The Politics

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Politics AFRIG\ A Complicated War The UNESCO General The Harrowing of Mozambique WILLIAM FINNEGAN History of Africa "A sobering look at one of Africa's most devastating civil "One ot the most ambitious academic projects to wars. ...Vivid reportage, thoughtful analysis, and compre- be undertaken in this century."—West Africa hensive research; a seminal work not only on the war itself but on the conflicts that threaten post-cold-war, post- apartheid Africa."—Kirkus Revieus Volume V $25.00 doih PerslKctives on Southern Africa Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eigh- teenth Century Edited by B. A. OGOT A Democratic This fifth volume covers the history of the conti- nent as two themes emerge: the continuing inter- South Africa? nal evolution ot the states and cultures of Africa; Constitutional Engineering in and the increasing involvement of Africa in exter- a Divided Society nal trade—with consequences for the whole world. DONALD L. HOROWITZ $45.00doth, illustrated New in paper—"A masterful analysis of the current situation in South Africa ... it makes suggestions that New Abridged Paperback Edition— might well shape the outcome of discussions in South Africa regarding the country's future." Volume III —Lcroy Vail, Harvard University Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh SJ3.00 paper Perspectives on Southern Africa Century M. EL FASI, Editor I. Hrbck, Assistant Editor "A welcome contribution to the literature about Africa an important period in African history. ... A Endurance and Change South of the Sahara stimulating and informative guide." CATHERINE COQUERY-VIDROVITCH —African Economic History Translated by David Maisel $12.00 paper, illustrated New in paper—"A first-rate study on the forces and developments that have shaped contemporary Africa." —International journal of African Historical Studies $15.00 paper Winner of the Prix d'Aurnaie of the ActuLhrie des Sciences Morales et Polhiques At hr»Jcst<nvs in- order toll-free I -800-822-6657. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY LOS ANGELES NEW YORK OXFORD MAY-JUNE 1992 AMERICAS VOLUME 37, NUMBER 3 LEADING MAGAZINE cflFRICflON AFRICA A Publication oi the (REPORT African-American Institute Update The African-American Institute Editor: Russell Geekie Kenya Chairman The Politics of Doom 13 Maurice Tempelsman By Makau wa Mutua President Interview Vivian Lowery Derryck Gitobu Imanyara: Fighter for Human Rights 17 By Russell Geekie and Margaret A. Novicki Publisher Malawi Frank E. Ferrari Defying the Dictator 21 Editor-in-Chief Moi's Machinations By Melinda Ham Page 13 Margaret A. Novicki Drought Production Editor The Big Scorcher 25 Joseph Margolis By Andrew Meldrum Assistant Editor Mozambique Russell Geekie Refuge from Renamo 28 By Andrew Meldrum Contributing Editors Alana Lee Drought and Desperation 33 Andrew Meldrum By Ruth Ansah Ayisi Daphne Topouzis Interview Art Director Salim Ahmed Salim: A New Agenda for the OAU 36 Kenneth Jay Ross By Margaret A. Novicki Advertising Office A New OAU? Conflict 212 949-5666, ext. 728 Page 36 War or Peace? 40 By Anne Shepherd Intern Fertice Miller III Nigeria Biting the Bullet 43 Africa Report (ISSN 0001-98361. a By Karl Mater non-profit magazine of African affairs, is published bimonthly and is sched- Eternal Enmities 47 uled 1o appear at the beginning of each date period at 833 United By Karl Maier Nations Plaza, New York, N.Y 10017. Editorial correspondence and adver- Liberia tising inquiries should be addressed 49 to Africa Report, at the above ad- Peace Postponed dress. Subscription inquiries should be By Peter da Costa addressed to Subscription Services. P.O. Box 3000. Dept. AR, Denville N.J. Cote d'lvoire 07834. Subscription rates: Individuals: USA $30, Canada $36, air rate over- Delaying Tactics Silencing the Opposition 55 seas $54. Institutions: USA $37. By Mark Huband Canada $43, air rate overseas $61. Page 49 Second-class postage paid at New York. N.Y and at additional mailing Mauritania offices. POSTMASTER If this maga- I temocracy in Doubt 58 zine is undeliverable. please send address changes to Africa Report at By Peter da Costa 833 UN Plaza. NY, NY 10017. Tele- phone: (212) 949-5666. Copyright (S Zambia 1992 by The African-American Insti- tute. Inc. Knd of the Honeymoon 61 By Melinda Ham South Africa Competition or Coalition? 64 Photo Credit: By Patrick Ixiurence The cover photograph was taken in Kitui district, Kenya, by The Third Force 68 Betty Press. By Philippa Garson After the Referendum Page 64 MELILLA Tjnis CEUTA GUINEA-BISSA GUINEA Bissau ^- Conakry Fleet own SIERRA LEONE MAURITIUS REUNION LESOTHO Maseru Copyright © 1984 by the African-American Institute. Inc N THE NEWS Can Unita Survive the Democratization Process? In the 1980s, Washington lobbyists about the plot were aimed at minimiz- friends that he was in danger, Chingunji for the National Union for the Total ing the damage done to the organiza- returned to Unita's headquarters in Independence of Angola (Unita) suc- tion's image by Savimbi's acknowl- Jamba, Angola, in November 1988. cessfully cultivated Jonas Savimbi's edgement that abuses had taken place. with the belief that prospects for peace image as a "freedom fighter" and an Perhaps ihe most notable of the had made Savimbi a "changed man." indispensable ally of the United States, rights violations which Savimbi con- Bridgeland described Chingunji as ensuring that his armed movement was firmed were the disappearances of "fighting for survival" when he last saw well financed. When Unita and the Pedro "Tito" Chingunji and Wilson dos him in December 1988. Angolan government signed peace Santos, who were both high-level Unita In a blow to Unita, Savimbi's asser- accords in May 1991, officially ending officials. Questions about the fate of the tion that Puna and Fernandes were to Angola's 16-year civil war, the guerrilla two men, which Unita backers and crit- blame for the disappearances was group, known for its prowess in the ics alike had found troubling, are reportedly called insufficient by Secre- bush, was forced to re foe us its energies believed to be responsible for much of tary of Slate James Baker in a March 28 on the country's first multi-parly letter he sent to Savimbi, formally elections, scheduled for September demanding a detailed explanation of under UN supervision. With the vot- Unita's abuses. The State Depart- ing less than six months away, the ment spokeswoman. Margaret confirmation of human rights abuses Tutwiler, said, "We have called upon and high-level defections within Unita to address these allegations, Unita have seriously shaken the including the welfare and where- movement's efforts to present itself abouts of the two former Unita offi- as a viable alternative to the govern- cials (Chingunji and dos Santos), in ing Popular Movement lor the Liber- an open and public manner." The let- ation of Angola (MPLA), raising Margaret A Novicki ter reportedly said that a failure to questions about the continuation of from Cabinda to Cunene, only one people, only one nation" address the allegations could threat- U.S. support for its Cold War-era client. the pressure on Savimbi to explain en the continuation of the ceasefire and Past reports of divisions and human alleged abuses in Unita. elections. It is also reported to have said rights abuses within Unita were resur- Chingunji, who was Unita's represen- that those responsible for the abuses rected after two senior leaders from the tative to Washington in the 1980s, had should be punished. movement defected in February and been well-liked by pro-Unita decision- Puna and Fernandes, who talked to accused Savimbi of rights violations in makers in the United States. Savimbi's the press in Paris, maintain that Chin- mid-March. On March 25, Savimbi, claim in February that he was alive and gunji, his two children, and dos Santos who had always denied these allega- well did little to quell allegations that the were murdered in August, under orders tions, confirmed that they had been tak- former Unita representative had been from Savimbi. Puna, Unita's former ing place inside Unita for years, but murdered. The State Department had secretary for home affairs, said that blamed the defectors. Miguel N'Zau been raising the issue of Chingunji's fate Savimbi is also responsible for the dis- Puna and Tony da Costa Femandes. with Savimbi "regularly" over the past appearances of 30 other Unita leaders. Coinciding with his remarks were six to eight months, according to a state- Savimbi countered the defectors' Unita assertions that the defections ment it issued in March. accusations in more depth in a press con- were linked to an MPLA plot to assas- Chingunji's fall from grace in Unita ference on April 5, claiming that the mur- sinate Savimbi. which it claimed was described in an article for The ders took place in November of last year, "Western intelligence sources" had Washington Post by Fred Bridgeland, when he was in the Angolan capital, uncovered. In an interview on Unita's who is known to have had close contact Luanda. He was away from the Unita radio station, Voice of Ihe Black Cock- with the Unita leadership and is the base in Jamba from September 24 to erel, the movement's chief of staff of author of a flattering biography of Sav- February 20 and has said that Puna was in the armed forces. Gen. Arlindo Chenda imbi. Bridgeland recounted that four charge during his absence. Savimbi main- Pena "Ben-Ben." said. "There is a very years ago. Chingunji, at the height of tains that he only learned of the murders clear link between the desertion of Puna his Unita career in Washington, had upon his return to Jamba in February and and Tony and the macabre MPLA plan said that Savimbi was responsible for that he was not lying when he said that to assassinate Comrade President Sav- the deaths of his parents and several Chingunji was alive and well prior to that.
Recommended publications
  • Zambia Page 1 of 8
    Zambia Page 1 of 8 Zambia Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2003 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 25, 2004 Zambia is a republic governed by a president and a unicameral national assembly. Since 1991, multiparty elections have resulted in the victory of the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD). MMD candidate Levy Mwanawasa was elected President in 2001, and the MMD won 69 out of 150 elected seats in the National Assembly. Domestic and international observer groups noted general transparency during the voting; however, they criticized several irregularities. Opposition parties challenged the election results in court, and court proceedings were ongoing at year's end. The anti-corruption campaign launched in 2002 continued during the year and resulted in the removal of Vice President Kavindele and the arrest of former President Chiluba and many of his supporters. The Constitution mandates an independent judiciary, and the Government generally respected this provision; however, the judicial system was hampered by lack of resources, inefficiency, and reports of possible corruption. The police, divided into regular and paramilitary units under the Ministry of Home Affairs, have primary responsibility for maintaining law and order. The Zambia Security and Intelligence Service (ZSIS), under the Office of the President, is responsible for intelligence and internal security. Civilian authorities maintained effective control of the security forces. Members of the security forces committed numerous serious human rights abuses. Approximately 60 percent of the labor force worked in agriculture, although agriculture contributed only 15 percent to the gross domestic product. Economic growth increased to 4 percent for the year.
    [Show full text]
  • Intra-Party Democracy in the Zambian Polity1
    John Bwalya, Owen B. Sichone: REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY … REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN THE ZAMBIAN POLITY1 John Bwalya Owen B. Sichone Abstract: Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained. Keywords: Intra-party Democracy, Leadership Transition, Ethnicity, Selectocracy, Third Wave Democracies Introduction Although there is a general consensus that political parties are essential to liberal democracy (Teorell 1999; Matlosa 2007; Randall 2007; Omotola 2010; Ennser-Jedenastik and Müller 2015), they often failed to live up to the expected democratic values such as sustaining intra-party democracy (Rakner and Svasånd 2013). As a result, some scholars have noted that parties may therefore not necessarily be good for democratic consolidation because they promote private economic interests, which are inimical to democracy and state building (Aaron 1 The authors gratefully acknowledge the comments from the editorial staff and anonymous reviewers.
    [Show full text]
  • Zambia's 2001 Elections: the Tyranny of Small Decisions, 'Non-Decisions
    Third World Quarterly, Vol 23, No 6, pp 1103–1120, 2002 Zambia’s 2001 elections: the tyranny of small decisions, ‘non-decisions’ and ‘not decisions’ PETER BURNELL ABSTRACT The course of the 1990s witnessed deterioration in the quality of elections held across sub-Saharan Africa. Zambia’s elections for the presidency, parliament and local government held on 27 December 2001 are no exception. They returned the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD) to power, but with much reduced popular support and leaving doubts about the legitimacy of the result. A ‘tyranny of small decisions’, ‘non-decisions’ and ‘not decisions’ perpetrated over 12 months or more leading up to these elections combined to influence the outcome. The previous MMD government and the formally autono- mous Electoral Commission were primarily but not wholly responsible. For independent analysts as well as for the political opposition, who secured a majority of parliamentary seats while narrowly failing to capture the presidency, identifying the relevant category of ‘decisions’ to which influences belong and comparing their impact is no straightforward matter. Zambia both illustrates the claim that ‘administrative problems are typically the basis of the flawed elections’ in new democracies and refines it by showing the difficulty of clearly separating the administrative and political factors. In contrast Zimbabwe’s presi- dential election in March 2002, which had the Zambian experience to learn from, appears a more clear-cut case of deliberate political mischief by the ruling party. There is little doubt that in the course of the 1990s the quality of Africa’s elections went into decline.
    [Show full text]
  • Observing the 2001 Zambia Elections
    SPECIAL REPORT SERIES THE CARTER CENTER WAGING PEACE ◆ FIGHTING DISEASE ◆ BUILDING HOPE OBSERVING THE 2001 ZAMBIA ELECTIONS THE CARTER CENTER STRIVES TO RELIEVE SUFFERING BY ADVANCING PEACE AND HEALTH WORLDWIDE; IT SEEKS TO PREVENT AND RESOLVE CONFLICTS, ENHANCE FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY, AND PROTECT AND PROMOTE HUMAN RIGHTS WORLDWIDE. THE CARTER CENTER NDINDI OBSERVING THE 2001 ZAMBIA ELECTIONS OBSERVING THE 2001 ZAMBIA ELECTIONS FINAL REPORT THE CARTER CENTER The Democracy Program One Copenhill Atlanta, GA 30307 (404) 420-5188 FAX (404) 420-5196 WWW.CARTERCENTER.ORG OCTOBER 2002 1 THE CARTER CENTER NDI OBSERVING THE 2001 ZAMBIA ELECTIONS 2 THE CARTER CENTER NDINDI OBSERVING THE 2001 ZAMBIA ELECTIONS TABLE OF CONTENTS Carter Center Election Observation Delegation and Staff ............................................................... 5 Terms and Abbreviations ................................................................................................................. 7 Foreword ......................................................................................................................................... 8 Executive Summary .......................................................................................................................... 10 Acknowledgments............................................................................................................................. 15 Background ......................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • CIVIL CONTROL of the MILITARY in ZAMBIA Godfrey Haamweela
    CIVIL CONTROL OF THE MILITARY IN ZAMBIA Godfrey Haamweela Nachitumbi Haantobolo (Student Number 0407161F) Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, University of the Witwatersrand, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Supervisor: Prof Gavin Cawthra, Director / Chair, Centre for Defence and Security Management. Co-supervisor: Prof Bizeck Jube Phiri, Dean of the School of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zambia. 8th May, 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract...................................................................................................................6 Declaration .............................................................................................................8 Dedication...............................................................................................................9 Acknowledgements ..............................................................................................10 List of abbreviations ............................................................................................11 1 Introduction and background.....................................................................13 1.1 Introduction............................................................................................13 1.2 Background to and objectives of the study............................................16 1.3 Area and period of study........................................................................21 1.4 Civil control of the
    [Show full text]
  • Zambia Democratic Republic of Congo
    COUNTRY REPORT Zambia Democratic Republic of Congo 2nd quarter 1999 The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent Street, London SW1Y 4LR United Kingdom The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit is a specialist publisher serving companies establishing and managing operations across national borders. For over 50 years it has been a source of information on business developments, economic and political trends, government regulations and corporate practice worldwide. The EIU delivers its information in four ways: through subscription products ranging from newsletters to annual reference works; through specific research reports, whether for general release or for particular clients; through electronic publishing; and by organising conferences and roundtables. The firm is a member of The Economist Group. London New York Hong Kong The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent Street The Economist Building 25/F, Dah Sing Financial Centre London 111 West 57th Street 108 Gloucester Road SW1Y 4LR New York Wanchai United Kingdom NY 10019, US Hong Kong Tel: (44.171) 830 1000 Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Tel: (852) 2802 7288 Fax: (44.171) 499 9767 Fax: (1.212) 586 1181/2 Fax: (852) 2802 7638 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.eiu.com Electronic delivery EIU Electronic Publishing New York: Lou Celi or Lisa Hennessey Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Fax: (1.212) 586 0248 London: Jeremy Eagle Tel: (44.171) 830 1183 Fax: (44.171) 830 1023 This publication is available on the following electronic and other media: Online databases Microfilm FT Profile (UK) NewsEdge Corporation (US) World Microfilms Publications (UK) Tel: (44.171) 825 8000 Tel: (1.781) 229 3000 Tel: (44.171) 266 2202 DIALOG (US) Tel: (1.415) 254 7000 CD-ROM LEXIS-NEXIS (US) The Dialog Corporation (US) Tel: (1.800) 227 4908 SilverPlatter (US) M.A.I.D/Profound (UK) Tel: (44.171) 930 6900 Copyright © 1999 The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited.
    [Show full text]
  • EISA Pre-Election Assessment Mission Report
    EISA Pre-Election Assessment Mission Report REPUBLIC OF ZAMBIA 01-05 December 2014 EISA Pre-Election Assessment Mission Report | Republic of Zambia LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ADS Africa Democracy Strengthening Programme AVAP Anti-Voter Apathy Project AU African Union CMCs Conflict Management Committees CSOs Civil Society Organisations ECZ Electoral Commission Zambia EISA Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa FDA Forum for Democratic Alternatives FDD Forum For Democracy and Development FODEP Foundation for Democratic Process FRP Fourth Revolution Party GPZ Green Party of Zambia MISA Media Institute of Southern Africa MMD Movement for Multiparty Democracy NAREP National Restoration Party NGOS Non-Governmental Organisations OYV Operation Young Vote PAM Pre-election Assessment Mission PEMMO Principles for Election Management, Monitoring and Observation in the SADC Region PF Patriotic Front SACCORD Southern African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes SADC Southern African Development Community SUV Suburban Utility Vehicle ToT Training of Trainers UPND United Party For National Development UNIP United National Independence Party UDA United Democratic Alliance ZNWL Zambia National Women’s Lobby EISA Pre-Election Assessment Mission Report | Republic of Zambia CONTENTS 1. Executive Summary ............................................................................................ 4 2. Political Background And Context Of The 2015 Presidential By-Election .............. 4 3. Electoral Framework .........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • AC Vol 42 No 18
    www.africa-confidential.com 14 September 2001 Vol 42 No 18 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL ZAMBIA 3 KENYA Puppet or prince? Levy Mwanawasa’s emergence as Moi versus the economy MMD’s flagbearer is the least bad Galloping inflation, sinking export prices and corruption are bigger option for President Chiluba. problems for the President than the opposition Having abandoned his tilt at a third term, Chiluba finds a malleable President Daniel arap Moi has run out of promises. The Board of the International Monetary Fund candidate and a way to hold on to refuses to unblock further loans – in particular, a hoped for quick credit of US$125 million. This is executive power. Oppositionists suspended until Moi’s ruling Kenya African National Union steers an effective anti-corruption bill are buoyed by the prospect of more through parliament, and sells off the state telecommunications company and Kenya Commercial Bank. infighting in the ruling MMD. Opposition parliamentarians threw out an anti-corruption bill last month and a revised bill can hardly be passed before early next year. Any IMF help will come too late to rescue the economy before the elections SEYCHELLES 4 that are scheduled for December 2002. The economy now hangs on tea. Coffee and tourism, once big foreign-exchange earners, lose millions By a whisker of dollars to official rake-offs. State-owned companies are mired in bureaucracy and corruption. After a tight presidential race, Business is pessimistic, domestic debt is swelling, public services are among the world’s worst and Albert René will find it tough to win officials are among the most corrupt.
    [Show full text]
  • 1. One Zambia Forework
    One Zambia, many histories Afrika-Studiecentrum Series VOLUME 11 One Zambia, many histories Towards a history of post-colonial Zambia Edited by Jan-Bart Gewald Marja Hinfelaar Giacomo Macola Brill Cover photo: ISSN ISBN © Brill Contents List of photographs vii List of tables viii List of figures viii Foreword ix Acknowledgements x Abbreviations xi 1. Introduction 1 Jan-Bart Gewald, Marja Hinfelaar & Giacomo Macola PART I: POLITICAL UNITY AND DISSENT 2. Harry Mwaanga Nkumbula, UNIP and the roots of authoritarianism in nationalist Zambia 17 Giacomo Macola 3. Rebellion or massacre? The UNIP-Lumpa conflict revisited 45 David M. Gordon 4. ‘You can’t fight guns with knives’: National security and Zambian responses to UDI , 1965-1973 77 Andrew J. DeRoche 5. Enemies within? Opposition to the Zambian one-party state, 1972-1980 98 Miles Larmer PART II: THE PUBLIC ROLE OF RELIGION 6. Legitimizing powers: The political role of the Roman Catholic church, 1972-1991 129 Marja Hinfelaar 7. Towards a history of the Charismatic churches in post- colonial Zambia 144 Austin M. Cheyeka v 8. Islam in post-colonial Zambia 164 Felix J. Phiri PART III: THE ECONOMY AND THE STATE 9. ‘The devil you know’: The impact of the Mulungushi economic reforms on retail trade in rural Zambia, with special reference to Susman Brothers & Wulfsohn, 1968-80 187 Hugh Macmillan 10. The informalization of Lusaka’s economy: Regime change, ultra-modern markets, and street vending, 1972-2004 213 K. Tranberg Hansen PART IV: NEW AND OLD FORMS OF POLITICS IN THE THIRD REPUBLIC 11. Fighting for democracy of the pocket: The labour movement in the Third Republic 243 Friday E.
    [Show full text]
  • Public Policy in Zambia Under President Michael Sata and the Patriotic Front Government
    INSTITUTE FOR DEMOCRACY, CITIZENSHIP AND PUBLIC POLICY IN AFRICA Populism in power: public policy in Zambia under President Michael Sata and the Patriotic Front government Hangala Siachiwena IDCPPA Working Paper No. 25 May 2021 Published by the Institute for Democracy, Citizenship and Public Policy in Africa University of Cape Town 2021 http://www.idcppa.uct.ac.za This Working Paper can be downloaded from: http://idcppa.uct.ac.za/pubs/wps/25 ISBN: 978-1-77011-450-0 © Institute for Democracy, Citizenship and Public Policy in Africa, UCT, 2021 About the author: Hangala Siachiwena is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow in the Institute for Democracy, Citizenship and Public Policy in Africa (IDCPPA) at the University of Cape Town. Populism in power: public policy in Zambia under President Michael Sata and the Patriotic Front government Abstract Michael Sata and the Patriotic Front effectively used populist strategies to assume state power in Zambia. What did Sata’s populism mean for his government’s economic management? This paper argues that beyond using populism as a mobilization strategy to win elections, Sata also implemented policies that were consistent with macroeconomic populism to fulfill his election promises and reward his supporters. Sata was less focused on maintaining long-term macroeconomic stability than his immediate predecessors and more reliant than them on external borrowing to implement his reform agenda that focused on infrastructure development. Yet Zambians evaluated Sata’s presidency more positively than they did his predecessor (even though the evaluations had begun to decline by his final year in office). A broader argument this paper makes is that Sata’s populist discourse was rooted in his belief in strong state intervention and attempts to recreate the statist development model that was implemented in Zambia in the 1960s and 70s – but that also led to economic collapse by the 1980s.
    [Show full text]
  • Kambwili by Omas Mulenga and Kambwili Has Insisted That Zambia Needs a for President Lungu and His Ministers
    No364 K10 www.diggers.news Tuesday February 5, 2019 MINISTERS STEALING ...we need a lifesyle audit - Kambwili By omas Mulenga And Kambwili has insisted that Zambia needs a for President Lungu and his ministers. money. In Kenya and Botswana, the presidents NDC leader Chishimba Kambwili says if lifestyle audit for ministers. “I have challenged them, and I am still in the two countries have ordered for a lifestyle citizens want the opposition alliance to eld one Speaking when he featured on the Catholic challenging them, that we need to conduct audit of ministers and themselves; here they have presidential candidate in 2021, that is what they Church-run Radio Lutanda, in Kasama, Saturday, a lifestyle audit where all ministers and the refused despite us making numerous requests,” will do. Kambwili said there was need for lifestyle audits President must explain the source of their excess he said. To page 2 I want to keep council police busy by making them clean city – Miles By omas Mulenga is former Matero member Lusaka Mayor Miles Sampa of parliament, says he says council police have will consider contesting a become too many and as such, parliamentary seat again if he wants them to be kept busy people say they want him back. by joining in the cleaning of the In an interview, Sampa said city. he wanted council police to be And Sampa says the council cleaning the city as a way of o cers have no right to harass keeping them busy, but noted or physically manhandle street that he was facing resistance vendors.
    [Show full text]
  • An Investigation of the Simple Majority Presidential Electoral Process in Zambia and Its Effects- 1995 -2015”
    IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 22, Issue 11, Ver. 11 (November. 2017) PP 75-84 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org “An Investigation of The Simple Majority Presidential Electoral Process in Zambia And its Effects- 1995 -2015” Felix Chibesa Catholic Medical Mission Board,Plot 20, Msuzu Rd, Woodlands- Lusaka, Zambia Corresponding Author: Felix Chibesa Abstract: The president of Zambia recently commissioned a commission of inquiry into the voting patens in Zambia. This research investigated the effects of the electoral system on the voting pattern in Zambia and its effects. The research used the Historical research which is the systematic and objective location, evaluation and synthesis of evidence in order to establish facts and draw conclusions about past events. It took the systematic investigation in various studies of the election results in Zambia in order to establish facts on the effects of the simple majority presidential electoral system and reach new conclusions as well as correlate old facts. The results indicate the simple majority vote has led to the regional Voting. This regional voting has been leading to division of the country along ethnic groups. Regional voting pattern can be traced from 2001 to the elections in 2015. Simple majority vote electoral system has favored parties whose support is concentrated ethnically (geographically) and tends to discriminate against parties with support spread across the constituencies. It‟s also evident that it has led to having presidents with no national popularity but regionally popular who end up having a simple majority mandate. This led to the country being divided along the political parties the regions have been supporting.This is because the gap between the winning president and the second has been small.The closeness between the winner and the second usually causes tension not only among the candidates but also their support.
    [Show full text]