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VVTH EHU1 The President of Zimbabwe, Joshua Nkomo CONTENTS: SMIT- REINFO CED BY SOUT AFRICA - p.1 BIG BID FOR RECOGNITION - p.2 ZIM BABWE Printed and Published by The Publicity Bureau of The Zimbabwe African Peoples Union, P.O. Box 1657, Lusaka (tPhone 72700) Zambia, OcIEW Official Oragn of The Zimbabwe African Peoples Union Registered at the GPO as a newspaper.

  • ZI11BB.BE PEVIEWT
  • EDITORIAL
  • MARCH 25, 1967

NEW TENDENCIES ON THE AFRICAN SCENE The last few. eeks have witnessed very interesting events on the African scene. These events have a bearing on Africa's course towards total political and economic independence as well as its eventual political unity. The French are known, throughout history,'for thei Ocntnental profession of the ideals of fraternity, equality and liberty. It is under thijsentiment that they devised the sophisticated but subtle method of a referendum in French Somaliland. To Africa in particular, and to the world in general, France wanted to present a facade of a French people towering above the filth of colonialist methods by leaving it to the people to choose their own direction by referendum. But deep down the Fiench were caught in the realities of their contradictory elements. French Somaliland is a springboard for their markets along the z East Coast of Africa and far afield across the Indian ocean. It is only convinient for them to keep French Somaliland under their firm control in the face of competition from other trading powers. This ensures a margin of French economic survival. Hence the blackmail of our African brothers in that color7. They we asked to cheese total independence and face the withdrawal of all French economic installations and benefits or choose continued ties with France and look forward to greater material benefits from France. France confronted President Sekou Toure of Guinea with this form of blackmail and the French lost. They pulled out installations from Guinea, including electric bulbs from houses and office furniture which they threw into the Atlantic. They then waited for Guinea to eollapee-.---Th e uineans did not care because they had the country and independence and thisdll that mattered; The country did not collapse. Povery was met by hard work in the spirit of selfreliance. It is clear from the Ffench Somaliland operation that the French were determined to put on additional methods. They combined blackmail with taickery. They took advantage of the brotherly dispute between Ethiopia and Somalia and used it to drive a tribal wedge among fellow-African inhabitants of French Somaliland. T ey compiled a voters' list on tribal proportions and even this limiting it to a class compromising only 30% of the population tltus leaving 70p of the masses at the mercy of the few. The referenduj was not, therefore, an expression of the will of our African brothers in French Somaliland but rather an expression of the skill of blackmailers who planned the referendum in Paris. Then there are the South African aparthedists who seem to emerging from their crude methods of the past and entering the field of sophisticated methods. In South West Africa, for an example, they would like to venture a referendum which they will device to ptoduce a result which will be intepreted to mean that Africangthere want to have continued connections with the Republic of the Boers. They have their eyes on the majority .tribe, the Ovambos. This sophisticated method which is becoming a feature of South Africa policy is a part of the cloak-and-dagger diplomatic offensive towards independent Africa. On the one hand South Africa is raising volunteer mercenaries to fight to keep the tide of African nationalism away from the borders of South Africa, on the other the Boers are offering the wealth accumtLated over the years through exploitation of cur land and our people as aid to African . govornments that find themselves in economic distress. The recent delegations and the treaties of Dr Hastings Banda to and-viih South Africa and Portugal. The answer to all this attempt to recolonise Africa through blackmail and sophistication is to be uncompromising in all matters of principle whatever the cost. The teaching of Dr Nkrumah is very relevant in Africa's present dilema- 'the slightest concession in a matter of principle is the ver, abandonment of that principle!. There are no two ways 'about this and t._" 4-s are means to further-and not to substitute a principle.

ZZIBABV E RPLCIEW RE-INFORCEMEFT (F ARMY BY SOUTH AFRICA A South African force of 525 men entered Southern Rhodesia this week from the lti toi the 23rd of March. The force was in two groups, one 225 men and the other 300 !en. Although it is not yet quite known how the rest of the force entered Rhodesia it is however stablished that some of the .en came to Bulawayo by train, dressed in civilian clothes. Nevertheless the entire contingent grouped in the Bulawayo bayra-; cks where it was issued with the Rhodesian regime's arm.y uniform and all other equipment. The men were then taken in military trucks and I driven to the Zambezi Valley where I the regime's army constantly expects an attack from the people's liberation forces. Some of the South African men made their way to tho South African Boers. The troops that entered Rhodesia on 19th March arc a detachment of the South African regular asnw. South African reinforcements have added significance in that they came about when the regime's leader, Ian Smith, was on a so-called holiday in the Boer Republic. ___0 Chirundu. CAFRO4ASIAN WRITERS CONFERENCE It is the leakage of the news 1 TodaV,Saturdayqthe 25th of March in of the movement of these South Beirut, Lebanon, opens a conference African re-inforcements to the of Afro-Asain writers. Delegates to Rhodesian regime that led to the this conference are drawn from announcement by the regime's countries that have freed themselves minister of Information, Jack HowMan, from one form of oppression or on stricter ceonsorship of the press another. Liberation movements by and a campaign against rumour. It the very nature of their anti-colowill be recalled that Howman made I Inialist and anti-imperialist struggle his announcement whilst in Bulawayo do take part in these conferences. The at about the time of the arrival ; people of Zimbabwe have been associated of these South African reinforcentrs. T with this movement for some time now. The first group of 225 Eon led!i by Colonel Dries Kotzenberg as sent At this conference' the peoples movebment ZAPU is represented by the Editor to Chirundu. The group comes from ! the Rand, Johannesburg. The second who left for Beirut Friday the 24th of group of 300 men led by Daan Pretorius March. was sent to the Zambezi Valley and Sc rThe whole purpose of this conference tis

  • coes from Cape Town.
  • i
  • concrt efforts of Afro-Asian

These reinforcements must not be writers to expunge from reading confused with reports of Neville materials bourgeosie ideas and substbtut-e Warrington's recruitment of- a them with ideas ofthat are in true accord mercenary force of 500 men. This i with genuine peoples liberty. It is is a separate voluntary effort of therefore, revolution being relentlessly pursued into the field of literature. MARCH _?j,1967 PAGE ONE

COMISSION B YCOTTEDby Our Oiwn Correspondent, Ian Smith's "Constitution,:l Commission" now gathering material from the "Rhodoian public" has been severely boycotted by thc African masses of Zimbabwe just as was the 1961 1Whitehead-Sandys Constitution, Smith's monthly-paid stooges,the ,Gi' .,(so- called African chiefs,have tried to call meetings of the Africans but, without the slightest success m a~nb 2a-,tic biec f~nthroughout the entire country. of his3c iie. 'Ti ec rc Chief Kaiser Ndiweni of Ntabazifrom 5 1 -.-,:ry. Tile -i-eeimc' ";'-|nduna near Bulawayo sent circulars .ct cat"-. rocog,ition .:t ta t o Zimbabweans in his area calling cy fiY- ( .:brics is Yeibru , ..2. them to a meeting two weeks ago but T. .e enot a single one turned up at his n
'.,eat Ge:,"' ant' ; leai. Trr re iraee ci to 1',,vc beez: cncour x . to belicve that i. home which was built for him by the Rhodesian fascist regime.

He waited Iith his 12 armed guards t, en 4. c.vntrie5 .:ve not u for about six hours before he gave up suMit' tcir 3Pot6 in disappointment
"IL and went to report his w;ith t:'u resolution on .c"; ,, h eto the Heary Junction Police Station. tiat 1-o-ae . --ics

  • tat t
  • H e asked the police to help him

by going into the area and ordering rcco,,n-, :.a of tbe ~the people to respond favourably to It'is also reported his calls for meetings. that the regime seeks to make Smith's Gestapo told him that it overtures to Lesotho for recogni- was impossible for them

  • to leave tion. The regime is now firmly
  • their area these days as the

situsconvinced that should should it get tien was very unpredictable in the a few countries to make a break- urban areas. through diplomatic recognition Britain would have sufficient
Ndiweni is also a member of the ineffective Southern Rhodesia Consexcuse internationally to accord titutional Council and gets U67. it ligal independence. 10/- per month as a chief and ConsHowever, the regime titutional Councillor. is said to be caught up in the Other chiefs who have reported tangles of international diplomatic their failures to Smith's Gestapo cross currents. Turkey as a NATO are the President of the Chiefs' ally and a co-guarantor of Cyprus Council, Chief Zvimba; Chief Mzimuis hesitant to involve itself in ni Mnsuku of Glass Block near Stana stovm that would cost the more, Chief Enoch Mangwende,Chief balance in her Turkish-Cypriot" Jeremiah Ngugama Bango,Chief Zwanke, policy. The regine is encouraged by the eadnes ofSout Aficaand Chief Mathema,Chief Chibero and sethe readiness of South Africa and veral others.

  • Portugal to. accord recognition
  • Leading religious organisations

should any other ooulntry-give leA. and churches q!e also folloing suit. MARCH 24,1967. PAGE TWO ZIMB3ABWE REV IET

MARCH 2, 1967. LAN AY] EDUCATION One of the major causes of conflict among the people of 2imbabimud the W12itQ6 of Southern Rhodesia is tile unfair distribution of land by the settler dictatorship on the basis of the Land Apportionment Act of 1930. The total area of Southern Rho- I The 4,220,000 acres comprising desia is 96,600,000 acres with a 1the lative Purchase Area are a mere total population of 4,259,700 peo- :window-dressing for the outside beple comyrising Africans,Europeans, cause the settlers' economic exploiColoureds(people of mixed blood) ftation of the Africans of Zimbabwe and Asians.(These figures are the aakes it impossible for them to purRhodesian regime's official esti- chase the 100 to 150-acre farms in mates as per June 30th 1965.) this area. The breakdown of these figures It is because of this hard fact is as follows: POPULATION African - 4,020,000 - 94t European- 219,000 - 5% Coloured- 12,700 - 0.6% Asian - -. _800 - 0.42: that when the peorle of Zimbabwe speak about landthey refer only to the 40,020,000 acres comprising the INative Trust Land formerly known as I'Native Reserves. They do not speak about the area
! known as Pative Purchase Area becauTotal - 259,700 -J100% all of them cannot afford so almost
LAND This then leaves each African Land is divided into five cate- with only about 10 acres for agricugories as follows; ltural and pastoral purposes in this Tribal Trust - 40,020,000 - arid area of the low veldt. to buy these plots.
Native Purchase Areas - 4,220,000
46% jEDUCAIT.PRIMARY SCHOOL
Educational facilitiozfnarthe .-..
European - 35,950,000 - 37yo 1fricans in Zimbabwe is a scandal +Unresemved - 5,870,000 - 6% as the enrolment figures for 1965 +National - 10,540,000 - l12i as quoted below indicate. It must be noted that whereas Sub Standard A the Africans (who comprise 94% of Sub Standard B the total population of Southern Sthndard i- -~ 1"I an 97r

  • -
  • 119,934.

  • -
  • 108,595.

  • 1
  • -
  • 105,071.

  • -
  • -

Rhuoesia) nave on.Ly 4~o7, of uniu-r land in the arid and unhealthy low veldt, the white settlcis(-'ho comprise only five per cent of the population) have 37 per cent of the most fertile and healthy areas in the high veldt and middlo veldt. +Unreserved land is a very recent name given to what used to be called Crown Land.This land was o-penly reserved for white farmers as it still is today though under a very misleading name. +National Land is land reserved for game reservesparks and national monuments but can be given to whites by a proclamation of the regime "if such a stop is deemed to be in the best interests of the nation." It must be added too that in actual practice, the thite settlers possess at least 48 per cent of the whole area in that there is no difference except in name between European and National land. Each white in Rhodesia has,therefore, just a little more than 212 acres of vary fertile healthy land. The African, according to these fig'.res,has 11 acres of very infertile soil in the country's unhealthy belt -- the low veldt. 111 1V V
-
-
89,701.
45,137.
36,737.
29,056.
-

  • -
  • VI

SECONLARY SCHOOL Fcrm 1 1- ill

  • -
  • 5,478.

3,720.

  • 1.255.
  • -

lV&1V 71 (Lower) Vl (Upper)
---
876. 110. 56.
The Sub-Standard A enrolment in 1958 was 121,746.It is this number which became 29,056 in Standard Vl in 1965.It shbws that only one in every four who entered the Rhodesian primary course actuallt reached its final stage. The SECONDARIY SCHOOL table shows that one in 20 of those entering Primary School go on to Secondary School.It also shows that one in five of those oomplsting the Primary School course go on to Secondary classes. The excess of demand over supply is indicated in the secondary level in the numbers of students who enrolled as private students for the schoo1 certificate in 1964-0 Level 2,312 as against 655 school entriesA. Level was 277 as against 35 school entries. This is what Smith wants to maintain. 2. --,ZTMBAM-HF =' PAGE ThREL

  • ZD.B-;BWE REVIEY
  • PAGE POUR
  • MARCH

Amasotsha aseSouth Africa angamakhulu amahlanu lamatshumi - i.iabili lanhlam angene eSouthern Rhodesia kusukeln mhlaka March 19 kusiya ku 23. Ibutho.lakhona langena lingamaxhiba amabili, elirWe lifika 225 elirwc liYi 300. Lahhona kungakazakali kuhle ukuthi idarye amasotsha akhona eza ri, ,ani eSouthern Rhodesia, abanye babo boza koBulawayo behamba ngesitimcla, kodwa bengagqokanga impahla zobusotsha. Bathi sebe koBulawayo base behlangana ndawonyo enkambeni yabo lcapha abanikwa khonaizigqoko zobusotshaq izikhali lezirye izinto. Ba'he besuka lapho bathwalwa yizimota zibasa eZambozi Valley lapha amasotsha kaSmith ehlala elindile ngoba esaba ukuthi abalweli bonkululeko bangangena phakath.- kwelizwe behamba kuwonaloWo mmango. Amanyo amasotsha aseSouth Africa asiwa eChirundu. Ukazwakala kwezindaba zokuhamba kwamasotsha la yikho olcuonza izixhwali zikaSmith zaqinisa umthetho owalisa amapepanadaba ukudinda izindaba ezithile. Isixhwali esingu Jack Howman, esiyisona esiPhethe lolu gatsha, sakhuluma ngokuqiniswa komthotbo lo sikoBulawayo ngaso leso sikhathi sokufika kwainnsotsha aseSouth Africa. Ixhiba lakuqala lai-i bhurra angii 225 lii hokhclvra ngu Colonel Dyios Kotzenberg lathunyelwa oChirundu. Yilo ixhiba elivela endaweni ya.c Goli. Ixhiba losibili labantu abangamakhulu amathathu likhokhelwa ngu Daan Pretorius, lasiwa eZambr zi VallV njalo livela endaweni yase Kapa. Amasotaha la akusiwo lawaneabikwayo ukuthi abuthaniswa n,,uNeville Warrington; la ngamaryo anikwe uSmith ng,lun.abhunu aseSouth Africa. Amabutho angena eRhodosia mhlaka 19 Mnrch ngnvela ebuthweni laseSouth Africa. Ukufika kwamasotsha , seSouth Africa kuyinto eqnkathekileyo ngoba kwenznkz la uSmith eseSouth Africa lapha athi uyethekele-nje kupllola ukuze aphumule, ekhohlisa kuphela.

  • ZII:B.ABI;'E REVIB7
  • PAGE FIVE,
  • MARCH 25, 1967.

Masoja oku South Africa anosvika 525 akapinda muSouthern Rhodesia svondo rino kubvira pamusi wa 19 kusviki--a pa 23 March. Masoja acho akauya ari muzviki-Tata zviviri, mamwe akapinda ari 225 mamwe ari 300. Kunyange zvis,-ti zvazivikanwa kuti iiiamwe masoja aya Pkiuya sei asi zvave kuzivik.imT, kuti huzhinji hwakasvika nochitima kuBuruwayo hwakapfoka nhumbi dzisiri dzo masoja. Mumashure maizvozvo masoja acho ese akaungana pakamba yemasoja kuBuruwayo paakapihwa zvichisoja, zvombo nezvimwe zvakadaro. Kubva kuBuruwayo masoja aya akatakurwi nemarori akaendeswa kuZambezi Valley kanove ndiko kunogara masoja aSmith akatarisa nokuchengeta kuti varTTiri vorusununguko havapindi nopo. Mamwe masoja omabunu okuSouth Africa akapfuurira akaenda kuChirundu. Runyerekupe rwekafamba kTTemasoja aya achibva kuSouth Africa ndorwakaita kuti Jack Howman, anonzi ndiye anotarisa nezvenhau muchiburumende chaSmith, akarambidza mapepanhau kuti atsikire nyaya dzolcufamba kwemasoja acho. Howman akarambidza mapepanhau kurWora rjyE ,a iyi ari kuUburuwayo panguva yakasvika masoja ache achibva kuSoutI. Africa. Chikwata chokutanga chovarume 225 chinotungamirirwa naColonel Dries Kotzenberg chakatumirwa kuChirundu. NdochikiTata chinobva kunzvimbo yeJohannesburg. Chikwata chechipiri chinomabunu 300 chinotungamirirwa naDaan Pretorius chakaendeawa kuZambezi Valley chinobva kunzvimbo ye Cape Toim. Masoja aya haasiri pamwe chete neakataurwa kuti ari kutinganidzwa na Neville Warrington. Aya mamwe-wo metsva akaunganidzwa ner-abunu okuSouth lifrica kuti abatsire mabunu emuSouthern Rhodesia. Masoja akapinda muSouthern Rhodesia muna March 19 ari kubva mumauto ekuSoutl- Africa. Kuuya kwemasoja okuSouth Africa kunofanirakuve chinhu chikuru nokuti masoja ache akarvika muRhodesia Smith zvaaive kuSouth Africa achiti iye ari kumbozorora - achinyepa-chete.

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    Josiah Brownell received his Ph.D. from the School of Oriental and African Studies in 2009, and has a J.D. from the University of Virginia School of Law. His research focuses on African history, comparative settler colonialism, and the end of the British Empire. P1: PHB Trim: 138mm × 216mm Top: 1in Gutter: 1in IBBK042-01 IBBK042-Serieslist-Demis ISBN: 978 1 84885 217 4 August 13, 2010 17:24 INTERNATIONAL LIBRARY OF AFRICAN STUDIES Series ISBN: 978 1 84885 217 4 See www.ibtauris.com/ILAS for a full list of titles 18. Mineworkers in Zambia: Labour 25. African Women and Apartheid: and Political Change in Post-Colonial Migration and Settlement in Urban Africa South Africa Miles Larmer Rebekah Lee 978 1 84511 299 8 978 1 84511 819 8 19. Reconstructing the Nation in 26. Islam’s Perfect Stranger: The Life Africa: The Politics of Nationalism in of Mahmud Muhammad Taha, Ghana Muslim Reformer of Sudan Michael Amoah Edward Thomas 978 1 84511 259 2 978 1 84885 004 0 20. Revolt and Protest: Student 27. The Governance of Water and Politics and Activism in Sub-Saharan Sanitation in Africa: Achieving Africa Sustainable Development through Leo Zeilig Partnerships 978 1 84511 476 3 Tim Gray and Amy Stewart 978 1 84885 027 9 22. The Politics of Neoliberal Democracy in Africa: State and Civil 28. The Collapse of Rhodesia: Society in Nigeria Population Demographics and the UsmanA.Tar Politics of Race 978 1 84511 656 9 Josiah Brownell 978 1 84885 475 8 23. Afrikaners in the New South Africa: Identity Politics in a 29.
  • Zimbabwe Apr2001

    Zimbabwe Apr2001

    ZIMBABWE ASSESSMENT April 2001 Country Information and Policy Unit CONTENTS I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 - 2.4 III HISTORY 3.1 - 3.40 Foundations of Zimbabwe 3.1 - 3.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 3.6 - 3.8 Elections 1995 & 1996 3.9 - 3.10 Movement for Democratic Change 3.11 - 3.12 Constitutional Referendum, February 2000 3.13 - 3.14 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 3.15 - 3.23 - Background 3.15 - 3.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 3.17 - 3.18 - Election Results 3.19 - 3.23 Post-Election Violence & Intimidation 3.24 - 3.34 Bikita West By-election 3.35 - 3.36 Legal Challenges to Election Results 3.37 - 3.40 IV INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE 4.1 - 4.20 Political System: 4.1 - 4.14 - Administrative Structure 4.1 - 4.3 - ZANU-PF 4.4 - Movement for Democratic Change 4.5 - 4.7 - ZANU-Ndonga 4.8 - Liberty Party/Liberty Party of Zimbabwe 4.9 - 4.11 - Other Minor Parties 4.12 - 4.14 Legal Framework & Judiciary 4.15 - 4.20 V HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION HUMAN RIGHTS: INTRODUCTION 5.1 - 5.4 Introduction 5.1 - 5.2 Human Rights Organisations in Zimbabwe 5.3 - 5.4 HUMAN RIGHTS: SPECIFIC GROUPS 5.5 - 5.32 Women 5.5 - 5.10 Children 5.11 - 5.13 Ethnic Groups: 5.14 - 5.26 - Shona 5.14 - Ndebele 5.15 - 5.16 - Whites 5.17 - 5.23 - Asians 5.24 - Other Ethnic Minorities 5.25 - 5.26 Homosexuals 5.27 - 5.32 - Canaan Banana's trial 5.32 HUMAN RIGHTS: OTHER ISSUES 5.33 - 5.83 Freedom of Assembly & Political Association 5.33 Freedom of Speech & of the Press 5.34 - 5.49 Freedom of Religion 5.50 - 5.54 Witchcraft 5.55 - 5.57 Freedom of Travel 5.58 - 5.59 Military Service 5.60 - 5.65 Prison Conditions 5.66 - 5.69 Health Issues: 5.70 - 5.77 - General 5.70 - 5.72 - HIV/AIDS 5.73 - 5.77 Land Reform 5.78 - 5.83 ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B: MAIN POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST & PRESENT ANNEX D: FULL ELECTION RESULTS JUNE 2000 (hard copy only) BIBLIOGRAPHY I.
  • Zimbabwe: the Transitional Government and Implications for US

    Zimbabwe: the Transitional Government and Implications for US

    Zimbabwe: The Transitional Government and Implications for U.S. Policy Lauren Ploch Analyst in African Affairs October 27, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34509 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Zimbabwe: The Transitional Government and Implications for U.S. Policy Summary The U.S. government, which has expressed concerns regarding the rule of law in Zimbabwe for over a decade and which has long been critical of President Robert Mugabe, has been cautious in its engagement with the country’s three-year-old power-sharing government. That government, which includes members of the former opposition, has improved economic and humanitarian conditions during its ongoing transitional rule. However, significant concerns about the country’s political future remain. Zimbabwe’s March 2008 elections resulted in the party of long-serving President Mugabe losing its parliamentary majority for the first time since independence. Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai received more votes than Mugabe in the presidential race, but fell short of the needed margin for victory. Tsvangirai later withdrew his name from the ballot days before the required runoff, amid widespread political violence. Mugabe was thus declared the winner. In September 2008, after weeks of negotiations, Tsvangirai and Mugabe reached an agreement to form a unity government, with Mugabe remaining head of state. Tsvangirai became prime minister and cabinet and gubernatorial positions were divided among the parties. Disputes delayed implementation of the agreement until February 2009, when members of the opposition were sworn in alongside former rivals as ministers in a new government. The parties to the power-sharing agreement have faced significant challenges in working together to promote political reconciliation and in addressing serious economic and humanitarian needs.
  • The PIDE/DGS's Dealings with Rhodesia and South Africa

    The PIDE/DGS's Dealings with Rhodesia and South Africa

    Article Journal of Contemporary History 2014, Vol. 49(2) 366–389 Parallel Diplomacy, ! The Author(s) 2014 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav Parallel War: The DOI: 10.1177/0022009413515536 PIDE/DGS’s Dealings jch.sagepub.com with Rhodesia and South Africa, 1961–74 Filipe Ribeiro de Meneses National University of Ireland, Maynooth, Ireland Robert McNamara University of Ulster, Ireland Abstract PIDE/DGS, Portugal’s secret police during the New State (1932–74), had an important role to play in the country’s colonial wars, which lasted from 1961 to 1974. Using documentation circulated at meetings held regularly with the police forces and intelli- gence services of UDI Rhodesia and South Africa, this article attempts to reveal the scale, and the limitations, of PIDE/DGS’s ambitions in that conflict. Keywords decolonization, PIDE, Portugal, Rhodesia, South Africa, war On 18 May 1974, The Economist published a scathing attack on the recently extin- guished Portuguese political police, the DGS (Direcc¸a˜ o Geral de Seguranc¸a, better known by its previous name, PIDE (Polı´cia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado)), whose headquarters, in the wake of the revolution of 25 April, was now in the hands of the military. The unnamed correspondent discounted lingering fears about the PIDE agents still at large: ‘I doubt whether those of its members who are still at liberty could constitute a threat to anyone but themselves’. The PIDE was portrayed as hopelessly old-fashioned. Officers were of poor quality; there were no computer- ized records; workshops and labs were out of date; the political indoctrination of the agents ‘would have pleased someone like Marshal Pe´tain 40 years ago’.
  • Former President of a Former Colony

    Former President of a Former Colony

    Former President of a Former Colony How The Guardian reported on the final events leading to Robert Mugabe’s resignation COURSE: International Communication Master Degree Project, 15 hp PROGRAMME: International Communication AUTHOR: Henric Lindholm TUTOR: Anders Svensson SEMESTER: VT 18 JÖNKÖPING UNIVERSITY Master thesis, 15 credits School of Education and Communication Course: International Communication Master Degree Box 1026, SE-551 11 Jönköping, Sweden Project +46 (0)36 101000 Term: Spring 2018 ABSTRACT Writer: Henric Lindholm Title: Former President of a Former Colony Subtitle: How The Guardian reported on the final events leading to Robert Mugabe’s resignation Language: English Pages: 52 During the month of November 2017, the President of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe was taken into custody by Zimbabwe’s military. This was a move in order to shift the governmental power after which Mugabe after almost 40 years as President of Zimbabwe resigned from his post. The thesis contains a Critical Discourse Analysis of articles published by one of the world’s great newspapers during this shift of power. The newspaper analysed is the British newspaper The Guardian. The analysis studied which characters and major topics are represented in the articles and how they are represented to see what fits inside The Guardian’s news reporting on the final events in the shift of power in Zimbabwe. In order to find these discursive attributes, pictures linked to the articles were analysed, the context in which the events happened as well as the discourse used in the articles from a perspective of orientalism, post-colonialism and ideology. Other theoretical aspects used are framing, representation and Critical Discourse Studies.
  • THE WHITE HOUSE and WHITE AFRICA: PRESIDENTIAL POLICY on RHODESIA 1965-79 By

    THE WHITE HOUSE and WHITE AFRICA: PRESIDENTIAL POLICY on RHODESIA 1965-79 By

    THE WHITE HOUSE AND WHITE AFRICA: PRESIDENTIAL POLICY ON RHODESIA 1965-79 by EDWARD R. MICHEL A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of History and Cultures College of Arts and Law University of Birmingham April 2016 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT My thesis offers an examination of U.S. policy towards Rhodesia as viewed through the lens of the respective Presidential administrations. The aim of my research is to demonstrate the changing American perspective on the Rhodesian question and how this directly affected the ultimate emergence of an independent Zimbabwe. I discuss the transformation in U.S. policy from the cautious approach of the Johnson White House, the shift towards ‘white Africa’ during the Nixon years as anti-communism and economic interests took centre stage and the subsequent attempt of the Ford Administration to achieve a peace settlement to prevent further communist expansion into southern Africa. Finally, I will analyse the critical role played by President Carter in bringing an end to UDI.