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Radicalism and in

In May 2005, Det irst, a word about the lower chamber of the Dan- the party’s name: ish Parliament from the 1870s, Radikale – the Det Radikale Venstre. but the King had both a loyal Danish Social Liberal Literally translated, upper chamber (partly filled Party – celebrated it means ‘The Radi- with members appointed by Fcal Left’. That, however, sends himself) and the constitutional its one-hundredth the wrong signal, as we’re not right to appoint Prime Minis- talking about some loony left ters and governments of his own birthday. Throughout Trotskyite fringe party, but preference, which he continued the twentieth century instead about a social liberal cen- to do right up until 1901, when tre party which for a good deal the first Venstre government was and beyond, the of its history has led, participated allowed. party has played a in or cooperated with Danish Within Venstre, divisions governments. This confusing began as early as the 1870s and central role in Danish name originates from the great they quickly developed into political history, a political struggle of the last three more or less firmly-structured decades of the nineteenth cen- party factions. The main con- story well known tury between the power-hold- troversies were whether to to Danish readers, ing Højre (which means ‘right’) cooperate with or to oppose (by based on the King, the nobility, peaceful means) the reaction- but probably not to a the military, conservative civil ary government, whether to be servants, and – in short – all the understanding or critical towards British audience. Hence reactionary forces of the society conservative institutions like the this article, which is of the time. state church and the military, Opposing Højre was Venstre and whether to see the gradually intended to provide a (meaning ‘left’), which was a advancing Social as comprehensive insight broad and loose of the potential friends or foes. To the opposition, mainly based on public and to many , the into one of the Liberal farmers and smallholders (in a main ground for disagreement Democrats’ European country which was predomi- within Venstre was the defence nantly agricultural), but which question, i.e. whether the eco- sister parties. By also appealed to many other, nomic and political price for a Tomas Bech Madsen. more urban-based, groups. This militarily fortified opposition reached a majority in was worth paying.

20 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 and Liberalism in Denmark

The left wing of Venstre con- the leaders of the two parties Det Radikale 25 per cent of the vote. In the sisted mainly of a rather strange was very bad. Ideologically, Det Venstre leader first half of the twentieth cen- alliance of anti-conservative Radikale Venstre was more or less Margrethe tury, the Social Democrat share rural smallholders and urban equidistant between Venstre and Vestager of the vote grew substantially at professionals and intellectuals, the Social Democrats. each election). And so opportu- who were above all inspired by nity knocked for Det Radikale the French Radicals. These peo- Venstre, which formed a govern- ple favoured a radical approach The first, successful years of ment led by towards a more thorough but Det Radikale Venstre and which included strong per- parliamentary-based break In the first years of its existence sonalities such as Finance Min- with the reactionary traditions. Det Radikale Venstre, holding an ister Brandes, Defence Minister Within Venstre, the radicals were average of around 15 per cent of Munch, Interior Minister Rode, bitterly opposed by a vehemently the vote, actually came to form and Foreign Minister Scavenius. anti-socialist and authoritarian a twice. This government immediately right wing. Between these two The first one, in 1909–10, was embarked on a far-reaching was a large, more undecided short-lived and only came to reform programme, one of the group. power because of new internal main elements of which was In 1901 the King finally gave turmoil in Venstre. The second the new constitution passed in in to the people’s wish for a dem- Radical government, however, 1915, which included, among ocratically-elected government proved to be a long-lasting many other things, voting led by Venstre. In this govern- success. for women and the poor. This ment all three party factions par- The 1913 general election for constitution was irrefutably the ticipated, but tensions grew, and the Parliament’s lower chamber greatest for democracy in early 1905 this culminated in gave a majority for the Social in Denmark since the first semi- a bitter split resulting in the for- Democrats and Det Radikale democratic constitution in 1849. mation of two new parties. The Venstre, with the former as The government, of course, centre and right-wing factions the bigger party. At this time, was severely affected by the First together kept the old name and however, it was official Social World War. Denmark was for- formed the new Venstre (or Lib- Democrat policy not to enter tunate to escape direct involve- eral Party), while the left wing government before the party ment, not least because of the constituted Det Radikale Venstre had gained 50 per cent of the masterly diplomacy of the Radi- (or Social ). In addi- vote (not as unrealistic a target cal Foreign Minister Scavenius, tion to the acrimony of the split, as it might seem today, when but the economy was seriously the personal chemistry between the party languishes at around affected. Until then subject to

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 21 radicalism and liberalism in denmark little regulation, the economy in which all inhabitants of Sch- The Social Democratic Prime Minister had to become much more rig- leswig could participate, forces Stauning and Radical Foreign idly controlled by the state in in the right-wing opposition Liberal Minister Munch. The Staun- order to prevent corruption and wished to annex substantial areas minority ing-Munch government turned over-pricing in securing food with a clear German majority. out to be the longest lasting in and other goods for the popula- The King supported the oppo- government the twentieth century, as it held tion. The efficient Interior Min- sition, and it all ended with the power for eleven years until the ister Rode played a significant dramatic ‘’ in 1920, managed German occupation of Denmark role in the successful implemen- when the King sacked the Radi- changed the status quo. tation of this state control. cal government led by Prime to run the During the 1930s the gov- The Social Liberal minor- Minister Zahle even though it country for ernment introduced many far- ity government managed to run still retained a majority in the reaching social reforms and the country for almost seven lower chamber of the Parlia- almost seven made many economic invest- years thanks to the high calibre ment. The Social Democrats ments to eradicate poverty, of its cabinet ministers and good called for a general strike in pro- years thanks reduce unemployment, and keep cooperation with the Social test, and many also called for the the country in safe democratic Democrats, who even joined the abdication of the King and the to the high hands in an internationally per- government with one ministe- establishment of a . calibre of its ilous era of , Fascism rial post from 1916. Det Radikale After some days of intense and . These tactics Venstre achieved its best election negotiation, the crisis was cabinet min- worked, and the extremist par- result ever in April 1918, when solved with a promise from the ties of Denmark remained small the party gained no less than 20 King never again to go against isters and and uninfluential. It also helped per cent of the vote. a parliamentary majority, and an that the opposition parties Ven- The opposition consisted of agreement between the parties good coop- stre and the Conservatives stayed Venstre and the Conservative hold a quick general election. eration with on a wholly democratic course, party (the democratic heir of the This was won by Venstre and the unlike many other right-wing former power-holding Højre). Conservative party, and so Det the Social parties in Europe. There were some parliamentar- Radikale Venstre spent the years Foreign Minister Munch ian clashes between the centre- that followed in opposition. Democrats. continued the traditional sup- left government alliance and the port of Det Radikale Venstre for right-wing opposition during an international system based on the war, but on a civilised scale. A new role the , and he was there- Nobody wanted internal turmoil The May 1920 general election fore very active in the League of to descend into chaos or anarchy, was a disaster to the party, whose Nations. However, the failure as was the case in so many other share of the vote slumped from of the League and the grow- countries, especially from 1917. 20 to 12 per cent. From then ing threat from Nazi Germany But in 1919–20 circumstances on, the Social Democrats were meant that it was impossible for changed. clearly the bigger brother on the a small county like Denmark After the German capitula- centre-left. From this point on to adopt a conspicuous stance tion in the pos- in Danish politics, Det Radikale against dictatorship. In inter- sibility emerged of reunification Venstre has had to cooperate with national power politics, many between Denmark and the Dan- one or more of the bigger parties Radical principles unfortunately ish-inhabited areas of Schleswig. in order to gain influence. The had to be dropped. Denmark had lost the Duchies of party has played its role cleverly, Denmark’s extremely cau- Schleswig and Holstein to Ger- however, under the possibili- tious (and frightened) dealings many in 1864, but with Imperial ties of the proportional election with Germany ended both in Germany’s defeat everything system. failure and success. In one sense changed. In Denmark this led In the first half of the 1920s, they were a failure, because to discussion about how far to relations between Det Radikale in the end Hitler decided to the south the new border should Venstre and Venstre improved, occupy Denmark, along with be drawn. Should it be decided but Venstre took a sharp turn to , on 9 April 1940. Yet in by a free, secret referendum or the right from 1926, with the another sense they were a suc- according to historical-ideolog- result that Social Liberals and cess, because the first couple of ical sentiment? Social Democrats were thrown years of German occupation While the parties behind the into each other’s arms again. were quite peaceful, there were government strongly supported After the 1929 election a major- no waves of arrests or terror, the the international rule of law and ity coalition government was Danish Nazi Party was kept out the ‘nationality principle’, i.e. the formed by Social Democrats and of power, and the Germans did belief that the political border Det Radikale Venstre, its lead- not annex the territories lost to should be set after a referendum ing personalities being Social Denmark in 1920.

22 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 radicalism and liberalism in denmark

A coalition government based period of economic growth, blocs, not just to be a poor rela- on all the democratic parties domestic reforms and enlarge- tion of the Social Democrats. functioned under increasing dif- ment of the . In other The government remained ficulties from July 1940 to August words, these were good years for in power until the election of 1943, when it finally resigned the country, but it was the Social September 1971, when it very over German wishes to intro- Democrats who reaped the narrowly lost its majority. Det duce legislation amounting to reward, with over 40 per cent of Radikale Venstre, however, kept war crimes, including anti-Jew- the vote. The Social Liberal share its share of almost 15 per cent of ish laws and the death penalty for of the vote continued to fall, and the vote, a remarkable result. saboteurs. From then until the after another disappointing elec- In the years that followed, liberation in May 1945 Denmark tion result in 1964, it left the gov- however, the party – surpris- was without a government. ernment in order to be in a freer ingly – quickly declined. In each position politically. of the elections of 1973, 1975, This peaceful break from and 1977 (in the unruly seven- Changing times the Social Democrats marked ties, elections kept coming every After 1945, Det Radikale Venstre the beginning of the reign of other year without really pro- experienced difficult times, when , one of the ducing any workable majorities), it was under strain for different more prominent liberal, anti-so- Det Radikale Venstre lost between reasons, mainly because it lacked cialist party members. He sought 3 and 4 per cent, and were even- a clear profile in a changed world, a closer cooperation with first tually left with an all-time low but also because some voters Venstre, then the Conservatives, of just 3.5 per cent of the vote believed that the party had been and appealed to the new urban and six members of the 179-seat too closely connected with – or at white-collar workers and func- Parliament. least not hostile enough to – the tionaries. Suddenly voters started New political topics came on German occupiers. to come back to Det Radikale to the agenda in the 1970s and Notably, though, it was Venstre. After an increase from 6 Det Radikale Venstre was one of the only to to 8 per cent of the vote in 1966, the most outspoken environ- oppose Denmark’s membership the great, historic breakthrough mentalist parties. The party also of NATO in 1949. The reason came in the general election of had a high profile on human for this was the party’s neutral- January 1968, where Det Radikale rights, civil , asylum, ist and anti-militarist tradition. Venstre received almost 15 per and immigration. All these new The party’s share of the vote cent of the vote, its highest share political topics are still core radi- decreased slowly to around 6 per since 1918. cal values today. cent due to the falling number Luckily things started to of agricultural smallholders, With the cen- improve at the end of the decade. a group which had tradition- Zenith and nadir Under the leadership of Niels ally favoured the Radicals. tre-right gov- With this election victory, Helveg Petersen, the Radical Fortunately, however, due to Hilmar Baunsgaard became the vote grew, not to the Baunsgaard the expert dual leadership of ernment, Det first Radical Prime Minister heights, but to an acceptable 5 to former ministers and political since Zahle in 1920, forming a 6 per cent of the vote – a level veterans Bertel Dahlgaard and Radikale Ven- majority government together which stayed more or less con- Jørgen Jørgensen, the Social with the Conservatives and Ven- stant for ten years. From 1979, Liberal Party retained politi- stre marked stre. This step to the right was Det Radikale Venstre cooperated cal influence. Ideologically, Det its ability popular with the new types of with the Social Democratic Radikale Venstre stuck to most of voters, not least urban function- minority government, but as its original beliefs as described to work aries. But in Det Radikale Venstre this government resigned in the at the beginning of this article, many party members remained summer of 1982, Det Radikale but times were changing under together sceptical towards the Baunsgaard Venstre’s Helveg Petersen chose the pressure from both the Cold ‘deviation’. In fact their scepti- to change sides to support a new War and the difficult post-war with both cism turned out to be ground- centre-right coalition govern- struggle for economic recovery. political less, given that the government ment (without the Social Liber- After some years of political generally followed a very mod- als) under the first Conservative equidistance between the Social blocs, not ern, undogmatic and progressive Prime Minister for eighty-one Democrats and Venstre and the Social Liberal line, which could years, Poul Schlüter. This turned Conservatives, Det Radikale Ven- just to be a not be said to be much to the out to be a wise choice. stre entered government once right of centre. more in 1957. Once again, the poor relation With the centre-right gov- Radicals’ main partner was the of the Social ernment, Det Radikale Ven- Focus on economic reform Social Democrats, and this alli- stre marked its ability to work The Schlüter-Helveg Petersen ance lasted for seven years, a Democrats. together with both political axis showed itself very effective

Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 23 radicalism and liberalism in denmark in reshaping and reforming and Foreign Minister Helveg Danish People’s Party – have the crisis- and inflation-ridden Petersen played important roles all steered a course that tends Danish economy. It generally in the government. to appease the majority (around took a more right-of-centre line After some good years, prob- 65 per cent) of the voters who than Baunsgaard, but at the same lems between the Social Demo- dislike reforms that would ben- time Det Radikale Venstre leaned crats and the Radicals started efit the country but could mean to the left in foreign and defence to emerge. The main grounds change for themselves, and are policy, where many party mem- of disagreement were asylum very mistrustful of groups such bers still had a very pro-UN, and immigration, where Social as foreigners (especially Mus- but simultaneously fairly Euro- Democrats increasingly drifted lims) and suspicious of the old sceptic and neutralist outlook. away from an earlier humanitar- progressive cultural, educational Eventually this contradiction – ian-liberal line, and the attrac- and political elite. Among the working both for and against the tive, but costly, pre-pension people who dislike this populist government – could not last, and package, where Radicals were trend (the remaining 35 per cent) after the election of May 1988 a much more supportive of bold, Det Radikale Venstre has been new three-party government of but unpopular, reforms than tra- able to attract many new sup- Conservatives, Venstre and Det ditionalist Social Democrats. porters. To a certain extent this Radikale Venstre was created. The Social Democrats had is a disadvantage because, as the This was the beginning of a a very good election result in Social Liberals have grown in more pro-EU and pro-NATO March 1998, and Det Radikale size, their political influence has line for the Radicals, but their Venstre a very bad one, revis- diminished, as the party lies in participation in government iting their 1977 nadir. At the fundamental opposition to the never became a success. Ven- end of that year, however, the majority on a large number of stre and, to a certain extent, the Social Democrats broke an elec- issues. Another area in which Det Conservatives, started drifting tion promise over the pre-pen- Radikale Venstre is opposed to the further to the right, and among sion package and immediately right-wing government is local Social Liberals the government slumped in the opinion polls government. During the big became more and more unpop- from 36 to around 20 per cent. local and regional council reform ular. After a very bad election In December 1998, Prime Min- of 2004–05, Det Radikale Ven- result in December 1990, Det ister ’s stre advocated decentralisation, Radikale Venstre left the govern- position was so precarious that while the government adopted a ment to be independent again, he had to take the highly unu- very centralist position. as in 1964. And Niels Helveg sual step of apologising to the After the general election in Petersen resigned as political For Det voters on national television. November 2001, a - leader to be replaced by Mari- wing government with a very anne Jelved. Radikale Ven- anti-Radical and anti-left- In the beginning of 1993 the stre things More votes, less influence wing outlook took over, under right-wing government was The Social Democrats never the leadership of Anders Fogh forced to resign over an asylum started to overcame this crisis and lost the Rasmussen, and since then Det scandal. Det Radikale Venstre subsequent general elections Radikale Venstre has played a decided to support the recently brighten in 2001 and 2005, but for Det marginal role. The government elected ‘new Labourite’ Social Radikale Venstre things started to was re-elected in February 2005, Democrat leader Poul Nyrup from 1999. In brighten from 1999. In fact, this and until the spring of 2007, Rasmussen as Prime Minister of fact, this was was the beginning of a golden Danish politics continued in the a new centre-left government, era, with both voters and mem- same pattern. in which the Social Liberals took the begin- bers streaming into the party. A However, in May 2007 two part together with two other couple of figures should illustrate leading Radicals and one lead- small centre parties. Unlike ning of a this. In 1999 the Danish Social ing Conservative left their the unhappy 1988–90 experi- Liberal Party had less than 6,000 parties to form a new moder- ence, the Nyrup-Jelved cabi- golden era, members and around 4 per cent ate liberal-conservative party: net became a success, especially with both in the opinion polls. By August New Alliance. This new party in the years from 1993 to 1998. 2007 the party had grown to enjoyed a good start in the opin- Many reform bills were passed, voters and around 8,500 members and ion polls and in enrolment of including ones concerning around 8 per cent in the opinion members, but over the summer tax and investment in lifelong members polls (having gained 9.2 per cent New Alliance quickly dropped education. In the first election in the 2005 general election). in the polls because of its lack of under the new government, streaming So what happened? In short, political substance. After the ini- Det Radikale Venstre made gains, into the the three biggest parties – Ven- tial confusion Det Radikale Ven- reaching its 1980s level again. stre, the Social Democrats, and stre regained its ground. In June Both Economy Minister Jelved party. the anti-immigrant and anti-EU 2007 former Minister Margrethe

24 Journal of Liberal History 56 Autumn 2007 radicalism and liberalism in denmark

Vestager was elected as the small party like Det Radikale By comparison, the Brit- British Liberals could have party’s new leader, and she Venstre has been able to play ish Liberal Democrats are in had under a fairer election has had a very good and pos- over the past hundred years. a completely different and system. itive start. The outcome of each Danish more difficult position, not- Finally, it should, of general election since 1906 withstanding a good share Tomas Bech Madsen is an course, be stated that the has been a hung parliament, of the popular vote. None- organisational consultant for the system of proportional rep- where at least two parties (if theless, I hope that this arti- Danish Social Liberal Party and resentation has been vital not more) have had to work cle has given an impression holds an MA in Contemporary to the great role a relatively together to obtain a majority. of how much influence the History.

RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Hubert Beaumont MP. After pursuing candidatures in his native The Liberal Party in the West Midlands from December 1916 to Northumberland southward, Beaumont finally fought and won the 1923 general election. Focusing on the fortunes of the party in Eastbourne in 1906 as a ‘Radical’ (not a Liberal). How many Liberals in the Birmingham, Coventry, Walsall and Wolverhampton. Looking to explore election fought under this label and did they work as a group afterwards? the effects of the party split at local level. Also looking to uncover the Lord Beaumont of Whitley, House of Lords, London SW1A 0PW; beaumontt@ steps towards temporary reunification for the 1923 general election.Neil parliament.uk. Fisher, 42 Bowden Way, Binley, Coventry CV3 2HU ; neil.fisher81@ntlworld. com. Letters of (1804–65). Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in private hands, autograph collections, Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935. and obscure locations in the UK and abroad for a complete edition of Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an his letters. (For further details of the Cobden Letters Project, please see understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/projects/cobden). Dr Anthony Howe, School personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of of History, University of East Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, 1a Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; [email protected]. Cornish Methodism and Cornish political identity, 1918–1960s. Researching the relationship through oral history. Kayleigh Milden, Life of Wilfrid Roberts (1900–91). Roberts was Liberal MP for Institute of Cornish Studies, Hayne Corfe Centre, Sunningdale, Truro TR1 3ND; Cumberland North (now Penrith and the Border) from 1935 until 1950 [email protected]. and came from a wealthy and prominent local Liberal family; his father had been an MP. Roberts was a passionate internationalist, and was Liberal foreign policy in the 1930s. Focusing particularly on Liberal anti- a powerful advocate for refugee children in the Spanish civil war. His appeasers. Michael Kelly, 12 Collinbridge Road, Whitewell, Newtownabbey, parliamentary career is coterminous with the nadir of the Liberal Party. Co. Antrim BT36 7SN; [email protected]. Roberts joined the in 1956, becoming a local councillor Liberal policy towards -Hungary, 1905–16. Andrew Gardner, 17 in Carlisle and the party’s candidate for the Hexham constituency in Upper Ramsey Walk, Canonbury, London N1 2RP; [email protected]. the 1959 general election. I am currently in the process of collating information on the different strands of Roberts’ life and political The Liberal revival 1959–64. Focusing on both political and social career. Any assistance at all would be much appreciated. John Reardon; factors. Any personal views, relevant information or original material [email protected]. from Liberal voters, councillors or activists of the time would be very gratefully received. Holly Towell, 52a Cardigan Road, Headingley, Leeds LS6 Student radicalism at Warwick University. Particulary the files affair in 3BJ; [email protected]. 1970. Interested in talking to anybody who has information about Liberal Students at Warwick in the period 1965-70 and their role in campus The rise of the Liberals in Richmond (Surrey) 1964–2002. Interested politics. Ian Bradshaw, History Department, University of Warwick, CV4 7AL; in hearing from former councillors, activists, supporters, opponents, [email protected] with memories and insights concerning one of the most successful local organisations. What factors helped the Liberal Party rise from having Welsh Liberal Tradition – A History of the Liberal Party in Wales no councillors in 1964 to 49 out of 52 seats in 1986? Any literature or 1868–2003. Research spans thirteen decades of Liberal history in Wales news cuttings from the period welcome. Ian Hunter, 9 Defoe Avenue, Kew, but concentrates on the post-1966 formation of the Welsh Federal Party. Richmond TW9 4DL; 07771 785 795; [email protected]. Any memories and information concerning the post-1966 era or even before welcomed. The research is to be published in book form by Welsh Liberal politics in Sussex, Portsmouth and the Isle of Wight 1900–14. Academic Press. Dr Russell Deacon, Centre for Humanities, University of The study of electoral progress and subsequent disappointment. Wales Institute Cardiff, Cyncoed Campus, Cardiff CF23 6XD; rdeacon@uwic. Research includes comparisons of localised political trends, issues ac.uk. and preferred interests as aganst national trends. Any information, specifically on Liberal candidates in the area in the two general elections Aneurin Williams and and pacificism, 1900– of 1910, would be most welcome. Family papers especially appreciated. 22. A study of this radical and pacificist MP (Plymouth 1910; North West Ian Ivatt, 84 High Street, Steyning, West Sussex BN44 3JT; ianjivatt@ Durham/Consett 1914–22) who was actively involved in League of tinyonline.co.uk. Nations Movement, Armenian , international co-operation, pro-Boer etc. Any information relating to him and location of any Liberals and the local government of London 1919–39. Chris Fox, 173 papers/correspondence welcome. Barry Dackombe. 32 Ashburnham Worplesdon Road, Guildford GU2 6XD; [email protected]. Road, Ampthill, Beds, MK45 2RH; [email protected].

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