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1 Introduction 1 Notes 1 Introduction 1. A debate exists whether a ‘Second Cold War’ did in fact break out or whether this merely a changing phase of the ongoing Cold War. This changing situation in East-West relations from the late 1970s onwards will henceforth, be referred to as the Second Cold War. See, for example, Fred Halliday, The Making of the Second Cold War (London: Verso Editions and NLB, second edition, 1986). 2. Private discussions. In 1979 only 2 per cent of the electorate thought defence was a major issue in the election. By 1983 this had risen to 38 per cent. Michael Heseltine, ‘The United Kingdom’s Strategic Interests and Priorities’, RUSI Journal, vol. 128, no. 4, December 1983, pp. 3–5, p. 3. The 1983 election campaign was noteworthy for the action of the previous Labour Prime Minister, James Callaghan, who took the unprecedented step of repudiating his own party’s defence policy; Ian Aitken, ‘Callaghan Wrecks Polaris Repairs’, Guardian, 26 May 1983; Peter M. Jones, ‘British Defence Policy: the Breakdown of the Inter-party Consensus’, Review of International Studies, vol. 13, no. 2, April 1987, pp. 111–31; Bruce George and Curt Pawlisch, ‘Defence and 1983 Election’, ADIU Report, vol. 5, no. 4, July/August 1983, p. 2; Michael Heseltine, Life in the Jungle: My Autobiography (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 2000), p. 250. 3. Peter Calvocoressi, ‘Deterrence, the Costs, the Issues, the Choices’, Sunday Times, 6 April 1980. 4. Nicholas J. Wheeler, ‘Perceptions of the Soviet Threat’, in British Security Policy: the Thatcher Years and the End of the Cold War, edited by Stuart Croft (London: HarperCollins Academic, 1991), p. 162. See also, Margaret Thatcher, Path to Power (London: HarperCollins, 1995), chapter X, ‘Détente and Defeat’, pp. 330–93. 5. Within Britain she was better known at the time for her withdrawal of free school milk from primary school children between the ages of 8 and 11 while she was Secretary of State for Education and Science. Hugo Young, One of Us (London: Macmillan, 1989), pp. 73–4. 6. ‘Thatcher Warning on Soviet Strength’, Daily Telegraph, 20 January 1976, p. 1. 7. Young, p. 171. 8. In her memoirs Thatcher indicated that this was one of the main reasons for her removal of Maudling from his position of shadow Foreign Secretary. Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years (London: Harper- Collins, 1993), p. 319. In contrast Maudling stated that he was asked to resign later on that year due to his lack of speech-making. Reginald Maudling, Memoirs (London: Sidgwick and Jackson, 1978), pp. 225–6. However, Byrd tends to support the Thatcher line and implies that it was the hostility that she felt towards the Soviet Union that led to his resigna- 164 Notes 165 tion. Peter Byrd, ‘Introduction’, in British Defence Policy: Thatcher and beyond, edited by Peter Byrd (Hemel Hempstead: Philip Allen, 1991), p. 6. 9. Michael Clarke, ‘A British View’, in European Détente: a Reappraisal, edited by Richard Davy (London: Sage for the RIIA, 1992), p. 101. It was notable that one of her early advisers on foreign affairs was the historian Robert Conquest, a fellow member of the ‘New Right’. Thatcher, p. 351. For Conquest’s point of view see Robert Conquest, Present Danger: Towards a Foreign Policy (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1979). For a background of the evolution of the ‘New Right’ within the Conservative Party see Nicholas Ridley, My Style of Government: the Thatcher Years (London: Fontana, 1992), pp. 1–22. 10. It should be noted that the Conservatives inherited the commitment to NATO of increasing defence spending by 3 per cent per annum in real terms. Nonetheless, the language of the new Conservative government with its apparent vehement support for this increase matched to reduc- tions in other areas of government spending indicated a change in approach, if not necessarily evidenced in subsequent implementation. ‘Spending – the Thatcher Years’, Guardian, 15 January 1987; A.G. Jordan and J.J. Richardson, British Politics and the Policy Process: an Arena Approach (London: Allen and Unwin, 1987), pp. 105–6. 11. Adam Raphael, ‘Nott Fights Rearguard Action in Whitehall Whispering War’, Observer, 20 June 1982; Geoffrey Howe referred to Thatcher’s ambivalent attitude towards defence in Geoffrey Howe, Conflict and Loyalty (London: Macmillan, 1994), pp. 144 and 189. 12. Italics in original. Jordan and Richardson, p. 215. Interestingly John Major suggests that the anti-inflationary Chancellor was a myth in Thatcher’s latter years as Prime Minister. John Major, John Major: the Autobiography (London: HarperCollins, 2000), p. 141. 13. According to Kenneth Baker this desire for a reduction in governmental spending bordered on obsession. Kenneth Baker, The Turbulent Years: My Life in Politics (London: Faber and Faber, 1993), p. 260. 14. Private discussion; Howe, pp. 144–5. 15. Private discussion; see also Sir Ewen Broadbent, The Military and Government: from Macmillan to Heseltine (London: Macmillan for the RUSI, 1988), pp. 59–60. 16. President Ronald Reagan, ‘Remarks at the Annual Convention of the Evangelicals’, Orlando, Florida, USA, 8 March 1983, Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents, vol. 19, 14 March 1983, p. 369. 17. Michael M. Harrison, ‘Reagan’s World’, Foreign Policy, vol. 43, Summer 1981, pp. 3–16, p. 6. 18. See John Lehman, ‘Utility of Maritime Power – the Restoration of US Naval Strength’, RUSI Journal, vol. 128, no. 3, September 1983, p. 13; Christopher Coker (ed.), US Military Power in the 1980s (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1983); Barry M. Blechman, The Politics of National Security: Congress and US Defense Policy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 35; Robert P. Haffa (jnr), Rational Methods, Prudent Choices: Planning US Forces (Washington DC: National Defense University Press, 1988). 19. Gwyn Prins (ed.), Defended to Death: a Study of the Nuclear Arms Race (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1983), pp. 161–2. 166 Notes 20. Evidenced by his membership of the Committee on the Present Danger which was founded in 1976 by Paul Nitze as a private hawkish lobby group. See, for example, Charles Tyroler II and Max M. Kampleman, Alerting America: the Papers of the Committee on the Present Danger (Washington DC: Pergamon-Brassey’s International Defence Publishers, 1984); Strobe Talbott, Endgame: the Inside Story of SALT II (New York: Harper and Row, 1979). 21. ‘Diary entry 28 October 1981’, Tony Benn, The End of an Era: Diaries 1980–90 (London: Hutchinson, 1992), p. 164; David H. Dunn, ‘Challenges to the Nuclear Orthodoxy’, in British Security Policy: the Thatcher Years and Beyond, edited by Stuart Croft (London: HarperCollins Academic, 1991), p. 12. 22. See Dan Keohane, Labour Defence Policy since 1945 (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1993), especially chapter 1. 23. Jones, p. 123. 24. Only a select few in Wilson’s and Callaghan’s Cabinets knew of the ongoing Chevaline programme or Callaghan’s decision to initiate studies into a replacement for Polaris. Private discussions; David Owen, Time to Declare, (London: Michael Joseph, 1991), pp. 380–1; Hugo Young, ‘With Trident into the Far Beyond’, Sunday Times, 6 April 1980; Richard Hill, Lewin of Greenwich: the Authorised Biography (London: Cassell, 2000), pp. 307–9. 25. The results of the deputy leadership contest were Healey 50.4 per cent, Benn 49.5 per cent. Benn, p. 154; Denis Healey, The Time of My Life (London: W.W. Norton, 1989), p. 483. 26. Private discussions. 27. Ibid. 28. See Felipe Noguera and Peter Willets, ‘Public Attitudes and the Future of the Islands’, International Perspectives on the Falklands Conflict, edited by Alex Danchev (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1992), particularly pp. 241–2. 29. Nigel Lawson, The View from No.11: Memoirs of a Tory Radical (London: Bantam, 1992), p. 32. 30. Ridley, p. 4. 31. John Nott, ‘Speech at the IISS’, 16 November 1981; Howe, p. 144. 32. Monetarists have referred to this as the ‘heroic age’ of monetarism. Peter Byrd, ‘Defence Policy: an Historical Overview and a Regime Analysis’, in Byrd, p. 23. 33. Peter Walker, Staying Power (London: Bloomsbury, 1991), p. 159. 34. Stuart Croft, Andrew Dorman, G. Wyn Rees and Matthew Uttley, Britain and Defence 1945–2000: a Policy Re-evaluation (Harlow: Pearson Group, 2001). 35. John Baylis, Anglo–American Defence Relations, 1939–84 (London: Macmillan, second edition 1984), p. 164. 36. See ‘Statement on the Defence Estimates, 1975’, Cm. 5,976 (London: HMSO, 1975). 37. ‘The Government does not believe that the Warsaw Pact countries would contemplate outright aggression against the West in present circum- stances; but this is a political judgement which neither alone alters the military facts nor holds good forever.’ ‘Statement on the Defence Estimates, 1976’, Cm. 6,432, (London: HMSO, 1976), p. 8. 38. Ibid, p. 1. Notes 167 39. In 1976 the CIA’s annual estimate of Soviet defence spending stated that previous estimates had been low and that the Soviet Union was actually spending 11–13 per cent of GNP on defence and not 6–8 per cent as pre- viously thought. Paul Cockle, ‘Analysing Soviet Defence Spending: the Debate in Perspective’, Survival, vol. 20, no. 5, September/October 1978, p. 209; this was subsequently repeated in the 1977 Statement on the Defence Estimates, ‘Statement on the Defence Estimates, 1977’, Cm. 6,735 (London: HMSO, 1977), p. 5; Jane E. Stromseth, The Origins of Flexible Response (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1988), p. 197; see also, IISS, The Military Balance, 1977–78 (London: IISS, 1977), pp. 102–10. 40. Fred Mulley, House of Commons Parliamentary Debates, vol. 946, fifth series, session 1977–78, 13–23 March 1978, Statement on the Defence Estimates, 13 March 1978, col. 47. 41. David Owen, House of Commons Parliamentary Debates, vol. 982, fifth series, session 1976–77, 16–25 May 1977, Statement 18 May 1977, col.
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