DOCSLIB.ORG

The Rhodesian Crisis in British and International Politics, 1964

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Rhodesian Crisis in British and International Politics, 1964 View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository THE RHODESIAN CRISIS IN BRITISH AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICS, 1964-1965 by CARL PETER WATTS A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham For the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY School of Historical Studies The University of Birmingham April 2006 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract This thesis uses evidence from British and international archives to examine the events leading up to Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) on 11 November 1965 from the perspectives of Britain, the Old Commonwealth (Canada, Australia, and New Zealand), and the United States. Two underlying themes run throughout the thesis. First, it argues that although the problem of Rhodesian independence was highly complex, a UDI was by no means inevitable. There were courses of action that were dismissed or remained under explored (especially in Britain, but also in the Old Commonwealth, and the United States), which could have been pursued further and may have prevented a UDI. Second, the thesis argues there were structural weaknesses in the machinery of government of each of the major actors, but particularly in Britain. This made the management of the Rhodesian Crisis more difficult, contributed to the likelihood of a UDI, and exacerbated tension in relations between Britain and its international partners. In stressing these themes the thesis builds upon some of the earlier literature that was critical of the Labour Government’s foreign and Commonwealth policies. Although this thesis is primarily an international history, it also makes use of theories from political science and international relations to frame certain aspects of the empirical research. Dedication This thesis is dedicated to my mother, Patricia, and my father, Peter. They always encouraged me to walk this path. Acknowledgements This thesis was completed without any assistance from the Arts and Humanities Research Board, but fortunately there are several institutions that did consider my scholarship to be worthy of funding and I am pleased to acknowledge them here. I am grateful to the School of Historical Studies at the University of Birmingham for providing me with fees bursaries in the academic years 1998-1999 and 1999-2000, without which I would never have begun my research. The University of Birmingham also kindly awarded me a George Henry Marshall Scholarship in 1999-2000, which was the only year in which my research was properly funded. I am obliged to the Royal Historical Society, which provided me with some travel funds to undertake a great deal of archival research in the UK during 1999, and in the USA during 2003. My trips to the Lyndon Baines Johnson Library, Texas, and the Bentley Historical Library, Michigan, revived my enthusiasm for the PhD and gave me the necessary material for articles that were subsequently published in the Michigan Academician and Diplomatic History. I would also like to thank the Department of History, and the Research and Development Office at Grand Valley State University, where I was employed as a Visiting Assistant Professor, 2003-2006. During that period, GVSU very generously provided full funding for me to present my research at the 30th Annual Meeting of the Western Conference on British Studies in Tucson, Arizona (October 2003); the Annual Conference of the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations in Austin, Texas (June 2004); the Transatlantic Studies Association Conference in Nottingham (July 2005); and the ‘Rhodesian UDI: 40 Years On’ Conference in the Cold War Studies Centre, London School of Economics and Political Science (January 2006). I must also thank a number of individuals who have at various times provided me with advice and encouragement. Not least among this number is my research supervisor, Dr Nicholas Crowson, for his helpful input over a far longer period than either he or I had ever anticipated. Dr Larry Butler (Department of History, University of East Anglia), advised me on sources during the early stages of my research and later had many kind words to say about my published work. I am very grateful to Professor Andrew DeRoche (Chair, Department of History, Front Range Community College), and Professor Thomas J. Noer, (Valor Distinguished Professor, Carthage College), for their constructive comments on my research on the Anglo-American aspects of the Rhodesian Crisis. My work on the viability of British military intervention in Rhodesia has been greatly strengthened by the contributions of Rhodesian ex-servicemen, and I am much obliged to them for taking the time to respond to my questions on a subject that remains sensitive some four decades after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence. Finally, I wish to thank my family and friends for their love and support. During the early years of my research I had several personal and financial difficulties that almost derailed the project altogether, but my mother, father, sister, and many friends, always encouraged me to keep moving forward. I was deeply saddened by the death of my mother in September 2003, and I much regret that she did not see the completion of the thesis, which I know would have made her proud. The last word of thanks goes to my wife, Shannon, for her love, patience, and understanding during the last three years. Carl P. Watts Grand Rapids, Michigan April 2006 Contents Introduction Past and Present Scholarship on the Rhodesian Crisis 1 Part One Britain and the Rhodesian Crisis, 1964-65 24 Chapter One The Labour Government and the Rhodesian Crisis 25 Chapter Two Alternatives: The United Nations, and the Use of Force 98 Part Two The Commonwealth and the Rhodesian Crisis, 1964-65 157 Chapter Three The Old Commonwealth: Racial Attitudes and the 158 Rhodesian Crisis Chapter Four The Old Commonwealth: Consultation and Cooperation 193 During the Rhodesian Crisis: Chapter Five The Commonwealth Prime Ministers’ Meetings and the 265 Rhodesian Crisis Part Three The United States and the Rhodesian Crisis, 1964-65 303 Chapter Six Anglo-American Relations and the Rhodesian Crisis 304 Chapter Seven U.S. Domestic Politics and the Rhodesian Crisis 351 Conclusion The Rhodesian Crisis in British and International Politics 389 Appendix The Rhodesian Franchise 402 Bibliography 404 Introduction Past and Present Scholarship on the Rhodesian Crisis The Rhodesian Crisis: recent interest and scholarship During the 1960s the disintegration of the Central African Federation and the concomitant problems of granting independence to Southern Rhodesia attracted a significant amount of coverage in the British media and a high degree of interest among academics.1 The level of scrutiny intensified in the wake of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) on 11 November 1965. Many books were published that examined the events leading up to UDI and subsequent efforts to bring Rhodesia back to legality through diplomatic negotiations and economic sanctions. As the armed confrontation between African nationalists and the UDI regime escalated, a number of books also appeared about the bush war. After Rhodesia eventually became legally independent as Zimbabwe in 1980 a couple of studies of the Lancaster House negotiations emerged, and a few other books on Rhodesia’s independence were published, then interest generally subsided.2 In the last few years, however, a combination of media attention, academic research, publications, oral history projects, and conferences has revealed a renewed interest in the Rhodesian Crisis and the recent history of southern Africa. 1 After Northern Rhodesia became independent as the state of Zambia in October 1964, Southern Rhodesia was usually referred to simply as Rhodesia. That pattern of nomenclature is used in this thesis. 2 For a guide to the older literature see M. E. Doro, Rhodesia/Zimbabwe: A Bibliographic Guide to the Nationalist Period (Boston, MA: G. K. Hall, 1984); O. Pollack and K. Pollack, Rhodesia/Zimbabwe: An International Bibliography (Oxford: Clio Press, 1979); D. Potts, World Bibliographical Series, Volume 4: Zimbabwe (Oxford: Clio Press, rev. edn., 1993); and the online bibliography maintained by Richard Wood, available at http://www.jrtwood.com/rhodesia_zimbabwe_political.asp 1 First, the British media has reported the troubles in Zimbabwe, which has prompted a renewed interest in Rhodesia’s history. In a debate at the Oxford Union in October 2000, Ian Smith refused to apologise for atrocities committed while he held office. He said he had no regrets about the estimated 30,000 Zimbabweans killed during the period of Rhodesian Front rule.3 Second, younger historians – searching for suitable topics on which to base their research – have taken advantage of the vast number of records released into the public domain in accordance with the Thirty Year Rule.4 Third, a number of notable books
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Nuzr 1 9 6 7 0 3
    V V TH E HU1 The President of Zimbabwe, Joshua Nkomo CONTENTS: SMIT- REINFO CED BY SOUT AFRICA - p.1 BIG BID FOR RECOGNITION - p.2 ZIM BABWE Printed and Published by The Publicity Bureau of The Zimbabwe African Peoples Union, P.O. Box 1657, Lusaka (tPhone 72700) Zambia, OcIEW Official Oragn of The Zimbabwe African Peoples Union Registered at the GPO as a newspaper. ZI11BB.BE PEVIEWT EDITORIAL MARCH 25, 1967 NEW TENDENCIES ON THE AFRICAN SCENE The last few. eeks have witnessed very interesting events on the African scene. These events have a bearing on Africa's course towards total political and economic independence as well as its eventual political unity. The French are known, throughout history,'for thei Ocntnental profession of the ideals of fraternity, equality and liberty. It is under thijsentiment that they devised the sophisticated but subtle method of a referendum in French Somaliland. To Africa in particular, and to the world in general, France wanted to present a facade of a French people towering above the filth of colonialist methods by leaving it to the people to choose their own direction by referendum. But deep down the Fiench were caught in the realities of their contradictory elements. French Somaliland is a springboard for their markets along the z East Coast of Africa and far afield across the Indian ocean. It is only convinient for them to keep French Somaliland under their firm control in the face of competition from other trading powers. This ensures a margin of French economic survival. Hence the blackmail of our African brothers in that color7.
    [Show full text]
  • Archives Not to Be Removed
    THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE 0 F INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS THE S.A. INSTITUTE OF INUEiiATlONAL AFFAIRS ARCHIVES NOT TO BE REMOVED RHODESIA - MAY. 1968 by PROFESSOR B. COCKRAM WARNING This talk was given at r> private meeting and is circulated for the information of members of the Institute only. Statements made in the talk must not be linked publicly with the speaker's name, nor with the name of the Institute. Furthermore, the Institute is pre- cluded by its Constitution from expressing any opinions. The opinions expressed in this talk are, therefore, solely the responsibility of the speaker. JAN SMUTS HOUSE UNIVERSITY OF THE WITWATERSRAND 6th MAY 1968 RHODESIA - MAY 1968 It is nine months since I attempted to make any assessment of the situation in Rhodesia. In the previous eighteen I had spoken at least six times on UDI and the problems which it had created for Rhodesia, Zambia, Britain and South Africa. No final solutions have been reached to any of these problems; but our news- papers and newscasts have been filled with the infiltration of terrorists, counter-terrorist action, support respectively for terrorists from Zambia and for counter-terrorists from South Africa, the succession of British ministers and ex-ministers visiting Salisbury, visits by Mr Smith to South Africa, and possible visits by Mr Smith to Britain, the U.S.A. and the U.N. , calls for economic, political and military action, and what have you. Row both within and without Rhodesia major decisions are going to be taken. A. Mr Wilson and Mr Smith At the end of my August talk I listed my own conclus- ions.
    [Show full text]
  • From Rhodesia to Zimbabwe.Pdf
    THE S.A. ' "!T1!TE OF INTERNATIONAL AFi -! NOT "(C :.-_ .^ FROM RHODESIA TO ZIMBABWE Ah Analysis of the 1980 Elections and an Assessment of the Prospects Martyn Gregory OCCASIONAL. PAPER GELEEIMTHEIOSPUBUKASIE DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE INSTITUUT MN INTERNASIONALE AANGELEENTHEDE THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Martyn Gregory* the author of this report, is a postgraduate research student,at Leicester University in Britain, working on # : thesis, entitled "International Politics of the Conflict in Rhodesia". He recently spent two months in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe, : during the pre- and post-election period, as a Research Associate at the University of Rhodesia (now the University of Zimbabwe). He travelled widely throughout the country and interviewed many politicians, officials and military personnel. He also spent two weeks with the South African Institute of International Affairs at Smuts House in Johannesburg. The author would like to thank both, the University of Zimbabwe and the Institute for assistance in the preparation of this report, as well as the British Social Science Research Council which financed his visit to Rhodesia* The Institute wishes to express its appreciation to Martyn Gregory for his co-operation and his willingness to prepare this detailed report on the Zimbabwe elections and their implications for publication by the Institute. It should be noted that any opinions expressed in this report are the responsibility of the author and not of the Institute. FROM RHODESIA TO ZIMBABWE: an analysis of the 1980 elections and an assessment of the prospects Martyn Gregory Contents Introduction .'. Page 1 Paving the way to Lancaster House .... 1 The Ceasefire Arrangement 3 Organization of the Elections (i) Election Machinery 5 (i i) Voting Systems 6 The White Election 6 The Black Election (i) Contesting Parties 7 (ii) Manifestos and the Issues .
    [Show full text]
  • 'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
    ‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath.
    [Show full text]
  • The Year in Elections, 2013: the World's Flawed and Failed Contests
    The Year in Elections, 2013: The World's Flawed and Failed Contests The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Norris, Pippa, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martinez i Coma. 2014. The Year in Elections 2013: The World's Flawed and Failed Contests. The Electoral Integrity Project. Published Version http://www.electoralintegrityproject.com/ Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:11744445 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA THE YEAR IN ELECTIONS, 2013 THE WORLD’S FLAWED AND FAILED CONTESTS Pippa Norris, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martínez i Coma February 2014 THE YEAR IN ELECTIONS, 2013 WWW. ELECTORALINTEGRITYPROJECT.COM The Electoral Integrity Project Department of Government and International Relations Merewether Building, HO4 University of Sydney, NSW 2006 Phone: +61(2) 9351 6041 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.electoralintegrityproject.com Copyright © Pippa Norris, Ferran Martínez i Coma, and Richard W. Frank 2014. All rights reserved. Photo credits Cover photo: ‘Ballot for national election.’ by Daniel Littlewood, http://www.flickr.com/photos/daniellittlewood/413339945. Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. Page 6 and 18: ‘Ballot sections are separated for counting.’ by Brittany Danisch, http://www.flickr.com/photos/bdanisch/6084970163/ Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. Page 8: ‘Women in Pakistan wait to vote’ by DFID - UK Department for International Development, http://www.flickr.com/photos/dfid/8735821208/ Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0.
    [Show full text]
  • Martill Paper
    Challenging the ‘Postwar Consensus’: The Hidden Politics of Anglo-American Relations during the Cold War Benjamin Martill University of Oxford Abstract It is frequently claimed that there existed a 'postwar consensus' between the Labour and Conservative parties in British foreign policy. Nowhere is this claim clearer than in the party politics of Britain's relationship with the United States. As a result, the dominant understanding of British foreign policy in the postwar period tends towards a realist explanation based on the necessities of maintaining British prestige and power in the bipolar Cold War environment. In this paper I present an alternative explanation based on the domestic politics of alliance and the interaction between political ideology and legislative constraint. I argue that when the governing parties in two states are more ideologically proximate than their respective political oppositions, low levels of legislative constraint promote international cooperation whereas high levels undermine it. Conversely, when the governing parties are less ideologically proximate than the opposition, high levels of legislative constraint serve to promote cooperation and low levels of constraint work against it. This approach helps us to explain both variation in the level of cooperation and why this does not follow strict party lines. More broadly it highlights the importance of modeling complex interactions in order to understand how domestic politics impacts on foreign policy. Paper presented at the PSA Annual Conference, Manchester, Monday 14 th April 2014 1 Introduction This article assesses the ‘postwar consensus’ between British political parties on the question of Anglo-American relations. Proponents of the ‘postwar consensus’ argue that party politics have had little impact on Anglo-American relations because of the strong material, economic and social forces pushing any government towards cooperation.
    [Show full text]
  • A Critique of Patrick Chakaipa's 'Rudo Ibofu'
    Journal of English and literature Vol. 2(1). pp. 1-9, January 2011 Available online http://www.academicjournals.org/ijel ISSN 2141-2626 ©2011 Academic Journals Review Epistemological and moral implications of characterization in African literature: A critique of Patrick Chakaipa’s ‘Rudo Ibofu’ (love is blind) Munyaradzi Mawere Department of Humanities, Universidade Pedagogica, Mozambique. E-mail: [email protected]. Accepted 26 November, 2010 This paper examines African epistemology and axiology as expressed in African literature through characterization, and it adopts the Zimbabwean Patrick Chakaipa’s novel, Rudo Ibofu as a case study. It provides a preliminary significance of characterization in Zimbabwean literature and by extension African literature before demonstrating how characterization has been ‘abused’ by some African writers since colonialism in Africa. The consequences are that a subtle misconstrued image of Africa can indirectly or directly be perpetuated within the academic settings. The Zimbabwean novel as one example of African literature that extensively employs characterization, it represents Africa. The mode of this work is reactionary in the sense that it is responding directly to trends identifiable in African literature spheres. The paper therefore is a contribution towards cultural revival and critical thinking in Africa where the wind of colonialism in the recent past has significantly affected the natives’ consciousness. In the light of the latter point, the paper provides a corrective to the western gaze that demonized Africa by advancing the view that Africans were without a history, worse still epistemological and moral systems. The paper thus criticizes, dismantles and challenges the inherited colonial legacies which have injured many African scientists and researchers’ consciousness; it is not only against the vestiges of colonialism, but of neo-colonialism and western cultural arrogance that have been perpetuated by some African writers through characterization.
    [Show full text]
  • East of Suez and the Commonwealth 1964–1971 (In Three Parts, 2004)
    00-Suez-Blurb-pp 21/9/04 11:32 AM Page 1 British Documents on the End of Empire Project Volumes Published and Forthcoming Series A General Volumes Series B Country Volumes Vol 1 Imperial Policy and Vol 1 Ghana (in two parts, 1992) Colonial Practice Vol 2 Sri Lanka (in two parts, 1997) 1925–1945 (in two parts, 1996) Vol 3 Malaya (in three parts, 1995) Vol 2 The Labour Government and Vol 4 Egypt and the Defence of the the End of Empire 1945–1951 Middle East (in three parts, 1998) (in four parts, 1992) Vol 5 Sudan (in two parts, 1998) Vol 3 The Conservative Government Vol 6 The West Indies (in one part, and the End of Empire 1999) 1951–1957 (in three parts, 1994) Vol 7 Nigeria (in two parts, 2001) Vol 4 The Conservative Government Vol 8 Malaysia (in one part, 2004) and the End of Empire 1957–1964 (in two parts, 2000) Vol 5 East of Suez and the Commonwealth 1964–1971 (in three parts, 2004) ● Series A is complete. Further country volumes in series B are in preparation on Kenya, Central Africa, Southern Africa, the Pacific (Fiji), and the Mediterranean (Cyprus and Malta). The Volume Editors S R ASHTON is Senior Research Fellow and General Editor of the British Documents on the End of Empire Project, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London. With S E Stockwell he edited Imperial Policy and Colonial Practice 1925–1945 (BDEEP, 1996), and with David Killingray The West Indies (BDEEP, 1999). Wm ROGER LOUIS is Kerr Professor of English History and Culture and Distinguished Teaching Professor, University of Texas at Austin, USA, and an Honorary Fellow of St Antony’s, Oxford.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Renationalisation of Steel
    May 8, 1965 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY pointed in February 1955); Nag- 1960. Government of India, Mini­ ture II, page 34. pur. Hyderabad and Coimbatore stry of Labour and Employment. 14 Sub-section XI, of Section 28 says; (appointed in December 1955); r- Employees' State Insurance (Gen­ The E S I fund may be expended Calcutta and Howrah, Assam, eral) Regulations notification No for "defraying expenditure within Madras, Madurai and Bangalore R S 5/48, New Delhi, October 17 the limits prescribed, on measures (appointed in July 1959). All issued 1950. for the improvement of the health by the Director General, Emplo­ 13 Questionnaire on the Employees and welfare of insured persons and yees' State Insurance Corporation, State Insurance Scheme. Govern­ for the rehabilitation of and re­ New Delhi. ment of India Ministry of Labour employment of insured persons 11 "Report on Employees State In­ and Employment. ESI Scheme who have been disabled or injure- surance Scheme" by A L Mudaliar Review committee 1964. Annex- ed". FROM THE LONDON END Renationalisation of Steel THE publication of the Steel Nation- of the relevant holding companies will share of the industry, producing 90 per alisation White Paper (which will be vested in a new National Steel Cor­ cent of British steel. They own or con­ be fiercely debated in Parliament) is a poration. Remembering the speed with trol all the 22 integrated iron and steel clear indication that despite its slender which the Tories denationalised steel works in the United Kingdom, and 42 majority of four, the Labour Govern­ when they were returned to power, the other iron and steel works; they con­ ment has the courage and determination present Bill proposes a public steel cor­ trol about 60 per cent of known reser­ to push ahead with one of the most poration which would have its own ves of iron ore in the U K and they controversial items in the Labour mani­ single marketing organisation and pow­ employ about.
    [Show full text]
  • OSA NW Orders
    SEA ORGANIZATION OFFICE OF SPECIAL AFFAIRS OSA Network Orders OFFICE OF SPECIAL AFFAIRS OSA NETWORK ORDERS OFFICE OF SPECIAL AFFAIRS INTRODUCTION ii OFFICE OF SPECIAL AFFAIRS Table of Contents Introduction . .i Section: OSA GENERAL NW Order: 1 PURPOSE OF DEPARTMENT 20 . 3 NW Order: 2 REPUTATION OF SCIENTOLOGY AND LRH. 5 NW Order: 3 PTS-NESS ON EXTERNAL LINES . 9 NW Order: 4 WHY FOR THE GO . 11 NW Order: 5 SUPERIOR ORGANIZATION AND TECHNOLOGY . 13 NW Order: 6 OUR WAR . 15 NW Order: 7 THE MECHANISM OF ATTACK AND DEFENSE. 17 NW Order: 8 SHIFT OF AXIS . 21 NW Order: 9 A WORKABLE DEFINITION OF WAR. 23 NW Order: 9-1 FORMULA FOR WINNING A WAR. 25 NW Order: 9-2 THE STRATEGY OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT . 27 NW Order: 10 ENEMY MISTAKES . 29 NW Order: 11 INTERNATIONAL ATTACKS. 31 NW Order: 12 OUTLINE OF FACTORS IN ATTACK. 35 NW Order: 13 ANTI-SCIENTOLOGY ACTIVITIES: INTELLIGENCE TRENDS AND PURPOSE . 41 NW Order: 14 PSYCHIATRY’S FALSE PRETENSES . 43 NW Order: 15 THE UNITED NATIONS AND PSYCHIATRY . 45 NW Order: 16 ENEMY ACTION . 47 NW Order: 17 A REASON PSYCHIATRIC FRONT GROUPS ATTACK SCIENTOLOGY . 49 NW Order: 18 THE UK ORGANIZATION OF THE WORLD FEDERATION OF MENTAL HEALTH . 53 i Table of Contents NW Order: 19 ENEMY ORGANIZATION STRUCTURE . .59 NW Order: 20 DEALING WITH ENEMIES . .65 NW Order: 20-1 ENEMIES WHO WON’T PARLEY. .67 NW Order: 21 WINNING A COUNTER-INSURGENCY CAMPAIGN. .69 NW Order: 22 ENEMY COMMUNICATION LINES . .71 NW Order: 23 THE UNHOLY STICK TOGETHER .
    [Show full text]
  • Flag of Defiance – the International Use of the Rhodesian Flag Following Udi
    FLAG OF DEFIANCE – THE INTERNATIONAL USE OF THE RHODESIAN FLAG FOLLOWING UDI BRUCE BERRY University of Pretoria ([email protected] ; +27 82 909 5829) Abstract The international response to Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) was to proclaim the colony to be in a state of rebellion, the government in Salisbury to be illegal, and to request the United Nations to apply sanctions against the ‘rebel regime’. The ensuing political impasse resulted in the need to promote a more distinctive national identity and the symbols to reflect this newfound independence. The first, and most obvious, change came with the adoption of a new national flag on the third anniversary of UDI on 11 November 1968. As the most visible symbol of post-UDI Rhodesia, the international use and display of the new flag became the subject of demonstration and controversy. This paper shows how the green and white Rhodesian flag came to highlight Rhodesia’s contested statehood when flown outside the country during the UDI period. Rhodesia’s new flag became a symbol of the country’s defiance, and the emotion it evoked, and continues to evoke, causes controversy even to this day. Keywords: Rhodesia, symbols, flags 1 1. INTRODUCTION After years of fruitless negotiations on the issue of independence, at 11 a.m. on 11 November 1965 (the 11th hour of the 11th day of the 11th month) Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith and his Cabinet signed a Proclamation of Independence from the British Parliament, whilst retaining loyalty to the person of the Monarch as the Queen of Rhodesia.1 The immediate response by the British Government to this Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) was to proclaim Rhodesia to be in a state of rebellion, the Government in Salisbury to be illegal and to request the United Nations to apply sanctions against the ‘rebel regime’.
    [Show full text]