Democracy and Governance Assessment of Zambia Transition Resumed?

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Democracy and Governance Assessment of Zambia Transition Resumed? Report submitted to the United States Agency for International Development Democracy and Governance Assessment of Zambia Transition Resumed? Under the Analytical Indefinite Quantity Contract (IQC), Contract No. AEP-I-00-99-00041-00, Core Task Order January 2003 Submitted to: Frank Hawes USAID/Zambia Submitted by: ARD, Inc. 159 Bank Street, Suite 300 Burlington, Vermont 05401 Tel: (802) 658-3890 Fax: (802) 658-4247 Acknowledgements This Democracy and Governance Assessment of Zambia resulted from collaboration between USAID/Zambia, the Bureau of Democracy, Conflict and Humanitarian Assistance’s Office of Democracy and Governance (DCHA/DG), which provided the funding, and the Africa Bureau’s Office of Sustainable Development (AFR/SD/DG). The report was produced by ARD, Inc. The assessment team consisted of Dr. Stevens Tucker (ARD), Melissa Rosser (AFR/SD/DG), Frank Hawes (USAID/Zambia DG Advisor), and Mwalimu Simfukwe (Lusaka-based independent consultant contracted by ARD). The assessment methodology was developed by the Strategies and Field Support Team of the Center for Democracy and Governance under the leadership of Jerrold Hyman. The assessment team wishes to acknowledge the logistical and substantive assistance provided by personnel of USAID/Lusaka, particularly Mambepa Kalwani. The views expressed in the following assessment are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions or policies of the US government. Democracy and Governance Assessment of Zambia i Table of Contents Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................................i Acronyms....................................................................................................................................................iii Executive Summary....................................................................................................................................v 1.0- Introduction and Overview................................................................................................................1 1.1 Overview...........................................................................................................................................1 2.0 The DG Problem: Executive Dominance and Absence of Political Accountability......................8 2.1 Consensus .........................................................................................................................................9 2.2 Inclusion............................................................................................................................................9 2.3 Competition.....................................................................................................................................10 2.4 Rule of Law.....................................................................................................................................11 2.5 Governance .....................................................................................................................................13 3.0 Arenas of Politics: Key Actors, Institutions and Policies ..............................................................14 3.1 The Competitive Arena...................................................................................................................17 3.1.1 Elections..................................................................................................................................17 3.1.2 Political Party Development and the Political Opposition......................................................19 3.1.3 Legislative Power and the National Assembly .......................................................................23 3.2 The Civic Arena..............................................................................................................................24 3.2.1 Civil Society Organizations and Civic Advocacy...................................................................24 3.2.2 Media ......................................................................................................................................28 3.3 Anti-Corruption: Political Incentives and Specialized Institutions.................................................29 3.4 Decentralization and Local Governance .........................................................................................31 3.4.1 Devolution vs. Deconcentration..............................................................................................31 3.4.2 Control of Resources...............................................................................................................33 3.4.3 Local Government and Community Participation ..................................................................34 3.4.4 Formal vs. Traditional Authority ............................................................................................35 4.0 Program Recommendations.............................................................................................................36 4.1 Strategic Direction ..........................................................................................................................36 4.1.1 Public Debate and Civil Society Strengthening......................................................................37 4.1.2 Civil Society – Public Sector Linkages...................................................................................38 4.1.3 Anti-Corruption.......................................................................................................................39 4.1.4 Crosscutting Themes...............................................................................................................40 4.2 Choosing Among Options...............................................................................................................40 4.2.1 Criteria and Thresholds...........................................................................................................40 4.2.2 Donor Coordination ................................................................................................................43 Annex 1: Persons Consulted.....................................................................................................................45 Annex 2: Bibliography..............................................................................................................................47 Annex 3: Draft Democracy and Governance Concept Paper (27 June 2002) .....................................50 Annex 4: Scope of Work—D/G Strategic Assessment for Zambia.......................................................55 Democracy and Governance Assessment of Zambia ii Acronyms AAC Anglo-American Corporation ACC Anti-Corruption Commission AFR/SD Africa Bureau’s Office of Sustainable Development AFRONET Inter-African Network for Human Rights and Development AIDS Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome AZ Agents for Zambia BBC British Broadcasting Corporation CBO Community-Based Organization CDC Constituency Development Committee CDF Constituency Development Fund CCJDP Catholic Commission for Justice, Development and Peace CSO Civil Society Organization DA District Administrator DCHA Bureau of Democracy, Conflict and Humanitarian Assistance DDCC District Development Coordinating Committee DEC Drug Enforcement Commission DG Democracy and Governance DOS Department of State DPP Director of Public Prosecutions ECZ Electoral Commission of Zambia EU European Union FDD Forum for Democracy and Development FODEP Foundation for Democratic Process FPTP First-Past-The-Post GDP Gross Domestic Product GNP Gross National Product GOZ Government of Zambia HIV Human Immunodeficiency Virus HP Heritage Party HRC Human Rights Commission IBRD International Bank for Reconstruction and Development IFI International Financial Institutions IR Intermediate Result KCM Kkonkola Copper Mines LAZ Law Association of Zambia LGAZ Local Government Association of Zambia MLGH Ministry of Local Government and Housing MMD Movement for Multiparty Democracy MOLA Ministry of Legal Affairs NAMAC National Movement Against Corruption NCC National Citizens Coalition NGO Nongovernmental Organization NGO-CC NGO Coordinating Committee NLD National Leadership for Development PAZA Press Association of Zambia PDCC Provincial Development Coordinating Committee PF Patriotic Front PHI Presidential Housing Initiative Democracy and Governance Assessment of Zambia iii RDCC Residents Development Coordinating Committee SDP Social Democratic Party SWAP Sector Wide Assistance Program TI Transparency International TIZ Transparency International/Zambia USAID United States Agency for International Development UNIP United National Independence Party UPND United Party for National Development VPC Village Productivity Committee WDC Ward Development Committee ZADECO Zambia Democratic Congress ZAMCOM Zambia Institute of Mass Communication Education Trust ZCTU Zambia Congress of Trade Unions ZIMA Zambia Independent Media Association ZLDC Zambian Law Development Commission ZNWLG Zambia National Women’s Lobby Group ZRA Zambia Revenue Authority ZRP Zambia Republican Party ZSIS Zambia Security Intelligence Service Democracy and Governance Assessment of Zambia iv Executive Summary The stalling of political liberalization after the 1991 transition resulted in large part from the failure to alter institutional arrangements designed to entrench executive dominance of both state
Recommended publications
  • Delayed Govt Support to Farmers Angers Members of Parliament PF
    No 65 www.diggers.news Friday November 24, 2017 Delayed govt support to farmers Eric Chanda angers members of parliament joins NDC By Zondiwe Mbewe And a Choma district farmer, I have joined NDC because I have seen Sata’s pro-poor Joseph Sichoza, says Siliya is policies in Chishimba Kambwili and the NDC, says Eric fooling farmers by promising Chanda. that one million beneficiaries Chanda has since told News Diggers! that he is no longer will receive e-voucher cards president of the 4th Revolution. by next week, saying such an “I’m a member of the central committee of the National undertaking was impossible Democratic Congress with a position. But let me not confirm and would be a miracle to it now, I will confirm at a later stage. I will be holding a press achieve. conference at some appropriate time . But what I can confirm During the questions for oral for now is that I’m an NDC member," Chanda said. answer session in Parliament "For now, ifyabu president nafipwa. For now, I’m no longer MPS today, Katuba UPND member a president [of the 4th Revolution]. All of us must live to of parliament Patricia support the cause of NDC to put a stop to the Edgar Lungu- led corrupt government." Mwashingwele asked Siliya By Mirriam Chabala And Chanda has already started fighting battles for the newly to explain why she had gone Agriculture minister Dora formed party, while encouraging citizens to join-in. back to Parliament for the Siliya this morning struggled On Wednesday, PF Copperbelt youth chairman Nathan second time to give farmers to explain why government Chanda who is also Luanshya mayor said Kambwili was a deadline for the activation has been making empty practicing childish politics because he kept insulting of e-voucher cards which she promises over the distribution President Lungu; a statement that did not go well with knew would not even be met.
    [Show full text]
  • Zambia Page 1 of 8
    Zambia Page 1 of 8 Zambia Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2003 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 25, 2004 Zambia is a republic governed by a president and a unicameral national assembly. Since 1991, multiparty elections have resulted in the victory of the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD). MMD candidate Levy Mwanawasa was elected President in 2001, and the MMD won 69 out of 150 elected seats in the National Assembly. Domestic and international observer groups noted general transparency during the voting; however, they criticized several irregularities. Opposition parties challenged the election results in court, and court proceedings were ongoing at year's end. The anti-corruption campaign launched in 2002 continued during the year and resulted in the removal of Vice President Kavindele and the arrest of former President Chiluba and many of his supporters. The Constitution mandates an independent judiciary, and the Government generally respected this provision; however, the judicial system was hampered by lack of resources, inefficiency, and reports of possible corruption. The police, divided into regular and paramilitary units under the Ministry of Home Affairs, have primary responsibility for maintaining law and order. The Zambia Security and Intelligence Service (ZSIS), under the Office of the President, is responsible for intelligence and internal security. Civilian authorities maintained effective control of the security forces. Members of the security forces committed numerous serious human rights abuses. Approximately 60 percent of the labor force worked in agriculture, although agriculture contributed only 15 percent to the gross domestic product. Economic growth increased to 4 percent for the year.
    [Show full text]
  • A Critical Enquiry on the Anti-Corruption Programe
    THE IMPLEMENTATION AND THE EFFECTIVENESS OF THE ANTI-CORRUPTION PROGRAMME OF THE ANGLICAN CHURCH OF KENYA IN MASENO NORTH DIOCESE BY PHILIP AMUKOA OWASI A THESIS SUBMITTED IN FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN RELIGION DEPARTMENT OF RELIGION, THEOLOGY, AND PHILOSOPHY, SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES MASENO UNIVERSITY ©2018 DECLARATION This thesis is my original work and has not been presented for any degree program in any University. Philip Amukoa Owasi Reg No. PG/Ph.D./REL/041/04 Signature ___________________________ Date______________________ This research project has been submitted for examination with the approval of the University supervisors: Prof. Sussy Gumo Department of Religion, Theology and Philosophy Maseno University Signature ___________________________ Date______________________ Prof. Crispinus Iteyo Department of Peace and Conflict Studies Masinde Muliro University of Science and Technology Signature ___________________________ Date______________________ ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost I would like to express my deep sincere appreciation to Maseno University, School of Graduate Studies for granting me an opportunity to undertake my doctorate degree. Special thanks also go to my supervisors: Prof. Sussy Gumo and Prof. Crispinus Iteyo for their critical but constructive supervision of my thesis. My sincere thanks are also extended to the lecturers, Department of Religion, Theology and Philosophy, Maseno University, for their support, guidance, helpful suggestions and positive criticism which led to the development of this research work. My special thanks is also to Rev. Bowers Lihanda the former Principal of The Pentecostal Bible College (PBC) Nyang‘ri Kenya, Rev Patrick Lihanda General Superintendent P.A.G Kenya and The Pentecostal Assemblies of God (P.A.G) Kenya, Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada (PAOC), The Governor of Vihiga County - Rev.
    [Show full text]
  • Theparliamentarian
    100th year of publishing TheParliamentarian Journal of the Parliaments of the Commonwealth 2019 | Volume 100 | Issue Two | Price £14 The Commonwealth at 70: PAGES 126-143 ‘A Connected Commonwealth’ PLUS Commonwealth Day Political and Procedural Effective Financial The Scottish Parliament 2019 activities and Challenges of a Post- Oversight in celebrates its 20th events Conflict Parliament Commonwealth anniversary Parliaments PAGES 118-125 PAGE 146 PAGE 150 PAGE 152 64th COMMONWEALTH PARLIAMENTARY CONFERENCE KAMPALA, UGANDA 22 to 29 SEPTEMBER 2019 (inclusive of arrival and departure dates) For further information visit www.cpc2019.org and www.cpahq.org/cpahq/cpc2019 CONFERENCE THEME: ‘ADAPTATION, ENGAGEMENT AND EVOLUTION OF PARLIAMENTS IN A RAPIDLY CHANGING COMMONWEALTH’. Ū One of the largest annual gatherings of Commonwealth Parliamentarians. Hosted by the CPA Uganda Branch and the Parliament of Uganda. Ū Over 500 Parliamentarians, parliamentary staff and decision makers from across the Commonwealth for this unique conference and networking opportunity. Ū CPA’s global membership addressing the critical issues facing today’s modern Parliaments and Legislatures. Ū Benefit from professional development, supportive learning and the sharing of best practice with colleagues from Commonwealth Parliaments together with the participation of leading international organisations. During the 64th Commonwealth Parliamentary Conference, there will also be a number of additional conferences and meetings including: 37th CPA Small Branches Conference; 6th triennial Commonwealth Women Parliamentarians (CWP) Conference; 64th CPA General Assembly; meetings of the CPA Executive Committee; and the Society of Clerks at the Table (SOCATT) meetings. This year, the conference will hold elections for the Chairperson of the Commonwealth Women Parliamentarians (CWP), the CPA Treasurer and the CPA Small Branches Chairperson for new three-year terms.
    [Show full text]
  • Intra-Party Democracy in the Zambian Polity1
    John Bwalya, Owen B. Sichone: REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY … REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN THE ZAMBIAN POLITY1 John Bwalya Owen B. Sichone Abstract: Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained. Keywords: Intra-party Democracy, Leadership Transition, Ethnicity, Selectocracy, Third Wave Democracies Introduction Although there is a general consensus that political parties are essential to liberal democracy (Teorell 1999; Matlosa 2007; Randall 2007; Omotola 2010; Ennser-Jedenastik and Müller 2015), they often failed to live up to the expected democratic values such as sustaining intra-party democracy (Rakner and Svasånd 2013). As a result, some scholars have noted that parties may therefore not necessarily be good for democratic consolidation because they promote private economic interests, which are inimical to democracy and state building (Aaron 1 The authors gratefully acknowledge the comments from the editorial staff and anonymous reviewers.
    [Show full text]
  • Combating Systemic Corruption in Africa: Altitudinal, Attitudinal, Confrontational Or Constitutional?
    Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 9 (2016 9) 2092-2123 ~ ~ ~ УДК 328.185(1-926) Combating Systemic Corruption in Africa: Altitudinal, Attitudinal, Confrontational or Constitutional? Emmanuel Oladipo Ojo* Ekiti State University Ado-Ekiti, Ekiti State, Nigeria Received 09.06.2016, received in revised form 12.07.2016, accepted 18.08.2016 The fact and reality of systemic corruption in Africa is irrefutable. It is therefore not surprising that the subject has attracted quite a great deal of attention from the academia. Thus, to assert that corruption is the greatest impediment to the socio-political and economic development of Africa is a superfluous understatement and a mere reinstatement of the obvious. Across Africa, incredibly huge sums of money sufficient to conduct free, fair and credible elections, equip the military and the police for optimum performance, revolutionize agriculture, rejuvenate education, resuscitate infrastructures, reinvigorate the economy, revamp the industrial sector and achieve scientific and technological emancipation end up in private vaults and pockets. The consequences of this are impaired economy, immobile technology, fractured infrastructures, ill equipped armed forces, unmitigated poverty and unprecedented brigandage and banditry. This paper does not intend to contribute to the oversubscribed debate on the origins, theories and causes of corruption in Africa; rather, it addresses the question of the option(s) that could best combat systemic corruption in Africa. The paper argues that neither the altitudinal factor nor constitutional provisions could combat corruption in Africa and concludes that only attitudinal change or the confrontation option could liberate the continent from systemic corruption. The descriptive and analytical method of historical research was employed in the analysis of the data obtained for the study.
    [Show full text]
  • Evaluation Report Nimd – Programme in Zambia 2004-2007
    EVALUATION REPORT NIMD – PROGRAMME IN ZAMBIA 2004-2007 December 2007 Nadia Molenaers [email protected] IOB-University of Antwerp, Belgium TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS………………………………………………………………………3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY…………………………………………………………………………4 I.INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………………………………….5 I.1. Working with political parties - NIMD: mission, vision, strategy I.2. Terms of Reference and a note on methodology II.ZAMBIAN POLITICAL HISTORY AND CONTEXT ………………………………………………….9 II.1. Independence and the formation of a one-party State: Kaunda’s legacy II.2. 1991: The first multi-party elections, the first alternation of power II.3. From multi-party to dominant party system? Chiluba seeking a third term II.4. MMD continues to rule: Mwanawasa consolidates the dominant party system II.5. Is the power balance slowly tilting towards a second real alternation in power? II.6. An overall assessment of the political situation III.EVALUATING THE NIMD PROGRAMME IN ZAMBIA……………………………………………15 III.1. Facts and Figures III.2. Perceptions and views III.3. Perceptions with regards to the institutional set-up of ZCID IV. CONCLUSIONS……………………………………………………………………………......................39 LIST OF INTERVIEWED PEOPLE……………………………………………………………………….41 ANNEX: TERMS OF REFERENCE……………………………………………………………………….42 2 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS FDD: Forum for Democracy and Development HP: Heritage Party IPB: Inter Party Bureau MMD: Movement for Multiparty Democracy NCC: National Constitution Conference NIMD: Netherlands Institute Multiparty Democracy PF: Patriotic Front SoP: Summit of Presidents ULP: United Liberal Party UNIP: United National Independence Party UPND: United Party for National Development ZCID: Zambian Center for Interparty Dialogue 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY1 “The thing that threatens ZCID yet at the same time is its driving force is the turbulent nature of politics and political parties.
    [Show full text]
  • CORRUPTION and SECURITY “Fighting Dragons Is What Heroes Do“ 2 Welcome Word Credits
    Empowering Professionals ISSUE X, MARCH 2016 the magazine1 IACAIssue X, March 2016 LUMNUS EUROPEAN UNION SUPPORT INSTRUMENTS IN THE FIELD OF ANTI-CORRUPTION By Gerhard Levy INTEGRITY COMMITTEES By Lucky Kabondo Muntanga Interview with Sarah Chayes CORRUPTION AND SECURITY “Fighting draGONS IS WHAt heroes do“ 2 Welcome Word CREDITS Dear alumni, IACAlumnus - the magazine is the alumni magazine of the International Anti-Corruption Academy (IACA), addressing alumni around the world who have participated, or are Sarah Chayes, author of the book Thieves of currently taking part in trainings designed State and the subject of our cover story, says and implemented by IACA. anti-corruption professionals are the greatest public servants of all. “They may sometimes IACAlumnus - the magazine welcomes contributions by feel like they’re fighting a dragon, but alumni. As a forum to exchange ideas and latest developments, and feature the career paths of our alumni, we fighting dragons is what heroes do,” is her seek to provide you with a medium to stay connected. For message for those of you reflecting on your contributions please contact [email protected]. difficult and sometimes dangerous work in this field. IACA reserves the right to select and edit any contribution to suit the publication. We will not consider contributions that have already been published, in any form, in print or online. Sarah was the keynote speaker at a side- event during IACA’s fourth Assembly of EDITORIAL Parties in Vienna in December 2015. In a Richard Eames special interview with IACAlumnus for our DESIGN first issue of 2016, she talks about the Adrian Ciupagea reaction to her book, reframing the corruption issue, and finding the vulnerable PHOTOGRAPHS points of corrupt networks.
    [Show full text]
  • CHAPTER 1 the SYSTEM of LAND ALIENATION Introduction Zambia Is
    CHAPTER 1 THE SYSTEM OF LAND ALIENATION Introduction Zambia is a landlocked country located in Southern Africa. It covers an area of about 752,614 square kilometres between latitudes 8 and 18 degrees South, and the longitudes 22 and 23 degrees East. A large part of the country is on the Central African plateau between 1000 meters, and 1600 meters above sea level. The system of land tenure in Zambia is based on statutory and customary law. Statutory law comprises rules and regulations which are written down, and codified. Customary law, on the other hand, is not written, but it is assumed that the rules and regulations under this system are well known to members of the community. Statutory law is premised on the English land tenure system, while customary tenure is essentially based on tribal law. Land in Zambia is administered through various statutes by established institutions in the country. 1 Land administration in general is a way and means by which land alienation and utilisation are managed. The process of land administration therefore, includes the regulating of land and property development, the use and conservation of the land, the gathering of revenue from the land through ground rent, consideration fees, survey fees, and registration fees; and the resolving of conflicts concerning the ownership and use of the land. 1 Functions of land administration may be divided into four components, namely: juridical, regulatory, fiscal and information management. 2 The juridical aspect places greatest emphasis on the acquisition and registration of rights in land. It comprises a series of processes concerned with the allocation of land through original grants from the President.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics in Plural Societies : a Theory of Democratic Instability
    POLITICS IN PLURAL SOCIETIES A Theory of Democratic Instability ALVIN RABUSHKA University of Rochester and KENNETH A. SHEPSLE Washington University, St. Louis Charles E. Merrill Publishing Company A Bell & Howell Company Columbus, Ohio CHAPTER 5 Majority Domination We turn in this chapter to an analysis of ethnic politics in dominant major- ity configurations. A major theme that emerges from this analysis is the denial by majorities of political freedoms to minorities as well as access to a proportional share of the public sector. First we explore ethnic politics in Ceylon to illustrate how a dominant Sinhalese majority deals with an important Tamil minority; second, we extend the empirical coverage with a comparative treatment of majority domination in Northern Ireland, Cyprus, Mauritius, Rwanda, and Zanzibar (now part of Tanzania). Ceylon The most important source of division and disruption in Ceylonese politics and the greatest impediment to integrative trends has been the persistence of sentiments of identification and solidarity with broader primordial groups generally referred to as communities.1 The Sinhalese, constituting about seventy percent of the population, is the majority community in Ceylon. The remaining minorities consist of Ceylon Tamils who arrived from India between the fourth and twelfth centuries, eleven percent; Indian Tamils who arrived in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to work on the tea estates, twelve percent; Moors 1. Robert N. Kearney, Communalism and Language in the Politics of Ceylon (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1967), p. 4. We rely heavily upon the evidence Kearney provides of Sinhalese politics. See also W. Howard Wriggins, Ceylon: Dilemmas of a New Nation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960); Calvin A.
    [Show full text]
  • Zambia's 2001 Elections: the Tyranny of Small Decisions, 'Non-Decisions
    Third World Quarterly, Vol 23, No 6, pp 1103–1120, 2002 Zambia’s 2001 elections: the tyranny of small decisions, ‘non-decisions’ and ‘not decisions’ PETER BURNELL ABSTRACT The course of the 1990s witnessed deterioration in the quality of elections held across sub-Saharan Africa. Zambia’s elections for the presidency, parliament and local government held on 27 December 2001 are no exception. They returned the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD) to power, but with much reduced popular support and leaving doubts about the legitimacy of the result. A ‘tyranny of small decisions’, ‘non-decisions’ and ‘not decisions’ perpetrated over 12 months or more leading up to these elections combined to influence the outcome. The previous MMD government and the formally autono- mous Electoral Commission were primarily but not wholly responsible. For independent analysts as well as for the political opposition, who secured a majority of parliamentary seats while narrowly failing to capture the presidency, identifying the relevant category of ‘decisions’ to which influences belong and comparing their impact is no straightforward matter. Zambia both illustrates the claim that ‘administrative problems are typically the basis of the flawed elections’ in new democracies and refines it by showing the difficulty of clearly separating the administrative and political factors. In contrast Zimbabwe’s presi- dential election in March 2002, which had the Zambian experience to learn from, appears a more clear-cut case of deliberate political mischief by the ruling party. There is little doubt that in the course of the 1990s the quality of Africa’s elections went into decline.
    [Show full text]
  • Download It From
    IMD Partner in Democracy A NNUAL R EPORT 2005 The IMD – an institute of political parties for political parties The Institute for Multiparty Democracy (IMD) is an institute of political parties for political parties. Its mandate is to encourage the process of democratisation in young democracies by providing support to political parties as the core pillars of multi- party democracy. IMD works in a strictly non-partisan and inclusive manner. Through this approach, the Institute endeavours to contribute to properly functioning, sustainable pluralistic political party systems. It also supports the activities of civil society groups which play a healthy role in multi-party democracies, even though they are not part of any formal party structure. IMD was set up by seven Dutch political parties in 2000 in response to requests for support from around the world. The IMD’s founding members are the Dutch Labour Party (PvdA), Liberal Party (VVD), Christian Democratic Party (CDA), Democratic Party (D66), Green Party (GroenLinks), Christian Union (ChristenUnie) and Reformed Party (SGP). Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy Korte Vijverberg 2 2513 AB The Hague The Netherlands Address per September 1, 2006: Passage 31 2511 AB The Hague The Netherlands T: +31 (0)70 311 5464 F: +31 (0)70 311 5465 E: [email protected] www.nimd.org IMD Partner in Democracy A NNUAL R EPORT 2005 Partners in Democracy Preface Without properly functioning political parties, resulted in a study for the European Parliament entitled democracies do not work well – a fact that is not yet No lasting Peace and Prosperity without Democracy & fully recognised within the international development Human Rights.
    [Show full text]