. Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland had established their own Congresses in 1952 and 1944 respectively. 1957: To resist British imposed Federation, Africans of Southern Rhodesia formed the African National Congress (ANC) with Joshua Nkomo as President. 1958: In a Palace coup, Todd was deposed from leadership of the United Federal Party (UFP), the ruling party, because he was regarded as being ''too soft" with Africans and is replaced by Sir Edgar Whitehead. 1959: ANC in the three territories is outlawed and its leaders arrested and detained Joshua Nkomo, who was abroad at that time of the ban, escaped arrest. 1960: A new political party, the National Democratic Party (NDP) formed by Africans of Zimbabwe with Michael Mawema as President. Following Mawema's resignation Leopold Takawira was made acting President. At the October Congress, Joshua Nkomo was elected. N.D.P. organizes the African masses, raises their political consciousness and demands majority rule. 1961: British government pressures Sir Whitehead to agree to a constitutional conference on the future of Southern Rhodesia at which African leaders of the NDP would be present, the Conference started in London but adjourned to Salisbury. Sir Edgar forced by British government to grant Africans 15 seats in Southern Rhodesia Parliament (now expanded) out of 65 members. The 15 seats were rejected by the African population in their own referrendum. 1961: Whitehead outlaws the NDP, calling it a subversive organisation. 1961: Zimbabwe's African leaders still determined to achieve independence for Zimbabwe through the constitutional road, form another political party the Zimbabwe A-rican People's Union (ZAPU), within a week of the banning of the NDP, they appointed Nkomo as President. 1962: Former members of the Dominion Party (DP), an extremely reactionary white political party dedicated to the maintenance of white supremacy in Zimbabwe for all time, form party. RF with Winstofield as leader accuses Whitehead for not doing enough to guarantee the future of white man in Rhodesia. Sir Edgar's UFP defeated in the general elections held in October, inspite of the fact that Sir Edgar had outlawed ZAPU before the elections. 1963: Nationalist movement is split (August) over the issue of constitutional road to independence. The militants under the leadership of Reverend Ndabaningi Sithole (now a traitor) form a new political Party, the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) Comrade Robert Mugabe becomes Secretary General. 1963: December. The British government finally convinced of its unpopularity among the whole airforce of the Zimbabwe News 41 Diplomatic Struggle federation to be taken over by the Southern Rhodesia. 1964: Ian Smith replaces Winston Field as leader of the RF and becomes Prime Minister (April) Determined to achieve independence for white Rhodesians British government refuses to grant independence. 1964: ZANU and ZAPU outlawed (August). 1965: The then Prime Minister, Harold Wilson, meets Ian Smith abroad the British warship, the Tiger and attempts to persuade Smith not to declare his Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) and also to impress on him that should he declare UDI no military force could be used against him. Smith declares UDI. 1966: ZANU begins to wage the armed struggle commencing with a running battle with the enemy at Sinoia (North of Salisbury.) 1967: Harold Wilson again meets Smith aboard the warship, the ''Fearless". Meeting abortive when Wilson again insisted that there be no legal independence for Rhodesia before majority rule. 1969: The Land Tenure Act passed by the Smith regime again despossessing more Africans of their land and confining them to reservations. 1970: Smith introduces a new constitution for Rhodesia making the country a Republic. ZANU's Vice President, Comrade Leopold Takawira murdered in Salisbury prison. 1971: Then the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Alec Douglas Home works out a constitutional settlement with Smith whereby Rhodesia would then be granted legal independence by Britain guaranteeing perpetual white rule provided Africans accepted the settlement proposals. 1971: British government proposes to send a Royal Commission to Rhodesia to access the acceptability of the settlement by the "people of Rhodesia as a whole". The African leaders who had been released from detention as part of the Rhodesian settlement proposals and others, organise the African National Council (ANC) with the object of organising the Zimbabwe masses to reject the Anglo- Rhodesian settlement proposals. 1972: A British Royal Commission led by Lord Pearce arrives in Rhodesia to assess the acceptibility of the settlement proposals (January- March). Fin- dings of the Commission-overwhelming majority proposals. Armed struggle intensifies. 1972 - 1974: ZANU resumed armed struggle in earnest. Armed struggle escalates to where the British government and the South African government were convinced to ambush the armed revolution in Zimbabwe by impressing on Smith the necessity of detente in Southern Africa to serve the white rule. Aim of detente to split the Zimbabwe revolutionary leadership between those who would opt for a negotiated settlement and those who wanted to carry the revolution through to the end. Detente temporarily harms the armed struggle. 1974: The ANC Leadership under Bishop Muzorewa begins to negociate a constitutional settlement with Smith, Smith plays for time and talks drag on. Meanwhile in Zambia, ZANU, the spearhead of the armed struggle, is forced to sign a "unity agreement" with ZAPU and FROLIZI (the front for the liberation of Zimbabwe). In the talks with Nkomo, Smith refuses to concede African majority rule. ANC reaches dead end. ZANU signs but refuses to lay down its arms while talks were going on between Smith and Muzorewa. 1975: Chitepo is murdered. 1975: ZANU expells Sithole from Party and leadership. Secretary General Comrade Robert Mugabe becomes head of the Party. 1975: ZANU escalates armed struggle, meanwhile FRELIMO, after a ten year heroic armed struggle routs the Portuguese from Mozambique. Mozambique becomes independent (JUNE 25). In Angola, the MPLA, after a fourteen-year old armed-struggle, also routs the Portuguese and Angola becomes independent (November 11). 1975: Independence of Mozambique shatters white morale in Rhodesia, FRELIMO offers ZANU new transit zones through which to continue the armed struggle against the white minority regime. 1976: Mozambique closes border with Rhodesia, with Mozambique and Angola out of the clutches of imperialism, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, cooks up a new formula to ambush the Zimbabwe Revolution by urging Smith to concede power to "moderate" African leadership before the storm engulfs him, Kissinger still trying to grow moderate African leadership to whom power should be handed over to protect American investments, wants a negotia- ted settlement guaranteeing the whites "their" property rights etc. 1976: ZANU guerilla leadership rejects the Kissinger formula and escalates the armed struggle (for the period of May to July, 1976, ZANU calls upon its fighters to carry the revolution through to the end. 1976: ZANU and ZAPU issue the Maputo declaration and constitute the Patriotic Front of progressive forces in order to confront reactionary forces. 1976: The Geneva conference on Rhodesia sponsored by the United States and the United Kingdom. The Patriotic Front confounds the reactionary forces of Smith, Sithole and Muzorewa. The Anglo-American proposals accepted as basis for future negotiations. 1977: The Patriotic Front escalates the war. ZANU reconstitutes leadership. Establishes new Central Committe with Comrade Robert Mugabe as President. 1977: The Smith terrorist forces commit more massacres on women and children, hospital patients and farm workers at Chimoio Tembwe transit locations. 1978: ZANU launches major military offensives. Announces that 1978 is the year of the people. 1978: The Malta constitutional conference is held. The negotiatiors are the British and American Governments on the one hand and the Patriotic Front on the other. Conference clarifies each side's position. Smith, Sithole and Muzorewa do not attend. 1978: Ndabaningi Sithole, Tondekai Muzorewa and Jeremiah Chirau turn traitors to the people of Zimbabwe by joining the Smith regime, in a so-called "Internal Settlement". 1978: The Front-Line States (People's Republic of Mozambique, United Republic of Tanzania, Republic of Zambia, Republic of Botswana and the People's Republic of Angola), the O.A.U., the United Nations and the whole world Community reject the Internal Settlement and pledge support for the Patriotic Front. 1978: Malta It Constitutional Conference is held at the Kilimanjaro Hotel in Dar- es-Salaam. The British and American Secretaries of State negotiate with the Patriotic Front co-leaders Comrade President Mugabe and Comrade President Joshua Nkomo. Agreements reached on a wide range of issues. Another conference to be planned. 42 Zimbabwe News Diplomatic Struggle

Who's Muzorewa Working For? Puppet Muzorewa on his way to his masters In our last Issue (see Zimbabwe News, Vol. 10. No. 2, March-April 1978 at PP 47 - 48) we gave a "profilein-depth" of Ndabaningi Sithole, one of Zimbabwe's most callous, unprincipled, opportunistic, immoral characters, who, most independent observes have described as being "possessed" by a morbid and insatiable hunger for power". In our continuing studies of puppets and puppetry, we now turn to Abel Tondekai Muzorewa - popular known merely as Bishop Muzorewa, "President" of the so-called "United African National Council" (in truth an unpatriotic Front of political prostitutes comprising numerous factions, whose unifying force is money and personal selfish ends), and dictator of the American United Methodist Church. We shall now dwell on the known facts and data about Abel Muzorewa as we prefare to provide our readers - within the space available to us - with new insights into his ideological, political, economic, psychological and emotional stability. No one in Zimbabwe, outside the United Methodist Church, knew of an Abel Muzorewa until about 1970, when the Ian Smith regime "restricted" his movements on the grounds that his ser- mons were "subversive". That is the only indignity or violation of rights he has ever suffered at the hands of the Ian Smith regime or any other minority regime. He has never been arrested for any offence (real or imaginated) in his entire life. He has never been detained by the police for any reason; he has never seen the door of a police-cell or of a court-house or of a jail. He is clean and pure - a feat, a real feat for anyone, who proclaims himself a Zimbabwean Nationalist, in a country, in which racism is the creed, injustice the norm, tyranny the style of Government. "He some how", so some people believed, "discovered how to obey all the laws of white minority regimes and yet still remain a nationalist". Even Mohandas Ghandhi never found the formula! Now Zimbabweans know why no "enemy" would touch Abel Tondekai Muzorewa. He has always led a Dr. Jakkyl and Mr. Hyde life. Privately, secretely, and clandestinely, Abel Muzorewa was always been a mistress of our peoples' enemies: locked in concubinage with multinationals and other plunderers of our country's wealth, hand-inglove with brutal settler regimes, aiding, abetting, encouraging these vermins to Evidence is Mounting! dispossess, supress, oppress, murder, maim and massacre our Zimbabwean population. It could not be that the regime could not touch Abel Muzorewa, because he wore a dog-collar and called himself a Bishop. For had Ian Smith not arrested and brutalised even more important clergy, including white ones at that? Who remembers Bishop Lamont's deportion (a real Bishop - who to this day, has never claimed to support each and every nationalist dream - see his 1960 encyclical "The Purchased People"), Rev. Garfield Todd (former Prime Minister), Bishop Dodge (Muzorewa's predecessor as Bishop of the American Methodist Church), Re. Canaan Banana (also a Methodist) etc. etc. Their name is legion. Nor have priests and nuns been spared arrests, detentions, deportations. These are matters of public record. Since 1972, when Muzorewa had leadership thrust upon him by ZANU and ZAPU leaders - then in detention, he denounced Ian Smith and his regime as "racist", "minority", "oppressive". He has, as President of the United National Council called for more, not less, economic sanctions against Rhodesia (and boasts of it), stated that armed struggle must continue (1972-1977), established a "Zimbabwe Liberation Council" with a "Military Committee" (1975-1976), acquired the title of "Commander-in-Chief" of the "Liberation forces" (let's ignore the fact that this latter was mere fiction) and posed for photographs holding a bazooka in a guerilla training camp. He frequented Maputo (Mozambique) as guest of President Machel (1975-76) who gave him a comfortable house (still unoccupied) which he enjoyed (no talk of communism then); frequented Zambia, where Kaunda gave him a house as well. In short, he consorted with all enemies of the minority regime before returning to Zimbabwe News 43 National Enemies

How Much Does Muzorewa Know of "American Justice"? Salisbury in 1977. Yet no arrest or detention for any of these things! Could it be that Ian Smith somehow loved Muzorewa's little round black face on its little, short neck on the little short frame of a black body? Not a chance! Who is his Boss? Muzorewa could not be arrested or detained because, as we now know, it was not in Smith's power to do so. Evidence available suggests, beyond reasonable doubt, that Muzorewa is an agent of imperialism. What is not clear, on the available evidence, is who his immediate superiors are. But it could be anyone of the following: a) The United States C.I.A. b) The U.S. Church hierachy - themselves acting as agents of the C.I.A. or State Department or Defence Departmeat either directly or indirectly. c) The British M.I. 6 d) United States' multi-nationals among whom must be Allegheny Ludlum, Union Carbide and Forte-Minerals, acting directly or through the Church at 475 Riverside Drive, New York, N.Y. 10027. e) Rhodesian and/or South African subsidiaries of U.S. or British multinationals. The Evidence: Muzorewa's political philosophy Ever since Abel Muzorewa first appeared on the Zimbabwe political stage, he had not, until 1978, enunciated his own political or economic philosophy. All he shouted was "majority rule", "One man, one vote (currently, to show that he is a "liberated" man - "One person, one vote"). But ever since he cosigned the treacherous and wicked March 3. 1978 agreement, he has been forced to say what he stands for and re- presents. It were better for him had he kept quiet. Recently, Bishop Muzorewa presented a paper entitled: "Give democracy a chance in Zimbabwe", to The Centre for Strategic and International Studies of Georgetown University at the International Club. Washington D.C. It is not possible here to set-out the speech extenso, as it covers 19 pages. We shall therefore contend ourselves by quoting from it to illustrate our point. 1. Paragraph 1: Muzorewa: "I am on a mission to the United States of America. My mission is to the freedom loving peoples of the United States and through them, to the peoples of the free world ..." "I represent the democratic forces of Southern Africa because my country holds the key to the survival of democracy in Southern Africa." Zimbabwe News Comment: Here Muzorewa is spouting the phrases Smith, Vorster and the American right-wing have been shouting for years. He has bought and swallowed the imperialist slogans "free world", "democratic forces", "key to the survival of democracy", etc. Line, hook and Like his master he believes that the West, unter the leadership of the U.S.A. is "free" and Muzorewa, right, with Lord Carver of the UK and Gen. Prem Chand of the UN 44 Zimbabwe News National Enemies Fascist Ian Smith, colleague of Muzorewa loves to see others free. He even talks of "survival of democracy in Southern Africa". Any person who has never been to school knows better. Africa, Asia and Latin America have been colonized and exploited for centuries by Muzorewa's "free world". It is also obvious to all but the brainwashed that Tanzania, Mozambique, Zambia, Botswana and Angola and not Rhodesia, hold the key to the establishment and survival of democracy in Southern Africa. Muzorewa must know, that he is lying. 2. Paragraph 2: Muzorewa: "I have come to rouse and invoke the democratic conscience of America. I have come to demand that America must honour her traditional principle of justice, human rights and national sovereignity and that America must immediately come to the immediate help of nascent democracy in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe, where this bud of democracy is, at this very moment fighting for its very existence." Zimbabwe News: Here Muzorewa shows himself to be naive, foolish and a puppet. America has no special "democratic conscience". Throughout the 200 year history of the U.S.A., the ruling class using the Congress or the Presidency, massacred the American Indians on a scale unprecedented in history, robbed them of their land and placed them in "Indostans" equivalent to Bantustans of South Africa. They alone operated slavery of blacks on a scale unknown in history. Even such U.S. President as Thomas Jefferson, who Muzorewa must respect and worship, owned slaves and raped slave women. To this day, 150 years after slavery, racism and Ku Klux Klanism runs rampant. Muzorewa should ask Black, Mexican and Puerto-Rican leaders in the United States about "the democratic conscience of America" before he shouts his nonsens. Traditional Injustice Where was America's democratic conscience, when it waged a criminal war in Viet-nam, where, as Muzorewa should know, it committed genocide on a scale unequalled in history? Where was America's democratic conscience, when Kissinger and others arranged for the assassination by the C.I.A. of President Allende of Chile who had been democratically elected? Where has this conscience been on each occasion America intervened in Latin America, Asia and Africa? As for Muzorewa's call on America to "honour her traditional principle of justice", those familiar with the real American political, social and economic system must simply conclude, that such a statement must come froin the mouth of a political pimp. History shows, that justice has never been a tradition in American real life. The yearnings for it, may be, in much the same way those in hell, must long to be in heaven. Bishop Muzorewa should register for a two- semester course on "Law and discrimination in America" given by Harvard Law School's Derrick Bell Jnr. That he would flunk is obvious but at least he would have learned a few truths. The U.S. is the only country, where the highest Court (the Supreme Court) once ruled that black people are not human beings vested with rights like white people, but are mere property (see The DredScott decision). No Hitler or South African Court ever so ruled. Despite Brown v. Board of Education and companion cases in the 1960's; despite the enactment of The Civil Rights Act, The Fair Housing Act, Equal Employment Opportunity Act etc., injustice continues virtually unabated. Ask the leaders of the N.A.A.C.P., the Urban League, Jesse Jackson, Andrew Young, the Black Congressional Caucuss etc. Why? Because in justice has been America's tradition. All legislative and judical intervention in order to create a just society have failed. Justice in America is no more available to all than is a lunch in the Waldorf Astoria or the Ritz hotels. Any sane person knows that in America, the richer you are, the more justice you can have. We are sure that Muzorewa has never heard of the Wilmington 10 and has never been inside the Penitentiaries in Jackson, Mississippi, Joliet, Illinois, Sing-Sing in New York and in other places. He needs to do so before he can talk to black prisoners face to face. As for Muzorewa's plea that "America must immediately come to the immediate help of nascent democracy in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe where this bud of democracy is, at this very moment fighting for its very existence", we can do no more than hope that this reverend gentleman will someday - with political re-education - regain his senses. There is no democracy-bud or otherwise, now in existence in Zimbabwe. Ever since Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau joined the Smith fascist regime, all they have done is to drammatize the tyrannous nature of the regime. Why was Byron Hove sacked? What were the recommendations of the discrimination Commission? Why did Bishop Muzorewa, a member of the regime, express disgust when his regime massacred peasants near Fort Victoria? Where, in a democracy, is the government not in control of the armed forces? In Rhodesia, Muzorewa, Sithole, Chirau were made to accept by Smith, their Father, that democracy means just that! "Nascent democracy"? Muzorewa ought to have his head examined. He, Sithole and Chirau agreed with Smith, that in the future (under so-called majority rule), whites, who comprise 3% of the population, will control, as they do now, 50% of the land, dominate the economy, dominate and control the public Service; dominate and control the Armed Forces; exclusively comprise the Judiciary; enjoy 28 % representation in the legislature; practice racism in education, health and other areas. Muzorewas "nascent democracy" is further to be seen in the so-called elections now programmed for November. The Patriotic Front wants elections supervised by the United Nations, Muzo- Fascist Prime Minister John Vorster Zimbabwe News 45 National Enemies rewa wants them supervised by Ian Smith and his troops of murderers and mercenaries. The Patriotic Front wants delimitation of Constituencies prior to elections; Muzorewa and his regime want the whole country proclaimed one single constituency. The Patriotic Front wants candidates for elections to be announced in advance of the voting; Muzorewa and his regime want the identity of future law-makers kept secret until a week after election for fear that their candidates would be lynched by the oppressed masses. The Patriotic Front wants a nation-wide voter's registration and a national voter's roll open to public inspection lest the election be a fraud; Muzorewa and his regime want no voters' register. This is so, so that many of their supporters can vote as many times, on election day, as they have energy for! Nascent democracy? Abel Muzorewa must be insane! Our sense of democracy implies the total equality of all citizens right now. Equality post-poned is justice denied. But this is not all. Democracy implies equality of opportunity in the social, cultural and economic spheres. Nothing short of this will be accepted by us. We will keep shooting until we get it. Muzorewa and his cohorts talk of "One man, one vote" and "majority rule" as if these phrases were ends in themselves. To us, who founded this struggle (long before Muzorewa was aware that minority rule was an enemy), "One man, one vote" and "majority rule" have always been means towards an end. Our real objective has been the creation of a just and human social, political and economic order in which the historic struggle between capital, on the one hand, and labour and wages on the other, is forever eliminated. Exploitation of man by man has got to be abolished (see ZANU POLICY statement first published in September 1963). Toward that end, we propose to overthrow the present parasitic, exploitative and racist economic structures; extinguish the present unjust politico-legal order; exorcise racism, religious bigotry and sexism from the bloodstream of our nation; abrogate ties with feudal practices; intensify political and ideological consciousness among our people; wage a permanent economic struggle for the benefit of all our people and firmly place both political and economic power in the safe hands of the masses. Muzorewa's brand of capitalism must and will be opposed - by arms if necessary. For, not withstanding this reverend gentleman's sloganeering about 46 Zimbabwe News "One man, one vote" and "majority rule" Muzorewa like Sithole and Chirau would instal' in power a parasitic clique of black bourgeoisie, smaller than the present white minority agent oligarchy, who would, in combination with their bosses in New York, London, Frankfurt and Tokyo, ruthlessly exploit the masses an loot from the land. 3) In Paragraph 2 Muzorewa claims for the "Internal agreement" virtues, that are simply mystical and fictitious. He says: "It was a b'ow for democracy in a region then and currently threatended with bloody and chaotic transfers of power and the consequent exploitation of the chaos by external totalitarian forces determined to create a Godless, anti Christ one party, Marxist regime". Elsewhere, at paragraph 27, Muzorewa says: "1 have argued, that the surest answer to this problem is that Africa in general and Zimbabwe in particular, must immediately assume an economic viability as the chief weapon against political instability and against the encroachment on Africa's sovereignty by the marauding of imperialism of communism and Marxism... 1 have warned against the danger of vacuum politics in Africa in the face of the West's virtual withdrawal from the battle for peace and democracy in Africa". In so decrying Marxism and Communism, Muzorewa wants Americans to understand him as the champion of American hegemony in our region. He denounces Mozambique, Angola and Zambia but says nothing about South Africa and Apartheid. His tone is that of the John Birch Society and his language is as intemperate against Marxism as the once used by Chiang Kai Shek, Nguyen Vo Thieu, Butista Salazaar and Hendriek Verwoed. But, what are the facts? a) The revolutionary transformation of Southern Africa (Mozambique, Angola, Guinea-Bissau, Zimbabwe, Namibia) have not resulted from what Muzorewa calls the "exploitation of the chaos by external totalitarian forces determined to create a Godless, antiChrist, One party, Marxist regimes". The Salazaar-Caetano, Ian Smith and Vorster regimes, that have been or are being extinguished by forces are precisely the ones that practised totalitarian, Godless, anti-Christ Systems in the region. Arguments to the contrary would strongly support those, who believe, that Christianity and God ought to be eliminated from all Societies. Revolutionary Transformation b) The trend toward Marxism in the region is the result of the maturation of historical contradictions (we do not expect Muzorewa to understand this, afflicted as he is with ideological kwashiokor). There has been no external manipulation of any kind. Read President Samora Machel's historic "Central Committee Report to the Third Congress of Frelimo, Chapters 1 and 2). Irreconciliable (we call them "antagonistic") contradictions call for armed struggle to resolve them. In the process, the revolutionary experience transforms participants and suddenly though imperceptibly, they see more in history than other mortals. This is hard to explain to a Bishop. But we will try: - You see, Bishop, you believe in prayer and Smith's "S.S." police known as British South Africa Police. terrorize the masses everyday National Enemies

Insulting Freedom Fighters miracles / you believe in a spirit or spirits: you believe in the supernatural. Accordingly, you believe some things, that elude clinical analysis. If anyone does not believe in your visions, the differences can not be antagonis tic, because your vision is not concrete in terms of earthly historical forces. We simply ignore them leaving you free to indulge in your trances of prayer to your heart's content. But, should you suggest that Union Carbide should have a strangle hold over our Chrome mines then, we enter upon the antagonistic threshold and we take bazookas to meet the challenge. Wehn you suggest as your March, 3thd, agreement with Smith, does that certain racist practices can be in the national interest, we take our guns and shoot it down. There is nothing "AntiChrist or Anti-God" about all this. It's historical reality. You see, Marxism presents your Christianity with a challenge. If your Christianity is worth its salt it will survive. If not, it will die and deservedly so. If you tell us "blessed are the poor", "blessed are those that hunger", "turn the other cheek", "Slaves, be loyal to your master", etc., and nothing more, you will lose. We have seen people with dog-collars in the third world combining with evil regimes to plunder the poor and murder those who sought freedom. Yes, we have seen you, Muzorewa, a Bishop of Christ joining hands with Ian Smith to kill African women and children in the Tribal Trust Lands. We have c;..,. ~ '- seen your Christian allies (John Vorster, Piet Botha etc.) shoot unarmed youths in Soweto and murdering Steve Biko in a beastly way. We have seen lots of wikkedness committed in the name of Christ. We are not fools. Christianity will have to get off its heavenly posterior and start addressing the pressing issues of our time. Marxism addresses these issues head-on. Southern Africans want rapid economic development and social transformation. They want to be true masters of their own destiny, they want economic and social equality and justice. There is not enough goods and services on the market to go round in our developing countries. These are the realities to be faced. For our part, we know that Marxism provides answers to these problems. If Christianity also can, welcome aboard. If not, then friend, it was nice to know you. c) It is our concrete situation which has made us Marxists, not any external force or imperialism. What Muzorewa forgets (conveniently) is, that it was Communist arms that brought Smith to his knees. Muzorewa says Smith has changed, that Smith now wants majority rule, that settlers have repented. He does not tell us why they have changed, because the answer is inconvenient. It was gun-powder. But not one of these guns came from Washington D.C. or from London or Bonn or Rome, where his friends pray every day. They came from Socialist countries. Muzorewa did not find it unchristian, to accept office in a regime forced to accept realities by socialist arms! He should hold his tongue forever. Muzorewa's "vacuum politics" .4.-. -~ ,.~. ~1' Chirambaguyo, the typical slum of Salisbury that unmasks evils of capitalism. theory needs not be commented upon. This phrase is always used by Kissinger and other imperialists. We reject the theory that our victory over imperialism in Southern Africa is dangerous, because it creates a vacuum. Zimbabwe is not a vacuum. There are 7 million people; Mozambique is not a vacuum, because the Portuguese colonists were defeated. The Mozambiquans are there. Only imperialists talk of "vacuums" when referring to areas they have not beenable to colonize or from which they have been expelled. Muzorewa suggests, that the colonization of Africa by Western imperialism has been and is a good thing. He even bemoans what he calls "the West's virtual withdrawal from the battle for peace and democracy in Africa." Not even Moise Tshombe at his worst, ever suggested such a thing. We all know, that the West's presence in Africa was a brutal, horrifying, traumatic experience for Africans. Clearly, Muzorewa has a white mind and as Wall-Streat heart. Any African, who suggests a recolo nization of Africa, deserves a Nuremberg-trial. We need say no more. Franchise War? 4. In paragraph 12, Muzorewa told his American bosses in Washington D.C., that "the war, which has raged in Zimbabwe, has been a franchise war". This statement, more than any other, shows, that Muzorewa has never understood the meaning of our struggle. ZANU and ZAPU have not been waging a 'Civil rights war'. The right to vote is only one, and by no means the most important, of the objectives of our war. People do not eat votes nor wear them. People do not acquire educational enlightenment by merely being able to vote. Nor do the sick get well once they vote. This is elementary. Our war, if we must restate our objectives, aims at the repossession of our stolen lands, so the people can grow food to feed and clothe themselves; termination of the foreign stranglehold over our natural resources, so the people of Zimbabwe as a whole can exercise full sovereignty over them - thereby benefiting fully from their exploitation; abolition of all unjust laws; preservation of our culture; and the right of our people to determine their own destiny. None of these objectives are realized by the mere advent of the franchise for all. That is why we took to arms. Much as it may horrify Muzorewa, it is nevertheless true, that nothing democratises more than the gun and the bazooka. Ask the Americans. Zimbabwe News 47 National Enemies

Notorious (BSAP) police demand that people listen to their leader over lunch. 5. In paragraph 13, Muzorewa insults all comrades who have sacrificed their lives in the armed struggle. He says: "The agreement provided for rehabilitation of nationalist guerrillas through the projected provision of employment and educational facilities." This is probably the most criminal statement, Muzorewa has ever made. First, none of us, who have taken to arms to liberate ourselves, is a social deviant in need of "rehabilitation". In fact, the reverse is true. People like Muzorewa, who have opposed the armed struggle, are in need of rehabilitation and re-education. This much we promise. Second, we are not "nationalist guerrillas". We are Zimbabwean revolutionaries. We seek more than mere nationality, which the exploited and oppressed citizens of banana or neo-colonialist "states" all have. We need not repeat what our objectives are for the third time. The suggestion that our young men and young women have been dying for scholarship and jobs is criminal indeed. Many comrades have lost legs, others have been paralyzed; many have lost breasts, others eyes; many have spend many many years in prisons, others died therein. It was not for "educational facilities" or "employment". They sacrificed so Zimbabwe can be free i.e. free of Muzorewa's friends, who oppressed them and brutally exploited them. Once free, Zimbabweans would give themselves educational facilities and jobs among other things. They would not be given by Smith, Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau. What arrogant, idiotic nonsense! 6. The rest of Muzorewa's paper deserves no comment. He calls the Patriotic Front "murder Incorporated" when he knows it is his regime, that is murdering, massacring, torturing, raping our people. Muzorewa used to condemn the regime for these attrocities before he joined it. He condemns the Patriotic Front for killing "workers of God" meaning missionaries, when he knows, that it is his regime which has committed these gruesome murders. He claims that a cease-fire will occur, because "there are right now areas in Zimbabwe, in which nationalist guerrillas live side by side with government forces." FOOL ! Does not Muzorewa realize that, when any government's military forces live side by side with insurgents without challenging them, then the area is what insurgents call liberated? We now control 80% of the country. Muzorewa should wait until the final push during the next few months. Now, let us ask the question: Who does Muzorewa work for? His pronouncements analyzed above suggest, that he is working for the Americans. But exactly for who, is our next task. We invite our readers to read articles in this section dealing with Muzorewas friends in the United States published in these columns. Our conclusion is, that any African comfortable among such "friends" must be a tool of U.S. corporations and/or of the C.I.A. It should be remembered that the C.I.A. confessed to using missionaries and corporations as spies in the third world. MUZOREWA KEEPS VERY BAD COMPANY During his last trip to the United States, Bishop Abel Muzorewa, a member of Ian Smith's terrorist regime, outraged American blacks, civil libertarians, workers, white liberals and good, simple Americans by flaunting his relationship with some of American's most strident racists and fascists. "This is an out-rage" commented one black student. "It's obscene," added a member of the N.A.A.C.P. What outraged most Americans was the fact, that Bishop Muzorewa has prefered the friendship and company of Senator Jesse Helms of North Carolina. Senator Helms had driven all over Washington D.C. with Abel Muzorewa on tour. Many, who had known and admired Bishop Muzorewa before, simply could not believe their eyes. Americans could not believe, that a man, who claims to be a Zimbabwean nationalist leader and a christian could become such a turn-coat and opportun- 48 Zimbabwe News National Enemies

Senator Tessie Helms of South Carolina, USA, an avowed enemy of Black People. ist. Senator Jesse Helms is probably the most notorious of racists, sexists and exploiters running around in the flesh in America. Consider the record: He has opposed: a) every Civil Rights legislation designed to alleviate the suffering of black, Mexican and Puerto-Rican Americans, b) every feminist measure, including the Equal Rights Amendment now in process of ratification which would outlaw discrimination on ground of sex, c) the issuance of food-stamps to the poor, c) the rights of municipal workers to unionise and generally, the right of workers, e) the freedom of the press, etc, etc, f) Richard Nixon for being soft on communist China. Here below, we publish a recent article by Mark Pinsky, a free-lance writer based in Durham, North Carolina, entitled: "Will North Carolina save us from Jesse Helms." It reads: Until mid-September, when Senator Jesse A. Helms (R.N.C.) called ad hoc hearings on the "unfair", "biased", "pro-ERA, proabortion, and prolesbian" nature of International Women's Year meeting around the country, the current issue he was best known for in his home state of North Carolina was his vociferous opposition to the new Panama Canal treaties. Feminists, however, were not surprised at his sudden IWY interest: as the chief sponsor of a proposed antiabortion amendment to the Constitution, as well as an outspoken opponent of affirmative action and dunding for a rapeprevention center, school-lunch programms, and federally backed child-care centers, he was a logical focus for anti-equality activities... But women and Panamanians are not the only groups to have felt the withering wreath of the Republican senior Senator from North Carolina. Among the continuing targets of the legislator, whom a New York Times columnist, referred to as "Senator No," are: * Blacks and the civil rights movement. Throughout the 1960s and early 1970s, as an on-camera editorialist for WRAL- TV in Raleigh, North Carolina, Helms railed against forms of activism and legislation on behalf of civil rights and racial equality. On this ABC affiliate that has Earl Butz as a stockholder and that, for many years, signed off at night with "Dixie", rather than the "Starspangled Banner", Helms appeared in editorials that were rebroadcast across the state on the Tobacco Radio Network and reprinted in numerous rural weekly newspapers. Their tone was frequently sarcastic, mean- spirited and vindictive, and their content provided a voice for "responsible" racism and insistent intolerance. Since his election to the United States Senate in 1972, he has been active in attempts to lift U.S. restrictions against the regimes of Rhodesia and South Africa, and he has called for the ouster of United States Ambassador Andrew Young, repeating that "every time Mr. Young opens his mouth, I get just a little prouder of the fact that I was one of three members of the U.S. Senate who voted against his confirmation". * Working people and organized labor. During his six years representing a state made infamous by the anti-union conduct of the J.P. Stevens textile company (which was repeatedly ruled in contempt by the National Labor Relations Board), Senator Helms has thus far opposed the issuance of food stamps to strikers, the use of union dues for getout-vote drivers, the extension of unemployment compensation, and the right of municipal workers to organize. The recipient in 1972 of large campaign contributions from anti- union textile and furniture interests within North Carolina and business pressure groups outside, Senator Helms also opposed the repeal of the "right to work" union shop provisions of the Taft-Hartly Law, has led two filibusters against allowing pikketing on construction sites, opposes the labor reform bill, and voted against confirmation of at least three out of the last four appointed secretaries of labor - including the conservative Peter Brennan, a Nixon appointee, on the ground that any person with a previous trade union affiliation would be too biased for the post. * The press. Although a former printer and a reporter of editorialist, for newspapers, radio and TV stations, Helms has been a persistent critic of the national television networks, which, he charged, have been guilty of "many instances of deliberate blas", notably in the "absolutely contrived" coverage of the Southern civil rithts "uproar". He regularly vilifies his two hometown newspapers in Raleigh, citing them as examples of "the devastating role the .. " 1 11, ...... Traitor Ndabaningi Sithole warming by the fire of the enemy Terrorist leader Smith. Zimbabwe News 49 National Enemies large daily newspapers and the television networks have played in brainwashing the American people into accepting the destruction of their free enterprise system." Since coming to the Senate, he has become one of the most outspoken legislators to oppose a national "shield law", aimed at protecting journalists from "fishing expeditions" on the part of prosecutors and grand juries, terming the concept "a bunch of baloney". "Whether I'm with ninety-nine other or no other, I call'em the way I see'em", Helms recently told a Raleigh newspaper reporter. He was being interviewed on his assessment of his first term and the image he has sought to construct for himself. Very often, he votes alone, or with no more than half a dozen of the Senate's diminishing hard-core conservatives. Nonetheless, Helms has clearly made a mark on the body out of proportion to his status as a first termer, and his frequent violation of the Senate's "freshmen should be seen and not heard" admonition has not cost him with the senior traditionalists, perhaps because he's their philosophical heir. Helms, at 56, has been able to carve out this niche by making himself a first- string, varsity filibusterer and a master of parliamentary maneuvering. He once blocked 40 of President Nixon's subcabinet appointments for several weeks and he recently stymied the Carter Administration's efforts to fill a U.S. Appeals Court seat on the Fourth Circuit... When elected in 1972 on a wave of anti-Mc Govern reaction, Jesse Helms was a familiar media presence in North Carolina, His sweeping victory at the polls (along with the fist GOP governor in more than 75 years) was made possible by a deeply divided Democratic Party, and was interpreted as a plebiscite against social and political change initiated in the 1960s. Six years later, he is facing a though reelection campaign in 1978... Ultra-right fascist Although running slightly scared, Helms is decidedly not an easy opponent. He has already raised a campaign war chest in excess of >>2 million, most of which to date has come from right-wing interest groups outside North Carolina. Contributors include business lobbying groups, PAC (Political Action Committees) affiliates of the medical industry (Helms is again national health insurance), and anti-gun-control groups like the Gun Owners of America Campaign Committee and the Right to Bear Arms Victory Fund. Much of this money has been raised for Helms by Richard Viguerie of northern Virginia, a conservative activist ivho specializes in mass directmail appeals for candidates and causes of the ultraright. The vigor with which Helms latched on to the canal treaties and the IWY conferences- in as much as the wind has gone out of Helm's earlier opposition to such issues as amnesty, busing, and financial support for New York City seems to be a bid for stronger support from national groupings of right-wing extremists who have focused on women's issues, as well as from antiwomen groups in his own state. At the IWY hearings in Washington Puppet Chief Mangwende inspecting the terrorist forces of Renegade Smith. in mid-September, Helm's long-standing reputation for playing selectively with facts and figures, as well as his affinity for citing unspecified sources, came back to haunt him. So did his penchant for individual, shooting from-the-hip action; his "Congressional hearings" into IWY had the support of no committee, and were conducted by Helms alone; a rare event in the Senate. "He was doing the same thing he did when he was on television", observed Martha McKay, a founder of the National Women's Political Caucus from Chapel Hill, North Carolina. "Plus his old favorite - guilt by disagreement". Dr. Elizabeth Duncan Koontz, head of the North Carolina IWY, and assistant superintendent of the state department of public instruction, boarded a plane and, unbidden, attended the hearings with the express purpose of challenging Jesse Helms face to face, as one familiar with his methods. After listening to the testimony of witnesses from her own state, Dr. Koontz termed the charges "a lot of hot air" and the hearings "staged" and "one-sided", amounting to nothing more than "harassment". For Senator Helms, this attack on his feminist movement may backfire; at least one woman state senator has left the North Carolina Republican Party this year, citing the "narrow-minded people" in control. According to Dr. Koontz, "women have been very disturbed by this and intend to use their political responsibility to get rid of Jesse Helms in 1978". "Colonialism has always been the handmaid of capitalism and nowhere has this principal-agent relationship between capitalism and colonialism better demonstrated than in Zimbabwe.,, Cde. Mugabe "Labour - both cheap and forced has been as much the product of the social circumstances of profit-oriented capital investment as indeed it has been the new creator of investment capital, in turn creating a new environment of class- formation in which the capital sponsored bourgeoisie emerges as the economically and so politically and socially, dominant class as opposed to the oppressed and exploited working class." Cde. Mugabe 50 Zimbabwe News National Enemies

AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY We See Africa As An Open Field For Maneuver! Paper presented by T. Lockwood Americans find it hard to keep remembering their own history. Perhaps it is because of the influence on us of the media which sells the immediate, the new, the fresh departure that we find it hard to remember the former events out of which the present comes. I have been trying in the preparation of this paper about American policy toward Namibia and Zimbabwe to place the present policy in its historical context. American policy is made by a relatively small number of people, an elite which, whether in office or out of office, maintains continuities rather than breaks them. Mr. Brzezinksi, we are now aware, bears many resemblances to Mr. Kissinger. They have both worked for Mr. David Rockefeller as key directors of an international planning staff. They both come from that part of Europe which has lieved in close proximity to the Soviet Union or in the Soviet sphere of influence. The Secretary of State, Mr. Vance, was a key officer in the government during the Vietnam War. Furthermore, if we look back to the John Kennedy era, we will find parallels of intention, orientation, objectives and methods to those of the current administration. The recently declassified Afri- Secretary of State Cyrus Vance ca: Guidelines for United States Policy and Operation written in 1963 states its Basic Approach this way: "What we do or fail to do in Africa in the next year will have a profound effect for many years ... The United States, as a country with no colonial heritage in Africa, has great opportunities ... We see Africa as probably the greatest open field of maneuver in the worldwide competition between the Communist-bloc and the nonCommunist world." "Our revolutionary background and democratic aspirations constitute a basis for sympathy betweenourselves and the Africans." Under objectives we find: "15. Gradual emergence or growthy of a middle class capable of creating and managing a private enterprise sector in a mixed economy. 16. Encouragement, where appropriate, of private enterprise economies. 23. Gradual and orderly transfer of power to the majority of the African population during. the next few years with the fullest possible protection of minority rights. 33. Denial to the Sino-Soviet bloc of military bases, and to the maximum extent practicable of military influence in any African country." Compare the basic approach to the first year of Carter. The Vorster- Mondale meeting last May, Ambassador Young's visit to Maputo and Johannesburg, the Carter speech at Notre Dame, Vance's Law Day speech in Georgia, Tony Lake's many utterances on human rights, all will serve to illustrate American foreign policy in its liberal idealistic mode. The Carter Administration's first year emphasized the belief that the United States has a salable ideology which can compete with socialism in Rhetorical idealism and promises political equality while safeguarding economic "freedom". However, the existence of Africa as a free field for peaceful maneuvers in the ideological arena and for economic exploitation of the vast treasure-house of minerals, markets and labor acquired in the first instance by force of arms, is threatened by the success of armed liberation movements aided by socialist powers. The significance of the Cuban and Soviet military assistance to these movements does not in fact rest so much on the influence that such assistance per se produces, but rather the strength that such aid can impart to a revolutionary struggle. Cuba after all has succeeded in a decolonizing revolution that has survived notwithstanding its existence 90 miles form the United States. Now for the purpose of public consumption in the United States it is necessary to pursue the tactic of saying "Africa for the Africans" and "Out with external influences". But as President Nyerere has so brilliantly pointed out in his recent extraordinary statement, that slogan can itself be the other face of western domination, a domination in which so-called African military forces simply lend an African face to European intervention. No one in the West has said "Out with the 15000 French troops", have they? While American agitation about the presence of Cuban Troops on African soil is now at an unprecedented intensity, it is not a new development. During the entire Angolan war, Ford and Kissinger continuously harped on the support given to the MPLA by the Soviet Union and Cuba even while denying CIA Support for FNLA and UNITA and complicity with the Soviet African attack of October, 1975. On February 12, 1976 when it was clear that the Congress would not back further CIA intervention, Kissinger warned that Soviet Involvement "will have serious consequences for any possibility of easing relations with the Soviet Union and if continued and it became a pattern, must affect other relationships". He said the United States would "do its best to prevent the pattern of Angola from setting a precedent for the rest of Africa". What followed, of course, was the Lusaka speech, the meetings with vorster and Smith, the Geneva talks, the Zimbabwe Development Plan, the Anglo-American proposals, the Gang of Five on Namibia, etc. The purpose was to avoid another Angola. What did this mean concretely? On the one side, it meant the United States was and is prepared to prevent the coming to power in Zimbabwe or Namibia of a government which seizes control of the state apparatur by revolutionary means. On the other side of the coin, Kissin- Zimbabwe News 51 National Enemies ger's new activism meant that "the gradual and orderly transfer of power to the majority of the African population" which the Kennedy era had called for was not taking place in Zimbabwe or Namibia as fast as it should. If anything, a tendency toward apartheid was increasing and nothing was being done to create the middle class of Africans which would be the salvation of the situation according to American doctrine. More alarming still, intelligence reports indicated that with the closing of the Mozambique border to Rhodesian exports and the stepped up pace of guerrilla activities, Rhodesia was fighting an unwinnable war. In Namibia the situation was dangerous but not as far gone. It was under these circumstances that Mr. Kissinger "discovered" Africa, rescuing it from American ignorance and neglect to the benefit of Vorster and Smith. The real purpose, of course, was to install a neo-colonial solution in Zimbabwe and Namibia in order to prevent any further unravelling which would spell disaster for the two countries which are of key importance to the West: Zaire and South Africa. The first approach was the Kissinger shuttle, diplomacy in which the important figures were Kissinger, Vorster and Smith. Out of their meeting emerged a Kissinger package which bears some interesting resemblances to the present Rhodesian internal settlement. The key points included: * Rhodesian acceptance of "majority rule" in two years, i.e. fall of 1978; * An interim government with a council of state with equal black and white participation with a white chairman but whites in control of the key ministries of defence and law and order; * Assurances from Kissinger that terrorism would cease and the sanctions would be lifted; * A major international fund to provide development assistance, guarantees and investment incentives. But in two days time the African front line states rejected the proposals out of hand as legalizing the colonialist and racist structures of power. At that point, and certainly after the Geneva talks, it became very clear that, as in the Middle East, the way to undercut revolutionary militance is to attempt to utilize the bordering states which furnish the indispensable base areas to act as go-betweens for moderation. With the opening of the Carter Administration, certain steps were taken to show faith to the African countries. The Byrd Amendment which had long been a sore point was repealed, bringing the United States into formal compliances at least with the United Nations sanctions programme. The Administration proposed to Congress that it appropriate 100 million dollar as a down payment on a Zimbabwe Development Fund of I to 1,5 billion dollar, which would ultimately cost American taxpayers 520 million dollar. The purpose, of course, was to underwrite the rebirth and expansion of the economy for the benefit of the multinational corporations. While Congress did not appropriate the money for a Fund that didn't exist to benefit c ountry which wasn't independent, it approved the idea and called for a regional 1 million dollar study of development needs for the whole region. At the same time, the Congress appropriated an unprecedented sum of 115 million dollar for the support of the "moderates" of the front line states: Botswana, Zambia, Tanzania plus Swaziland and Lesotho. Efforts were redoubled to find among the brightest and best of the Zimbabwean and Namibian refugees candidates for the technically-oriented pro-western cadre that would form the core of a new majority-rule government. Suddenly the Commonwealth Secretariat, AID, Carnegie Foundation, African-American Scholars Council began furiously to study manpower requirements. Black American firms began to compete for the crucial study contracts that would set the guidelines for American assistance to "development" to the majority-ruled states and the region. This was the soft side, the money and knowledge side of the strategy. At the same time a new diplomatic initiative was launched in the spring of last year. The idea was to devise a plan for peaceful transition to majority rule which would avoid a revolutionary seizure of power and substitute an electoral process. We cannot enter into a detailed analysis of the Anglo-American plan and the proposals of the Five Western powers in regard to Namibia, but let me at least hit upon certain important common points: 1. The question of transition. The Anglo-American plan put the transition into the hands of a British Commissioner with dictatorial powers. This was in effect a re- colonization acceptable to neither the white Rhodesians nor the liberation movement. The British could not be seen by either as neutral. Given this rejection, was there some place for manoeuvre around this ques- President Jimmy Carter of the USA tion? What seems perfectly clear is that neither Britain nor the United States is prepared to accept a transitional government that is dominated by the Patriotic Front, and yet that would seem to be the only assurance for them against subversion of a genuine power takeover. When we look at Namibia, the transitional phase is once more handed over to an apparently "neutral" figure, but one who is linked to the preceeding colonial master: namely the South African Administrator General. The Administrator General has now been granted extraordinary power to rule Namibia. Let me point out that this alleged neutral, a former judge appointed by the South African Nationalist Party, has by proclamation on April 18th arrogated to himself the power to detain without trial and without proof any one whom he considers to be guilty of obstruction, threats or intimidation in regard to the "peaceful and orderly constitutional development of Southwest Africa." While a review committee can look at the situation of such a prisoner, the Administrator General is not bound by its recommendation and no court of law has any jurisdiction over them. This dictator would be the partner of the United Nations. The western proposals of course provide a role for a representative of the United Nations Secretary General. He is to oversee the work of the South African Administrator General. But what is he to do if he does not concur with the actions of the South African Administrator General? Presumable'ly he can appeal back to headquarters or lay it back on the table at the Security Council. But he will not even command the police, who will remain under South African control. 2. Security Forces. In the Anglo-American plan the Resident Commissioner is to become the comman- 52 Zimbabwe News National Enemies der-in-chief of all armed forces and to form a new Zimbabwe National Army, which will in due course replace all existing armed forces. But is the basis of this new army to be the nationalist liberation army plus acceptable elements of the old Rhodesian armed forces or is the integration to go the other way round? Smith wants it the latter way; the Patriotic Front wants it the former way. Again, there seems to be a power question at stake. 3. The role of whites. It is sometimes forgotten that the Anglo-American plan resembles the internal settlement in guaranteeing certain privileges to whites. Thus one fifth of the seats in Parliament were to be reserved for minorities. Similarly, the proposed draft constitution-s bill of rights guarantees against expropriation without compensation, protects civil service pensions and deals only very ambiguously with the question of land redistribution. In the case of Namibia, Walvis Bay and the numerous islands offshore which South Africa has excluded from the settlement guarantee a power to blockade Namibia. The West has tended to slough off the question and argue that Walvis Bay may or may not be part of Namibia, but in any case Namibia will ultimately get it as the Indians got Goa. But the cases are not comparable. Walvis is the only viable port in Namibia. Goa is not the only viable exit for Indian seaborne commerce. SWAPO quite rightly sees Walvis Bay as a non-negotiable part of Namibia. Given these ambiguities, why have these contrivances gone as far as they have? For one thing, they seem to a great many states to be not unreasonable. The Lusaka manifesto definitely prefers peaceful means to majority rule and by no means plumps for a violent seizure of state control as the only way to real change. Many African countries in fact did come to a form of "majority rule" by some such peaceful process of decolonization. Perhaps most important, the front line countries cannot afford to be the base for a prolonged mounting war of liberation in which the great powers intervene. Angola needs to concentrate on UNITA and FNLA. So long as South Africa remains in Namibia, its power to mount vicious offensives as in the Kaasinga raid and to afford training and arms for UNITA makes the Angolan government insecure. Both Zambia and Tanzania are dependent on western financial and technical resources. So is Mozambique. Botswana is a hostage of South Africa. It is therefore not surprising that the front line states have put important pressure on SWAPO and the Patriotic Front to take ever precaution to appear eminently tractable, to make all reasonable concessions, to be flexible while retaining essential demands. These it seems to me the liberation movements have done, unreported by the western press by and large. What has been the Western response? It has been to come close to abandonment of its own proposals. Or to put it another way, the position has hardened so that now the proposals are no longer put forward as negotiation, but on a take-it-or- leave-it basis. At the same time we see a new acquiescence in the actions of the white regimes. The great attempt sale of March i, 19 ia. Here racist Smith, traitors, Muzorewa, Sithole and Chirau sign so-called agreement which has been smashed by the masses. Just as the front line states appeared to have prepared SWAPO to accept the western proposals on Namibia, South Africa launched a devastating attack on the SWAPO base at Kassinga while simultaneously claiming to accept the western proposals. Nothing could be more clearly designed to show that the South African are not prepared to allow SWAPO the opportunty to organize for the electoral process. In fact, it seems to have been designed to produce a SWAPO rejection of the western proposals, making it the villian. That suspicion is fortified by the western reaction to the raid, a raid in which napalm, fragmentation bombs and phosphorus were indiscriminately used on the civilian population to prepare the way for the infantry assault. There was enourmous loss of life. Africans can bitterly compare the mild tut-tutting of the American President and press to what happened when some few European lives were lost or endagered in Kolwezi. Did any one mobilize paratroops to protect the civilians in Kolwezi from further assault? The able American negotiator Don McHenry was left crying in the wilderness of Capetown that the South Africans had wrecked the chance of an agreement. Mr. Voster called on Carter to repudiate his boy for being on the side of the terrorists. Carter was silent. Were these proposals ever meant seriously? Were they not really meant to isolate the liberation movements, remove their legitimacy, deprive them of their support? Let us look at the question of Western Nonfeasance. What is the West actually not done? It has not pressurized the white regimes to accept its proposals. 1. It has not stopped the flow of oil into Rhodesia that ultimately comes from western multinationals via South Africa. 2. It has not stopped the supply of mercenaries to Rhodesia. Today there are probably a thousand Americans serving as mercenaries in Rhodesia. Such notorious proponents of the Vietnam was is Robin Moore have been able to get tax exemption for his Crippled Eagle Foundation whose purpose is to support mercenaries there. 3. It has not stopped the supply of arms from clandestine sources into Rhodesia or South Africa. 4. It has refrained from any act of sanctions against South Africa that was not already in effect with the insignificant exception of banning all sales to the South African police and mili- Zimbabwe News 53 National Enemies tary. 5. Aircraft for so-called dual purposes are still sold to South Africa and indirectly to Rhodesia. 6. None of the five western countries voted to condemn the internal settlement in Rhodesia. Given this history, the question recurs: what will be the next moves? I believe that for the immediate future there will be a grinding ahead of the war of liberation that has been going on in both countries. I believe the effect of the mounting of the Carter/Brzezinski verbal assault on the Soviet Union and Cuba will be to prepare the public in the United States for more than just the operation in Zaire. Western armed forces have been thrown in to rescue a corrupt and bankrupt client state. On the one side, the verbal attack on the Soviet Union and Cuba covers the embarassment of having to recolonize a majority-ruled state with foreign troops the key factor. On the other side,what does drawing such an issue mean later on? What does it mean that the President is chafing at the bit over restrictions placed on his power in the wake of Vietnam and Angola. It would seem to mean that the Administration desires to get more directly into the continuing war to overthrow the MPLA government. What would happen if Mozambique were to ask for and receive MIG fighters to defend its frontiers, a perfectly reasonable request in view of the actions of the Rhodesian forces at Nyazonia and Chimoio? I think it is highly probable that if that happens after the election of a so-called majority ruled government in Rhodesia, we could very well see the supplying by air of American equipment to Rhodesia. We could also see some scenarious in which C130's or C14 l's are brought in to evacuate whites as the house of cards starts to fall. The number of people who have been profoundly disturbed by the change of atmosphere since Shaba is not very large, but it is larger than existed before the American public awakened to what was happening in Vietnam. The sending of American troops to Africa is something that the United States can do only in an extreme situation. We have to remember that 30 percent of the U.S. troops are black; the potential division in the United States over such an issue is enormous. In spite of this somewhat alarmist forecast, I believe that the struggle for liberation must go on and that ultimately it will be victorious. ZIMBABWE IN JUNE 5/6/78: Maputo. President Samora Machel returned to Mozambique from a visit to the Democratic Republic of Korea, the Peoples Republic of Mongolia, the People's Republic of China and the People's Republic of Hungary. The President of the Zimbabwe African National Union and his delegation were visiting the Socialist Republic of Viet-Nam. Salisbury. British and American envoys, John Graham and Stephen Low arrived in Salisbury for talks with the terrorist Rhodesian kith and kin. 12/6/78: Salisbury. Relatives of the over 30 African civilians killed last Saturday at a village about 20 km from Salisbury have told reporters that the dead were murdered by terrorist Rhodesian troops. San Francisco. Janice McLoughlin, an exiled member of the Catholic Commission of Justice in Southern Rhodesia told news men last week-end that the Smith regime conceals its murder and torture of the African civillians from the world public. Salisbury. An African Trade Unionist in Salisbury has reported that millions of African People in racist Rhodesia continue to live in slave-like conditions inspite of the so-called internal settlement. 13/6/78: Salisbury. The white settler terrorist Rhodesia Front Party which is in control of the army, police and civil service in racist Rhodesia has censored statements by the two African puppet groups of the so-called internal settlement. The "offending" statements which were issued by the treacherous African groups of Sithole and Muzorewa were ironically blaming terrorist Rhodesian troops for the murder last Saturday at a village about 12km from Salisbury. Salisbury. Of the three international News agencies, who have correspondents in the country at present, Reuter has been banned from publishing and transmitting news from Rhodesia. Reports on the statements by the local news agencies contolled by the white settler regime IANA and the Rhodesia Herald were also censored. Last April, the white settler party expelled Byron Hove, who was co-minister of Justice, Law and Order from the invalid Ministerial Council for ironically calling for discrimination in favour of Africans in the terrorist Rhodesian army, police and judiciary. Under the stringent censorship regulations imposed by the white settler regime in January this year, news correspondents in the embattled British colony are forbidden from reporting without clearance by the regime of statements, which among other things relate to any measure or act of any description what-so-ever of the terrorist Rhodesian regime for the purpose of trying to supress the liberation war raging through out the whole country. The murderer Ian Smith, leader of the terrorist Rhodesia Front Party, which manipulates the so-called interim government yesterday said that the Bogus Salisbury agreement was not suceeding as he and his African puppets had hoped. Speaking in a BBC interview, the murderer Ian Smith said, he was very critical of efforts being made by the invalid council in bringing about a ceasefire to the 12 years old guerrilla war. Last month, the so-called interim government called on the ZIPA forces to lay down their arms and surrender. ANC Official Benson Ndemera, who was the groups organising secretary was dismissed after saying last week that the participation of the group in the so-called executive council made it a silent Smith puppet. Benson Ndemera said that more honest African people have, in Muzorewa's puppet group begun to express serious doubts about any more remote possibility of the sell-out Salisbury agreement ever succeeding. Geneva 15/6/78: African workers representatives attending the International labour Organisation's annual conference in Geneva were today protesting against French military intervention in the African continent and French collaboration with the racist and fascist regime of Salisbury and Pretoria. Accordingly to reports received here yesterday, the African representatives were planning to walk out of today's session during a speech by French prime Ideological and Revolutionary Education 54 Zimbabwe News minister Raymond Barre. Another statement issued by the representatives also called on other delegates, representing workers, employers or governments, to walk out during the French prime minister's address. The 134-member international labour Organisation made up of governments, employers and workers representatives from each country, aims to improve working conditions throughout the world. Yesterday's statement by the African workers representatives also strongly castigated France for continuing to violate United Nations sanctions by openly trading with the rebel and terrorist Rhodesian fascist. Luanda 15/6/78: Two International Organisations have strongly condemned fascist South Africa's cold-blooded massacre of Namibian refugees in the People's Republic of Angola last month. The Angolan News agency, Angop, said the condemnation was made by delegates from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, UNHCR and the World Health Organisation W.H.O. who visited Kassinga in the Southern part of Angola between the 24th and 28th of May. Both organisations confirmed that Kassinga was only a Namibian refugee camp with no military activities. The delegates also appealed to the International community for medicine, food and clothing for the thousands of Namibian refugees in the people's Republic of Angola. Bruxelles 15/6/78: Representatives of ten of the 14 Western capitalist countries who met in Bruxelles this week have drawn up two neo-colonialist schemes for Zaire. One is to immediately consolidate their control over the 8-day anti-government popular uprising. The other is a long term capitalist plan designed to control Zaires natural resources. About 116 million dollars will be used in these neo-colonialist schemes. Zaires president Mobutu has agreed that foreigners should take over key posts in the country, such as the National Bank and Finance ministry. Members and supporters of Chimurenga, the National Liberation war in Zimbabwe, throughout Southern Africa, were today commemorating the death of the late Comrade Takawira, first vice-president of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Union, now a component of the Patriotic Front, who died in 1970 because of illtreatment in the fascist dungeons of the rebel and terrorist Rhodesian regime. In all Zimbabwean refugee and transit camps in neighbouring independent African States, and in the liberated, semi-liberated and contested zones of Zimbabwe, meetings, highlighted by songs and plays, were held today in rememberance of the late Comrade Leopold Takawira. In an address to the oppressed and resisting masses of Zimbabwe, to be broadcast soon after this news bulletin, ZANU's president and Patriotic Front co-leader Comrade Robert Mugabe noted late Comrade Takawira's outstanding contributions to the Zimbabwean war of National liberation. The ZANU president also recalled times in the 1960's when he, Comrade Takawira and other Zanu Central Committee members witnessed during their days in detention, Ndabaningi Chakandiwana Sithole, change from an apparent stern nationalist into the present renegade and quisling. 17/6/78: Maputo. ZANUS President and Patriotic Front co-leader, comrade Robert Mugabe, today said the prospects of African people in Zimbabwe having total power are much more favourable than before, because of the revolutionary armed struggle. But the British are still unwilling to bring about final act of decolonisation and vesting power in the people of Zimbabwe through their revolutionary leadership. The Secretary of Defence of ZANU, Comrade Josiah Magama Tongogara, today said, the military situation in Zimbabwe is in favour of the Liberation Forces. 18/6/78: Maputo. The President of ZANU, the zimbabwe African National Union, Comrade Robert Mugabe, returned here last weekend from his visits in several progressive countries. Comrade Robert Mugabe who was leading a ZANU delegation visited Tanzania, Syria, Ethiopia, Pakistan, Korea and Viet Nam, where he held talks with the government and party officials of the respective countries. Speaking to the Voice of Zimabwe Comrade Robert Mugabe said, the liberation movement was prepared to attend a constitutional conference to discuss the independence constitution. He also stressed that the Smith-SitholeMuzorewa- Chirau regime must be dismantled or overthrown. 19/6/78: War Zones of Zimbabwe. Reports from the interior of the South-Eastern war zones of Zimbabwe say there were considerable number of serious clashes between the ZIPA Freedom Fighters and the terrorist Rhodesian troops during the fortnight ending on the 5th of June in the area between the road from Shabani to Bala Bala, Filabusi and the one from Shabani to West Nicholson near the Nuanetsi river. In one of the reported incidents during this period, ZIPA combatants destroyed 3 military trucks of the Rhodesian regime in an ambush and killed several enemy troops wounding others. In another incident during the same period, near Silibuhwa dam, ZIPA Freedom Fighters attacked and annihilated a unit of 8 terrorist Rhodesian troops, which was camped out of a side village. Several weapons were captured. ZANLA-forces getting ready to assault the terrorist forces of Smith. Ideological and Revolutionary Education Zimbabwe News 55

21/6/78: Maputo. The President of ZANU, the Zimbabwe Africa National Union, and co- leader of the Patriotic Front, Comrade Robert Mugabe, today restated that the liberation war in Zimbabwe must continue to grow hot and that power can only come trough the barrel of the gun and not through the negotiating tables. The Patriotic Front has asked the Organisation of African Unity for an extra 3 million Dollars to enable the stepping up for the unity of the armed struggle in Zimbabwe. 22/6/78: Salisbury. The British and American envoys, John Graham and Stephan Low, returned to Salisbury last night in continuation of their bid to convene a so-called all party conference on Zimbabwe. The two envoys spent two weeks in Salisbury earlier this month conferring with their white terrorist Rhodesian settler kith and kin, and the African traitors, Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau. Since then they have visited the People's Republic of Zambia, Botswana and fascist ruled South Africa. They have held talks with the co-leaders of the Patriotic Front, Comrade Robert Mugabe, the President of ZANU. Soon after their meeting here in Maputo last Thursday, the two envoys, Graham and Low were proposing direct talks between the Patriotic Front and the terrorists and traitor of Salisbury. The Patriotic Front rejected the idea in totto and maintained the posture that it is prepared to attend a constitutional coference to discuss the independence constitution with the British government, the legal colonial authority in Southern Rhodesia. The Front said however, it had no objection if Britain wants to involve other parties in the conference. "The distinguishing features of our nation such as cultural homogeneity (even heterogeneity), our biological and genetic identity, our social system, our geography and our history, which together characterize our national identity, also combine in producing out of our people a national vigorous and positive spirit which manifests itself in the consistently singular direction of its own preservation." Cde. Mugabe 24/6/78: Maputo. The armed forces of the illegal terrorist regime of Rhodesia have launched another attack on the People's Republic of Mozambique murdering 17 Zimbabwean refugees and two Belgian Nationals. The OAU Liberation Commitee has come out in total support of the Patriotic Front as the sole and authentic representative of the people of Zimbabwe. 25/7/78: Maputo. The Zimbabwe African National Union today issued a statement condemning the murder by terrorist Rhodesian troops of 17 Zimbabwean refugees and two Belgian Nationals in a raid inside Mozambique last Thursday and the cold blooded murder of 12 missionaries at Elim Mission near Umtali. Kinshasa. A two man delegation representing the Muzorewa's treacherous puppet group of Salisbury is visiting Kinshasa for talks with the Mobutu regime of Zaire to seek support for the so-called internal settlement. The puppet delegation intends to visit Ghana and Nigeria before proceeding to London for talks with the British Government officials including the British Foreign Secretary, David Owen. Maputo. The President of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Union, Comrade Robert Mugabe has said fascist South African troops are helping the Rhodesian terrorist troops against the ZIPA Freedom Fighters in the battle fields of Zimbabwe. 27/6/78: Salisbury. The rebel and terrorist Rhodesian regime has reported that four senior officials of Muzorewa's puppet group, which is a partner of the socalled internal settlement were killed by the ZANLA Freedom Fighters near Fort Victoria in the South Eastern war zones of Zimbabwe. A statement issued by the regime's so-called Combined Operations said, the four traitors, one woman and three men, had been sent on a mission to persuade ZANLA guerrillas to lay down their arms and surrender to the enemy. Last month, four members of the renegade Ndabaningi Sithole puppet group, which is a partner of the so-called internal settlement were killed by ZIPA guerrillas during a similar mission in Wedza area, about 80 km from Salisbury. About 39000 racist whites in the Rhodesian civil service have urged the invalid interim executive council of Sithole, Muzorewa and Chirau to issue a more definitive statement assuring white settlers of their security of tenure, and if any restructuring is done in the direction of Africanisation, compensation to the disposed white settlers. Salisbury. Another two European missionaries who were working in racist ruled Rhodesia, have fallen prey at the hands of the barbarous and terrorist Rhodesian troops. The incident took place at St. Rupert's Mission about 40 km from Sanyati Mission. A heavily censored military communique issued by the Salisbury regime yesterday said, two Jesuits Missionaries were shot dead at their hospital in the Western war zones on Zimbabwe on Tuesday by unknown gunmen. Forward with the Revolution: Pamberi ne Chimurenga! Ideological and Revolutionary Education 56 Zimbabwe News I Aff:

Education and culture Political Commissariat Lecture Series Liberation war is a vast school for the masses The school, the Church, the mass media and cultural activities generally are vital agencies in the battle for ideas and the direction of the minds of the young people. In Zimbabwe in particular 90% of the schools are run by missionaries and they have used them to assail indigenous culture as 'heathenism', and to create an educated elite, that emulates foreign values and is totally alienated from the masses. The education system was intended to prepare the African pupil for a career of providing cheap labour to the whiteowned plantations and factories; and not the all-round development, that a citizen would normally require. In that regard, the ruling class was being consistent in that it could not show the African pupil green pastures where he would not be allowed to graze. ZANU has started the work of correcting the mis-education of the past in the process of the liberation war. The war is a vast school, that is teaching people technical and scientific skills, and new ideas about the people themselves. ZANU has also established its own primary and secondary schools, and a Zimbabwe Institute in Mozambique for technical and vocational train- ing. New teaching materials are being produced, which show our glorious traditions and culture as a people, and equip the pupils with technical skills and a high level of consciousness to enable him to participate fully in all the political, economic and social institutions of a free, democratic and independent Zimbabwe. The syllabus links theory and practice, and puts stress on technical and scientific advancement. Over 20000 Zimbabweans have been enrolled in these new educational institutions. As the areas of liberation broaden the new system will gradually replace the colonialist one. The evils of colonilism and imperialism will be fully exposed, and an entirely new perspective put on our history and culture. The important act of victory against colonialism in the battlefield will and has changed the thinking of our people about themselves and the ehemy. When ZANU takes the reigns of power in Zimbabwe, it will introduce free and cumpulsory education at both the primary and secondary school levels. Children of the poor peasants will be able to attain any academic qualifications they are capable of getting. The The first socialist revolution started in the Paris Commune of 1871. ruIIti ,..ullllln aal vI1. Vyr ~ii IIUU1 state will provide vocational and technical schools with the object of providing all workers and peasants with the opportunities to be literate and improve their skills for the good of the. country as a whole. Organisations of workers, peasants, youths and women, will undertake educational programms of their own. Imperialism cannot exist without cultural aggression, just as much as it cannot exist without political and economic expansion. Cultural aggression finds its expression in literature, through the stage, screen, mass media, schools and the church. These institutions have slandered and sub-merged many good aspects of our culture. Culture is already receiving maximum attention. The party is building up a new Zimbabwe culture derived form our golden heritage and history, and developing this culture to meet the demands of the new socialist society. The new culture will absorb the best from foreign cultures and reject that which does not suit Zimbabwe. In a free Zimbabwe cultural institutions (exhibition centres, libraries and reading rooms, drama halls, writers' associations, drumming and traditional cultural centres) will be set up and run by the people themselves. Cultural and sporting ties with friendly states and bodies will be encouraged. We have referred to the role of churches in our educational system. In a free Zimbabwe all educational work will be directed by the state, and organised by the people themselves in selfreliart projects at the villages and community level. Zimbabwe citizens will be free to believe in whatever religion they fancy, local or foreign, but the churches will have no role to play in education, health, socio- economic activities, or cultural bodies. We have many church- Ideological and Revolutionary Education Zimbabwe News 57 The war is a school for the masses including these young comrades. goers among our people, who genuinely desire some spiritual activity. The desire can and will be fulfilled without using it as a bait to get converts, to poison their minds in church schools, and penetrate their institutions for the benefit of imperialism. In the 88 years of colonialism, the Missionaries and their Churches were instruments of imperialism, reinforcing the fascist and white supremacist ideas of the white settler, who were the main agents. This situation cannot be tolerated in a free, independet Zimbabwe. Social Welfare The nationalisation of the major means of production and the organisation of labour for the purpose of running these means of production is the main point of departure struggle - those who want total transformation of society; and power and become the new exploiters. This is the point, where those who hold the interests of the masses at heart part company with internal and external reactionaries. ZANU, as the vanguard of the Zimbabwe revolution, shall organise all the workers and the peasants, so that they can own directly and indirectly the institutions in which they work. We believe, that the ultimate way of effective way of combating poverty, unemployment, juvenile delinquency, prostitution, theft and the lumpen proletariat, is to involve the workers directly in the production process. The mere enlargement of welfare offices may treat a part of the disease but will not cure it for ever. Of great importance in the re-structuring of our society is the position of the women. Zimbabwe women are the real workers in our society. They work in the fields, raise the children, and manage all the affairs at home. The liberation war has increased and enhanced their position as fellow fighters and combatants. Having achieved their equality in the battlefield, our policy must consolidate their gains by opening every door to the full participation of the women in all aspects of the national life. The policy of the Party will encourage women to break away from old-fashioned modes of production, which relegated them to domestic work or to certain specific professions such as teaching and nursing. In a free Zimbabwe they should become workers in their own right. A social security system will be introduced to look after and care for all those, who were disabled during the war, and all the orphans, whose parents were murdered by the fascist colonial forces. They will be given first priority to land and education. The families of servicemen, who died in the war and those, who will be serving the army, will be cared for by the state through a War Memorial Fund. Pensioners of the colonial state could not possibly look to the new state to pay them for their many years of oppression; but those, who will have served the Zimbabwe state during the struggle and after it will be a charge on the state. Those physically disabled will be taken care by the state, in keeping with some of our traditions of caring for the aged and disabled. The aim of a free Zimbabwe is to provide all basic amenities to every child from cradle to the grave. In 1917 a new land called the USSR was born out the Russian Revolution. Ideological and Revolutionary Education 58 Zimbabwe News

Styles and methods of work Section three Styles and methods of work are determined by the phase of struggle, and the demands it makes upon the movement, its leaders, and the participants. Zimbabwe is still at the national democratic phase of its struggle, when all classes and individuals in the colonised and oppressed society must be united in opposition to the common enemy, the coloniser and its agents. In this phase, it is absolutely necessary, to establish popular institutions for the effective mobilisation and politicisation of the colonised masses for the specific purpose of destroying and immobilising the colonial structures of oppression and repression. The first task is to establish the people's army as the central organ of the party during the national democratic struggle. Chairman Mao Tse-Tung said, power grows out of the barrel of the gun. A people colonised by a foreign power and ruled by twin-enemies through armed force as ZANU had done in the last 14 years. The Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA) was formed in 1964 as an armed wing of ZANU. It launched the armed struggle at the Sinoia battle on April 28th 1966, and relaunched an extended fighting zone in Centenary district in 1972. Although every member of ZANLA was a A young comrade leads in song. Revolutionary ZANLA songs always teach. member of ZANU, all members of ZANU were not members of ZANLA. As the armed struggle advanced, this line of distinction was removed, and all members of the party automatically became members of ZANLA, and were liable for military training in order to advance the frontiers of the war to defend what the people had gained. Furthermore, ZANLA is not a militarist organisation like the regular national armies of nation states, but a politico-military organisation, which places emphasis on the political objectives of its work. It is an army of the toiling mas- The people of Korea smash imperialism in 1953, first victory of people. After World-WarlI ses of Zimbabwe, whose objectives is to remove the illegal regime of the white settlers and end the system of colonial capitalism. It provides the machinery that makes it possible for the people to fight for their own rights; and to establish their undisputed right to the natural resources and the wealth of their country. Once the enemy has been expelled from a particular district, ZANLA men begin the more important work of education and development of the people, using their own resources and initiatives. Again, it provides the machinery within which people can develop themselves economically, culturally and socially. The second task is to establish a system of democratic centralism within the popular institutions, especially the army and the political party. All issues of importance to the party and the mass of the people, must be discussed fully by all the people in democratic organs throughout the length and breadth of the organisation. When a clear consensus has emerged relevant decisions are then taken by the centralised organs which speak for the entire party, and whose decisions are binding on all members. All the army and party organs must be permeated by a spirit of open criticism and self-criticism of all politico-military cadres, including the military and political leadership. In exercising their democratic rights and in the enjoyment of all basic necessities of life and work, all cadres are equal irrespective of rank. No leader, military or political, can be above criticism or be entitled to any special privileges. Equality and democracy are inseparable foundation stones of the Ideological and Revolutionary Education Zimbabwe News 59 truly revolutionary army that ZANLA has become. Furthermore, the working extent of a system of democratic centralism depends to a large extent on the presence of practice of a democratic leadership. Indeed. leadership can be a decisive factor in the direction and execution of a revolution in society. Over the fourteen years of the armed struggle, ZANU has developed a political and military leadership, that has imbibed a working class ideology, forged links with the most oppressed section of society, and placed its power base in the peasantry who are bearing the brunt of most of the fighting, the workers, migrant labourers, students and exiles. From its birth, ZANU has insisted upon democratic procedures and practices within the party. Recently, it expelled the first President, Ndabaningi Sithole, for taking arbitrary decisions and reneging on the armed struggle. It has exposed and exorcised leaders, who have attempted to promote regionalism and tribalism, and thereby abandoning the only revolutionary line of uniting all oppressed workers and peasants. Hiding their ambitious and reckless plans, financed by and supported by imperialism behind a cloak of Marxist-Leninist rhetoric. Some leaders attempted to promote divisions in the party that could only benefit the enemy. Bearing in mind, that ZANU has been the main target of imperialism and its agents, it is only the correct line of political and military leadership, that has protected the revolution and secured the integrity of the party. The third task is to build a popular base among the population in the country. Indeed, a popular base has been built already among the peasantry, migrant workers and the workers who have been supporting the war. Even some genuine traditional Chiefs and elements of the petty bourgeois among the petty traders purchase area farmers, bus operators and civil servants, have supported the armed struggle. It would have been impossible to strike as deep as we have done at enemy targets and institutions without the collaboration of large sections of the colonised African population. ZANU plans to forge links with popular organisations such as women organisations, trade unions, professional associations, farmers' organisations, peasants movements, student organisations and youth movements in order to spread the revolutionary activities of the masses of the people. The young comrades of ZANLA start their education young. We cannot lose. Furthermore, the task of spreading the revolutionary activities of the masses of the people must be accomplished with a vigorous programme of political education. All political-military cadres of ZANLA are engaged in an extensive programme of educating themselves. ZANU's Political Commissariat has envolved an effective programme of political education for the cadres and the masses. Education is also provided in the refugee settlement and liberated zones for adult men and women, and for children. Indeed Che Guevara stated, the entire liberation war is nothing but a vast school in which cadres learn new technology, then apply it to the concrete situation before them. Young Zimbabwean, men and women, who fight for their country every day, do learn advanced technology, the geography of their country, the characteristic of their own people, and more importantly, how to organise them for change and transformation. ZANU has been fully aware af the importance of political education and has established of the importance of political education and has established appropriate educational institutions in every camp or settlements and in every village in the liberated zones. The new education policy stresses services to the people, and not the creation of the kind of elite established by colonial education. In the economic sphere, the policy of socialism adopted by both ZANU and ZANLA several years ago in Mwenje I and Mwenje II, constitutes the central aim of our struggle. We are fighting to remove the colonial situation that has existed in our country for the last 88 years; and, more importantly, to replace it with a socialist system which alone can give and guarantee freedom and peace for all our people. Any system of exploitation of one man by another, such as the colonial system which we are removing, is bound to breed tension and conflict in society in time. The new system of socialism, which we intend to introduce in Zimbabwe, already being practised, in small way, in the refugee settlements and the camps; and also in those liberated zones, where the population has turned to us for direction and assistance. Of course, the continued harrassment of the enemy air raids has prevented the development of large production units in the refugee settlements or in all liberated zones. But, the new structures of communal production, cooperatives, and public management, are beginning to shape, and will blossom as peace and security come to the liberated zones and the country as a whole. The central objective of the party in this economic field is to institutionalise the socio-economic structures that will be the backbone of the reorganised Zimbabwe economy. Our experience in the reconstruction of the liberated zones is going to be crucial to our practise, when ultimately a people's government is established in Zimbabwe. Like the experience of FRELIMO, it should help us to focus the direction of our economic planning and to remove and expose those among us who may not be committed to genuine socialist transformation. Negotiations and the Armed Struggle In the present context, when imperialism is making concerted efforts to subvert the emergence of true independence in Zimbabwe by using reactionary and comprador elements, and puppets of colonialism in the African community, to try and maintain the present balance of social forces and to safeguard their economic interests in the region of Southern Africa, it is imperiative for the people's movement, to articulate the ideology of the struggle of the masses of the people with clarity and firmness. The mass of the people do not know the Ideological and Revolutionary Education 60 Zimbabwe News manouevres of imperialism and its agents, and may be hoodwinked into believing that the neo-colonialism being profferred in the so-called internal set-I tlement of 1978, and the Anglo-American proposals of 1977, is the independence they have been fighting for, when infact it is simply a continuation of the Rhodesian Front's regime in another form. The safeguards that Ian Smith secured from the two factions of the African National Council, guarantee white political influence and secure their economic power. The party has the duty to inform the mass of Zimbabwe people of these imperialist manouevres, expose the local agents who are masquarading as liberators, when infact they have betrayed everything the people have fought for, and defend the gains of the people by refusing to ceasefire until genuine independence has been achieved. Concrete analysis of international trends and imperialist manouevres, and dissemnination of such analyses to Zimbabweans and progressive states in Africa and organisations abroad, is an indispensable tool of the armed struggle at the present time. Constitutional negotiations in which the party has been involved, have been intended to consolidate the gains in the battlefield. The party has a clear case of colonial domination and exploitation which has been put squarely before international and regional forums of international opinion. In those statements we have stated repeatedly our willingness to talk to and negotiate with the colonial power, Britain, for the specific purpose of transferring power from the white settlers to the majority Africans. We have stated that the parties to the talks should be the colonial power and the Patriotic Front of ZANU and ZAPU, which is fighting to end colonialism. The objective of our talks with the Government of Britain at Geneva in 1976, and representatives of the British and American Government at Malta in 1978, was simply to achieve the transfer of power. That has been the main objective of the armed struggle. That approach differs radically from the tactics of the puppets, who met with the Rhodesian Front Government's representatives in Salisbury in January and February, who had the avowed aim and plot of defeating the objectives of the armed struggle, and thereby retain the reality of white power, especially in the military and economic fields. Finally, we call upon all patriotic Zimbabweans of every race - workers, peasants, students, soldiers, petty and even national bourgeois elements - to support the Patriotic Front in its confrontation with Britain and to join hands with us in the war of national liberation in Zimbabwe. It is the national duty and supreme responsibility of every one who considers himself/herself a potential citizen of the new state of Zimbabwe, to fight for the impending defeat of colonialism and the disbanding of the entire government apparatus of the Rhodesian Front, especially the armed forces, so that their sons and daughters can live in peace and freedom. It is impossible and infact dangerous, to strike any compromises with an illegal regime that has built up an elaborate war machine for the massacre of indigenous people. If peace, happiness and freedom are to return to Zimbabwe, the entire governmental and military apparatus of the present racist government has to be removed and destroyed, root and branch, similar to the fact of fascism in Italy and Nazism in Germany in 1945. Those Europeans, Indians and Coloureds resident in our country, who want to end the present state of racism and colonialism will be welcomed within our ranks during the struggle and after the attainment of independence. We have stated repeatedly that we are fighting against the system of exploitation and not against white, brown or yellow people. Those few people, who have supported our cause in the past, have been welcomed in our ranks, and will be welcome to stay in a free and independent Zimbabwe as free citizens. The colour of their skin will neither be a hindrance or an advantage to participation in the socio-economic life of ':,e new Zimbabwe. The new Zimbabwe will not have any privileges of minority racial groups such as the ones discussed and accepted in the so-called internal settlement talks. Giving privileges to any kind of minority would cut across the fabric of a society of equal citizens that we would like to establish. Imperialism and puppets are taking an extremely dangerous course by promising the white settlers, that they could remain protected behind a cloak of privileges and paper guarantees for ten years or more in an independent Zimbabwe. It is a course of action, that could prolong the war for ten years or more. In our view, the only lasting guarantee for whites for the next 100 years or more, is a system of freedom and equality that guarantees the rights of every citizen of the new Zimbabwe. All will be guaranteed the basic and fundamental freedoms of a human being living in a free society. That is the lasting and durable guarantee we offer to Europeans, Coloureds and Asians, who want to be free citizens of the free, independent and democatic state of Zimbabwe. After learning how to defend one's country ZANLA teaches skills and arts. Ideological and Revolutionary Education Zimbabwe News 61

Eliticism and segregation are hallmarks of Imperialist Education - Cde. N. Shamuyarira Director of Education and culture The elitism engendered by the settier/colonial education system had a strong and adverse impact on African politics. In addition to the de-culturization and false consciousness discussed above, there were two direct effects. Firstly, the settler government maintained a common voter's roll which was theoretically open to persons of any colour or race to be voters. The voting qualifications were based on high income and educational qualifications which normally included all white settlers and only the small number of Africans who will have gone through the secondary school system and acquired some immovable property or had a good income. Moreover the franchise qualifications were raised whenever it was felt that the number of African voters was increasing beyond two percent of the total, and could therefore affect the electoral results in certain constituencies. That the settler regime was quite deliberately using education to limit African political power is attested by the fact that: ''the Department of Native Education was frequently consulted by the Government in planning the new franchise. Its prognosis of the results of the five- year plan were carefully collaborated with the educational and economic requirements for the vote befor either was made public." (4) As the franchise was supposed to be given to "civilised and responsible" people, there was a long and acrimonious debate in the settler press and among white politicians on the definition of such persons. In 1909, Lord Buxton, British High Commissioner in South Africa, who was working hard for the union of the four provinces of South Africa, and the inclusion of Rhodesia as a fifth province, gave the definition that appears on page 1 of this paper. Garfield Todd, one of the most liberal of settler Prime Ministers, said a voter must hold a regular job, have a decent home, a reasonable standard of living, a good education, and be a law-abiding ci- Settler children in segregated schools pray for crumbling fascist regime. tizen. A Franchise Commission he appointed in 1956 failed to come up with a satisfactory definition, but finally the Minister responsible, A.R. W. Stumbles, called on Parliament to do what he called the easier job of defining the uncivilised and irresponsible persons. The franchise qualifications was a very controversial issue in settler politics and it was one more reason for suppressing secondary school education. The second political effect, was that the Central African Federation was founded on policy of "racial partnership" between the ruling white settlers and the African elite at the expense of the workers and peasants. The prospects of economic and social privileges in the Federation attracted several African leaders, and temporarily weaned them away from their own movements and their people. The two main nationalist organisations at the time, the Native Congress (renamed the African National Congress in 1941) and the All-African Convention ceased to function as their leaders sought parliamentary seats in the Federal Parliament. It was not until five Education to serve the racist bourgeoisie as they enjoy the wealth of Zimbabwe Ideological and Revolutionary Education 62 Zimbabwe News years later (in 1957) that Joshua Nkomo, the present President of the Zimbabwe African People's Union (a component of The Patriotic Front) re-launched the African National Congress. But a large percentage of the African elite did not join the common struggle at that time. Rather they sought compromises with the ruling settlers so that they may share in the colonial tribute. However, we should point out that although the elite had always vacillated on the national struggle, it was also feared and suspected by the European rulers. University graduates and highly skilled technicians had difficulties in finding jobs, except in the service sector of teaching and nursing. Of the Africans who graduated from the University of Rhodesia in 1975, seventy-five per cent found jobs in the teaching field. It was very difficult for them to get jobs in commerce and industry, until recently when some companies began putting Africans on their boards in their preparation for the transfer of political power. In 1934 an Industrial Conciliation Act was passed which effectively eliminated educated Africans from the job market at the level they would compete with Europeans. The settler government went as far as presenting a plan to the British Government which would have led to the emigration of most educated Africans from Rhodesia to Zambia and Malawi, and would have left Rhodesia as a paradise for the white settlers. (5) The British Government rejected the scheme for different reasons. Laws and practices of racial discrimination restricted the African elite and prevented them from accumulating any wealth and property within colonial society. Those restrictions aggravated their relationships with the settlers and forced some of them into joining the common struggle of the workers and the peasants. Although the movements articulating these aspirations were reformist at the-beginning, within a few years they had sharpened their criticism and broadened their political base. Taking the African elite as a whole, it should be pointed out that they do not constitute a class by themselves. At best they form a compradorial class that is dependent on salaries paid to them by the bourgeoisie for the technical and professional services they render, or the marginal commercial trade in which they are engaged. They do not own the means of production, nor do they have any independent economic or historical existence. They cannot play the kind of decisive role played by European bourgeoisie in uniting the nation, defending it, or expanding its trade. In this respect their position is somewhat similar to that of the general African labour force which numbers about one million (or 955,000 to be exact). They are equally dependent on the wages they receive from the managers of the industrial or agricultural enterprises in which they are employed. But their livelihood is more precarious in that they cannot make ends meet on their poor wages as the elite are able to do on their higher salaries. Dependence on European-derived incomes silenced many voices that could have been raised against the system. In the urban areas, the risk of speaking up against the regime is very high, because the worker's accomodation and schooling for those children who may be in the city, is tied to the job that one is holding. Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) (PF) ZANU Headquarters Maputo 25th June 1978 STATEMENT ON RECENT MASSACRES BY THE SMITH-MUZOREWA- SITHOLE-CHIRAU REGIME Since the reconstitution of the Smith fascist regime to include the three fear- ridden puppets, the regime's forces have, with the complicity of these puppets, acquired a new and extended licence to go an a terrorist rampage of bloody massacres marking the path of the new regime as a gory trail. Hundreds of innocent civilians have since been massacred, assassinated or tortured to their death. On Thursday (22nd June) night, the regime's terrorist troops unleashed an unprovoked murderous assault upon civilians at an agricultural experimental station at Sussundenga in Mozambique, killing 17 refugees and two Belgian nationals and abducting scores of men, women and children. The following day. Friday, 23rd June, the regime, realising that this barbarous incident had drawn the attention of the international community, once again let loose its forces upon the innocent missionaries at Elim Mission and had twelve of them assassinated in a tragic bid to cover up its blood-stained footprints leading to Sussundenga. It was indeed a bloody diversionary tactic, horrible in the extreme. We deplore these brutal and callous acts which are recognisable not only by their terrorists and bloody nature but by their shape and design as they smuggly fit into the regi- Imperialism and Education The monopolies that control the Rhodesian economy have shown a keen interest in education. The farmers open farm schools for attracting and keeping labour on their farms, but the 105 multinational companies that have invested in the manufacturing industry want a higher level of skill from their labour force. The multinational companies increased their stake in the Rhodesian economy after the second world war. The shortages of raw materials in Europe and Britain's need to conserve dollar earnings created continuing demand for Rhodesian commodities. A rapid influx of immigrants (a net inflow of 47,187 between 1946 and 1951) stimulated internal demand that had been stimulated by the vast Commonwealth Air Training Scheme and ancillary indu- me's general strategy of systematic genocidal intimidation. Over the last five weeks alone, the fascist regime's crime record constitutes a grim study of assassinations and massacres of a most gruesome and macabre-variety. (a) Massacre of over 100 civilians at the meeting at Bassera in Gutu District, (b) Massacre of 25 civilians at Mashonganyika Kraal in Chinamora area, for no apparent cause, (c) An average daily record of 20 civilians deaths for such false reasons as "running with guerrillas", "breaking the curfew" or "caught in a crossfire". (d) Massacre of 19 civilians, including two Belgian nationals at Sussendanga in Mozambique, and now, (e) Massacre of 12 missionaries and their children at Elim Mission as a cover for Sussundenga. Smith and the three puppets accomplies must be made to bear the full blame and responsibility. ZANU has now been operating for years in the country. Its operations cover some 80% of the total land area in the country. It has maintained excellent working relations with the missionaries and their establishments which have supported our just cause and given our fighters assistance in a variety of ways. We have no desire to depart from this established mode of operation. The massacres uphold our contention that a barbarous and inhuman regime thriving on murder and violence can only be overthrown by organised violence. Our war must gain full -support of the international community because it remains the only effective method of bringing about a democratic government and creating a just society in which power rests with the majority and not with a bigoted racist minority. Pamberi ne Chinurenga! Ideological and Revolutionary Education Zimbabwe News 63 stries during the war. The booming economy attracted foreign capital from South Africa after the Nationalist Party's victory in 1948, and from Britain after the establishment of the Federation, in 1951. Foreign investment in Rhodesia increased from 13,5 million in 1947 to 50,7 million in 1951. The bulk of this foreign capital went into the manufacturing industries and not in the traditional sectors of mining and agriculture. In the 1950s manufacturing emerged as the fastest growing sector of the economy. That development increased the power of the manufacturing interests inside the country, and the leverage of imperialism with local settlers. Garfield Todd, a Missionary, became Prime Minister in 1954, and formed a cabinet with two powerful Ministers from Bulawayo, who had large interests in the manufacturing industry in that city. Todd's government was responsive to the pressures of manufacturing interests in Bulawayo, and multinational companies. In 1955, it approved a five-year education plan for Africans intended to provide a minimum of 5 years of primary schooling for all African children; to increase the number of primary school teachers with two years of training from 1/3 to 2/3 of the teaching force; to increase the number of secondary schools providing two to four years of technical and commercial education; and to establish a technical college for the preparation of technical teachers; and to establish one more academic secondary school. Todd tried to open opportunities for Africans to train as apprentices but was strongly opposed by white trade unionists. He THE LAST LESSON, THE LAST BRIEF AND THEN HOME. also tried to broaden the franchise. Imperialism supported these reforms with enthusiasm but they were rejected by the settler electorate, especially the agrarian- worker alliance which finally brought the Rhodesian Front to power in 1962. Ten years later (in 1966) the Rhodesian Front reversed the programme of the Todd plan and returned to the old philosophy of laying stress on industrial training. They introduced a new education plan which shifted the burden of financing African education from the Government to the poor parents through the introduction of registration fees, and making local government councils responsible for primary education. Of those children who completed primary schooling, one-third would go REVOLUTIONARY EDUCATIONS SUSTAINS US FOR THE MARCH HOME. into a local vocational Junior Certificate; and only 121/2 per cent would be admitted into the secondary school stream. This limited number would provide manpower for the administrative, welfare and development bureaucracies. The bulk of educational resources under the plan would be spent for preparation of labourers for low-level occupations in farms, mines, and factories bordering Tribal Trust Lands where most Africans live. Apprenticeship schools started under the Todd plan were closed down at Luveve and Mzingwane. Neither the Todd nor the Smith plan would ever meet the requirements of a good education system for Zimbabwe, but we should point out again that imperialism preferred the Todd plan because it wanted high-level and skilled labour power to utilise the technology of the new machinery, and even to manage local branches of multinational corporations. The willingness of imperialism to work with the local Africans, and even to give them a semblance of control in the local factories, was clear in the 1950s. Because of the growing threat from the liberation movements, imperialism is now producing new strategies and tactics to try and hoodwink the leaders of the liberation movements, but the aim is unchanged. "The burden of history still remains undischarged, but the unfolding tasks being pursued in its discharge have resulted in the fatal wounding of the imperialist monster." Cde. Mugabe Ideological and Revolutionary Education 64 Zimbabwe News

NEHANDA DIED FOR ZIMBAB WE. WILL YOU? One of Zimbabwe's most celebrated revolutionaries and guerrilla leaders was Comrade Nehanda Nyakasikana, who, together with such other immortal heroes as Kaguvi and Mukwati waged a protracted and heroic armed struggle against Cecil John Rhodes' mercenaries: the British South African Company in 1896-98. In present day ZANLA terms Comrades Nehanda, Kaguvi and Mukwati constituted, what we might call the First High Command. Comrade Nehanda affectionately referred to as Ambuya (literally-grandmother) in recognition of her social role as a religious leader was everything that a true ZANLA-revolutionary must be. She was everything a revolutionary must emulate. Unlike Zimbabwe's religious leaders of today (Bishop Abel Muzorewa and Rev. Ndabaningi Sithole) Comrade Nehanda believed in armed struggle as the principal means of struggle against imperialist and colonialist domination. More important, she actually led the armed struggle to the bitter-end (unlike Muzorewa and Sithole who would sleep with their wives quietly in Salisbury's air- conditioned houses leaving others to do the fighting). There is no doubt, that were Comrade Nehanda alive today, she would be a member of the Patriotic Front. At the end of the first phase of the war against settlers ( 1894 - 95), when it appeared as if settlers had won the battle in the western province, Comrade Nehanda, who lived north of Harare in the Mazoe area, linked with two other vigilant comrades - Kaguvi and Mukwati to organize a nation-wide underground mass movement inorder to relaunch the armed struggle for national liberation. When they resumed the revolution early in 1896, the entire nation - East, West North and South - responded in unison. It was a protracted armed-struggle, which lasted two years. The conflict escalated speedily. The national guerrilla-forces under the leadership of Comrades Nehanda, Kaguvi and Mkwati, pounded the enemy everywhere, fearlessly and mercilessly wiping-out 10% of the settler- population. During 1897, the mercenary regime tottered on the brink of collapse. Rhodes, the capitalist boss of the regime, had to act fast to save the regime. He recruited more mercenaries in South Africa and obtained reinforcements from Cape Town, London and Canada. Only when these mas- sive reinforcements arrived with large quantities of arms, did the tide begin to change in their favour. The Company and its mercenary forces finally won the battle in 1898. The war, however, remained to be resumed in the 1960's and 1970's by ZANU and ZAPU. We are once again on the verge of victory. We have to win for Comrades Nehanda, Mukwati and Kaguvi's sake. Comrade Nehanda was captured alive in 1898 and put through brutal torture before being subjected to "Settler-Justice" in the enemy's so-called High Court. She was, as expected, promptly "found guilty" of waging the war of national liveration and was hanged in Salisbury (at the place, where the present Charge Office in Railway Avenue now stands). Thousands have since followed her footsteps and died for their country. We all remember Comrades Alexander Mashawira, Simon Chimbodza, Nathan Charumuka, Peter, Christopher Chatambudza, Godwin Manyerere, Ephraim Chinyere, David Guzuzu, Dhlamini and Mlambo; We all remember Comrade Vice President Leopold Takawira and Comrade Chairman Herbert Chitepo. We all remember Comrades James Bond and Mao, Chimedza, Mutshazo and thousands more. We remember them all. They all died for the liberation of Zimbabwe, in the true spirit of Comrade Nehanda Nvakasikana. Comrade Nehanda taught Zimbabweans four things: 1. That men and women are truly equal and inseparable partners in the struggle for national liberation as well as in the post-war period of national reconstruction and development; 2. That in order to win, the struggle for national liberation must be based on the masses - for the masses of the people fighting as one, can never lose. 3. That in the struggle for national liberation there are no Zezuru, Karanga, Manyika, Ndau, Korekore, Changaani, Ndebele, Kalanga or whatever. Only by burying tribe in the dust-bins of history where it belings, can a struggle for national liberation succeed. 4. That the war against the enemy must be a permanent and protracted one, that does not and cannot permit of compromise. The armed struggle has got to be waged until final victory. Today, in ZANLA camps there is always a Nehanda Section. Her spirit lives Cde. Nehanda, It centre, captured and murdered by terrorist forces of 1897. Ideological and Revolutionary Education Zimbabwe News 65

American and Canadian Companies with Subsidiaries in Rhodesia* American Parent Company Rhodesian Subsidiaries AMAX INC.. Amax Center, Greenwich, Conn. 06830 BANKAMERICA CORP. 10 Bank of America Center. 555 California St.. San Francisco. Calif. 94104 BRISTOL-MYERS CO., 345 Park Ave., New York. N.Y. 10022 LEO BURNETT CO. INC.. 27 Prudential Plaza, Chicago, Ill 60601 CENTRAL RESOURCES CORP., 919 Third Ave_ New York. N.Y. 10022 CHASE MANHATTAN CORP.. 1 Chase Manhattan Plaza, New York. N.Y. 10015 CHESEBOROUGH-PONDS INC., 33 Benedict Place. Greenwich, Conn. 06830 CHICAGO-PNEUMATIC TOOL CO., Chicago-Pneumatic Building, 6 East 44th St.. New York, N.Y. 10017 CROWN CORK AND SEAL CO. INC_ 9300 Ashton Rd.. Philadelphia. PA 19136 EASTMAN KODAK CO.. 343 State St., Rochester. N.Y 14650 FORD MOTOR CO., The American Rd.. Dearborn, Mich. 48121 THE HOOVER CO., North Canton, Ohio 44720 INTERNATIONAL BASIC ECONOMY CORP. 1271 Ave of the Americas. New York, N Y 10020 INTERNATIONAL HARVESTER CO . 401 N Michigan Ave.. Chicago. III 60611 INTERNATIONAL TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH CORP, 320 Park Ave, N9w York. N.Y 10022 JOHNSON AND JOHNSON, 501 George St. New Brunswick. N.J. 08903 MOBIL CORP., 150 E 42nd St. New York. N Y 10017 NCR CORP. 1700 S Patterson Blvd. Dayton. Ohio 45479 THE PARKER PEN CO. 219 E. Court St.. Janesville. Wis 53545 PFIZER INC., 235 E 42nd St.. New York. N.Y. 10017 RJ. REYNOLDS INDUSTRIES INC.. 4th and Main St. Winston-Salem, N.C. 27102 SPERRY RAND CORP., 1290 Ave. of the Americas. New York. N.Y. 10019 THE STANDARD COMMERCIAL TOBACCO CO. INC500 5th Ave., New York. NY. 10036 UNION CARBIDE CORP., 270 Park Ave., New York. NY. 10017 V.F. CORP., 1047 N. Park Rd, Reading, PA 19601 F.W WOOLWORTH CO.. 233 Broadway. New York, N.Y. 10007 Vainona Estates Ltd., a subsidiary of Nafico S.A.. registered in Luxembourg. a subsidiary of RST International Inc. USA Merchant Bank of Central Afrika (A)" Bristol Myers (Rhodesia) (Pvt) Ltd. Leo Burnett (Pvt) Ltd. Windmill Rhodesia (Pvt) Ltd. The Standard Bank Ltd. (A) Cheseborough-Ponds (Pvt) Ltd. Consolidated Pneumatic Tool Co. of Central Africa (Pvt) Ltd. Crown Cork Co. Rhodesia (1958) (Pvt) Ltd Kodak (Rhodesia) Ltd. Ford Motor Co. of Rhodesia (Pie) Ltd., a subsidiary of Ford Motor Co. of Canada Ltd., registered in Canada Hoover (Rhodesia) (Pvt) Ltd., a subsidiary of Hoover Ltd.. registered in the UK Arbor Acres (Pvt) Ltd (A) Seddon Diesel of Rhodesia (Pvt) Ltd (d)" Supersonic Radio Manufacturing Co. (Ply) Ltd a subsidiary of Standard Telephones and Cables Ltd.. registered in the UK Johnson and Johnson of Rhodesia Mobil Oil Southern Rhodesia (Pvt) Ltd NCR Central African (Pvt) Ltd. Parker Pen Co. (Pte) Ltd General Proprietaries (Pvt) Ltd. a subsidiary of Pfizer (Pvt) Ltd.. registered in Rhodesia a subsidiary of Pfizer Iran Khas. Sherkate Saharm. registered in Iran Central African Petroleum Retineries (Pvt) Ltd. (A) (d) Remington Rand of Central Africa (PIe) Ltd. a/- Associated Enterprise (Pte) Ltd. (A) (d) - Empire Tobacco Co. (Pte) Ltd. (d) - Esalent (Pte) Ltd. (d) all 3 are subsidiaries of Elia Salzman Tobacco Enterprises of Rhodesia (Pie) Ltd. (d) b/- Tobacco Development Co. of Africa (Pte) Ltd. (d) Eli Salzman and Tobacco Dev. are subsidiaries of Trans-Continental Leaf Tobacco Corp_ registered in Liechtenstein Union Carbide Rhomet (Pvt) Ltd. Berkshire International (Rhodesia) )Pvt) Ltd. F.W. Woolworth and Co. (Southern Rhod.) (PIe) Ltd.. a subsidiary of F.W. Woolworth and Co. Ltd.. registered in the UK Canadian Parent Company Rhodesian Subsidiaries FALCONBRIDGE NICKEL MINES LTD., P.O. Box 40. Blanket Mine (Pvt) Ltd, Commerce Court West. Toronto. Ont. M5L 184 Giant Consolidated Gold Mines Ltd. RHA Mines Ltd INTERNATIONAL HARVESTER CO. OF CANADA LTD.. Seddon Diesel of Rhod. (Pvt) Ltd., a subsidiary ot Seddon Diesel Vehicles of UK 208 Hillyard St. Hamilton, Ont. L8N 3S5 MASSEY-FERGUSON LTD.. 200 University Ave., Toronto, Ont. M5H 3E4 Rhoplow Ltd.. a subsidiary of Massey- Ferguson (SA). which is a subsidiary of Mastergo Holdings (SA) (Pty) Ltd . registered in SA MOORE CORP. LTD, 330 University Ave., Toronto. Ont. MSG tS3 - Caribonum (Central Africa) (Pvt) Ltd. Lamson Paragon Central Africa (Pvt) Ltd. both subsidiaries of Lamson Industries SA (Ply) Ltd. registered in SA.. which is itself a subsidiary of Lamson Industries Ltd.. registered in the UK REED SHAW OSLER LTD., 3600 Royal Trust Tower. - Ralph S. Harris (Insurances) (Pvt) Ltd., a subsidiary of P.O. Box 250. Toronto Dominion Centre. Toronto, Ont. M5K 1J Stenhouse International Ltd., registered in the UK - Stenhouse (Rhodesia) (Pvt) Ltd.. a subsidiary of Stenhouse Africa (Pty) Ltd. registered in SA THOMSON EQUITABLE CORP. LTD_ 65 Queen St.. W. Toronto. Ont,. M5H 2M8 a/- Amalgamated Publications (Pvt) Ltd. - Centafrican Press Publications (Pvt) Ltd.. both subsidiaries of Thomson Newspapers Rhodesia (Pvt) Ltd. b/- Associated Publications (Pvt) Ltd, Thomson Newspapers and Associated Publications are subsidiaries of Thomson Publications Ltd.. registered in the UK TIMMINS INVESTMENTS LTD., Station A P.O. Box 189. Montral. Que. H3C 3Y3 Rhodesian Metallurgical and Mining Corp. (Pvt) Ltd. (d), a subsidiary of Chromasco Ltd., registered in Canada 'From: Who owns Whom - North American Editon 1978/79 (A) means associate (d) means dormant