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Zambia Page 1 of 8
Zambia Page 1 of 8 Zambia Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2003 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 25, 2004 Zambia is a republic governed by a president and a unicameral national assembly. Since 1991, multiparty elections have resulted in the victory of the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD). MMD candidate Levy Mwanawasa was elected President in 2001, and the MMD won 69 out of 150 elected seats in the National Assembly. Domestic and international observer groups noted general transparency during the voting; however, they criticized several irregularities. Opposition parties challenged the election results in court, and court proceedings were ongoing at year's end. The anti-corruption campaign launched in 2002 continued during the year and resulted in the removal of Vice President Kavindele and the arrest of former President Chiluba and many of his supporters. The Constitution mandates an independent judiciary, and the Government generally respected this provision; however, the judicial system was hampered by lack of resources, inefficiency, and reports of possible corruption. The police, divided into regular and paramilitary units under the Ministry of Home Affairs, have primary responsibility for maintaining law and order. The Zambia Security and Intelligence Service (ZSIS), under the Office of the President, is responsible for intelligence and internal security. Civilian authorities maintained effective control of the security forces. Members of the security forces committed numerous serious human rights abuses. Approximately 60 percent of the labor force worked in agriculture, although agriculture contributed only 15 percent to the gross domestic product. Economic growth increased to 4 percent for the year. -
Intra-Party Democracy in the Zambian Polity1
John Bwalya, Owen B. Sichone: REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY … REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN THE ZAMBIAN POLITY1 John Bwalya Owen B. Sichone Abstract: Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained. Keywords: Intra-party Democracy, Leadership Transition, Ethnicity, Selectocracy, Third Wave Democracies Introduction Although there is a general consensus that political parties are essential to liberal democracy (Teorell 1999; Matlosa 2007; Randall 2007; Omotola 2010; Ennser-Jedenastik and Müller 2015), they often failed to live up to the expected democratic values such as sustaining intra-party democracy (Rakner and Svasånd 2013). As a result, some scholars have noted that parties may therefore not necessarily be good for democratic consolidation because they promote private economic interests, which are inimical to democracy and state building (Aaron 1 The authors gratefully acknowledge the comments from the editorial staff and anonymous reviewers. -
Zambia's 2001 Elections: the Tyranny of Small Decisions, 'Non-Decisions
Third World Quarterly, Vol 23, No 6, pp 1103–1120, 2002 Zambia’s 2001 elections: the tyranny of small decisions, ‘non-decisions’ and ‘not decisions’ PETER BURNELL ABSTRACT The course of the 1990s witnessed deterioration in the quality of elections held across sub-Saharan Africa. Zambia’s elections for the presidency, parliament and local government held on 27 December 2001 are no exception. They returned the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD) to power, but with much reduced popular support and leaving doubts about the legitimacy of the result. A ‘tyranny of small decisions’, ‘non-decisions’ and ‘not decisions’ perpetrated over 12 months or more leading up to these elections combined to influence the outcome. The previous MMD government and the formally autono- mous Electoral Commission were primarily but not wholly responsible. For independent analysts as well as for the political opposition, who secured a majority of parliamentary seats while narrowly failing to capture the presidency, identifying the relevant category of ‘decisions’ to which influences belong and comparing their impact is no straightforward matter. Zambia both illustrates the claim that ‘administrative problems are typically the basis of the flawed elections’ in new democracies and refines it by showing the difficulty of clearly separating the administrative and political factors. In contrast Zimbabwe’s presi- dential election in March 2002, which had the Zambian experience to learn from, appears a more clear-cut case of deliberate political mischief by the ruling party. There is little doubt that in the course of the 1990s the quality of Africa’s elections went into decline. -
Observing the 2001 Zambia Elections
SPECIAL REPORT SERIES THE CARTER CENTER WAGING PEACE ◆ FIGHTING DISEASE ◆ BUILDING HOPE OBSERVING THE 2001 ZAMBIA ELECTIONS THE CARTER CENTER STRIVES TO RELIEVE SUFFERING BY ADVANCING PEACE AND HEALTH WORLDWIDE; IT SEEKS TO PREVENT AND RESOLVE CONFLICTS, ENHANCE FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY, AND PROTECT AND PROMOTE HUMAN RIGHTS WORLDWIDE. THE CARTER CENTER NDINDI OBSERVING THE 2001 ZAMBIA ELECTIONS OBSERVING THE 2001 ZAMBIA ELECTIONS FINAL REPORT THE CARTER CENTER The Democracy Program One Copenhill Atlanta, GA 30307 (404) 420-5188 FAX (404) 420-5196 WWW.CARTERCENTER.ORG OCTOBER 2002 1 THE CARTER CENTER NDI OBSERVING THE 2001 ZAMBIA ELECTIONS 2 THE CARTER CENTER NDINDI OBSERVING THE 2001 ZAMBIA ELECTIONS TABLE OF CONTENTS Carter Center Election Observation Delegation and Staff ............................................................... 5 Terms and Abbreviations ................................................................................................................. 7 Foreword ......................................................................................................................................... 8 Executive Summary .......................................................................................................................... 10 Acknowledgments............................................................................................................................. 15 Background ...................................................................................................................................... -
CIVIL CONTROL of the MILITARY in ZAMBIA Godfrey Haamweela
CIVIL CONTROL OF THE MILITARY IN ZAMBIA Godfrey Haamweela Nachitumbi Haantobolo (Student Number 0407161F) Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, University of the Witwatersrand, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Supervisor: Prof Gavin Cawthra, Director / Chair, Centre for Defence and Security Management. Co-supervisor: Prof Bizeck Jube Phiri, Dean of the School of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zambia. 8th May, 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract...................................................................................................................6 Declaration .............................................................................................................8 Dedication...............................................................................................................9 Acknowledgements ..............................................................................................10 List of abbreviations ............................................................................................11 1 Introduction and background.....................................................................13 1.1 Introduction............................................................................................13 1.2 Background to and objectives of the study............................................16 1.3 Area and period of study........................................................................21 1.4 Civil control of the -
Zambia Democratic Republic of Congo
COUNTRY REPORT Zambia Democratic Republic of Congo 2nd quarter 1999 The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent Street, London SW1Y 4LR United Kingdom The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit is a specialist publisher serving companies establishing and managing operations across national borders. For over 50 years it has been a source of information on business developments, economic and political trends, government regulations and corporate practice worldwide. The EIU delivers its information in four ways: through subscription products ranging from newsletters to annual reference works; through specific research reports, whether for general release or for particular clients; through electronic publishing; and by organising conferences and roundtables. The firm is a member of The Economist Group. London New York Hong Kong The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent Street The Economist Building 25/F, Dah Sing Financial Centre London 111 West 57th Street 108 Gloucester Road SW1Y 4LR New York Wanchai United Kingdom NY 10019, US Hong Kong Tel: (44.171) 830 1000 Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Tel: (852) 2802 7288 Fax: (44.171) 499 9767 Fax: (1.212) 586 1181/2 Fax: (852) 2802 7638 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.eiu.com Electronic delivery EIU Electronic Publishing New York: Lou Celi or Lisa Hennessey Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Fax: (1.212) 586 0248 London: Jeremy Eagle Tel: (44.171) 830 1183 Fax: (44.171) 830 1023 This publication is available on the following electronic and other media: Online databases Microfilm FT Profile (UK) NewsEdge Corporation (US) World Microfilms Publications (UK) Tel: (44.171) 825 8000 Tel: (1.781) 229 3000 Tel: (44.171) 266 2202 DIALOG (US) Tel: (1.415) 254 7000 CD-ROM LEXIS-NEXIS (US) The Dialog Corporation (US) Tel: (1.800) 227 4908 SilverPlatter (US) M.A.I.D/Profound (UK) Tel: (44.171) 930 6900 Copyright © 1999 The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited. -
EISA Pre-Election Assessment Mission Report
EISA Pre-Election Assessment Mission Report REPUBLIC OF ZAMBIA 01-05 December 2014 EISA Pre-Election Assessment Mission Report | Republic of Zambia LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ADS Africa Democracy Strengthening Programme AVAP Anti-Voter Apathy Project AU African Union CMCs Conflict Management Committees CSOs Civil Society Organisations ECZ Electoral Commission Zambia EISA Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa FDA Forum for Democratic Alternatives FDD Forum For Democracy and Development FODEP Foundation for Democratic Process FRP Fourth Revolution Party GPZ Green Party of Zambia MISA Media Institute of Southern Africa MMD Movement for Multiparty Democracy NAREP National Restoration Party NGOS Non-Governmental Organisations OYV Operation Young Vote PAM Pre-election Assessment Mission PEMMO Principles for Election Management, Monitoring and Observation in the SADC Region PF Patriotic Front SACCORD Southern African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes SADC Southern African Development Community SUV Suburban Utility Vehicle ToT Training of Trainers UPND United Party For National Development UNIP United National Independence Party UDA United Democratic Alliance ZNWL Zambia National Women’s Lobby EISA Pre-Election Assessment Mission Report | Republic of Zambia CONTENTS 1. Executive Summary ............................................................................................ 4 2. Political Background And Context Of The 2015 Presidential By-Election .............. 4 3. Electoral Framework ......................................................................................... -
AC Vol 42 No 18
www.africa-confidential.com 14 September 2001 Vol 42 No 18 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL ZAMBIA 3 KENYA Puppet or prince? Levy Mwanawasa’s emergence as Moi versus the economy MMD’s flagbearer is the least bad Galloping inflation, sinking export prices and corruption are bigger option for President Chiluba. problems for the President than the opposition Having abandoned his tilt at a third term, Chiluba finds a malleable President Daniel arap Moi has run out of promises. The Board of the International Monetary Fund candidate and a way to hold on to refuses to unblock further loans – in particular, a hoped for quick credit of US$125 million. This is executive power. Oppositionists suspended until Moi’s ruling Kenya African National Union steers an effective anti-corruption bill are buoyed by the prospect of more through parliament, and sells off the state telecommunications company and Kenya Commercial Bank. infighting in the ruling MMD. Opposition parliamentarians threw out an anti-corruption bill last month and a revised bill can hardly be passed before early next year. Any IMF help will come too late to rescue the economy before the elections SEYCHELLES 4 that are scheduled for December 2002. The economy now hangs on tea. Coffee and tourism, once big foreign-exchange earners, lose millions By a whisker of dollars to official rake-offs. State-owned companies are mired in bureaucracy and corruption. After a tight presidential race, Business is pessimistic, domestic debt is swelling, public services are among the world’s worst and Albert René will find it tough to win officials are among the most corrupt. -
1. One Zambia Forework
One Zambia, many histories Afrika-Studiecentrum Series VOLUME 11 One Zambia, many histories Towards a history of post-colonial Zambia Edited by Jan-Bart Gewald Marja Hinfelaar Giacomo Macola Brill Cover photo: ISSN ISBN © Brill Contents List of photographs vii List of tables viii List of figures viii Foreword ix Acknowledgements x Abbreviations xi 1. Introduction 1 Jan-Bart Gewald, Marja Hinfelaar & Giacomo Macola PART I: POLITICAL UNITY AND DISSENT 2. Harry Mwaanga Nkumbula, UNIP and the roots of authoritarianism in nationalist Zambia 17 Giacomo Macola 3. Rebellion or massacre? The UNIP-Lumpa conflict revisited 45 David M. Gordon 4. ‘You can’t fight guns with knives’: National security and Zambian responses to UDI , 1965-1973 77 Andrew J. DeRoche 5. Enemies within? Opposition to the Zambian one-party state, 1972-1980 98 Miles Larmer PART II: THE PUBLIC ROLE OF RELIGION 6. Legitimizing powers: The political role of the Roman Catholic church, 1972-1991 129 Marja Hinfelaar 7. Towards a history of the Charismatic churches in post- colonial Zambia 144 Austin M. Cheyeka v 8. Islam in post-colonial Zambia 164 Felix J. Phiri PART III: THE ECONOMY AND THE STATE 9. ‘The devil you know’: The impact of the Mulungushi economic reforms on retail trade in rural Zambia, with special reference to Susman Brothers & Wulfsohn, 1968-80 187 Hugh Macmillan 10. The informalization of Lusaka’s economy: Regime change, ultra-modern markets, and street vending, 1972-2004 213 K. Tranberg Hansen PART IV: NEW AND OLD FORMS OF POLITICS IN THE THIRD REPUBLIC 11. Fighting for democracy of the pocket: The labour movement in the Third Republic 243 Friday E. -
Public Policy in Zambia Under President Michael Sata and the Patriotic Front Government
INSTITUTE FOR DEMOCRACY, CITIZENSHIP AND PUBLIC POLICY IN AFRICA Populism in power: public policy in Zambia under President Michael Sata and the Patriotic Front government Hangala Siachiwena IDCPPA Working Paper No. 25 May 2021 Published by the Institute for Democracy, Citizenship and Public Policy in Africa University of Cape Town 2021 http://www.idcppa.uct.ac.za This Working Paper can be downloaded from: http://idcppa.uct.ac.za/pubs/wps/25 ISBN: 978-1-77011-450-0 © Institute for Democracy, Citizenship and Public Policy in Africa, UCT, 2021 About the author: Hangala Siachiwena is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow in the Institute for Democracy, Citizenship and Public Policy in Africa (IDCPPA) at the University of Cape Town. Populism in power: public policy in Zambia under President Michael Sata and the Patriotic Front government Abstract Michael Sata and the Patriotic Front effectively used populist strategies to assume state power in Zambia. What did Sata’s populism mean for his government’s economic management? This paper argues that beyond using populism as a mobilization strategy to win elections, Sata also implemented policies that were consistent with macroeconomic populism to fulfill his election promises and reward his supporters. Sata was less focused on maintaining long-term macroeconomic stability than his immediate predecessors and more reliant than them on external borrowing to implement his reform agenda that focused on infrastructure development. Yet Zambians evaluated Sata’s presidency more positively than they did his predecessor (even though the evaluations had begun to decline by his final year in office). A broader argument this paper makes is that Sata’s populist discourse was rooted in his belief in strong state intervention and attempts to recreate the statist development model that was implemented in Zambia in the 1960s and 70s – but that also led to economic collapse by the 1980s. -
Kambwili by Omas Mulenga and Kambwili Has Insisted That Zambia Needs a for President Lungu and His Ministers
No364 K10 www.diggers.news Tuesday February 5, 2019 MINISTERS STEALING ...we need a lifesyle audit - Kambwili By omas Mulenga And Kambwili has insisted that Zambia needs a for President Lungu and his ministers. money. In Kenya and Botswana, the presidents NDC leader Chishimba Kambwili says if lifestyle audit for ministers. “I have challenged them, and I am still in the two countries have ordered for a lifestyle citizens want the opposition alliance to eld one Speaking when he featured on the Catholic challenging them, that we need to conduct audit of ministers and themselves; here they have presidential candidate in 2021, that is what they Church-run Radio Lutanda, in Kasama, Saturday, a lifestyle audit where all ministers and the refused despite us making numerous requests,” will do. Kambwili said there was need for lifestyle audits President must explain the source of their excess he said. To page 2 I want to keep council police busy by making them clean city – Miles By omas Mulenga is former Matero member Lusaka Mayor Miles Sampa of parliament, says he says council police have will consider contesting a become too many and as such, parliamentary seat again if he wants them to be kept busy people say they want him back. by joining in the cleaning of the In an interview, Sampa said city. he wanted council police to be And Sampa says the council cleaning the city as a way of o cers have no right to harass keeping them busy, but noted or physically manhandle street that he was facing resistance vendors. -
An Investigation of the Simple Majority Presidential Electoral Process in Zambia and Its Effects- 1995 -2015”
IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 22, Issue 11, Ver. 11 (November. 2017) PP 75-84 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org “An Investigation of The Simple Majority Presidential Electoral Process in Zambia And its Effects- 1995 -2015” Felix Chibesa Catholic Medical Mission Board,Plot 20, Msuzu Rd, Woodlands- Lusaka, Zambia Corresponding Author: Felix Chibesa Abstract: The president of Zambia recently commissioned a commission of inquiry into the voting patens in Zambia. This research investigated the effects of the electoral system on the voting pattern in Zambia and its effects. The research used the Historical research which is the systematic and objective location, evaluation and synthesis of evidence in order to establish facts and draw conclusions about past events. It took the systematic investigation in various studies of the election results in Zambia in order to establish facts on the effects of the simple majority presidential electoral system and reach new conclusions as well as correlate old facts. The results indicate the simple majority vote has led to the regional Voting. This regional voting has been leading to division of the country along ethnic groups. Regional voting pattern can be traced from 2001 to the elections in 2015. Simple majority vote electoral system has favored parties whose support is concentrated ethnically (geographically) and tends to discriminate against parties with support spread across the constituencies. It‟s also evident that it has led to having presidents with no national popularity but regionally popular who end up having a simple majority mandate. This led to the country being divided along the political parties the regions have been supporting.This is because the gap between the winning president and the second has been small.The closeness between the winner and the second usually causes tension not only among the candidates but also their support.