PF Cadre Gets Beating After Talking Ill About Kaizer
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Intra-Party Democracy in the Zambian Polity1
John Bwalya, Owen B. Sichone: REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY … REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN THE ZAMBIAN POLITY1 John Bwalya Owen B. Sichone Abstract: Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained. Keywords: Intra-party Democracy, Leadership Transition, Ethnicity, Selectocracy, Third Wave Democracies Introduction Although there is a general consensus that political parties are essential to liberal democracy (Teorell 1999; Matlosa 2007; Randall 2007; Omotola 2010; Ennser-Jedenastik and Müller 2015), they often failed to live up to the expected democratic values such as sustaining intra-party democracy (Rakner and Svasånd 2013). As a result, some scholars have noted that parties may therefore not necessarily be good for democratic consolidation because they promote private economic interests, which are inimical to democracy and state building (Aaron 1 The authors gratefully acknowledge the comments from the editorial staff and anonymous reviewers. -
Evaluation Report Nimd – Programme in Zambia 2004-2007
EVALUATION REPORT NIMD – PROGRAMME IN ZAMBIA 2004-2007 December 2007 Nadia Molenaers [email protected] IOB-University of Antwerp, Belgium TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS………………………………………………………………………3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY…………………………………………………………………………4 I.INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………………………………….5 I.1. Working with political parties - NIMD: mission, vision, strategy I.2. Terms of Reference and a note on methodology II.ZAMBIAN POLITICAL HISTORY AND CONTEXT ………………………………………………….9 II.1. Independence and the formation of a one-party State: Kaunda’s legacy II.2. 1991: The first multi-party elections, the first alternation of power II.3. From multi-party to dominant party system? Chiluba seeking a third term II.4. MMD continues to rule: Mwanawasa consolidates the dominant party system II.5. Is the power balance slowly tilting towards a second real alternation in power? II.6. An overall assessment of the political situation III.EVALUATING THE NIMD PROGRAMME IN ZAMBIA……………………………………………15 III.1. Facts and Figures III.2. Perceptions and views III.3. Perceptions with regards to the institutional set-up of ZCID IV. CONCLUSIONS……………………………………………………………………………......................39 LIST OF INTERVIEWED PEOPLE……………………………………………………………………….41 ANNEX: TERMS OF REFERENCE……………………………………………………………………….42 2 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS FDD: Forum for Democracy and Development HP: Heritage Party IPB: Inter Party Bureau MMD: Movement for Multiparty Democracy NCC: National Constitution Conference NIMD: Netherlands Institute Multiparty Democracy PF: Patriotic Front SoP: Summit of Presidents ULP: United Liberal Party UNIP: United National Independence Party UPND: United Party for National Development ZCID: Zambian Center for Interparty Dialogue 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY1 “The thing that threatens ZCID yet at the same time is its driving force is the turbulent nature of politics and political parties. -
Politics in Plural Societies : a Theory of Democratic Instability
POLITICS IN PLURAL SOCIETIES A Theory of Democratic Instability ALVIN RABUSHKA University of Rochester and KENNETH A. SHEPSLE Washington University, St. Louis Charles E. Merrill Publishing Company A Bell & Howell Company Columbus, Ohio CHAPTER 5 Majority Domination We turn in this chapter to an analysis of ethnic politics in dominant major- ity configurations. A major theme that emerges from this analysis is the denial by majorities of political freedoms to minorities as well as access to a proportional share of the public sector. First we explore ethnic politics in Ceylon to illustrate how a dominant Sinhalese majority deals with an important Tamil minority; second, we extend the empirical coverage with a comparative treatment of majority domination in Northern Ireland, Cyprus, Mauritius, Rwanda, and Zanzibar (now part of Tanzania). Ceylon The most important source of division and disruption in Ceylonese politics and the greatest impediment to integrative trends has been the persistence of sentiments of identification and solidarity with broader primordial groups generally referred to as communities.1 The Sinhalese, constituting about seventy percent of the population, is the majority community in Ceylon. The remaining minorities consist of Ceylon Tamils who arrived from India between the fourth and twelfth centuries, eleven percent; Indian Tamils who arrived in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to work on the tea estates, twelve percent; Moors 1. Robert N. Kearney, Communalism and Language in the Politics of Ceylon (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1967), p. 4. We rely heavily upon the evidence Kearney provides of Sinhalese politics. See also W. Howard Wriggins, Ceylon: Dilemmas of a New Nation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960); Calvin A. -
Zambia's 2001 Elections: the Tyranny of Small Decisions, 'Non-Decisions
Third World Quarterly, Vol 23, No 6, pp 1103–1120, 2002 Zambia’s 2001 elections: the tyranny of small decisions, ‘non-decisions’ and ‘not decisions’ PETER BURNELL ABSTRACT The course of the 1990s witnessed deterioration in the quality of elections held across sub-Saharan Africa. Zambia’s elections for the presidency, parliament and local government held on 27 December 2001 are no exception. They returned the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD) to power, but with much reduced popular support and leaving doubts about the legitimacy of the result. A ‘tyranny of small decisions’, ‘non-decisions’ and ‘not decisions’ perpetrated over 12 months or more leading up to these elections combined to influence the outcome. The previous MMD government and the formally autono- mous Electoral Commission were primarily but not wholly responsible. For independent analysts as well as for the political opposition, who secured a majority of parliamentary seats while narrowly failing to capture the presidency, identifying the relevant category of ‘decisions’ to which influences belong and comparing their impact is no straightforward matter. Zambia both illustrates the claim that ‘administrative problems are typically the basis of the flawed elections’ in new democracies and refines it by showing the difficulty of clearly separating the administrative and political factors. In contrast Zimbabwe’s presi- dential election in March 2002, which had the Zambian experience to learn from, appears a more clear-cut case of deliberate political mischief by the ruling party. There is little doubt that in the course of the 1990s the quality of Africa’s elections went into decline. -
Download It From
IMD Partner in Democracy A NNUAL R EPORT 2005 The IMD – an institute of political parties for political parties The Institute for Multiparty Democracy (IMD) is an institute of political parties for political parties. Its mandate is to encourage the process of democratisation in young democracies by providing support to political parties as the core pillars of multi- party democracy. IMD works in a strictly non-partisan and inclusive manner. Through this approach, the Institute endeavours to contribute to properly functioning, sustainable pluralistic political party systems. It also supports the activities of civil society groups which play a healthy role in multi-party democracies, even though they are not part of any formal party structure. IMD was set up by seven Dutch political parties in 2000 in response to requests for support from around the world. The IMD’s founding members are the Dutch Labour Party (PvdA), Liberal Party (VVD), Christian Democratic Party (CDA), Democratic Party (D66), Green Party (GroenLinks), Christian Union (ChristenUnie) and Reformed Party (SGP). Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy Korte Vijverberg 2 2513 AB The Hague The Netherlands Address per September 1, 2006: Passage 31 2511 AB The Hague The Netherlands T: +31 (0)70 311 5464 F: +31 (0)70 311 5465 E: [email protected] www.nimd.org IMD Partner in Democracy A NNUAL R EPORT 2005 Partners in Democracy Preface Without properly functioning political parties, resulted in a study for the European Parliament entitled democracies do not work well – a fact that is not yet No lasting Peace and Prosperity without Democracy & fully recognised within the international development Human Rights. -
Ficha País De Zambia
OFICINA DE INFORMACIÓN DIPLOMÁTICA FICHA PAÍS Zambia República de Zambia La Oficina de Información Diplomática del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, Unión Europea y Cooperación pone a disposición de los profesionales de los medios de comunicación y del público en general la presente ficha país. La información contenida en esta ficha país es pública y se ha extraído de diversos medios, no defendiendo posición política alguna ni de este Ministerio ni del Gobierno de España respecto del país sobre el que versa. ABRIL 2021 Forma de Estado: República presidencialista. Zambia División Administrativa: Zambia está organizada territorialmente en 10 pro- vincias: Central, Copperbelt, Este, Luapula, Lusaka, Muchinga, Norte, No- roeste, Sur y Oeste. Cada una de ellas cuenta con la figura de un viceminis- tro, que actúa como Gobernador. Nº residentes españoles: 31 (31/01/2021) Día Nacional: 24 de octubre. Mpulungu Año Independencia: 1964 (24 de octubre de 1964, fecha de su indepen- REPÚBLICA DEMOCRÁTICA TANZANIA dencia de Reino Unido). Kasama DEL CONGO Gentilicio : Zambiano, -na; zambianos, -nas (RAE). Lago 1.2. Geografía Kansanshi Malawi Mufulirá Kitwe Ndola La mayor parte de su superficie se encuentra en una llanura de entre 1.000 y ANGOLA MALAWI Kapiri Mposhi 1.500 m de altura respecto del nivel del mar, al que Zambia no tiene acceso. Kabwe El punto orográfico más elevado (2.200 m) son las Montañas Muchinga, en el MOZAMBIQUE Mongu LUSAKA este del país. Las Cataratas Victoria y el Río Zambeze comparten frontera con Zimbabue. 1.3. Indicadores sociales NAMIBIA ZIMBABUE BOTSUANA Densidad de población: 23,3 habitantes/km² (2020) © Ocina de Información Diplomática. -
Zambia Edalina Rodrigues Sanches Zambia Became Increasingly
Zambia Edalina Rodrigues Sanches Zambia became increasingly authoritarian under Patriotic Front (PF) President Edgar Lungu, who had been elected in a tightly contested presidential election in 2016. The runner-up, the United Party for National Development (UPND), engaged in a series of actions to challenge the validity of the results. The UPND saw 48 of its legislators suspended for boycotting Lungu’s state of the nation address and its leader, Hakainde Hichilema, was arrested on charges of treason after his motorcade allegedly blocked Lungu’s convoy. Independent media and civil society organisations were under pressure. A state of emergency was declared after several arson attacks. Lungu announced his intention to run in the 2021 elections and warned judges that blocking this would plunge the country into chaos. The economy performed better, underpinned by global economic recovery and higher demand for copper, the country’s key export. Stronger performance in the agricultural and mining sectors and higher electricity generation also contributed to the recovery. The Zambian kwacha stabilised against the dollar and inflation stood within the target. The cost of living increased. The country’s high risk of debt distress led the IMF to put off a $ 1.3 bn loan deal. China continued to play a pivotal role in Zambia’s economic development trajectory. New bilateral cooperation agreements were signed with Southern African countries. Domestic Politics The controversial results of the August 2016 presidential elections heightened political tensions for most of the year. Hakainde Hichilema, the UPND presidential candidate since 2006, saw the PF incumbent Lungu win the election by a narrow margin and subsequently contested the results, alleging that the vote was rigged. -
Opposition Party Alliances and Elections in Botswana, Lesotho and Zambia
VOLUME 6 NO 1 91 OPPOSITION PARTY ALLIANCES AND ELECTIONS IN BOTSWANA, LESOTHO AND ZAMBIA Victor Shale Victor Shale is a Researcher at EISA and EISA’s Political Parties Programme Coordinator. He is also a Doctoral Candidate in the Department of Political Science of the University of South Africa P O Box 740 Auckland Park 2006 Tel: +27 011 482 5495; Fax: +27 011 482 6163 e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT The Southern African Development Community has made significant democratic progress since the 1990s following a wave of ferocious internal conflicts, as in Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo. In order for the achievements to be sustained the region requires viable political parties, which are key role players in a democracy. The majority of the current ruling parties in the SADC region such as the African National Congress, the Botswana Democratic Party, Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (Frelimo), the Lesotho Congress for Democracy, Zambia’s Movement for Multiparty Democracy and the South West Africa People’s Organisation are very powerful, while opposition parties are fragmented and generally weak. However, a trend has developed for opposition parties, having recognised their limitations, to form alliances in order to play a meaningful role. This route has been followed by opposition parties in Botswana, Lesotho and Zambia. On the eve of the recent general elections in Lesotho and Zambia, parties negotiated strategies to maximise their chances of winning. In Botswana the negotiation process is still under way, albeit threatened -
Econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Erdmann, Gero Working Paper Ethnicity, Voter Alignment and Political Party Affiliation – an African Case: Zambia GIGA Working Papers, No. 45 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Erdmann, Gero (2007) : Ethnicity, Voter Alignment and Political Party Affiliation – an African Case: Zambia, GIGA Working Papers, No. 45, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/47807 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially -
Voters, Parties and Elections in Zambia
CENTRE FOR SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH Voters, parties and elections in Zambia Jeremy Seekings CSSR Working Paper No. 422 September 2018 Published by the Centre for Social Science Research University of Cape Town 2018 http://www.cssr.uct.ac.za This Working Paper can be downloaded from: http://cssr.uct.ac.za/pub/wp/422/ ISBN: 978-1-77011-409-8 © Centre for Social Science Research, UCT, 2018 About the author: Jeremy Seekings is Professor of Political Studies and Sociology and director of the Centre for Social Science Research at the University of Cape Town. Email: [email protected]. Acknowledgements: This paper is forthcoming in Marja Hinfelaar et al (eds), Democracy and Elections in Contemporary Zambia. I am grateful to comments from Dr Hinfelaar and other participants in a workshop held at SAIPAR (Lusaka) in 2017. I am grateful also to Afrobarometer for permission to use the 2017 survey data. Voters, parties and elections in Zambia Abstract Data on the attitudes of Zambian voters from seven Afrobarometer surveys between 1999 and 2017 confirms the big shifts in partisan and electoral politics in Zambia over this period. Shifts in voters’ assessments of the president and political parties correspond to the trends shown in actual election results, with the decline of the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), the rise of the Patriotic Front (PF) and the resurgence of the United Party for National Development (UPND). Ethnicity plays an important role in partisan preferences. Part of this might simply be due to variation in voters’ evaluations of the performance of the political parties and president, but ethnicity is not a simple proxy for these evaluations. -
Zambia 2019 Human Rights Report
ZAMBIA 2019 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Zambia is a constitutional republic governed by a democratically elected president and a unicameral national assembly. In 2016 the country held elections under an amended constitution for president, national assembly seats, and local government, as well as a referendum on an enhanced bill of rights. The incumbent, Patriotic Front (PF) President Edgar Chagwa Lungu, won re-election by a narrow margin. A legal technicality saw the losing main opposition United Party for National Development (UPND) candidate, Hakainde Hichilema, unsuccessfully challenge the election results. International and local observers deemed the election as having been credible but cited a number of irregularities. The pre-election and postelection periods were marred by limits on press freedom and political party intolerance resulting in sporadic violence across the country. Although the results ultimately were deemed a credible reflection of votes cast, media coverage, police actions, and legal restrictions heavily favored the ruling party and prevented the election from being genuinely fair. The national police have primary responsibility for internal security and report to the Ministry of Home Affairs. The military is responsible for external security but also has some domestic security responsibilities in cases of national emergency. The president appoints the commanders of each military service and they report directly to him. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control over the security forces. -
Governance and Public Services Delivery in Zambia
Governance and Public Services Delivery in Zambia OSSREA Documentation Centre P. O. Box 31971 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia GOVERNANCE AND PUBLIC SERVICES DELIVERY IN ZAMBIA Editors: Jotham C. Momba Mwamba D. Kalabula © Ossrea 2007 Published by UNZA Press for Ossrea. Zambia Chapter ISBN 9982-03-045-0 CONTENTS Preamble Jotham C. Momba Zambia's Electoral System in Perspective 5 Laurent C.W. Kaela Citizenship, Democracy and Politics of Exclusion: The Challenges Facing the Mwanawasa's 'New Deal' Government 19 Neo Simutanyi Rolling Stones: ACrisis for Democracy 26 Friday E. Mulenga Enhancing Local Government: Lessons From Bilateral Cooperation 36 Peter K. Lolojih Administrative Reforms and the Search for Efficient Delivery of Public Service: the Challenges Facing Health and Educational Boards 44 Moderate M. Momba Local Governance and Urban Economies: What Role for Urban Markets in Zambia 53 Wilma S. Nchito The Impact of Privatisation in Resuscitating Zambia's Economy 62 Kamini Krishna Economic Development in Relation to Poverty and Social Services Delivery 69 Davidson Chilipamushi Financial Mismanagement in the Zambian Public Sector: The Case of Presidential Housing Initiative 81 Nessan Ronan The Impact of Cost Sharing on Demand for Basic Education in Zambia 90 Charles M. Subulwa Cooperating Partners and the Delivery of Educational Services to Children with Special Educational Needs in Zambia: ESSPIII Case Study 99 Darlington M. Kalabula Preamble Jotham C. Momba University of Zambia Introduction The papers constituting the chapters for this book came out of a number of local workshops that have been held by the Zambia Chapter of the Organisation for Social Science Research for Southern and Eastern Africa (OSSREA).