V. Reacción De Los Panameños
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Panama: Political and Economic Conditions and U.S. Relations
Panama: Political and Economic Conditions and U.S. Relations Mark P. Sullivan Specialist in Latin American Affairs November 27, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL30981 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Panama: Political and Economic Conditions and U.S. Relations Summary With five successive elected civilian governments, the Central American nation of Panama has made notable political and economic progress since the 1989 U.S. military intervention that ousted the regime of General Manuel Antonio Noriega from power. Current President Ricardo Martinelli of the center-right Democratic Change (CD) party was elected in May 2009, defeating the ruling center-left Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD) in a landslide. Martinelli was inaugurated to a five-year term on July 1, 2009. Martinelli’s Alliance for Change coalition with the Panameñista Party (PP) also captured a majority of seats in Panama’s National Assembly. Panama’s service-based economy has been booming in recent years – with a growth rate of 7.6% in 2010 and 10.6% in 2011 – largely because of the ongoing Panama Canal expansion project, now slated for completion in early 2015. The CD’s coalition with the PP fell apart at the end of August 2011when President Martinelli sacked PP leader Juan Carlos Varela as Foreign Minister. Varela, however, retains his position as Vice President. Tensions between the CD and the PP had been growing throughout 2011, largely related to which party would head the coalition’s ticket for the 2014 presidential election. Despite the breakup of the coalition, the strength of the CD has grown significantly since 2009 because of defections from the PP and the PRD and it now has a majority on its own in the legislature. -
Cohoon Tcu 0229M 10574.Pdf
THE RADICAL LIBERAL TRADITION, SCIENTIFIC RACISM, AND PANAMA’S CARLOS ANTONIO MENDOZA, 1880–1916 By WILLIAM PATRICK COHOON Bachelor of Arts, 2012 Portland State University Portland, Oregon Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of AddRan College of Liberal Arts Texas Christian University In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Masters of Arts May 2015 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS To begin, any mistakes with translations or errors in this work are my own. Next, I want to thank the staff at la Biblioteca Nacional and Archivo Porras in la Biblioteca Simón Bolívar at la Universidad de Panamá. Your help and recommendations aided me tremendously with my project. I conducted my research in Panama due to the generosity of Dr. Paul Boller through the Boller-Worcester Travel Grant from the Department of History, and a Graduate Student Travel Grant from the GSA at Texas Christian University. Thank you! To the staff at Inter Library Loans in the Mary Couts Burnett Library at TCU, your flexibility and aid in finding obscure books always amazes me. I would like to thank my adviser, Dr. Peter Szok who offered me an opportunity to explore the complicated cultural and social history of Panama during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Thank you Professor Szok for your advice, confidence, rigorous attention to detail, and patience working with me on this project. I am a better scholar because of your help. I want to also extend my many thanks to Dr. Susan E. Ramirez and Dr. Jodi Campbell who contributed wonderful recommendations to improve my thesis. Dr. Todd Kerstetter, words cannot express my gratitude for your sympathy and kindness that you showed in February 2013. -
Las Elecciones En Panamá
Área: América Latina - ARI Nº 78/2004 Fecha 28/04/2004 Las elecciones en Panamá Natalia Royo Tema: El 2 de mayo de 2004 se celebrarán elecciones generales en la República de Panamá y se percibe con mayor énfasis que en los comicios anteriores el carácter personalista de esta campaña, con ausencia de programas de tendencia ideológica. Realmente no existen partidos ideológicos y el resultado de los proyectos políticos de los distintos candidatos en temas como la pobreza, seguridad, salud, democracia, servicios públicos, justicia o cultura no contrastan sustancialmente entre sí y se analizan desde un punto de vista pragmático. La lucha contra la corrupción es un tema crucial en la campaña. Resumen: En estas próximas elecciones en Panamá para elegir presidente, 2 vicepresidentes, 75 alcaldes, 78 legisladores, 619 representantes de corregimiento y 7 concejales con sus respectivos suplentes, existen cuatro fuerzas importantes: el PRD con Martín Torrijos, el Partido Solidaridad con Guillermo Endara, el Partido Arnulfista (actualmente en el poder) con José Miguel Alemán y, como candidato independiente, Ricardo Martinelli, que ha creado el Partido Cambio Democrático. Pese a la importancia de las alianzas que han ayudado a incrementar la adhesión a los distintos partidos, todo parece apuntar a que el ganador en los próximos comicios será Martín Torrijos, hijo del fallecido Jefe de Gobierno durante el gobierno militar de 1968 a 1978, Omar Torrijos, y principal ejecutor de los Tratados Torrijos-Carter para la devolución del Canal. Análisis: Después de unos turbulentos años 80, cuando el proceso reformista militar para restaurar el poder civil iniciado por Omar Torrijos se interrumpió después de su muerte, se afianzó el poder de los militares encabezados por Noriega. -
The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project
The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project AMBASSADOR AMBLER H. MOSS, JR. Interviewed by: Donald Barnes Initial interview date: December 13, 1988 Copyright 1998 ADST TABLE OF CONTENTS Panama 1978-1982 Initial involvement in Panama Panama Canal Treaties Latin American relations with U.S. after Treaty Working with Ellsworth Bunker and Sol Linowitz Omar Torrijos Noriega Relations with Noriega in the late 1980’s U.S. errors in dealing with Panama Ambassadorial control over embassy Experiences in Spain and Dominican Republic Torrijos Attitude towards President Carter Fatal plane crash Conclusions INTERVIEW [Note: This interview was not edited by Ambassador Moss.] Q: First of all, I would like to thank you for agreeing to this interview and talking about your career, particularly your Ambassadorship and I'd like to ask you first of all, how did you get to become an Ambassador? MOSS: Well, I guess my case was a little bit unusual and I wasn't quite a career Ambassador and wasn't quite a run-of-the-mill political appointee. I'd been in the Foreign Service as a career from 1964-1971, had served in Spain, on the Spanish Desk and at the U.S. Mission of the OAS. And, in that latter capacity, had worked for [Ambassador 1 Ellsworth] Bunker and [Ambassador Sol M.] Linowitz. I left in 1971, went into law practice in Europe, then came back in as a political appointee in the beginning of the Carter Administration in February of 1977. Invited by Linowitz and Bunker, who were the co-negotiators for the Panama Canal Treaty to join the negotiating team. -
Afro-Central Americans: T Rediscovering the African Heritage AFRO-CENTRAL AMERICANS • 96/3 T TIONAL REPOR an MRG INTERNA
Minority Rights Group International R E P O R Afro-Central Americans: T Rediscovering the African Heritage AFRO-CENTRAL AMERICANS • 96/3 T TIONAL REPOR AN MRG INTERNA G R M EDITED BY MINORITY RIGHTS GROUP AFRO-CENTRAL AMERICANS: REDISCOVERING THE AFRICAN HERITAGE © Minority Rights Group 1996 Acknowledgements British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Minority Rights Group (MRG) gratefully acknowledges all A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library organizations and individuals who gave financial and other ISBN 1 897693 51 6 ISSN 0305 6252 assistance for this report. Published June 1996 This report has been commissioned and is published by The text of this report was first published in 1995 in No Longer Invisible – MRG as a contribution to public understanding of the issue Afro-Latin Americans Today by Minority Rights Publications which forms its subject. The text and views of the individ- Typeset by Texture ual authors do not necessary represent, in every detail and Printed in the UK on bleach-free paper by MFP Design and Print in all its aspects, the collective view of MRG. THE AUTHORS lator and interpreter at the Universidad Nacional, Heredia, Costa Rica. She is the author and co-author of several pub- JAMEELAH S. MUHAMMAD is currently studying at the lished works and articles. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City. FRANKLIN PERRY is a Costa Rican of Jamaican descent. She is a founding member of the Organization of Africans He holds a licenciatura in English and translation and a BA in the Americas and is the author of numerous articles on in English and education from the Universidad de Costa the African presence in Mexico. -
Panama and Noriega: “Our SOB” Scott Rosenberg
Panama and Noriega: “Our SOB” Scott Rosenberg On December 20, 1989, approximately twenty seven thousand American troops invaded Panama with the goals of apprehending Panama’s military dictator and de facto leader General Manuel Noriega and restoring democracy throughout the country. The invasion occurred a year and a half after two Florida grand juries indicted General Noriega on federal drug trafficking charges and after he had survived months of economic sanctions and back-channel tactics aimed at forcing him out. The morning following the invasion, President George H.W. Bush addressed the nation and described the objectives and reasons for “Operation Just Cause,” revealing that “the goals of the United States have been to safeguard the lives of Americans, to defend democracy in Panama, to combat drug trafficking, and to protect the integrity of the Panama Canal treaty.”i In retrospect, however, it appears clear that the United States could have rightly used the same justifications six years earlier, shortly after General Noriega assumed power in 1981. Why did the U.S. government wait so long, and what finally prompted it to invade and forcibly oust him in 1989? Historians have argued that Noriega’s drug trafficking and election tampering forced the United States’ hand, but I believe that it was his arrogance and utter lack of responsiveness to U.S. demands that eventually sealed his fate. Noriega had been involved in the international narcotics trade for years,ii and began installing puppet Panamanian presidents through election fraud as early as 1984, but the United States was willing to accept this activity because of his cooperation with what was perceived to be greater U.S. -
IN the AFTERMATH of WAR US Support for Reconstruction and Nation-Building in Panama Following JUST CAUS
IN THE AFTERMATH OF WAR US Support for Reconstruction and Nation-Building in Panama Following JUST CAUS o ~or~ Tao Atlantic Ocean ,`. ~ ° " ,. Lake r uamn lapo v ~ ~ Gollo de los take Canes 1\ Bapno"` Mosquitos 3 e n 0 ~ a * P9nvrn9 rr {" "~ Q Pun o ae arara Toro 0 G 8 Bey of Panama o\ n EIValla ~i .. rar.Co~radc;r . La c4Pobn ~~Psnonoml `\~~ '~\\~'"s David g u a s Padiiga C fl 1 r I (~ U I ~ACriiP E~aau Pat.\ In!eaamencan n [)E LAS PERLAS 9h,yar Sar.r ~. a °. aviza _ - h Santiago Ch. 2J "~, eP ? Gulf of Panama Dar* e n ^ ~ f Herrero J " ~TaClaa \ L r V Santo S\11 Lckiantoa ~CoiDa ,1 ~w"~ J \__ Pacific Ocean Richard H. Shultz, Jr. ISBN 1-58566-058-2 First Printing August 1993 5 Second Printing May 1996 Third Printing June 1998 Fourth Printing December 2000 Disclaimer This publication was produced in the Department of Defense school environment in the interest of academic freedom and the advancement of national defense-related concepts. The views ex- pressed in this publication are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the UnitedStates government. This publication has been reviewed by security and policy review authorities and is cleared for public release. Contents Chapter Page DISCLAIMER . ii FOREWORD . v ABOUT THE AUTHOR . Vii PREFACE . ix INTRODUCTION . xi Notes . xiv 1 THE USE OF FORCE IN THE AFTERMATH OF THE COLD WAR . 1 Notes . 3 2 PANAMA 1989: THE NATURE AND CONSEQUENCES OF PRAETORIAN RULE . -
CARLOS GUEVARA MANN Florida State University, Panama City of Knowledge | Building #227 | Clayton P.O
CARLOS GUEVARA MANN Florida State University, Panama City of Knowledge | Building #227 | Clayton P.O. Box 0819-05390 |Panama | Republic of Panama Tel: +507 317 0367 ext. 239 | +507 6671 7649 (mobile) E-mail: [email protected] EDUCATION Ph.D., 2001, University of Notre Dame. Dissertation directed by Michael Coppedge. M.A., 1993, Ohio University. Thesis directed by Michael Grow. Licenciado en Finanzas, 1990, Universidad Católica Santa María La Antigua, Panamá (cum laude) RESEARCH INTERESTS Politics and democracy in Latin America and Western Europe International relations of Latin America Political history of Latin America FULL-TIME APPOINTMENTS Florida State University, Panama: Associate Professor of Political Science, 2016- Director, Master of Science in International Affairs Program, 2016- Assistant Professor of Political Science, 2004-2005 Associate Professor of Political Science, Universidad del Norte, Barranquilla, Colombia, 2014-2015 United Nations World Food Programme (WFP), Regional Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean Policy Advisor with the rank of National Programme Officer (NO-D), 2011-2013 University of Nevada, Reno: Assistant Professor of Political Science, 2005-2011 Director, International Affairs Program, 2005-2006 Lloyds TSB Bank Plc, Panama: Senior Manager-Credit (discretionary limit: US$500,000), 2001-2003 Executive Officer, Credit Appraisal, 1993-1995 Credit Analyst, 1990-1991 Government of the Republic of Panama: Director-General of Foreign Policy (with the rank of Ambassador Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary), -
Origen E Itinerario De La Formación Juridica En Panamá
ORIGEN E ITINERARIO DE LA FORMACIÓN JURIDICA EN PANAMÁ OSCAR VARGAS VELARDE* En sentido homenaje a la memoria de Manuel de Jesús Vargas Díaz y Fabián Velarde, jueces y abogados. LOS PRIMEROS INTENTOS Los estudios de la disciplina del Derecho tuvieron cabida en la mente y en la acción de los panameños que transitaron por los inicios republicanos. Si bien el quehacer del Estado se concentró en la escuela primaria y en cierto grado en la escuela secundaria, la iniciativa particular exploró aquellos campos, aunque en torno a sus pormenores los relatos escritos posteriormente -pues no se han encontrado hasta ahora testimonios coetáneos-, revisten algún grado de divergencia.1 * Licenciado en Derecho y Ciencias Políticas por la Universidad de Panamá. Especialista en Derecho Laboral por la Universidad Santa María La Antigua. Magíster en Educación por la Universidad Latinoamericana de Ciencia y Tecnología. Exministro de Trabajo y Bienestar Social. Exembajador de Panamá en Colombia. Exembajador en Misión Especial ante la Organización de Naciones Unidas y la Organización de Estados Americanos. Ex Director General de Política Exterior, ex Secretario General y exconsultor en el Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores. Ex Magistrado Presidente de la Dirección de Responsabilidad Patrimonial de la Contraloría General de la República. Profesor de Derecho del Trabajo (en licencia) en la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Políticas de la Universidad de Panamá. Magistrado del Tribunal de Cuentas. 1 Sobre el Panamá colombiano es de provecho indicar que mediante decreto del 6 de octubre de 1823, el vicepresidente de Colombia, general Francisco de Paula Santander, creó en la ciudad de Panamá el Colegio del Istmo, para que se educara “la juventud bajo las reglas que por ahora prescribirá el poder ejecutivo”, porque en el departamento del Istmo no había “un colegio bien establecido donde la juventud reciba la educación debida”. -
Antología Del Pensamiento Crítico Panameño Contemporáneo / Ricauter Soler
SOBRE LOS ANTOLOGISTAS COLECCIÓN ANTOLOGÍAS DEL PENSAMIENTO SOCIAL LATINOAMERICANO Y CARIBEÑO [ARGENTINA] Alejandro Grimson Es doctor en Antropología por la Universidad de Brasilia. Realizó estudios ¿De qué es “crítico” el pensamiento crítico? Es crítico de las apropiacio- de comunicación en la Universidad de Buenos Aires. Ha investigado José Aricó La colección Antologías del Pensamiento Social Latinoamericano nes desiguales e injustas de todas las formas de la plusvalía, desde las procesos migratorios, zonas de frontera, movimientos sociales, culturas Juan Carlos Portantiero y Caribeño es un emprendimiento editorial de CLACSO destinado a propiamente económicas hasta las expropiaciones simbólicas ancladas políticas, identidades e interculturalidad. Su primer libro, Relatos de la promover el acceso a la obra de algunos de los más destacados en formas de producción, regímenes económicos, modelos o sistemas José Nun diferencia y la igualdad, ganó el premio FELAFACS a la mejor tesis en autores de las ciencias sociales de América Latina y el Caribe. políticos. Es crítico de los pensamientos naturalizados de los dispositivos comunicación de América Latina. Después de publicar La nación en sus Ernesto Laclau hegemónicos, es decir, de las figuraciones culturales que legitiman límites, Interculturalidad y comunicación, y compilaciones como La cultura Tulio Halperín Donghi En su primera etapa, la colección constará de 50 títulos, entre asimetrías y ocultan las relaciones de poder sobre las que se sustentan, y las crisis latinoamericanas, obtuvo el Premio Bernardo Houssay otorgado volúmenes individuales y compilaciones, reuniendo el aporte de más que convierten diferencias en desigualdades y construyen desigualdades José Luis Romero por el Estado argentino. Los límites de la cultura. -
Panama Has Voted: After Torrijos Comes Martinelli
PANAMA HAS VOTED: AFTER TORRIJOS COMES MARTI- NELLI Karl-Dieter Hoffmann On May 3 of this year, the Panamanians elected their next president, their next parliament, the members of the corregimientos – the lowest tier in the country’s administrative hierarchy – and Panama’s representatives in the Central American Parliament. At nearly 60 percent of the vote, the out- standing winner of the presidential election was Ricardo Martinelli of the Cambio Democrático (CD). By contrast, the candidate of the still-ruling Par- tido Revolucionario Democrático (PRD), Balbina Herrera, received no more than 37.7 percent, and the third contestant, ex-president Guillermo Endara, was unable to convince more than 2.3 percent of the electorate. Five years earlier, Mr Martinelli entered the contest at the head of the CD which he had founded but was unable to sway more than 5.3 percent of the voters. However, the entrepreneur who, unlike his predecessors Mireya Moscoso (1999–2004) and Martín Torrijos (2004–2009) does not belong to one of the legendary political families, had better luck this time around. This may appear surprising in view of the fact that his predecessor, Mr Torrijos, was quite successful especially in economic matters, and that the house he will be handing over is well-ordered. Moreover, Mr Torrijos’ defeat is shared by the PRD which suffered great losses in the parliamentary elections and even had to stomach the loss of the mayoralty of the capital. The March elections were fought by eight organizations, three of which had only been established a short while before. Although the latter has been weakened lately by internal quarrels, the PRD and the Partido Panameñista (PP) may be regarded as stable elements in Panama’s volatile party struc- ture. -
The Panama Canal Review Jungle Growth Being Cleared Away
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA LIBRARIES Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2010 with funding from University of Florida, George A. Smathers Libraries http://www.archive.org/details/panamacanalrevienov16pana A^ NOVEMBER 1966 Governor-President Robert D. Kerr, Press OfiBcer Robert J. Fleming, Jr., Publications Editors H. R. Parfitt, Lieutenant Governor ^^^b. Morgan E. Goodwin and Tomas A. Cupas Editorial Assistants Frank A. Baldwin Eunice Richard, Tobi Bittel, Fannie P. Official Panama Canal Publication Hernandez, and T. Panama Canal Information Officer Published quarterly at Balboa Heights, C.Z. Jose Tunon Printed at the Printing Plant, La Boca, C.Z. Review articles may be reprinted in full or part without further clearance. Credit to the Review will be appreciated. Distributed free of charge to all Panama Canal Employees. Subscriptions, SI a year: airmail S2 a year; mail and back copies (regular mail), 25 cents each cAbout Our Cover PHOTOGRAPHED AT THE ruins of the Cathedral of wearing typical Indian dress. The two at either end are i>ld«E^aD^a and wearing the costumes which portray wearing the dress of the guaymi Indians who inhabit the the rich folklore of Panama are members of the conjunto high mountains of Veraguas and Chiriqui. Next to them '^Wiythms of Bgnama, a dance group directed by Professor and the two in the center are cuna Indians from the Petita Escobar of Panama City. San Bias Islands, the tribe never conquered by the Standing on top of tlie ruins are the "dirty devils," Spanish and the members of which still hve and dress wearing trousers and shirts of rough muslin dyed red and as they did before Columbus' discovery of America.