Evaluation Report Nimd – Programme in Zambia 2004-2007
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CSEC Report on Zambia's 2011 Tripartite Elections
CIVIL SOCIETY ELECTION COALITION (CSEC) 2011 CSEC Report on Zambia’s 2011 Tripartite Elections 20 September 2011 December 2011 CSEC Secretariat, c/o Caritas Zambia Plot 60 Kabulonga Road P. O. Box 31965, Lusaka Zambia ‘CSEC: Promoting transparent and credible elections through monitoring all stages of the 2011 electoral process in Zambia’ 1 FOREWORD Civil society in Zambia has a long history of contributinG to the democratic process throuGh a number of activities carried out by individual orGanisations. As the civil society in the country Geared up to be part of Zambia’s 2011 tripartite elections, the idea and viability of coming up with a coordinated and structured coalition such as CSEC 2011 was unforeseen until about May 2011. Eight (8) civil society orGanizations came toGether, believing in their unique capacities but also acknowledging the Great enerGy that would be realised if the orGanisations worked toGether. CSEC thus provided a unique experience of election monitoring. The CSEC experience has Gave the participatinG civil society orGanisations an opportunity to learn many lessons from the challenges and successes of working for a common purpose in a coalition. While the challenges that CSEC faced (limited time, limited resources and varying orGanisational cultures) made it a not so easy task, such challenges were not insurmountable. It was remarkable thouGh to note that partner orGanizations remained committed to the cause and hence the achievements that were realised by the coalition. For instance the contribution made to Zambia’s 2011 elections by CSEC’s Rapid Response Project (RRP) was just phenomenal. Amidst harassment, threats and denunciations arisinG from an ill informed debate on Parallel Vote Tabulation (PVT), CSEC was able to verify official election results using RRP as alternative concept to PVT. -
Zambia General Elections
Report of the Commonwealth Observer Group ZAMBIA GENERAL ELECTIONS 20 September 2011 COMMONWEALTH SECRETARIAT Table of Contents Chapter 1 ................................................................................................... 1 INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................... 1 Terms of Reference ....................................................................................... 1 Activities ....................................................................................................... 1 Chapter 2 ................................................................................................... 3 POLITICAL BACKGROUND ....................................................................... 3 Early History ................................................................................................. 3 Colonial History of Zambia ............................................................................. 3 Post-Independence Politics ............................................................................ 3 2001 General Elections .................................................................................. 4 2006 General Elections .................................................................................. 5 The 2008 Presidential By-Election ................................................................... 5 Other Developments ...................................................................................... 5 Constitutional Review ................................................................................... -
Imminent Arrest Tomorrow
No317 K10 www.diggers.news Wednesday November 28, 2018 POLICE GO FOR KAMBWILI ...imminent arrest tomorrowStory page 4 PF’s loss in Don’t be used in economic Lusinde a confl ict against Chinese, tip of an Lubinda tells Zambians By Zondiwe Mbewe of the campaign against Justice Minister Given the death penalty by an iceberg – Lubinda says Zambia organisation called St should resist the Egidio. temptation of being used “It is unfortunate that Ngoma in an economic con ict some Zambians were By Abraham Kalito against the Chinese. taking the law in their Former Sinda member of And Lubinda has revealed own hands by attacking parliament Levy Ngoma has that Zambia has voted foreigners who had come warned that the Patriotic in the a rmative at the in the country to invest,” Front’s loss of the Lusinde United Nations –UN- Lubinda said. To page 11 Ward by-election is a tip on maintenance of a of the ice berg because suspension of the death residents are angry with penalty. the regime’s poor service According to a statement Tame your delivery. issued by Zambia’s First And Ngoma says President Secretary for Press and Edgar Lungu is promoting Tourism in Ethiopia hotheads, tribalism by expecting Inutu Mupango Mwanza, Easterners to vote for him Tuesday, Lubinda was on a ‘wako ni wako’ basis VJ urges simply because he comes speaking in Addis Ababa, from that part of the Ethiopia on Monday when country. he transited to Rome to Lungu, HH To page 10 attend a conference on Story page 2 the 10th Anniversary Let’s all agree, PF must go in 2021 – Andyford SIMPLICITY: Prince Harry bids farewell to British High Commissioner to Zambia Story page 2 Fergus Cochrane-Dyet at BongoHive’s Lusaka o ces yesterday - Picture Stuart Lisulo 2. -
Zambia Page 1 of 8
Zambia Page 1 of 8 Zambia Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2003 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 25, 2004 Zambia is a republic governed by a president and a unicameral national assembly. Since 1991, multiparty elections have resulted in the victory of the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD). MMD candidate Levy Mwanawasa was elected President in 2001, and the MMD won 69 out of 150 elected seats in the National Assembly. Domestic and international observer groups noted general transparency during the voting; however, they criticized several irregularities. Opposition parties challenged the election results in court, and court proceedings were ongoing at year's end. The anti-corruption campaign launched in 2002 continued during the year and resulted in the removal of Vice President Kavindele and the arrest of former President Chiluba and many of his supporters. The Constitution mandates an independent judiciary, and the Government generally respected this provision; however, the judicial system was hampered by lack of resources, inefficiency, and reports of possible corruption. The police, divided into regular and paramilitary units under the Ministry of Home Affairs, have primary responsibility for maintaining law and order. The Zambia Security and Intelligence Service (ZSIS), under the Office of the President, is responsible for intelligence and internal security. Civilian authorities maintained effective control of the security forces. Members of the security forces committed numerous serious human rights abuses. Approximately 60 percent of the labor force worked in agriculture, although agriculture contributed only 15 percent to the gross domestic product. Economic growth increased to 4 percent for the year. -
Post-Populism in Zambia: Michael Sata's Rise
This is the accepted version of the article which is published by Sage in International Political Science Review, Volume: 38 issue: 4, page(s): 456-472 available at: https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512117720809 Accepted version downloaded from SOAS Research Online: http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/24592/ Post-populism in Zambia: Michael Sata’s rise, demise and legacy Alastair Fraser SOAS University of London, UK Abstract Models explaining populism as a policy response to the interests of the urban poor struggle to understand the instability of populist mobilisations. A focus on political theatre is more helpful. This article extends the debate on populist performance, showing how populists typically do not produce rehearsed performances to passive audiences. In drawing ‘the people’ on stage they are forced to improvise. As a result, populist performances are rarely sustained. The article describes the Zambian Patriotic Front’s (PF) theatrical insurrection in 2006 and its evolution over the next decade. The PF’s populist aspect had faded by 2008 and gradually disappeared in parallel with its leader Michael Sata’s ill-health and eventual death in 2014. The party was nonetheless electorally successful. The article accounts for this evolution and describes a ‘post-populist’ legacy featuring hyper- partisanship, violence and authoritarianism. Intolerance was justified in the populist moment as a reflection of anger at inequality; it now floats free of any programme. Keywords Elections, populism, political theatre, Laclau, Zambia, Sata, Patriotic Front Introduction This article both contributes to the thin theoretic literature on ‘post-populism’ and develops an illustrative case. It discusses the explosive arrival of the Patriotic Front (PF) on the Zambian electoral scene in 2006 and the party’s subsequent evolution. -
Conflict Structural Vulnerability Assessment (SVA) - Zambia
Conflict Structural Vulnerability Assessment (SVA) - Zambia Supported by: UNDP Support to Election Cycle Project in Zambia November, 2017 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgement........................................................................................................ iv Executive Summary ...................................................................................................... v Main Findings ................................................................................................................ v Recommendations ...................................................................................................... vii SECTION ONE: BACKGROUND TO THE STRUCTURAL VULNERABILITY ASSESSMENT (SVA) ..................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Overview of Key SVA Concepts ............................................................................. 1 1.1.1Structural Causes of Conflict ............................................................................ 2 1.1.2 Proximate Causes of Conflict ........................................................................... 2 1.1.3 Triggers of Conflict ........................................................................................... 2 1.1.4 Actors .............................................................................................................. 3 1.2 Goal and Objectives of the Study ........................................................................... 4 1.3 Study Questions .................................................................................................... -
Intra-Party Democracy in the Zambian Polity1
John Bwalya, Owen B. Sichone: REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY … REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN THE ZAMBIAN POLITY1 John Bwalya Owen B. Sichone Abstract: Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained. Keywords: Intra-party Democracy, Leadership Transition, Ethnicity, Selectocracy, Third Wave Democracies Introduction Although there is a general consensus that political parties are essential to liberal democracy (Teorell 1999; Matlosa 2007; Randall 2007; Omotola 2010; Ennser-Jedenastik and Müller 2015), they often failed to live up to the expected democratic values such as sustaining intra-party democracy (Rakner and Svasånd 2013). As a result, some scholars have noted that parties may therefore not necessarily be good for democratic consolidation because they promote private economic interests, which are inimical to democracy and state building (Aaron 1 The authors gratefully acknowledge the comments from the editorial staff and anonymous reviewers. -
May-2021-Edition-5-1
MONTHLY Socialist SOCIALISTPARTY ISSUE 10, APRIL/MAY 2021 A newsletter published by the Socialist Party, Lusaka, Zambia FREE OF CHARGE The August elections give us a chance to SocialistYou, staff reporter the poor, SOCIALIST Party president Fred M’membe change told a presentation of parliamentary and local government candidates that it was the majority who should be ruling Zambia. everything “Who are the majority in this country? They say democracy is majority rule. If it’s the poor who are the majority, why don’t they rule? This year, and build a you, the poor, should rule,” must rule he said. Dr M’membe was speaking more just at Kingfisher Garden Court in Lusaka at the unveiling cer- emony for 34 parliamentary and three local government and caring candidates. He asked them, “Was Jesus rich or poor? Were his society disciples rich or poor? When choosing a chief, did they choose the rich or the wise? yourselves “Does having money Fred M’membe says majority can end poverty amount to being wise? Is leadership about money?” Dr M’membe said that, for the most part, those who ruled lived well but those who were governed suffered, add- ing that the poor had not ruled Zambia since independence. “They use you like a ladder when climbing on to a wall and when they are at the top they drop the ladder,” he said. And he warned what would happen if the poor did not take control in the August elections this year. “If you, poor people, don’t rule, pov- erty will not end,” he said. -
1 Elections and Peacebuilding in Zambia Assessment Final Report
Elections and Peacebuilding in Zambia Assessment Final Report Contents Executive Summary ............................................................................................................ 3 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 8 I. Structural Vulnerabilities ................................................................................................. 9 A. Political Factors.............................................................................................................. 9 B. Social Factors ............................................................................................................... 11 Table 1 .............................................................................................................................. 14 Composition of Members of Parliament by Gender since 1994 ....................................... 14 C. Economic Factors ......................................................................................................... 14 D. Security Factors............................................................................................................ 14 II. Vulnerabilities Specific to the 2011 Election ............................................................... 15 A. Electoral Administration .............................................................................................. 15 B. Parallel Vote Tabulation (PVT) .................................................................................. -
Politics in Plural Societies : a Theory of Democratic Instability
POLITICS IN PLURAL SOCIETIES A Theory of Democratic Instability ALVIN RABUSHKA University of Rochester and KENNETH A. SHEPSLE Washington University, St. Louis Charles E. Merrill Publishing Company A Bell & Howell Company Columbus, Ohio CHAPTER 5 Majority Domination We turn in this chapter to an analysis of ethnic politics in dominant major- ity configurations. A major theme that emerges from this analysis is the denial by majorities of political freedoms to minorities as well as access to a proportional share of the public sector. First we explore ethnic politics in Ceylon to illustrate how a dominant Sinhalese majority deals with an important Tamil minority; second, we extend the empirical coverage with a comparative treatment of majority domination in Northern Ireland, Cyprus, Mauritius, Rwanda, and Zanzibar (now part of Tanzania). Ceylon The most important source of division and disruption in Ceylonese politics and the greatest impediment to integrative trends has been the persistence of sentiments of identification and solidarity with broader primordial groups generally referred to as communities.1 The Sinhalese, constituting about seventy percent of the population, is the majority community in Ceylon. The remaining minorities consist of Ceylon Tamils who arrived from India between the fourth and twelfth centuries, eleven percent; Indian Tamils who arrived in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to work on the tea estates, twelve percent; Moors 1. Robert N. Kearney, Communalism and Language in the Politics of Ceylon (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1967), p. 4. We rely heavily upon the evidence Kearney provides of Sinhalese politics. See also W. Howard Wriggins, Ceylon: Dilemmas of a New Nation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960); Calvin A. -
Zambia's 2001 Elections: the Tyranny of Small Decisions, 'Non-Decisions
Third World Quarterly, Vol 23, No 6, pp 1103–1120, 2002 Zambia’s 2001 elections: the tyranny of small decisions, ‘non-decisions’ and ‘not decisions’ PETER BURNELL ABSTRACT The course of the 1990s witnessed deterioration in the quality of elections held across sub-Saharan Africa. Zambia’s elections for the presidency, parliament and local government held on 27 December 2001 are no exception. They returned the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD) to power, but with much reduced popular support and leaving doubts about the legitimacy of the result. A ‘tyranny of small decisions’, ‘non-decisions’ and ‘not decisions’ perpetrated over 12 months or more leading up to these elections combined to influence the outcome. The previous MMD government and the formally autono- mous Electoral Commission were primarily but not wholly responsible. For independent analysts as well as for the political opposition, who secured a majority of parliamentary seats while narrowly failing to capture the presidency, identifying the relevant category of ‘decisions’ to which influences belong and comparing their impact is no straightforward matter. Zambia both illustrates the claim that ‘administrative problems are typically the basis of the flawed elections’ in new democracies and refines it by showing the difficulty of clearly separating the administrative and political factors. In contrast Zimbabwe’s presi- dential election in March 2002, which had the Zambian experience to learn from, appears a more clear-cut case of deliberate political mischief by the ruling party. There is little doubt that in the course of the 1990s the quality of Africa’s elections went into decline. -
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IMD Partner in Democracy A NNUAL R EPORT 2005 The IMD – an institute of political parties for political parties The Institute for Multiparty Democracy (IMD) is an institute of political parties for political parties. Its mandate is to encourage the process of democratisation in young democracies by providing support to political parties as the core pillars of multi- party democracy. IMD works in a strictly non-partisan and inclusive manner. Through this approach, the Institute endeavours to contribute to properly functioning, sustainable pluralistic political party systems. It also supports the activities of civil society groups which play a healthy role in multi-party democracies, even though they are not part of any formal party structure. IMD was set up by seven Dutch political parties in 2000 in response to requests for support from around the world. The IMD’s founding members are the Dutch Labour Party (PvdA), Liberal Party (VVD), Christian Democratic Party (CDA), Democratic Party (D66), Green Party (GroenLinks), Christian Union (ChristenUnie) and Reformed Party (SGP). Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy Korte Vijverberg 2 2513 AB The Hague The Netherlands Address per September 1, 2006: Passage 31 2511 AB The Hague The Netherlands T: +31 (0)70 311 5464 F: +31 (0)70 311 5465 E: [email protected] www.nimd.org IMD Partner in Democracy A NNUAL R EPORT 2005 Partners in Democracy Preface Without properly functioning political parties, resulted in a study for the European Parliament entitled democracies do not work well – a fact that is not yet No lasting Peace and Prosperity without Democracy & fully recognised within the international development Human Rights.