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1 Introduction 1 Notes 1 Introduction 1. The epigraph is taken from H.D.’s World War II-era poem “R. A. F.” (Collected 489). 2. Interestingly, this is true despite the fact that Darwin’s work does contain theo- logical statements. See Gillespie, as well as Chapter 3 of Richards’s Darwin and the Emergence of Evolutionary Theories of Mind and Behavior. 3. Galton had argued in 1909 that eugenics had “strong claims to become an orthodox religious tenet of the future” (qtd. in Childs 3). 4. For a more detailed recounting of the history of science of this period, see Morrisson’s introduction. 5. Vitalism is a theory that posits an immaterial or nonbiological life force within living beings. See Clarke, on vitalism at the turn of the century, especially 27–29. 6. The notion of ether, championed until his death by physicist Sir Oliver Lodge, was particularly difficult to discredit. Even after the Michelson-Morley experi- ment in 1897 appeared to have disproved it, Bertrand Russell, in fact, imagines that ether may in fact return to scientific legitimacy (Schleifer 17). Ether is discussed at more length in the next chapter. 7. Steinman remarks that Alexander is one of the most widely read of the scientific popularizers of the early twentieth century (67). 8. Widely popular, theosophy offers an excellent instance of an occult system that exploits the language of science. Faivre’s book on esotericism is consid- ered to be the most important historical work on theosophy. See Morrisson, Chapter 2, for a discussion of theosophy and alchemy in the modernist period. Surette’s book explores the impact of theosophy on Eliot, Pound, and Yeats, and Tryphonopoulos discusses theosophy in relation to Pound’s The Cantos. 9. See Crunden, Chapters 12 and 13, for a discussion of how many modernists were exposed to, and engaged with, the philosophies and teachings of these three. 10. Daniel Cottom discusses Einstein’s analogy in his introduction (xlviii). 164 ● Notes 11. In arguing that modernists were engaged with “popular” discourse on science and religion, I invoke Michael Whitworth’s first definition of “popularization”: “[P]opularization is an ambiguous concept, describing a movement which could be sideways, between disciplines of equivalent status, but which could also be downwards, from the elite to the mass of the people” (27). “Popular” discourse in this sense, then, might be usefully defined as nonacademic discourse on a subject, regardless of whether it appears in small press little magazines or mass- market periodicals distributed to wide audiences. While many of the modern- ists’ favorite periodicals were aimed at a reasonably educated audience, they did not print articles by scientists aimed at other scientists; rather, some articles printed on the topics were “popularized” and simplified to target lay audiences, while others contained discussions of science from religious (heterodox and orthodox) and philosophical perspectives that contained very little “accurate” scientific information. 12. In the inaugural issue of Dora Marsden’s New Freewoman, Francis Grierson couches her premises in pseudoscientific, spiritualist language as she argues for the women’s movement as not political but spiritual. The “active thought vibra- tions” of women are essential to the growth of the movement: “Not until women are taught how to exert a psychic influence and radiate a psychic thought-power, will the old order be permanently changed” (10). 13. See Whitworth, Chapter 1, for a more extended discussion of popular science in modernist-era journals, including the Athenaeum, the Fortnightly Review, and others. 14. See Steinman, 45–46, on the mechanical metaphors of Imagism, and Tichi, 91–96, on Vorticism’s “poetry of efficiency” and “verbal economy” (92). See also an article by Quema, who reads Pound’s theorizing of the relationship be- tween poetry and science: “The Modernist striving towards objectivity also combines with the frequent use of scientific metaphors and comparisons” (111). See Hickman’s The Geometry of Modernism, on the ways in which geometry gen- erated scientific models of art in late modernism by H.D., Pound, and Yeats. 15. In this vein, see also Schleifer, whose book addresses the ways in which concep- tions of time, sequence, and order as reimagined by early twentieth-century physicists impact modernist formal aesthetics. 16. Virtually every scholar who writes on science and modernism laments the lack of scholarship in the field. In 2001, Whitworth remarks that “the physical sci- ence of the period has very rarely been considered in any detail in its relation to literature” (vii). It is interesting to note, however, that Danius observes that this reluctance has been solely on the part of literary critics; critics of other art forms—music, visual arts, dance, and so on—have been more willing to exam- ine the impact of science and technology on modernism (2). 17. See Tichi for a discussion of the extent to which technology dominated popu- lar magazines in America at the turn of the century, where it was thoroughly integrated into everyday life and domesticated in its entrance into the private sphere of kitchens and laundry rooms; American magazines like Cosmopolitan, Harper’s, Collier’s, the Saturday Evening Post, and so on, “brought images of Notes ● 165 technological values and accomplishments into middle-class American living rooms weekly and monthly” (19). 18. See Albright, especially 9–13, for an account of the English avant-garde’s vilifi- cation of the Jewish Einstein; Albright suggests that the anti-Semitism of Lewis, Pound, and Eliot contributed to their negative view of Einstein’s anarchic uni- verse, which lacked a notion of masculine force to which they ascribed, even as they were influenced by it. See Steinman, Chapter 3, for Einstein’s reception in America and his impact on American modernist poets; her phrase “native son” appears on p. 60. Steinman notes the extraordinary extent to which Einsteinian physics is covered in the American press from 1919 to 1922 (60). 19. Steinman argues that free will and democracy were associated with technology in early twentieth-century American popular press accounts (7). Seltzer dis- cusses American capitalism throughout his study. 20. As Clarke notes, “That which falls away from the merit of science retains some of the glamor of science as it enters into its social formations” (26). He contends that as science as an ideology begins to exert explanatory power over arenas outside of its purview, it retains some of its prestige and claims to validity; like Steinman, he sees this operating in literature of the modernist period: “As modernist literature followed other arts into abstraction, it came increasingly to resemble a professional form of technical cipher, to model its ‘seriousness’ on the hard languages of mathematized sciences” (5). 21. Surette, in fact, intentionally uses the terms occult and theosophy interchange- ably in his study (26). 22. On Marinetti’s view of the body, see, especially, articles by Poggi and Foster. 23. In her typically dry tone, Loy wrote of H.D. in a 1925 essay in the little magazine Charm that she “has written at least two perfect poems: one about a swan” (Lost 160). In the early 1920s, H.D. sought gossip about Loy from both Bryher and Marianne Moore; Bryher commented on Loy’s “wild” nature but concluded “she is not as awful as most of the bunch are,” while Moore responded with a review of Loy’s performance in the Provincetown’s production of Alfred Kreymborg’s Lima Beans and included a couple of rather catty remarks by Robert McAlmon about Loy’s purported beauty (Bryher, Letter; Moore, Selected 140). 24. The several volumes of Curtiss books H.D. owned—ranging from before World War I to the World War II—are eclectic. While the initial books, such as The Voice of Isis, quote occasionally from Blavatsky, with whom they appar- ently studied, the later books are far less tied to formal theosophy, as the couple gradually evolve their own esoteric system aimed at a specifically American audience. 25. Discussed at greater length in the third chapter, H.D.’s library included Lumen, and several references to Flammarion in her 1940s novel The Sword Went Out to Sea indicate that her autobiographically based protagonist, Delia, had read his work carefully at a spiritualist library she visited. 26. Loy’s unpublished notes and drafts cited in this book are located with the Mina Loy Papers at the Beinecke Library. In drawing on her unpublished materials, I have attempted to reproduce her typography and spelling as much as possible, 166 ● Notes to capture resonances of the style of avant-garde manifestos, to reveal the draft state of the writing, and to preserve puns that occasionally result from mis- spellings. Normalizing these aspects of her writing runs two risks; it may not only camouflage the “draft” status of the many notes and scraps but also mask her play with language and her inconsistent British-American spelling. See Armstrong for a transcription of the entire poem (115). While he neglects the religious language, Armstrong adeptly describes this poem as “a critique of Futurism’s machine culture,” arguing that Loy views “the body-machine coupling as fetishism”: “Rather than the machine serving as the desirable re- placement for the body, it is a reductive version of the body, while the body is a machine which fails to perform” (114–15). Armstrong is perhaps the best reader of Loy on technology. 27. Quotations from “Earth-Being” are from the second typescript draft (f. 383–87). Whenever possible, passages by Toomer are taken from either Cane, The Collected Poems of Jean Toomer, A Jean Toomer Reader, The Letters of Jean Toomer 1919– 1924, Selected Essays and Literary Criticism, or The Wayward and the Seeking.
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