DOCSLIB.ORG

Zimbabwe: Background

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Zimbabwe: Background Zimbabwe: Background Lauren Ploch Analyst in African Affairs July 8, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL32723 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Zimbabwe: Background Summary Zimbabwe’s prospects appeared promising in 1980, as it gained independence after a long liberation war. Rising inflation and unemployment bred discontent in the 1990s and led in 1999 to the formation of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). The new party surprised many with its initial success, campaigning against a 2000 referendum that would have legalized the president’s continued rule, made government officials immune from prosecution, and allowed the uncompensated seizure of white-owned land for redistribution to black farmers. The referendum failed, and the MDC won nearly half the seats in the 2000 parliamentary election. Members of President Robert Mugabe’s ruling party subsequently took numerous, often undemocratic actions to bolster their power. President Mugabe’s government was seen in the past decade as autocratic and repressive by its critics, and its human rights record has been poor. The government suppressed freedom of speech and assembly, and many contend that the ruling party restricted access to food, already scarce, in opposition areas. The MDC, divided over how to respond, split into two factions in 2005, hampering its ability to challenge the ruling party. Reports of political violence rose sharply after Zimbabwe’s March 2008 elections, when, for the first time since independence, Mugabe’s party lost its majority in the National Assembly. Mugabe’s re-election as president in the June runoff was viewed as illegitimate by the United States and the United Nations Secretary-General, among others. In September 2008, after several weeks of negotiations, Mugabe and MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai signed a power-sharing arrangement aimed at resolving the political standoff. As part of the deal, Tsvangirai became prime minister of a new coalition government in February 2009, and cabinet positions have been divided among the parties. Some observers remain skeptical that the MDC will be able to implement major political reforms through the arrangement, although there has been some progress, particularly on the economic front, and some donors have begun to cautiously reengage. The cost of rebuilding the country’s economy may be over $8 billion. Zimbabwe’s economic output decreased dramatically between 1998 and 2008. Official inflation rose above 200,000,000% in 2008, and although the economy has since stabilized, unemployment remains estimated at more than 90%. An adult HIV prevalence rate of over 14% has contributed to a sharp drop in life expectancy, and a nationwide cholera outbreak from late 2008 through early 2009 resulted in almost 100,000 infections and over 4,300 deaths. The number of Zimbabweans requiring food aid has declined, from an estimated 5 million in 2008 to 2 million in 2010, but chronic malnutrition rates remain high. Deteriorating economic and humanitarian conditions in recent years have led many to emigrate to neighboring countries, creating a substantial burden on the region. The country appears to be making a gradual shift from humanitarian crisis toward recovery, but much of the population remains highly vulnerable. Robert Mugabe has historically enjoyed considerable popularity in Africa as a former liberation leader, but some African leaders have viewed his policies as increasingly damaging to the continent and have urged democratic reforms in recent years. Following controversial elections in 2000 and citing abuses of human rights and the rule of law, the United States and some other former allies of the government became vocal critics. The United States has enforced targeted sanctions against top Zimbabwe officials and associates since 2002. This report provides background on events leading up to and surrounding the country’s most recent elections, in March and June 2008. For further discussion of Zimbabwe’s power sharing agreement, its transitional government, and other more recent developments, please see CRS Report RL34509, Zimbabwe: The Transitional Government and Implications for U.S. Policy, by Lauren Ploch. Congressional Research Service Zimbabwe: Background Contents Overview ....................................................................................................................................1 Background ................................................................................................................................1 Political Situation........................................................................................................................2 Restrictions on Political Freedoms ........................................................................................3 Parliamentary Elections 2005................................................................................................4 Election-Related Violence...............................................................................................5 Charges of Election Rigging............................................................................................5 Election Observers..........................................................................................................6 2005 Senate Elections ...........................................................................................................7 Internal ZANU-PF Struggles.................................................................................................7 The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).....................................................................8 Origins of the MDC ........................................................................................................8 Treason Charges..............................................................................................................9 Division in the Opposition ..............................................................................................9 Opposition Defiance Against a Ban on Protests and Rallies ...........................................10 Political Violence................................................................................................................ 11 Developments Surrounding the 2008 Elections..........................................................................12 South African Mediation ...............................................................................................12 March 2008 Elections .........................................................................................................14 Election Preparations ....................................................................................................14 Alleged Vote Buying.....................................................................................................14 Pre-Election Violence....................................................................................................15 Election Monitoring......................................................................................................16 Press Restrictions..........................................................................................................16 March 2008 Election Results.........................................................................................16 June 2008 Runoff Election ............................................................................................19 Post-Election Violence ..................................................................................................20 The Power Sharing Agreement and the New Coalition Government ..............................22 Humanitarian Situation .............................................................................................................22 Operation Murambatsvina...................................................................................................22 Political Motivations? ...................................................................................................23 The International Response ...........................................................................................23 Continued Evictions and Operation Garikai ..................................................................24 Violations of Domestic and International Law...............................................................25 Zimbabwe’s Food Crisis......................................................................................................26 Operation Taguta ..........................................................................................................27 Food as a Political Weapon?..........................................................................................28 HIV/AIDS ..........................................................................................................................28 Cholera and the Healthcare System Collapse.......................................................................29 The Economy............................................................................................................................30 The IMF and the World Bank..............................................................................................30 Attempts to Revive Agriculture Industry .............................................................................31 The Mining Industry ...........................................................................................................32
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Nuzr 1 9 6 7 0 3
    V V TH E HU1 The President of Zimbabwe, Joshua Nkomo CONTENTS: SMIT- REINFO CED BY SOUT AFRICA - p.1 BIG BID FOR RECOGNITION - p.2 ZIM BABWE Printed and Published by The Publicity Bureau of The Zimbabwe African Peoples Union, P.O. Box 1657, Lusaka (tPhone 72700) Zambia, OcIEW Official Oragn of The Zimbabwe African Peoples Union Registered at the GPO as a newspaper. ZI11BB.BE PEVIEWT EDITORIAL MARCH 25, 1967 NEW TENDENCIES ON THE AFRICAN SCENE The last few. eeks have witnessed very interesting events on the African scene. These events have a bearing on Africa's course towards total political and economic independence as well as its eventual political unity. The French are known, throughout history,'for thei Ocntnental profession of the ideals of fraternity, equality and liberty. It is under thijsentiment that they devised the sophisticated but subtle method of a referendum in French Somaliland. To Africa in particular, and to the world in general, France wanted to present a facade of a French people towering above the filth of colonialist methods by leaving it to the people to choose their own direction by referendum. But deep down the Fiench were caught in the realities of their contradictory elements. French Somaliland is a springboard for their markets along the z East Coast of Africa and far afield across the Indian ocean. It is only convinient for them to keep French Somaliland under their firm control in the face of competition from other trading powers. This ensures a margin of French economic survival. Hence the blackmail of our African brothers in that color7.
    [Show full text]
  • ZIMBABWE Review of Rights Discourses in Zimbabwe
    ZIMBABWE Review of Rights Discourses in Zimbabwe Produced by Professor G. Feltoe and Dr. E. Sithole University of Zimbabwe Updated January 2010 Harare 1 Introduction This paper examines the legal and social context of human rights discourses in Zimbabwe. It looks at the current constitutional framework, other laws bearing on human rights, the ratification of international and regional human rights instruments and compliance therewith. It examines the evolution of such discourses, focusing on the role played by civil society organisations in advancing human rights, the obstacles they have encountered, the strategies they have adopted and the impact of these strategies. In order to do this, the paper explores the power structures within the Zimbabwean state and the way in which power has been exercised particularly since 2000. ―Human rights‖ refers to universally accepted human rights. The term refers to civil and political rights, social, political and cultural rights and third generation human rights such as environmental rights and developmental rights. ‗Human rights discourses‘ refers to political, legal, social and civic debates in which human rights is a central focal point. Some of the key questions which the review seeks to answer are the following: 1. In what ways and at what stages have human rights discourses emerged and evolved in Zimbabwe? 2. Which non-state and state actors and agencies have been most prominent in raising and advancing issues of human rights? 3. What types of human rights have the actors and agencies sought to advance? 4. What approaches and strategies have they employed? 5. What obstacles have they faced and how have they attempted to overcome these obstacles? 2 6.
    [Show full text]
  • POLICING REFORM in AFRICA Moving Towards a Rights-Based Approach in a Climate of Terrorism, Insurgency and Serious Violent Crime
    POLICING REFORM IN AFRICA Moving towards a rights-based approach in a climate of terrorism, insurgency and serious violent crime Edited by Etannibi E.O. Alemika, Mutuma Ruteere & Simon Howell POLICING REFORM IN AFRICA Moving towards a rights-based approach in a climate of terrorism, insurgency and serious violent crime Edited by Etannibi E.O. Alemika, University of Jos, Nigeria Mutuma Ruteere, UN Special Rapporteur, Kenya Simon Howell, APCOF, South Africa Acknowledgements This publication is funded by the Ford Foundation, the United Nations Development Programme, and the Open Societies Foundation. The findings and conclusions do not necessarily reflect their positions or policies. Published by African Policing Civilian Oversight Forum (APCOF) Copyright © APCOF, April 2018 ISBN 978-1-928332-33-6 African Policing Civilian Oversight Forum (APCOF) Building 23b, Suite 16 The Waverley Business Park Wyecroft Road Mowbray, 7925 Cape Town, ZA Tel: +27 21 447 2415 Fax: +27 21 447 1691 Email: [email protected] Web: www.apcof.org.za Cover photo taken in Nyeri, Kenya © George Mulala/PictureNET Africa Contents Foreword iv About the editors v SECTION 1: OVERVIEW Chapter 1: Imperatives of and tensions within rights-based policing 3 Etannibi E. O. Alemika Chapter 2: The constraints of rights-based policing in Africa 14 Etannibi E.O. Alemika Chapter 3: Policing insurgency: Remembering apartheid 44 Elrena van der Spuy SECTION 2: COMMUNITY–POLICE NEXUS Chapter 4: Policing in the borderlands of Zimbabwe 63 Kudakwashe Chirambwi & Ronald Nare Chapter 5: Multiple counter-insurgency groups in north-eastern Nigeria 80 Benson Chinedu Olugbuo & Oluwole Samuel Ojewale SECTION 3: POLICING RESPONSES Chapter 6: Terrorism and rights protection in the Lake Chad basin 103 Amadou Koundy Chapter 7: Counter-terrorism and rights-based policing in East Africa 122 John Kamya Chapter 8: Boko Haram and rights-based policing in Cameroon 147 Polycarp Ngufor Forkum Chapter 9: Police organizational capacity and rights-based policing in Nigeria 163 Solomon E.
    [Show full text]
  • Bottlenecks to Deployment! Police Capacity Building and Deployment in Africa
    Bottlenecks to deployment! Police capacity building and deployment in Africa EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ■ What are the training approaches adopted by part- ners towards building African capacities? Changes in the nature of confl icts during the post-Cold War period led to changes in the nature of peacekeeping, To gain a balanced understanding of the answers to from being a tool in mediating inter-state confl icts to these questions, the study itself is contextualised within that of intra-state confl icts. Peacekeepers are no longer the spectrum of peacekeeping in its widest sense. deployed as an interposition force between warring Examination of the study questions is done using the states, but as part of broad eff orts in support of peace formats of training that directly or indirectly contribute implementation. Furthermore, rather than the purely to the deployment of trained police offi cers. Th e study traditional military deployments, modern peacekeep- establishes that in terms of deployment, the most ing deployments now involve considerable numbers signifi cant form of training is pre-deployment training of police offi cers (and civilians) in multidimensional that is targeted at police offi cers selected and earmarked missions. Against this backdrop, the Norwegian-funded for deployment by national police organisations. Th is is Training for Peace (TfP) Programme has been involved complemented by normal courses (trainers’ courses and in international and regional eff orts to provide training trainers’ clinics) that aim to prepare offi cers as trainers support for police capacity building, as well as civil- to assist in the national rollout of peacekeeping training. ian, for deployment to UN and AU missions in Africa Pre-deployment training is provided under bilateral and elsewhere.
    [Show full text]
  • National Security Is a Sensitive Subject. a Country's Survival, Growth
    EXECUTIVE SUMMARY National security is a sensitive subject. A country’s survival, growth and development depend on a well crafted and consciously implemented national security policy. By nature, national security implementation should always be at a competitive edge relative to internal and external security threats. As a result, the state cannot easily disclose or expose its national security policies and plans without sufficient cause. Zimbabwe’s national security implementation is guided and instructed by the Public Order and Security Act, the Official Secrets Act and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act. These acts complement one another and are applied flexibly enough to suit the prevailing circumstances The Acts ensure that order, peace and stability prevail, and that the state’s secrets are protected from those who are not entitled to them. State secrets are the preserve of responsible authorities who implement them to control the variables that affect the survival, growth and development of the state. While the call for the right to access to information may sound cogent, it is important to note that it cannot be guaranteed that the information will not be used against the interests of the state and private individuals. In the Zimbabwean context, the phenomenon of the public demanding access to security information is not significant. The public is aware of the sensitivity of state secrets and security information, and it is not common to identify ordinary people craving for security information. Those who demand the information are political malcontents bent on finding a pretext for fomenting anarchy. Public order is maintained by the Zimbabwe Republic Police, and national defence is guaranteed by the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, but for effective protection of the nation, security information is the preserve of those entitled to access it and use it, and not just anybody who might use it against the interests of the state.
    [Show full text]
  • Towards a Framework for Resolving the Justice and Reconciliation Question in Zimbabwe
    Towards a framework for resolving the justice and reconciliation question in Zimbabwe Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni and Everisto Benyera* Abstract Zimbabwe has never had meaningful and comprehensive programmes to provide justice in the many issues that cascade from conflict and violence in the nation. What has been done, amounts to armistices rather than transitional justice mechanisms. Consequently, Zimbabwe has not seriously dealt with the primary sources of conflict and violence that date back to colonial times. The rhetoric of unity premised on amnesia has been privileged over effective practical healing and reconciliation mechanisms that address the root causes of recurrent human rights violations. Indemnities, amnesties and presidential pardons have been used to protect perpetrators of conflict and violence. This article attempts to explore key issues and challenges around the healing and reconciliation question by exposing the contending perspectives and issues provoked by the adoption of the new constitution in Zimbabwe and the setting up of the National Peace and Reconciliation Commission (NPRC). Theoretically, the article posits that the very logic that informs the construction of ‘the political’ (as a domain of political values and incubator of political practices), which privileges notions of ‘the will to power’ and the ‘paradigm of war’, makes conflict and violence to be accepted as normal. Practically, the article advances ideas * Prof Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni is Head of the Archie Mafeje Research Institute (AMRI) at the University of South Africa (UNISA). Dr Everisto Benyera is a Lecturer in the Department of Political Sciences at the same university. 9 Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni and Everisto Benyera of ‘survivor’s justice’ as opposed to the traditional ‘criminal justice’ that fragments a society emerging from a catalogue of conflicts and violence into simplistic ‘perpetrator’ and ‘victim’ binaries.
    [Show full text]
  • The Zimbabwean Human Rights Crisis: a Collaborative Approach to International Advocacy
    Davidson and Purohit: The Zimbabwean Human Rights Crisis: A Collaborative Approach to International Advocacy Note from the Field The Zimbabwean Human Rights Crisis: A Collaborative Approach to International Advocacy Lorna Davidson and Raj Purohitt Over the past several years, a serious human rights crisis has developed in Zimbabwe, where President Robert Mugabe employs repressive measures to cling to power. Civil society and human rights groups in Zimbabwe are among those who have come under attack by the government, and they face an extremely difficult challenge in bringing about positive change in the country. This article describes the development of the current crisis in Zimbabwe, focusing on the problems faced by local activists and organizations that seek to promote greater respect for human rights. It further discusses one recent initiative launched by the U.S.-based organization Human Rights First,which organized a consultative meeting of regional civil society groups in August 2003. The article addresses the role that can and should be played by internationalcivil society organizations, which must be sensitive to the contextual dynamics particularto the Zimbabwean crisis and to the region. If they are to be in any way effective, such organizations must act in supportof local actors and stronger regional networks. t Lorna Davidson is a Senior Associate in the Human Rights Defenders Program at Human Rights First in New York, N.Y, and Raj Purohit is the Legislative Director in the Washington, D.C. Office of Human Rights First. Human Rights First is the new name for the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights as of February 2004.
    [Show full text]
  • A History of Zimbabwe, 1890-2000 and Postscript, Zimbabwe, 2001-2008
    A History of Zimbabwe, 1890-2000 and Postscript, Zimbabwe, 2001-2008 A History of Zimbabwe, 1890-2000 and Postscript, Zimbabwe, 2001-2008 By Chengetai J. M. Zvobgo A History of Zimbabwe, 1890-2000 and Postscript, Zimbabwe, 2001-2008, by Chengetai J. M. Zvobgo This book first published 2009 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2009 by Chengetai J. M. Zvobgo All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-1360-5, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-1360-0 To Kelebogile Clara and Ruvimbo Heather And to the memory of Eddison. TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements .................................................................................. xiii Preface....................................................................................................... xv Summary ................................................................................................. xvii Introduction ............................................................................................... 1 Chapter One............................................................................................. 11 From the Occupation of Mashonaland to the Ndebele and Shona Risings,
    [Show full text]
  • Sanctions and Human Rights: the Role of Sanctions in International Security, Peace Building and the Protection of Civilian’S Rights and Well-Being
    DOCTORAL THESIS SANCTIONS AND HUMAN RIGHTS: THE ROLE OF SANCTIONS IN INTERNATIONAL SECURITY, PEACE BUILDING AND THE PROTECTION OF CIVILIAN’S RIGHTS AND WELL-BEING. CASE STUDIES OF IRAN AND ZIMBABWE. STUDENT: CHIDIEBERE, C. OGBONNA SUPERVISORS: DR. JOSÉ ÁNGEL RUIZ JIMÉNEZ DR. SOFIA HERRERO RICO Castellón, 2016 Dedication To my parents: Nze, George and Lolo, Veronica Ogbonna And to my two brothers: Chukwunyere and Iheanyichukwu And my Love: Chigozie, R. Okeke i Epigraph i will not sit head bent in silence while children are fed sour bread and dull water i will not sit head bent in silence while people rant for the justice of death i will not sit head bent in silence while gossip destroys the souls of human beings i will not sit head bent in silence at any stage of my life and i will depart this world with words spitting from my lips like bullets …too many pass this way heads bent in silence (Alan Corkish, 2003) ii Acknowledgements It has been years of thorough commitment, thorough hard-work and unquantifiable experience. May I use this opportunity to say a big thank you to everybody that contributed in one way or the other to my success, sustenance and improvement over these years of intensive academic pursuit. Of special mention are my parents Nze, George and Lolo, Veronica Ogbonna. Also my appreciation goes to Gabriela Fernández, Barrister Uzoma Ogbonna, Mr. Kelvin Iroegbu, Chinedu Anyanwu, Magnus Umunnakwe and Mr. Lawrence Ubani. More so, it is imperative to acknowledge my past teachers and academic counsellors, who set the stage running through meticulous advice, guidance, inspiration and constructive criticisms.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
    Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power.
    [Show full text]
  • Africa Report
    PROJECT ON BUSINESS AND POLITICS IN THE MUSLIM WORLD AFRICA REPORT Second Quarterly Report on Africa April to June 2008 Volume: 1 Reports for the period April to May 2008 Principal Investigator: Prof. Dr. Ijaz Shafi Gilani Contributors Abbas S Lamptey Snr Research Associate Reports on Sub-Saharan AFrica Abdirisak Ismail Research Assistant Reports on East Africa INTERNATIONAL ISLAMIC UNIVERSITY ISLAMABAD BUSINESS AND POLITICS IN THE MUSLIM WORLD AFRICA REPORT Second Quarterly Report on Asia April to June 2008 Reports for the period April to May 2008 Volume: 1 Department of Politics and International Relations International Islamic University Islamabad 2 BUSINESS AND POLITICS IN THE MUSLIM WORLD AFRICA REPORT Second Quarterly Report on Africa 2008 Table of contents Reports for the month of April Week-1 April 01, 2008 05 Week-2 April 08, 2008 63 Week-3 April 15, 2008 120 Week-4 April 22, 2008 185 Week-5 April 29, 2008 247 Reports for the month of May Week-1 May 06, 2008 305 Week-2 May 12, 2008 374 Week-3 May 20, 2008 442 Country profiles Sources 3 4 BUSINESS AND POLITICS IN THE MUSLIM WORLD Weekly Presentation: April 1, 2008 Sub-Saharan Africa Abbas S Lamptey Period: From March 23 to March 29 2008 1. CHINA -AFRICA RELATIONS WEST AFRICA Sierra Leone: Chinese May Evade Govt Ban On Logging: Concord Times (Freetown):28 March 2008. Liberia: Chinese Women Donate U.S. $36,000 Materials: The NEWS (Monrovia):28 March 2008. Africa: China/Africa Trade May Hit $100bn in 2010:This Day (Lagos):28 March 2008.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe: Human Rights in Crisis
    Zimbabwe: human rights in crisis Shadow report to the African Commission on Human and Peoples‘ Rights May 2007 This report is a response to the state report submitted by the government of Zimbabwe to the African Commission on Human and Peoples‘ Rights. Each chapter of this report was produced by a different human rights organization, and each organization takes responsibility for the content of its chapter. CONTENTS Introduction ..................................................................................3 Context ........................................................................................ 3 This shadow report ........................................................................ 4 Chapter 1: Human rights violations under the land reform programme and Operation Murambatsvina ...................................5 Human rights violations under the land reform programme................. 6 Human rights violations during Operation Murambatsvina................. 11 Conclusion.................................................................................. 16 Chapter 2: Attacks on the rule of law ..........................................18 Independence of the courts: Article 26........................................... 18 Respecting and implementing Charter rights: Article 1 ..................... 22 Equality before the law and equal protection of the law: Article 3 ..... 22 Liberty and security: Article 6 ....................................................... 24 The right to a fair trial: Article 7...................................................
    [Show full text]