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The Formation of the Communist Party of Germany and the Collapse of the German Democratic Republi C
Enclosure #2 THE NATIONAL COUNCI L FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEA N RESEARC H 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N .W . Washington, D.C . 20036 THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE : Politics Unhinged : The Formation of the Communist Party of Germany and the Collapse of the German Democratic Republi c AUTHOR : Eric D . Weitz Associate Professo r Department of History St . Olaf Colleg e 1520 St . Olaf Avenu e Northfield, Minnesota 5505 7 CONTRACTOR : St . Olaf College PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Eric D . Weit z COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 806-3 1 DATE : April 12, 199 3 The work leading to this report was supported by funds provided by the National Council for Soviet and East Europea n Research. The analysis and interpretations contained in the report are those of the author. i Abbreviations and Glossary AIZ Arbeiter-Illustrierte-Zeitung (KPD illustrated weekly newspaper ) Alter Verband Mineworkers Union Antifas Antifascist Committee s BL Bezirksleitung (district leadership of KPD ) BLW Betriebsarchiv der Leuna-Werke BzG Beiträge zur Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung Comintern Communist International CPSU Communist Party of the Soviet Unio n DMV Deutscher Metallarbeiter Verband (German Metalworkers Union ) ECCI Executive Committee of the Communist Internationa l GDR German Democratic Republic GW Rosa Luxemburg, Gesammelte Werke HIA, NSDAP Hoover Institution Archives, NSDAP Hauptarchi v HStAD Hauptstaatsarchiv Düsseldorf IGA, ZPA Institut für Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung, Zentrales Parteiarchi v (KPD/SED Central Party Archive -
REFORM, RESISTANCE and REVOLUTION in the OTHER GERMANY By
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository RETHINKING THE GDR OPPOSITION: REFORM, RESISTANCE AND REVOLUTION IN THE OTHER GERMANY by ALEXANDER D. BROWN A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Modern Languages School of Languages, Cultures, Art History and Music University of Birmingham January 2019 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract The following thesis looks at the subject of communist-oriented opposition in the GDR. More specifically, it considers how this phenomenon has been reconstructed in the state-mandated memory landscape of the Federal Republic of Germany since unification in 1990. It does so by presenting three case studies of particular representative value. The first looks at the former member of the Politbüro Paul Merker and how his entanglement in questions surrounding antifascism and antisemitism in the 1950s has become a significant trope in narratives of national (de-)legitimisation since 1990. The second delves into the phenomenon of the dissident through the aperture of prominent singer-songwriter, Wolf Biermann, who was famously exiled in 1976. -
The East German Writers Union and the Role of Literary Intellectuals In
Writing in Red: The East German Writers Union and the Role of Literary Intellectuals in the German Democratic Republic, 1971-90 Thomas William Goldstein A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2010 Approved by: Konrad H. Jarausch Christopher Browning Chad Bryant Karen Hagemann Lloyd Kramer ©2010 Thomas William Goldstein ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii Abstract Thomas William Goldstein Writing in Red The East German Writers Union and the Role of Literary Intellectuals in the German Democratic Republic, 1971-90 (Under the direction of Konrad H. Jarausch) Since its creation in 1950 as a subsidiary of the Cultural League, the East German Writers Union embodied a fundamental tension, one that was never resolved during the course of its forty-year existence. The union served two masters – the state and its members – and as such, often found it difficult fulfilling the expectations of both. In this way, the union was an expression of a basic contradiction in the relationship between writers and the state: the ruling Socialist Unity Party (SED) demanded ideological compliance, yet these writers also claimed to be critical, engaged intellectuals. This dissertation examines how literary intellectuals and SED cultural officials contested and debated the differing and sometimes contradictory functions of the Writers Union and how each utilized it to shape relationships and identities within the literary community and beyond it. The union was a crucial site for constructing a group image for writers, both in terms of external characteristics (values and goals for participation in wider society) and internal characteristics (norms and acceptable behavioral patterns guiding interactions with other union members). -
Central Europe
Central Europe WEST GERMANY HE WEST GERMAN ECONOMY continued to expand between July 1955 and TJune 1956. After June, production declined slightly. The gross national product rose 11 per cent in 1955, to 60 per cent above 1950. Industrial pro- duction, up 16 per cent, doubled that of 1950. The index (1936= 100) was 221 by June 1956. But West Berlin only regained the 1936 level. Employment in the Federal Republic was more than 800,000 above the previous year. In part, this was due to the influx of almost 300,000 refugees from East Germany during 1955-56. Unemployment, at 479,000, or 2.5 per cent of the labor force of 18.4 million, was the lowest since the end of World War II. West Berlin unemployment fell, but was still 11.3 per cent. Output per man was up 17 per cent in 1955, while wages rose only 12 per cent. The July 1956 cost of living index (1950 = 100) at 113, was 2.3 per cent above July 1955. National consumption rose 12 per cent during 1955-56, but old age pensioners, war invalids and widows, and the lowest categories of un- skilled workers, were barely touched by the "economic miracle," and contin- ued to exist near the subsistence level. Steel production, exceeding that of either France or Britain, reached a post- war high of 21,700,000 tons in the twelve months under review. Some of the Ruhr steel and coal combines, split up by the Allies to destroy "dangerous concentrations of economic power," recombined in new forms. -
Approach/Avoidance: Communists and Women in East Germany, 1945-9 Author(S): Donna Harsch Source: Social History, Vol
Approach/Avoidance: Communists and Women in East Germany, 1945-9 Author(s): Donna Harsch Source: Social History, Vol. 25, No. 2 (May, 2000), pp. 156-182 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4286643 Accessed: 24-04-2018 15:00 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms Taylor & Francis, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Social History This content downloaded from 35.176.47.6 on Tue, 24 Apr 2018 15:00:46 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Social History Vol. 25 No. 2 May 2000 0* Donna Harsch Approach/avoidance: Communists and women in East Germany, 1945-9 In July 1945, a German Communist scolded fellow members of the KPD for how they talked to women in the Soviet zone of occupation. According to Irene Girtner (aka Elli Schmidt), her comrades opened lectures to female audiences with the question: 'Is it not a fact that Hitler came to power only because a high proportion of women succumbed to the poison of Nazi propaganda?'l A year later, Schmidt rued, Communists continued to make the 'error' of expounding on the guilt women bore for the fascist seizure of power.2 As late as May 1947, another woman in the party felt the need to point out that, infact, women had voted at a lower rate for Hitler in I928, only catching up to the male vote in I93I-2.3 For her part, Elli Schmidt did not question the accuracy of the charge but its political acumen. -
Anti-Fascism, Anti-Communism, and Memorial Cultures: a Global
ANTI-FASCISM, ANTI-COMMUNISM, AND MEMORIAL CULTURES: A GLOBAL STUDY OF INTERNATIONAL BRIGADE VETERANS by Jacob Todd Bernhardt A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History Boise State University May 2021 © 2021 Jacob Todd Bernhardt ALL RIGHTS RESERVED BOISE STATE UNIVERSITY GRADUATE COLLEGE DEFENSE COMMITTEE AND FINAL READING APPROVALS of the thesis submitted by Jacob Todd Bernhardt Thesis Title: Anti-Fascism, Anti-Communism, and Memorial Cultures: A Global Study of International Brigade Veterans Date of Final Oral Examination: 08 March 2021 The following individuals read and discussed the thesis submitted by student Jacob Todd Bernhardt, and they evaluated the student’s presentation and response to questions during the final oral examination. They found that the student passed the final oral examination. John P. Bieter, Ph.D. Chair, Supervisory Committee Shaun S. Nichols, Ph.D. Member, Supervisory Committee Peter N. Carroll, Ph.D. Member, Supervisory Committee The final reading approval of the thesis was granted by John P. Bieter, Ph.D., Chair of the Supervisory Committee. The thesis was approved by the Graduate College. DEDICATION For my dear Libby, who believed in me every step of the way. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Throughout the writing of this thesis, I have received a great deal of support and assistance. I would first like to thank my Committee Chair, Professor John Bieter, whose advice was invaluable in broadening the scope of my research. Your insightful feedback pushed me to sharpen my thinking and brought my work to a higher level. I would like to thank Professor Shaun Nichols, whose suggestions helped me improve the organization of my thesis and the power of my argument. -
Hitler's Rise to Power
Key questions -» Wasdemocracy desperately desired in Germanyin 1918,or was its implementation partof a scheme by Germany's wartime leaders (Field MarshalsHindenburg and LudendorfF] to avoida punitivesettlement after Germany'ssurrender? Wasthe constitution established in 1919 a hindranceto successful democraticpractice? What role did economic distress play in polarizing and brutalizing German political life during the period? Howvalid is AJPTaylor's view that "only the GreatDepression put the wind into the sailsof National Socialism"? What elements in Germany after 1918 were either actively hostile or simply apathetic towards the new system? Wasthe riseto powerof a party committed to a totalitarian system a story of the "irresistible rise" of National Socialism? Key concepts Change Consequences Causes Significance Hitler's rise to power The Weimar democratic system, established in Germany after the First World War, preceded the establishment of the single-party National Socialist state, which was effectively consolidated in 1934 when Adolf Hitler became Fiihrer of Germany. National Socialism gained the support of the military, which eliminated domestically the last major obstacle to Hitler's ambition to establish his "Thousand Year (Third) Reich". In explaining the emergence of the "Hitler state", it was common to describe the Weimar Republic "as a troubled interlude between two eras of greater andmore sinister importance: the WilhelminianKaiserreich, which saw the consolidation of a unified Germany, and the Third Reich, whichdestroyed it". Weimarwas seen as "a desperate and grudging experiment in democracy whose decisive failure had consequencesnot only for Germany but the world". Suchinterpretations are linked to a pessimisticview of German history, in which the triumph of National Socialism is accepted as an inevitable and irresistible force welcomed by most Germans. -
Informelle Konfliktbewältigung Zur Geschichte Der Eingabe in Der DDR
1 Informelle Konfliktbewältigung Zur Geschichte der Eingabe in der DDR Dissertationsschrift zur Erlangung des Dr. phil. vorgelegt der Philosophischen Fakultät der Technischen Universität Chemnitz von Felix Mühlberg geboren am 27. Mai 1964 Chemnitz, den 1. Mai 1999 Gutachter: 1. Prof. Dr. Rudolf Boch 2. Prof. Dr. Günther Grünthal 3. Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Kaschuba 3 Inhaltsverzeichnis Vorwort .................................................................................................................. 7 1. Einleitung .................................................................................... 11 1. 1. Die Eingabe in der DDR. Zum Forschungsstand ................................................. 13 1. 2. Konfliktpotentiale und Lösungsformen. Zur Fragestellung .................................. 33 2. Im Konflikt mit dem Staat .............................................................. 39 2. 1. Petitionen und Beschwerden. Zur Vorgeschichte .............................................. 39 · Gesetzlich verankertes Petitionsrecht · Das Beschwerderecht in Verfassungen deutscher Länder im 19. Jahrhundert · Petitionsrecht als Veröffentlichungsrecht · Petitionsrecht in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 2. 2. Verwaltungsgerichtsbarkeit (Verwaltungsrechtspflege) ...................................... 55 · Verwaltungsrecht im 19. Jahrhundert · Die Entwicklung in der Weimarer Republik und im „Dritten Reich“ · Exkurs: Zur Verwaltung (errare humanum est) 3. Die Geschichte der Eingabengesetzgebung in der DDR ......................... 69 3. 1. Die -
Thesis Reference
Thesis Engagement et identité : les militants antifascistes des organisations Freies Deutschland de l'exil à l'Ouest (Belgique, France, Suisse) à la RDA des années 1970 (1943-1975) HEINIGER, Alix Abstract Les exilés allemands en Europe de l'Ouest ont cherché à poursuivre leur engagement contre le régime qui les a poussé à fuir leur pays de diverses manières. En 1943, une partie d'entre eux ont fondé les organisations Freies Deutschland en Belgique, en France et en Suisse. Cette thèse analyse les modalités de leur engagement militant et les conditions de sa perpétuation entre la Seconde Guerre mondiale et l'après guerre en RDA. Elle pose également la question de l'identité de ces militants et de sa reconfiguration au fil du temps. La majorité d'entre eux étant communistes, ils ont suivi l'exemple de leurs dirigeants réfugiés à Moscou qui ont créé le Nationalkomitee "Freies Deutschland". A leurs débuts, ces trois organisations sont clandestines et poursuivent une lutte multiforme contre le régime nazi façonnée par les possibilités d'action offertes par leur espace d'exil. A l'approche de la fin de la guerre, les Freies Deutschland accèdent à la légalité et reconfigurent leurs activités et leurs objectifs en fonction de cette nouvelle situation. Elles tentent de rassembler les Allemands [...] Reference HEINIGER, Alix. Engagement et identité : les militants antifascistes des organisations Freies Deutschland de l'exil à l'Ouest (Belgique, France, Suisse) à la RDA des années 1970 (1943-1975). Thèse de doctorat : Univ. Genève, 2012, no. L. 756 URN : urn:nbn:ch:unige-226123 DOI : 10.13097/archive-ouverte/unige:22612 Available at: http://archive-ouverte.unige.ch/unige:22612 Disclaimer: layout of this document may differ from the published version. -
I. Von Ulbricht Zu Honecker
I. Von Ulbricht zu Honecker 1. Die Machtzentren der SED: Politbüro und Sekretariat des Zentralkomitees Im Verlauf der Transformation der SED zu einer „Partei neuen Typus“ in den Jahren 1947/48 erhielt die zentrale Parteiführung eine völlig neue Struktur.1 An die Stelle des bisherigen Machtzentrums der Partei, des Zentralsekretariats, trat im Januar 1949 das Politbüro, welches „alle wichtigen Fragen der Parteiführung und Parteipolitik, besonders Fragen marxistisch-leninistischer Erziehung der Par- teimitglieder, zu beraten und zu entscheiden“ hatte.2 Zusätzlich zur bisherigen Leitungsstruktur wurde das „Kleine Sekretariat des Politbüros“ unter Vorsitz von Walter Ulbricht geschaffen. Es erhielt die Aufgabe, die Arbeit des Politbüros zu unterstützen, seine Beschlüsse vorzubereiten und ihre Durchführung zu kontrol- lieren. Es regelte weiterhin die Verbindung des Politbüros mit den Abteilungslei- tern und kontrollierte somit auch die Abteilungen des zentralen Parteiapparates. Mit dem Vorsitz des „Kleinen Sekretariats“, das sich kurze Zeit später in ein „Sekretariat des Zentralkomitees“ wandelte, übernahm Ulbricht eine Schlüssel- stellung sowohl in der Parteiführung als auch im zentralen Parteiapparat.3 Das vom dritten Parteitag (20. bis 24. Juli 1950) beschlossene Parteistatut fi- xierte all jene strukturellen, politischen und personellen Veränderungen, die im Zuge der Umwandlung der SED zur „Partei neuen Typus“ durchgesetzt worden waren. An die Stelle des Parteivorstandes trat das Zentralkomitee, das Zentral- sekretariat wurde endgültig durch das Politbüro ersetzt. Das Zentralkomitee sollte formell die gesamte Tätigkeit der Partei leiten und diese „im Verkehr mit anderen Parteien, Organisationen, staatlichen, wirtschaftlichen und kulturellen Verwal- tungen und Institutionen“ vertreten.4 1950 umfasste das Zentralkomitee 51 Mit- glieder und 30 Kandidaten. Da es in der Regel nur vierteljährlich zusammentrat, konnte es die ihm laut Statut vorgeschriebene Führungsposition zu keinem Zeit- punkt ausfüllen. -
On 10 March 1952, the Soviet Leader Iosif Stalin Proposed—Or
RuggentThe 1952ha Stalerlin Note on German Unification The 1952 Stalin Note on German Uniªcation The Ongoing Debate ✣ Peter Ruggenthaler On 10 March 1952, the Soviet leader Iosif Stalin proposed—or seemed to propose—a peace treaty that made the reuniªcation of Germany contingent on establishing a neutral status for the country, an offer that sur- prised much of the world and seemed appealing on the surface. In Moscow, Soviet Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Andrei Gromyko handed identi- cally worded notes containing a draft version of a German peace treaty to dip- lomatic representatives of the Western powers (the United States, Great Brit- ain, and France). Politicians, diplomats, and, above all, historians have long debated whether Stalin was sincere about the goals he laid out in the so-called Stalin Note.1 In the ensuing “Battle of Notes” that dragged on well into the autumn of 1952, the U.S., British, and French governments declined to engage with Sta- lin’s offer and demanded instead binding guarantees that free elections be held everywhere in Germany. After years in which the Soviet Union had shown it- self averse to holding free elections in Germany, Western leaders considered Stalin’s “offer” a propaganda coup at best and a proposal fraught with dangers at worst. Washington in particular was unwilling to abandon the integration of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) with the West. The treaties that were to make West Germany part of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) via the European Defense Community (EDC) were ready for sign- ing.2 Relationships between Western governments and the USSR had been 1. -
Revolution and Counterrevolution in the Soviet Occupied Zone of Germany
THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE : Revolution and Counterrevolution in th e Soviet Occupied Zone of Germany , 1945-46 AUTHOR: Norman M. Naimark CONTRACTOR : Boston University PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Norman M. Naimark COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 802-14 DATE : June 6, 199 1 The work leading to this report was supported by funds provided by the National Council for Soviet and Eas t European Research. The analysis and interpretations contained in the report are those of the author . Executive Summar y This paper traces the history of the first year of the Sovie t military occupation of Germany with particular emphasis on the ways i n which the Soviet administration changed, defeated, and encouraged th e political aspirations and responses of large numbers of people t o their situation in the zone . The focus is especially on the fate o f the German left under Soviet rule immediately after the World War II . The paper begins with a discussion of the structure and functions o f the Soviet Military Administration of Germany (SVAG in Russian, SMAD in German) . Then it considers two major cases of Soviet interventio n in socialist politics : the suppression of the anti-fascist committee s and the formation of the Socialist Unity Party . In these cases, as well as others in the Soviet Zone of Occupation (SBZ), Russia n administration frustrated the hopes of political revolution, while i t destroyed the social bases for counterrevolution -- a situation not unlike that of the Soviet Union itself . It does not stretch the evidence to characterize the role of SVA G in the politics of the Eastern zone as fundamentally counter - revolutionary .