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The Impact of Populist Radical Right Parties on National Immigration and Integration Policies in Europe an Analysis of Finland, Sweden, Denmark and the Netherlands
The impact of populist radical right parties on national immigration and integration policies in Europe An analysis of Finland, Sweden, Denmark and the Netherlands Author: Aniek van Beijsterveldt (461462ab) August 9, 2018 Supervisor: Prof. dr. M. Haverland MSc International Public Management and Policy Second reader: Dr. A.T. Zhelyazkova Erasmus School of Social and Behavioural Sciences Word count: 23,751 0 Erasmus University Rotterdam (EUR) The impact of populist radical right parties on national immigration and integration policies in Europe An analysis of Finland, Sweden, Denmark and the Netherlands Master thesis submitted to: Department of Public Administration, Erasmus School of Social and Behavioural Sciences, Erasmus University Rotterdam (EUR), in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of International Public Management and Policy (IMP) By Aniek van Beijsterveldt (461462ab) Supervisor and first reader: Prof. dr. M. Haverland Second reader: Dr. A.T. Zhelyazkova Word count: 23,751 Abstract Populist radical right parties have emerged as an electoral force in Europe over the last three decennia. This has raised concerns among citizens, politicians, journalists and academia. However, scholars disagree whether or not populist radical right parties are able to influence policies. This thesis therefore examines the direct influence of populist radical right parties on immigration and integration policies by comparing the output of 17 cabinets of varying composition in Finland, Sweden, Denmark and the Netherlands between 2009 and 2016. A policy index has been developed to measure legislative changes with regard to citizenship and denizenship, asylum, illegal residence, family reunion and integration. The index showed that centre-right cabinets supported by populist radical right parties scored on average highest on the NIIP index, which means they succeeded best in producing restrictive immigration and integration legislation. -
Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable. -
Excerpts from Mackinnon/Schlafly Debate
Minnesota Journal of Law & Inequality Volume 1 Issue 2 Article 4 December 1983 Excerpts from MacKinnon/Schlafly Debate Catharine A. MacKinnon Follow this and additional works at: https://lawandinequality.org/ Recommended Citation Catharine A. MacKinnon, Excerpts from MacKinnon/Schlafly Debate, 1(2) LAW & INEQ. 341 (1983). Available at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/lawineq/vol1/iss2/4 Minnesota Journal of Law & Inequality is published by the University of Minnesota Libraries Publishing. Excerpts from MacKinnon/Schlafly Debate Catharine A. MacKinnon Introduction In the waning months of the most recent attempt to ratify a federal Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), I twice debated Phyllis Schlafly, its leading opponent since 1973 '-once at Stanford Law School', once in Los Angeles.' The argument printed here is from my presentations. I had not been actively involved in the ratification effort, had not spoken on ERA before, and had been persuaded to modify my criticism of its leading interpretation' because I did not want to undercut its chances for approval. I still do not know if it was right to remain silent while the debate on the meaning of sex equality was defined in liberal terms, thereby excluding the issues most central to the status of women and the issues most crucial to most women. Pursuing an untried, if more true, analysis of sex inequality risked losing something that might, once gained, be more meaningfully interpreted. Acquiescence in this calculation overcame the sense that ERA's theory, and strategies based on it, would not only limit its value if won, but insure its loss--a conviction that grew with each setback. -
The History of the American Revolution, Vol. 1 [1789]
The Online Library of Liberty A Project Of Liberty Fund, Inc. David Ramsay, The History of the American Revolution, vol. 1 [1789] The Online Library Of Liberty Collection This E-Book (PDF format) is published by Liberty Fund, Inc., a private, non-profit, foundation established to encourage study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals. It is part of the Online Library of Liberty web site http://oll.libertyfund.org, which was established in 2004 in order to further the educational goals of Liberty Fund, Inc. To find out more about the author or title, to use the site's powerful search engine, or to see other titles in other formats (HTML, facsimile PDF), please visit the OLL web site. This title is also part of the Portable Library of Liberty DVD which contains over 900 books and other material and is available free of charge upon request. The cuneiform inscription that appears in the logo and serves as a design element in all Liberty Fund books and Web sites is the earliest-known written appearance of the word “freedom” (amagi), or “liberty.” It is taken from a clay document written about 2300 B.C. in the Sumerian city-state of Lagash. To find out more about Liberty Fund, Inc., or the Online Library of Liberty Project, please contact the Director at [email protected]. LIBERTY FUND, INC. 8335 Allison Pointe Trail, Suite 300 Indianapolis, Indiana 46250-1684 Online Library of Liberty: The History of the American Revolution, vol. 1 Edition Used: The History of the American Revolution, Foreword by Lester H. -
Varieties of Familialism: Comparing Four Southern European and East Asian Welfare Regimes
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Saraceno, Chiara Article — Published Version Varieties of familialism: Comparing four southern European and East Asian welfare regimes Journal of european social policy Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Saraceno, Chiara (2016) : Varieties of familialism: Comparing four southern European and East Asian welfare regimes, Journal of european social policy, ISSN 1461-7269, Sage, Thousand Oaks, CA, Vol. 26, Iss. 4, pp. 314–326, http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928716657275 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/171966 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu ESP0010.1177/0958928716657275Journal of European Social PolicySaraceno 657275research-article2016 Journal Of European Article Social Policy Journal of European Social Policy 2016, Vol. -
Value All Care, Value Every Family
Value All Care, Value Every Family familyvaluesatwork.org Value All Care, Value Every Family More and more people of all political persuasions acknowledge that paid leave is an issue whose time has come. As we enter the “not if but when” stage of creating public policy, we need to make sure the program values all care and values every family. Parents urgently need paid time to welcome a new child into their homes. But more than three-quarters of those who take unpaid leave under the Family and Medical Leave Act do so to care for a loved one or for their own serious illness. Our paid leave program cannot leave them out. The stories in this booklet come from people across the country. Each of them faced an unexpected injury or illness, like most of us do at some point. And like us, they just want to take care of themselves and their loved ones without falling off an economic cliff. It would be very difficult to cure or prevent all the ailments described in this booklet. But it should not be difficult to reach bipartisan agreement on a paid leave plan that is accessible for all kinds of care and affordable to every family. familyvaluesatwork.org • The Impact of Our Wins Caring For Yourself familyvaluesatwork.org • Value All Care, Value Every Family Caring For Yourself Janet Valencia, Tucson, Arizona everal years ago when I was a single mom I worked as a registered nurse in Tucson, often through an agency with no paid leave. I did this so that I could arrange to work and also take care of my children. -
Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy
The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy Dr. Valerie Scatamburlo-D'Annibale University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario, Canada Abstract This article explores how Donald Trump capitalized on the right's decades-long, carefully choreographed and well-financed campaign against political correctness in relation to the broader strategy of 'cultural conservatism.' It provides an historical overview of various iterations of this campaign, discusses the mainstream media's complicity in promulgating conservative talking points about higher education at the height of the 1990s 'culture wars,' examines the reconfigured anti- PC/pro-free speech crusade of recent years, its contemporary currency in the Trump era and the implications for academia and educational policy. Keywords: political correctness, culture wars, free speech, cultural conservatism, critical pedagogy Introduction More than two years after Donald Trump's ascendancy to the White House, post-mortems of the 2016 American election continue to explore the factors that propelled him to office. Some have pointed to the spread of right-wing populism in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis that culminated in Brexit in Europe and Trump's victory (Kagarlitsky, 2017; Tufts & Thomas, 2017) while Fuchs (2018) lays bare the deleterious role of social media in facilitating the rise of authoritarianism in the U.S. and elsewhere. Other 69 | P a g e The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy explanations refer to deep-rooted misogyny that worked against Hillary Clinton (Wilz, 2016), a backlash against Barack Obama, sedimented racism and the demonization of diversity as a public good (Major, Blodorn and Blascovich, 2016; Shafer, 2017). -
Republicans on the Run Editor's Column
December 1984 Volume XX, No.6 Price $ 1.50 ~\- Republicans On The Run Editor's Column One of the first orders of business for RepUblicans on Capitol Hillfollowing the 1984 election was the selection of new Senate leaders. For moderates and progressives, the news was encouraging. Bob D ole was elected majon'ty leader. RIPON fORtJM John Heinz again heads the National Republican Senaton'al Commillee; John Chcifee is in charge ofth e Senate Republi can Conference; B ob Packwood is chairman of the Senate Editor's Column 2 Finance Commillee; a nd John Danforth is in charge of the Pronlu and Perspectivu: 3 Senate Commerce Commillee, They join other moderates A Conversation with andprogressives, such as Pete Domenici and M ark Haifield, Donald Shriver in key leadership positions. Our cover design points out that some moderates might, in A P~serlptlon (or Pro&resslves: 7 Dale Curt!, fact, seek the presidency in 1988. Ofcourse, it is too early, if not plain wrong, to start sen'ously hypothesizing about 1988. Editorial: LooklnaBeyond 1984 Yet it isn't too earlyfor GOP moderates and progressives to • begin organizing andfocusing on specific goals. This is the Toward A PrOltenive 12 Repubtlean Alenda: theme of several articles in this edilion oflhe Forum. Dale David L. S.lI acb CUrlis outlines several obstacles thaI must be overcome, but he also claims thatfivefavorable trends existfor moderates Proafuslve Republicans: IS and progressives, David Sallachpresenls theftrst in a sen'es Head Soutb and Go Wu t: William P. McKenzie ofprogressive R epublican "agendas, "focusing pn'man'ly on U. -
The Greek New Right and the Eve of Conservative Populism
The Visio Journal ● Volume 4 ● 2019 The Greek New Right and the Eve of Conservative Populism By Athanasios Grammenos* The economic crisis in the Eurozone and its dire consequences for Greece terminated the post-1974 political consensus, which was based on a pro-European and democratic concord. The collapse of the social-democratic Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) in 2012 allowed space for the radical Left to become the new pole of the political system. To this advancement, the conservatives, being the other pole, responded with a prompt enlargement attempt to the populist right-wing, engulfing several elements of the New Right. This new political order had had evident effects on the party’s social and economic agenda, escalating the political debate at the expense of established liberal principles. While in opposition (2015-2019), New Democracy (ND), member of the European Peo- ple’s Party (EPP) in the European Parliament, voted against a series of liberal bills (gender issues, separation of Church and State, the Macedonian issue, etc.) giving out positions with authoritarian and populist essence. The purpose of this paper is to focus on the rise of the New Right in Greece (2012-2019) in both rhetoric and practice, and its consequences for law institutions, human rights and foreign affairs. It is argued that ND, currently holding office, has been occupied by deeply conservative elements as a response to the rise of the radical Left, adopting occasionally ultra-conservative positions in a wide range of social issues. Although the case of Greece is unlike to those in other European countries, nevertheless, to the extent to which the preservation of traditional hierarchies come into question, the political platform of the Greek New Right, which has embedded authoritarian attitudes cultivating an anti-liberal sub-culture to the party’s voters, is in accordance with several European conservative movements like in Hungary, Austria or Czechia. -
The Impact of the New Right on the Reagan Administration
LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS UNIVERSITY OF LONDON THE IMPACT OF THE NEW RIGHT ON THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION: KIRKPATRICK & UNESCO AS. A TEST CASE BY Isaac Izy Kfir LONDON 1998 UMI Number: U148638 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U148638 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 2 ABSTRACT The aim of this research is to investigate whether the Reagan administration was influenced by ‘New Right’ ideas. Foreign policy issues were chosen as test cases because the presidency has more power in this area which is why it could promote an aggressive stance toward the United Nations and encourage withdrawal from UNESCO with little impunity. Chapter 1 deals with American society after 1945. It shows how the ground was set for the rise of Reagan and the New Right as America moved from a strong affinity with New Deal liberalism to a new form of conservatism, which the New Right and Reagan epitomised. Chapter 2 analyses the New Right as a coalition of three distinctive groups: anti-liberals, New Christian Right, and neoconservatives. -
("DSCC") Files This Complaint Seeking an Immediate Investigation by the 7
COMPLAINT BEFORE THE FEDERAL ELECTION CBHMISSIOAl INTRODUCTXON - 1 The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee ("DSCC") 7-_. J _j. c files this complaint seeking an immediate investigation by the 7 c; a > Federal Election Commission into the illegal spending A* practices of the National Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee (WRSCIt). As the public record shows, and an investigation will confirm, the NRSC and a series of ostensibly nonprofit, nonpartisan groups have undertaken a significant and sustained effort to funnel "soft money101 into federal elections in violation of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971, as amended or "the Act"), 2 U.S.C. 5s 431 et seq., and the Federal Election Commission (peFECt)Regulations, 11 C.F.R. 85 100.1 & sea. 'The term "aoft money" as ueed in this Complaint means funds,that would not be lawful for use in connection with any federal election (e.g., corporate or labor organization treasury funds, contributions in excess of the relevant contribution limit for federal elections). THE FACTS IN TBIS CABE On November 24, 1992, the state of Georgia held a unique runoff election for the office of United States Senator. Georgia law provided for a runoff if no candidate in the regularly scheduled November 3 general election received in excess of 50 percent of the vote. The 1992 runoff in Georg a was a hotly contested race between the Democratic incumbent Wyche Fowler, and his Republican opponent, Paul Coverdell. The Republicans presented this election as a %ust-win81 election. Exhibit 1. The Republicans were so intent on victory that Senator Dole announced he was willing to give up his seat on the Senate Agriculture Committee for Coverdell, if necessary. -
Inclusion, Accommodation, and Recognition: Accounting for Differences Based on Religion and Sexual Orientation
INCLUSION, ACCOMMODATION, AND RECOGNITION: ACCOUNTING FOR DIFFERENCES BASED ON RELIGION AND SEXUAL ORIENTATION DOUGLAS NEJAIME* This Article analyzes the rights claims and theoreticalframeworks deployed by Christian Right and gay rights cause lawyers in the context of gay-inclusive school programming to show how two movements with conflicting normative positions are using similar representational and rhetorical strategies. Lawyers from both movements cast constituents as vulnerable minorities in a pluralis- tic society, yet they do so to harness the homogenizing power of curriculum and thereby entrench a particularnormative view. Ex- ploring how both sets of lawyers construct distinct and often in- compatible models of pluralism as they attempt to influence schools' state-sponsored messages, this Article exposes the strengths as well as the limitations of both movements' strategies. Christian Right lawyers'free speech strategy-articulatingrelig- ious freedom claims through the secular language of free speech doctrine-operates within an inclusion model of pluralism. This model stresses public participationand engagement with differ- ence. After making significant advances over the past several years, lawyers have begun to employ the inclusion model with some success in the school programming domain, despite signfi- * Sears Law Teaching Fellow, The Williams Institute, UCLA School of Law; Associ- ate Professor, Loyola Law School (Los Angeles) (beginning Summer 2009). J.D., Harvard Law School, A.B., Brown University. I am indebted to the