(ISSN 0043-6534) WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY

The State Historical Society of Wisconsin • Vol. 80, No. 1 • Autumn, 1996

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*•tr'l-B'Tr' .»••.-, *jr. THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF WISCONSIN

GEOR(;E L. VOOT, Director

Officers GLENN R. COAXES, President RICHARD H. HOI^CHER, Treasurer GERALD D. VI.STE, First Vice-President GEOR(;E L. VOGT, Secretary PATRICIA A. BOGE, Second Vice-f^sident

The State Historical Society of Wisconsin is both a state agency and a private membership organization. Founded in 1846—two years before statehood—and chartered in 1853, it is the oldest American historical society to receive continuous public funding. By statute, it is charged with collecting, advancing, and disseminating knowledge of Wisconsin and of the trans-Allegheny West. The Society serves as the archive of the State of Wisconsin; it collects all manner of books, periodicals, maps, manuscripts, relics, newspapers, and aural and graphic materials as they relate to North America; it maintains a museum, library, and research facility in Madison as well as a statewide system of historic sites, school services, area research centers, and affiliated local societies; it administers a broad program of historic preservation; and publishes a wide variety of historical materials, both scholarly and popular.

Membership in the Society is open to the public, /nrfwirfua/membership (one person) is $27.50. Senior Citizen /nrfiw'rfua/membership is $22.50. Family membership is $32.50. Senior Citizen Family membership is $27.50. Su/)/)ortJng-membership is $100. Sustaining membership is $250. A fairon contributes $500 or more. Lj/emembership (one person) is $1,000.

Membership in the Friends of the SHSW is open to the public. Individual membership (one person) is $20. Family membership is $30.

The Society is governed by a Board of Curators which includes twenty-four elected members, the Governor or designee, three appointees of the Governor, a legislator from the majority and minority from each house, and ex officio, the President of the University of Wisconsin System, the President of the Friends of the State Historical Society, the Presidentof the Wisconsin History Foundation, Inc., and the President of the Administra­ tive Committee of the Wisconsin Council for Local History. A complete listing of the Curators appears inside the back cover.

The Society is headquartered at 816 State Street, Madison, Wisconsin 53706-1488, at the Juncture of Langdon and Park streets on the University of Wisconsin campus. The State Historical Museum is located at 30 North Carroll Street. A partial listing of phone numbers (Area Code 608) follows:

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ON THE COVER.- The Vertefeuilte House restoration, Prairie du Chien. An article on the tmilding begins on page 36. Photo try Jeff Dean, 1993. Volume 80, Number 1 / Autumn, 1996

WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY

Published quarterly by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 816 State Street, Madison, Incumbent Without a Party: Wisconsin 53706-1488 Robert M. La Follette, Jr., and the Distributed to members as part of Wisconsin Republican Primary of 1946 their dues. Individual member­ ship, $27.50; senior citizen individual, $22.50; family, |32.50; Michael Kades senior citizen family, $27.50; supporting, $100; sustaining, $250; patron, $500 or more; life (one person), $1,000. Single The Vertefeuille House of Prairie du Chien: numbers from Volume 57 forward are $5 plus postage. Microfilmed A Survivor from the Era of French Wisconsin 36 copies available through University Microfilms, 300 North Mary Antoine de Julio Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106. Communications should be addressed to the editor. The Society does not assume responsi­ bility for statements made by Communications 57 contributors. Periodicals postage paid at Madison, Wisconsin. POSTMASTER: Send address changes Book Reviews 59 to Wisconsin Magazine of History, Madison, Wisconsin 53706-1488. Book Review Index 68 Copyright © 1996 by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin. Wisconsin Histor)' Checklist 69 The Wisconsin Magazine of History is indexed annually by the editors; Accessions 72 cumulative indexes are assembled decennially. In addition, articles Contributors are abstracted and indexed in 78 America: History and Life, Historical Abstracts, Index to Literature on the American Indian, and the Combined Editor Retrospective Index to Journals in PAUL H. HA.SS History, 1838-1974. Associate Editors Photographs identified with WTli negative numbers are from the WILLIAM C. MARTEN Historical Society's collections. JOHN O. HOLZHUETER .-i.i^..!.•«-.. » .».

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WHi (X3)46764 Robert M. La Follette, Jr. i Incumbent Without a Party: Robert M. La Follette, Jr., and the Wisconsin Republican Primary of 1946

By Michael Kades

T was 1946. An era had ended. For twenty been but a necessary interruption of their I years—from the stock market crash to labors. To them, victor)' meant not compla­ the end of World War II—Americans had cency, but a fresh opportunity to complete dedicated themselves to fighting one threat the unfinished business ofthe New Deal. or another. During the Great Depression, For most, that opportunity would prove most lacked the means to enjoy the luxuries illusory. Franklin Roosevelt was dead, and of modern capitalism; during the war that his replacement, Harry Truman, was fo­ followed, they lacked the opportunity, sac­ cused on foreign policy, not domestic re­ rificing automobiles for tanks and silk stock­ form. The threat of Soviet-sponsored glo­ ings for parachutes. Now the Depression bal communism had begun to dominate was over and the enemy beaten. Tokyo and national policy. Some surviving activists in Hiroshima lay in ruins; the surviving Nazis Congress were Democrats from safe, one- were in the dock at Nuremberg. After two party districts; their jobs, at least, were se­ decades of stress and sacrifice, it was at last cure. But progressive Republicans faced a time to savor the fruits of peace and return­ more ominous future. These liberals de­ ing prosperity. Before long, Americans pended upon grassroots organization and would be sitting in front of their new televi­ personal loyalties in their struggles against sion sets, more engrossed in the doings of conservative Republicans and machine Lucy and Milton Berle than the problems Democrats. They had befriended labor be­ of union steelworkers and disenfranchised fore labor was powerful; they had supported blacks. the New Deal but opposed early interven­ In the Congress of the United States, tion in the war. Many had seen their bases however, there remained the icons of a sapped by the New Deal and the corre­ bygone era, the men whose vision and cre­ sponding political realignment. Some, con­ ativity had helped to redefine government vinced during the depths ofthe Depression and shape national policy. In response to that the Democrats were too timid and the Franklin Roosevelt's call, they had imple­ Republicans too hidebound, had formed mented the epochal programs of the New third parties. But, after some initial suc­ Deal. They had created the WPA and the cesses, these progressive third parties had PWA, the TVA and the NLRB. They had failed, and liberal congressmen and sena­ passed a progressive income tax and unem­ tors had lost their seats to reactionary Re­ ployment compensation. The war itself had publicans or New Deal Democrats. By 1946,

(A)pyrighl © 1996 by ihe Stale Hi.slorical Socielv of Wisconsin All rigtiis of reproduclion in any form resened. WISCONSIN MAG.JLZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1996 only one third-party member survived in Follette remained in Washington until just the United States Senate. He was Robert days before the election. The result: a per­ Marion La Follette, Jr., Progressive from sonal and national disaster. La Follette lost Wisconsin, the elder son of Fighting Bob, by 5,357 votes, and Joseph R. McCarthy heir to the state's proud tradition of liberal took his first huge step toward the United insurgency. States Senate. No single factor caused La A twenty-year veteran of the Senate, La Follette's defeat; rather, his abdication of Follette symbolized the activism ofthe New political leadership led to blunders that Deal. He had played an instrumental role in alienated moderate Republicans; the CIO's passing the revenue act of 1936.' Two years commitment to the Democratic party de­ later, when the Senate Democratic leader­ prived him of labor's support; and voter ship opposed increasing public works spend­ apathy, combined with the senator's refusal ing. La Follette led the fight to save the to campaign, led to a low turnout in the President's request.*^ As chairman of the northwestern part of the state, a La Follette Civil Liberties Committee, La Follette had stronghold. traveled the country exposing the illegal and frequently violent strikebreaking tac­ tics of big business.* Now, La Follette saw HE Progressive party that assembled in new challenges: modernizing Congress' T Portage on March 17, 1946, was but a committee system, increasing the minimum shadow of the institution that had domi­ wage, and outlawing the poll tax. He was nated state politics during the mid-thirties, ready to direct his energy and innovation to when Bob La Follette's brother Phil had these problems. served three terms as governor.* In 1944, Of course. Senator La Follette's chance the Progressive candidates for governor and to solve those problems depended upon his U.S. Senator had received less than 7 per reelection in 1946. Active and engaged as cent of the vote. The party returned only he was with national issues, his lifelong five assemblymen to the state legislature, aversion towards campaigning was more and in only twelve counties could it muster pronounced than ever. Just as the country a full slate of candidates.' The delegates to believed that twenty years of hard work and the party's 1946 convention faced three sacrifice justified a vacation from public options: try to save the party, join the Demo­ affairs. La Follette believed that twenty years crats, or return to the Republican party, of service and hard work in the Senate which they had bolted twelve years before. justified his reelection without campaign­ Although the orators, politicians, and ing. political activists at Portage created the energy that usually attends a mass political Unfortunately, La Follette could ill af­ gathering, the convention's outcome was ford such thinking. Because voters felt that never seriously in doubt. Months before the national crisis was over, they would not support their senator solely out of respect for his activism or creativity. Rather than meet the challenge of voter apathy, La ^ In 1936 Young Bob La Follette was the senior senator from Wisconsin; the state's other senator was F. Ryan Duffy of Fond du Lac, a Democrat ' Williain E. Leuchtenberg, Franklin D. Roosevelt elected in 1932. Phil La Follette had won a third and the New Deal (New York, 1963), 153. term as governor in 1936 and had led a clean sweep ^ Patrick J. Maney, "Young Bob" La Follette: A of state offices. In the state legislature, the Progres­ Biography of Robert M. La Follette, Jr. (Columbia, Mis- sive party held a plurality and almost a majority. souVi, 1978), 195. Robert Johnson, Robert M. La Follette, Jr., and the •' Ibid. See also Jerold S. Auerbach, "The La Decline of the Progressive Party in Wiscon.sin (Madison, Follette Committee and the C.LO.," in the Wisconsin 1964), 39. Magazine of History, 48:3-20 (Autumn, 1964). "' Wisconsin Blue Book, 1946, pp. 665, 669. K.\DES: ROBERT M. LA FOLLETTE, JR. the meeting at Portage, the press had pre­ hard work were respected on both sides of dicted that the Progressives would disband the aisle.^ andjoin the Republican party.*' Many ofthe Being a La Follette, however, required colorful figures of the Progressives' past more than expertise. Fighting Bob had were absent. The radical Thomas Amlie earned his reputation as an insurgent who had already joined the Democrats. The had built his own organization within the iconoclastic editor of The Capital Times, Republican party. When both major parties William T. Evjue, had remained in Madi­ had rejected progressivism in 1924, the son. Even Phil La Follette, the moving force elder La Follette had virtually given his life behind the creation of Wisconsin's Pro­ to an independent presidential candidacy gressive party, was absent. Their absences in protest against the "politics of normalcy." magnified the importance of the party's However much Young Bob disliked the role only remaining major officeholder. Sena­ of organizer and party leader, he could tor Robert M. La Follette, Jr. never escape it. In 1934, La Follette had First elected as a Republican in 1925 to acquiesced in his younger brother Phil's replace his father in the Senate, Young Bob wish to form a third party. In 1938, when had compiled an outstanding record in his Phil's national organization flopped and own right. He was soon to receive a $10,000 he lost his bid for reelection as governor, prize from Coffier'5 magazine for his work in the mantle of political leadership fell com­ the Senate.' Despite forming a third party pletely upon Senator La Follette. As was in 1934, he was the ranking minority mem­ natural, the senator devoted his time to his ber on the Senate committees on labor, duties in Washington, not to the Progres­ finance, and foreign relations. Unlike his sive organization in Wisconsin; and without father, he was never an outsider. With his leadership, the party disintegrated. Now, in long, solemn face, his contemplative eyes 1946, the role of political leader was once and soft features. Young Bob simply did not again thrust upon Young Bob. fit the mold of a fiery insurgent He was more comfortable traversing the maze of parliamentary procedure than stumping E was not even sure he even wanted across Wisconsin to drum up votes.*^ Lack­ H the role. After twentyyears of service. ing his father's combative personality, the La Follette was tired and disillusioned. His affable young La Follette was known "the close friend and adviser, Glenn Roberts, Senator's Senator." His intelligence and observed, "Of course, I know you are ten times more tired than I am and carrying ten times the responsibility, but nevertheless, I, '' Milwaukee Journal, September 9, 1945; Madison too, seem never to get away from weari­ Capital Times, February 24, 1945. ness."'" The head of La Follette's Washing­ ' Edward R. Doan, The La Follettes and the Wiscon­ ton office also sensed La Follette's apathy. .sin Idea (New York, 1948), 281. Coffi«r'5 declared that, As he said years later, "I don't think he was in 1946, La Follette contributed the most "to direct interested in running."" thoughtful attention to the fundamental role of Congress to point up the fact that representative Campaigning and party leadership con­ lawmaking bodies are the symbol and basis of free­ flicted with La Follette's goals as a senator. dom." He believed that a senator should represent "LaFollette hated campaigning. In 1940, he and his aide, Wilbur Voigt, were in a bar with supporters after a polidcal rally. The senator did not like the situation, so he gave Voigt some money, telling him, ''Johnson, Robert M. La Follelte, Jr., 149. "You buy some drinks if you have to." Voigt remem­ '" Glenn Roberts to Robert La Follette, March 12, bers, "He didn't like the whole atmosphere of cam­ 1945, in the La Follette Family Collection, Librarv'of paigning and camaraderie." Author's interview with C^ongress, container A46. Wilbur and Rosemary Voigt, August 26, 1990. " Voigt interview. VMSCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1996 the people, work in their interest, and pass ET, as a man who wanted to live up to legislation. With important issues like the Y his father's political legacy. Young Bob Office of Price Administration (OPA) and could not walk away from the troubles the the minimum-wage law facing Congress, a nation faced. More than ever, his advisers campaign would detract from his effective­ argued, America needed dedicated men ness in the Senate. La Follette's major piece like La Follette: "You must understand that of legislation, the Congressional Reorgani­ you are an institution, not only in this state, zation Act, would require his full concen­ but throughout the country.""' On the prac­ tration if it was to have any hope of success. tical side, the reports from Wisconsin looked La Follette wanted to establish a record that good. The La Follette name was still magic both his colleagues and his constituents in the state, inspiring devotion among core would respect.'^ progressives who would give their all for The political atmosphere also demoral­ "Young Bob." A labor organizer in West ized Senator La Follette. A close friend AUis believed that rank-and-file labor would pointed to foreign policy. La Follette be- support La Follette.'" Meanwhile the Re­ heved that America, having sacrificed many publicans had split into two factions: the thousands of lives and an immense amount so-called stalwarts, led by state chairman of resources in World War II, should be Thomas Coleman of Madison, and the mod­ committed to preventing the rise of a new erates, led by crusty old Governor Walter dictatorship over Europe.'^ In May of 1945, Goodland of Racine. La Follette's field or­ after refusing to criticize the nation's for­ ganizer reported that many moderate Re­ eign policy during the war. La Follette deliv­ publicans would back La Follette.'^ If true. ered a three-hour address in which he ac­ La Follette was virtually assured of victory. cused the nation of pursuing a policy of Combining both these groups with pro­ "compromise and surrender" towards the gressive farmers would create a winning Soviet Union and Great Britain. He argued coalition. that America should prevent the Soviet La Follette decided he wanted to be Union from colonizing eastern Europe and reelected, but without the ordeal of a cam­ force Great Britain to dismantle its colonial paign. If the electorate did not think his empire.''' record proved his ability. La Follette was To La Follette's dismay, the powerful not going to beg for their votes. He wanted Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) to continue being a senator while abdicat­ attacked his speech for its anti-Soviet tone. ing the role of organizer. His outlook influ­ The editor ofthe state CIO paper declared enced not only his campaign but also his in a stinging editorial, "Such [pro-fascist] decision about the Progressives' future. The groups will have nothing but praise for the political party with the strongest organiza­ 3-hour Senate speech of Senator Bob La tion would provide La Follette with the best Follette. They could not have expressed opportunity to be reelected. In 1946, that their sentiments any better. In fact, not as was the Republican party. well."'"' This unexpected criticism further Wisconsin's primary laws complicated depressed the senator, who had made his La Follette's decision. Voters could enter record by defending labor's rights. It must only one party's primary; they could not have seemed to him that the CIO had quickly forgotten his work on labor's behalf. "> Glenn Roberts to R.M.L., May 12, 1945, La ''' Ibid. Follette Collection, Library of Congress, container " Author's interview with Gordon Sinykin, Au­ A49. gust 9, 1990. " Ibid. " Maney, "Young Boh" La Follette, 268. '"Author's interview with Richard Lund, August '= Wisconsin CIO News, June 18, 1945. 25, 1990. KADES: ROBERT M. LA FOLLETTE, JR. split their tickets. If people wanted to vote the "liberal crunch." Although labor would in the Democratic gubernatorial primary, not enter the Republican primary, it would they could not also vote for La Follette in vote for Progressives in a general election. the Republican senatorial primary. There­ Similarly, although rural voters, because of fore, La Follette had to ensure that his their isolationism, would not enter the constituency would follow him. Because Democratic primary, they would split their most Progressives came from the Republi­ tickets between the Republican party and can party and remained staunch isolation­ the Progressive party in November. As ists, the Republican party was the better Progressives, they could avoid primary choice than the Democratic party with its battles and hold both the rural and labor internationalist tendencies. Or so La vote in the general election.^^ To rebuild Follette's advisers assured him.'^ the party, however, would demand the ser­ Publicly, La Follette remained silent on vices of a political architect, a role which La the future of the Progressive party, hoping Follette refused to play. that the Progressives would come to a con­ sensus among themselves. That way, he could avoid being criticized for dictating HOSE who wanted to save the party the course ofthe convention and could use T were hoping for a groundswell of sup­ Portage as a mandate for a move to the port One delegate remembered, "I wasn't Republican party. Despite his silence, the sure about it There was a lot of feeling both press knew his feelings: "According to those ways."^'^ Their best hope was Philip La close to Senator La Follette, he will urge the Follette. If anyone could rally support to party to disband and enter the Republican the Progressive cause, he could. Robert La Primary."^" Follette understood the danger of Phil's From the beginning of the convention presence. On the night before the conven­ in Portage, the delegates showed they were tion, he had a mutual friend ask Phil not to not of one mind. The first speaker gave an attend the meeting.^* Phil deferred to his impassioned plea to save the party: "Are we brother's wishes. By this rare act of political ashamed of our principles? Are you manipulation. Young Bob deprived the die- Progressives willing to crawl under the same hards of their most eloquent spokesman. cover as Coleman and Truman's crony The ClO-dominated Kenosha and Racine [Edwin] Pauley? Old Bob would turn over delegations hoped to persuade La Follette in his grave."^' Only as Progressives could to enter the party of Roosevelt. The they maintain their integrity on both do­ Progressives had supported the New Deal. mestic and foreign issues. Saving the party, All liberals, labor argued, should close ranks in their view, also offered a strategic advan­ tage. As Progressives, candidates would avoid

^^ Philip La Follette, Adventures in Politics: The Memoirs of Philip LaFollette (New York, 1970), 276. By '•' Lund interview; Glenn Roberts to R.M.L., June 1946, the "liberal crunch" was becoming as anachro­ 6 and November 14, 1945, La Follette Family Collec­ nistic as the Progressive party itself. By 1946, tion, container C23. Wisconsin'sfarmersweremorereadytoswitch to the 2" Capital Times, March 15, 1946. Democratic party than the Progressives realized. By ^' Capital Times, March 18, 1946. Edwin Pauley, the late 1950's, they were in fact voting Democratic. U.S. Postmaster General and longtime Democratic Author's interview with Hon. John Reynolds, May mover and shaker, considered himself a hard-nosed 25, 1993; see also William F. Thompson, The History Democratic professional; "He was scornful of the of Wisconsin. Volume VI: Continuity and Change, 1940- party's liberals and intellectuals, who learned to i965 (Madison, 1988), 691. count him a major enemy." See John Morton Blum, ^' Sinykin interview. V Was For Victory: Politics and American Culture During -'' Thompson, Continuity and C^hange, 691, and La World Warn (New York, 1976), 232-233, 288. Follette, Adventures in Politics, 278. 7 WISCONSIN MAG.AZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN,1996 under the Democratic banner. As one del­ Progressives would receive both patronage egate declared, "I submit on the basis ofthe privileges and endorsements from the last fourteen years what has been done for Roosevelt administration.* One by one, the common people has been done through the New Dealers had resigned from the Democratic administration.'"*^''The CIO Truman's cabinet. The war had also soured was astonished that La Follette could even the relationship. As one Progressive leader consider the Republican party: "Senator La said, "The Democratic Party has never suc­ Follette in 1934 found it impossible to con­ ceeded in taking us out of a depression tinue in the Republican Party. Now it is without taking us into a war. They did it in understood he wants to return to that party. "^'' 1912, and they did it in this war, and I don't Furthermore, the Democrats had invited want to let them do it again."'^' the Progressives tojoin them. Henry Wallace Young Bob La Follette himself never pleaded, "The Progressives of Wisconsin seriously consideredjoining the Democrats. with their great tradition of liberal action Despite his liberal views, which at times should come home to the party of Roosevelt were more radical than those of New Deal rather than return to the party of Hoover. "^' Democrats, La Follette never completely Howard McMurray, a University of Wiscon­ lost his attachment to the Republican party. sin professor of political science and the He sat on the Republican side ofthe Senate likely Democratic candidate for senator, and took his committee appointments from assured La Follette that the Democratic Republicans. What was more, he doubted nomination was La Follette's, but that if La that the Wisconsin Democrats could ever Follette ran as Republican, he, McMurray, achieve unity: "He [La Follette] expressed would oppose him in the general election.-** some hesitation of Democratic affiliation because they were always fighting like a bunch of Killkenny cats."'^ Like the ROGRESSIVES were suspicious of the Progressives, the Democrats lacked the P new-found Democratic liberalism. His­ strength to carry La Follette to victory with­ torically, Wisconsin's Democrats had been out a serious effort on his part. Since 1900, as conservative as the stalwart Republicans. the Democrats had won the governor's In 1938, the Democrats had run a slate with mansion only once and had elected only the Republicans to defeat the Progres.sives, two U.S. Senators. The future appearedjust and many Progressives believed that the as bleak to one of his advisers: leopard had not changed its spots. In the words of Aldric Revell, the Progressive pun­ I could at that time see no mounting dit and columnist for Madison's Capital strength in the Democratic Party, and Times, "It shows that you can still scratch the I felt that if we were going to have Democratic leadership in the state butwon't anything that could function and get find a true liberal."^^ good legislation passed that it had to The affinity between Wisconsin Pro­ be the Republican route, difficult as it gressives and the national Democratic party was. •''•'' had also dissipated. Tbe Truman adminis­ tration contributed to fears about the na­ Others put it more bluntly: "The Demo- tional party. The day was over when the '"' Maney, "Young Bob" La Follette, 243. -"' Capital Times, March 18, 1946. " Harry Sauthoff, in the Capital Times, March 14, ^'' Kenosha Labor editor'vd], quoted in the Mihvau- 1946. keeJournal, March 4, 1946. "'^ Jack Kyle, oral history, Wisconsin State Ar­ " Capital Times, March 14, 1946. chives, the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, -** Johnson, Robert M. La Follette, Jr, 110. Madison, tape 15, side 1. ^^ Capital Times, February 15, 1946. •" Ibid., tape 15, side 1. KADES: ROBERT M. lA FOLLETTE, JR. crats are absolutely done."^* Problems with the rumors were wrong, that the senator the CIO also convinced La Follette to reject possessed his father's "never say die" atti­ the Democrats' offer. In 1945, a state CIO tude, and that he would fight for the party delegation had visited La Follette. Although until the bitter end. Across the hall, the they agreed about the domestic agenda. La labor delegations eyed La Follette suspi­ Follette and the labor representatives ar­ ciously. They were willing to support him if gued over foreign policy. It shook and an­ he switched to the Democratic party, but gered La Follette that the CIO seemed to they werejust as willing to oppose him if he think it could dictate his views.''^ He feared ignored their wishes. But most ofthe del­ that, as a Democrat, he would be too be­ egates simply wanted to hear La Follette. holden to labor. As a Republican, he could He had won the party its success; he had support labor on domestic issues and vote the most to lose; they would follow his his conscience about foreign affairs. Many advice.'*'' delegates at Portage shared La Follette's There were no surprises. La Follette ar­ ties to the Republican party, and the idea of gued that the decision facing the conven­ taking control of it inspired them: "We tion was a political one. Laudable goals and should go back into the Republican Party practical success were the twin foundations and help make it the party of Lincoln and of the movement: 'Old Bob' La Follette. We can fight there as we have always fought."* Tom Coleman's Those of us who have been through anti-La Follettism only increased their fer­ many a tough political campaign know vor: "Now let's go back and throw him that we are practical idealists, not na­ [Coleman] out."^' ive visionaries. Good intentions and While those delegates who wanted to fine principles are meaningless if they return to the Republican party were in the are never put into effect.**" majority, they could not win a consensus. La Follette had hoped to speak after the vote, No matter what the result. La Follette said, but he could not afford that luxury. Furi­ he would carry on "the fight for the prin­ ously, Wilbur Voigt revised La Follette's ciples and ideals of the Progressive move­ speech.''®A delegate called upon La Follette ment. " A person or group could crusade for to speak, and all eyes turned to the senator. reform and liberal policies as a Progressive, The convention suspended its rules; he a Republican, or a Democrat. Political par­ could speak for as long as he wished. ties were a vehicle through which people achieved their goals. Like an obsolete car, the Progressive party could not keep up S La Follette strode to the podium, a with the opposition, so Progressives had to A silence fell over the crowded hall. trade in their party for a more modern Diehards from Marathon County hoped version. Although LaFollette counted some liberals among the Democrats, he argued that "the party's emphasis today is more •"• Glenn Roberts to R.M.L., May 24, 1946, La Follette Family Collection, container A50. A year concerned with maintaining political con­ earlier, Roberts wrote, "Dan [i.e. Democratic guber­ trol than with fighting for progressive legis­ natorial candidate Daniel Hoan] has gone senile... we lation and progressive principles."'" There have straight information that the Party is split wide was no point in joining a party that was open." Roberts to R.M.L., June 6, 1945, ibid., con­ tainer C24. '' Voigt interview; also author's interview with Norman Clapp, August 28, 1990. •'^ Author's interview with Laurie Carlson, April '** Capital Times, March 18, 1946. 28, 1995. ^^ Ibid. '"' Quoted in the Capital Times, March 18, 1946. 38 Voigt interview. « Ibid.

9 WISCONSIN NL>iG.AZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1996 no more committed to principle than the the senator, who had not yet even an­ Republicans, especially one that lacked any nounced his candidacy. La Follette received hope of victory. letters of support from judges, politicians, La Follette realized the difficulty of join­ and businessmen from all over the state.*® ing the Republicans, but he foresaw a rising At the time, as one La Follette supporter liberal tide. Senators Wayne Morse of Or­ remembered, "I think a lot of people were egon and George Aiken of Vermont repre­ not versed on it. There were a number of sented a liberal faction with which Wiscon­ people who thought. . . that he was doing sin Progressives could ally themsel-ves. the right thing."*" Within the state, the independent-minded Others believed that the convention Walter Goodland was challenging the reac­ sacrificed principle to expediency. Henry tionary Coleman. Even though Senator La Berquist, a former Progressive candidate Follette did not call for a crusade to liberal­ for lieutenant-governor, turned on La ize the Republican party, his rhetoric Follettewithavengeance. He warned, "You pointed that way: have made your choice in aligning yourself with the reactionaries, the party of Hoover, Progressives are schooled in constant Bricker, Mellon, and Coolidge. . . ." In vigilance that the maintenance of in­ Berquist's eyes there was no choice: "The dividual freedom and liberty de­ die is cast, Senator. I pledge my full efforts mands. They will redouble their ef­ to defeat the forces of reaction here at forts to prove that. . . man can have home. . . ."** Labor vented its anger as well: economic security without yielding "It was a gathering of old men. . . . The fundamental individual rights to a men of labor were scarce at the Portage totalitarian state. conference. . . ."*^ The CIO and former Progressives like Berquist would throw their Progressives faced a difficult task. To suc­ support to the Democrats and oppose all ceed, they would need a strong organization Republicans, including their former asso­ to promote their ideas. In 1946, the Repub­ ciates. lican party was the only one available.*^ While La Follette may have anticipated La Follette's speech received loud ap­ the criticism from CIO organs, and while plause, and it probably persuaded some few considered Berquist a serious political rural delegations to support the move. For leader, William T.Evjue's response shocked example. Grant County came to the con­ the senator.'''' Evjue was an old friend; in­ vention committed to saving the party, but deed, the publisher of the pro-La Follette after the senator's speech, its delegation split evenly.*"' In any event, the final tally was a landslide: 284 delegates voted tojoin the Republicans, seventy-seven wanted to main­ '"' Capital Times, March 18, 1946. tain the Progressive party, fifty-one sup­ *'" Lund interview; author's inteiriew with Maurice Pasch, August 22, 1990. ported a move to the Democratic party, and •"^ Jack Kyle Papers, Wisconsin State Archives, three preferred the Socialists.** Mss. 212, box 1-6. '" Laurie Carlson, oral history, Wisconsin State Archives, tape 781a. A FOLLETTE and his close advisers "* Clipping from unknown newspaper, March 23, 1946, in the William T. E\jue Papers, Wisconsin State L-i viewed the convention as a success.*^ Archives, Mss. 244, box 69-4. The Merrill Herald immediately endorsed '•' Kenosha Labor, March 21,1946. ''" Gordon Sinykin called Berquist "a nut," and Maurice Pasch's and Norman Clapp's assessment • Ibid. were not too far from Sinykin's. Sinykin, Pasch, and ' Clapp interview. Clapp interviews.

10 WHi(X3)22017

Cliff Berryman drew this cartoonfor Senator LaFollette shortly after the Progressive party convention.

Capital Times had helped the La Follettes power that killed it. Moreover, Evjue, in form the Progressive party. Now Evjue condemning the Progressives' return to blamed them for its demise. In a front-page the Republican party, overlooked the prin­ editorial, he charged, "When the verdict is cipled disagreement La Follette had with reached. The Capital Times believes that in­ Democrats over foreign policy. But the at­ dictments will be returned against Philip F. tacks in the Capital Times damaged La and Robert M. La Follette on the charge Follette. Having played an integral role in that they killed the party by kidnapping it progressive politics since World War I, into the realm of opportunism and expedi- Evjue's criticisms carried weight among ency. ^' Progressives. Because he echoed stalwart Republicans and Democrats, his denuncia­ tion of La Follette lent credence to their VJUE was right to criticize Young Bob, attacks as well. Even though, in the same E but not because the senator was expe­ dient. On the contrary, it was La Follette's failure to maintain the party as a political Capital Times, March 18, 1946.

II WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1996 editorial, Evjue tepidly endorsed La Follette, Because moderates were threatening to it was too little, too late. As Glenn Roberts support La Follette, young Joseph wrote: McCarthy's candidacy posed a threat to Coleman's goal of retiring the last La Bill Evjue wrote the dirtiest editorial Follette. Having run unsuccessfully in 1944, he ever wrote in the Times. ... I know McCarthy had continued to campaign, win­ of nothing he could have done which ning the support of many county commit­ would have hurt you more ... he can tees. He made it clear that he would be in write editorials from now until Au­ the race to the end, whether or not the gust in your favor but they will not Republican state convention endorsed him. undo the damage done.''- If Coleman backed anyone besides McCarthy, the regular Republican vote La Follette was not the only political would be divided, assuring La Follette's figure with problems on his hands. Tom reelection. Coleman, the Republican state chairman, faced an internal revolt. Moderates felt that Coleman dominated the party and was ob­ HE Republican convention which as­ sessed with defeating La Follette.'' In fact Tsembled on May 3rd drove a deeper many Republicans respected Senator La wedge between the Colemanites and the mod­ Follette's record and ability, and they saw erates. Coleman engineered McCarthy's en­ the benefits of his return to the Republican dorsement.''*' Those Republicans who felt fold: "Oscar Rennebohm [the lieutenant- that McCarthy lacked the experience and governor], while sober, asked me on the respectability to sit in tbe Senate were Wednesday why all of us didn't come back aghast. Moreover, McCarthy had run for into the Republican Party."** Party officials district attorney in Shawano County as a openly welcomed La Follette's decision. As Democrat in 1936, so they felt that he was one county chairman wrote him, "I am glad no more of a Republican than La Follette, to know that you are going to run on the perhaps even less so. Next, the Colemanites Republican ticket, Bob, and while as chair­ denied the convention's endorsement to man, I am supposed to be neutral until after the incumbent governor, eighty-four-year- the primary, we certainly aren't going to old Walter S. Goodland. Snubbing Good- throw stones in your path.'"''' land convinced moderates that Coleman was running the party for his own purposes, and it pushed them towards La Follette. ''- Roberts to R.M.L., March 19, 1946, La Follette Moderates and even some of Coleman's Family Collection, container C24. allies criticized the convention. One of '"' Coleman's hatred of the La Follettes dated back to the elder La Follette's governorship, when Coleman's associates remarked: "I can't Coleman lived near the governor's mansion. One overlook the fact that Senator La Follette is winter Coleman and his friends iced a hill to sled on one of the outstanding men in American it. 'V\Tien it was ready, Coleman remembered, "First Government today. . . ."" In July, the con­ out with a sled was little Phil La Follette. He didn't do servative Green Bay Press-Gazette endorsed any ofthe work but he was darned willing to slide on our ice." Perhaps Coleman saw Young Bob as at­ La Follette: "The Press Gazette favors La tempting to use the party Coleman had built, just as Follette because of his distinguishable his brother Phil had used Coleman's hill. See the record of leadership and in spite of deep Milwaukee Journal, August 16, 1946. differences of opinion concerning his lib- '^ Roberts to R.M.L., May 12, 1945, La Follette Family Collection, container A19. Rennebohm was reputedly a hea%'y drinker. ''' George Hartman, Republican chairman of ' Milwaukee Journal, May 6, 1946. Juneau County, to R.M.L., March 26, 1946, Kyle •'' John Dickinson, in the Capital Times, May 4, Papers, box 1-6. 1946.

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Tom Coleman speaking to the opening of the state Republican convention in Oshkosh, May 4, 1946. Photo used with permission of World Wide Photos, Inc.

eral errors.""'*' Glenn Roberts even believed days of the Republican convention, Ralph that Governor Goodland would endorse Immell, a close friend and political associ­ Young Bob.''^Although, in the end, Goodland ate of the La Follette family, entered the refused to openly endorse anyone, the Re­ gubernatorial race. This utterly changed publican convention had created a natural the dynamics ofthe campaign. One faction alliance between the t^vo incumbents."" of the La Follette camp, led by Phil La Had nothing else happened. La Follette Follette, thought Immell deserved an en­ might have coasted to victory. But within dorsement.'" Others, including Jack Kyle, the senator's campaign manager, argued against the endorsement: "I was very un­ ^^ Newspaper clipping, July 9, 1946, in the Evjue happy when Immell announced. . . . I felt it Papers, box 69-4. ™ Roberts to R.M.L., March 19, 1946, La Follette Family Collection, container C-24. ™ Capital Times, June 4, 1946. ''' Sinykin, Lund, Pasch, and Clapp interviews.

13 WISCONSIN M.AGAZINE OF HISTORY .AUTUMN, 1996 was damaging to Bob. It offended Goodland Republican primary. Without a slate, labor and lost us some votes. ... In this difficult was unlikely to enter the primary for La transition period, I felt it wasn't the time to Follette alone: "The only thing that im­ offend Goodland. "«2 presses me is the old thing, i.e. unless we get At the beginning of the campaign, La a candidate for Congress vs. Smith we might Follette remained silent, hoping to hold as well fold up on getting the labor vote into moderate Republicans without upsetting the Republican primary."''^ But the party progressives. But his silence over the gu­ found no one to oppose Smith, and the bernatorial campaign exemplified a deeper Democrats would take advantage of it. Simi­ problem: La Follette never articulated the larly, in the Tenth Congressional District, balance between high principle and prac­ which covered the northern third of the tical necessity. Was the election a crusade state, no Progressive-Republican an­ to take the Republican party back from the nounced against the stalwart incumbent infidel stalwarts, or was it only about re­ Alvin O'Konski, while Henry Berquist ran electing La Follette? La Follette the sena­ as a Democrat."" tor lacked the energy and commitment to La Follette's campaign material under­ lead a crusade, but La Follette the heir mined the strategy of fielding a slate of to the insurgent tradition could not es­ candidates for key offices because it merely cape it. stated his record and stressed his reputa­ tion: "My platform is my record." The senator's campaign speeches centered upon FTER the Portage convention, his service: "I believe I can say without A. Wisconsin's progressives established boasting that I have mastered the tech­ the Progressive-Republican Association: niques of government which have become "The new group' s paramount task, of course, extremely complicated.""" La Follette took will be the re-election of Senator Robert M. pride in his accomplishments, and he be­ La Follette Jr. as a Republican on a liberal lieved that his record in the Senate justified slate headed by LaFollette. . . .""^LaFollette his reelection. "No matter how hard the appeared to have committed himself to a opposition may try to distort it, they can't slate. But while the association had some make it appear to be anything else than it success in finding candidates for the state really is: a good solid record in the public legislature and for county offices, it failed interest""*' to persuade anyone to run for the more important offices such as lieutenant- governor. Louis Burkhardt, a CIO official ''^Jack Kyle, oral history, tape 15, side 2. In their respective interviews with the author, both Maurice from Milwaukee, offered to run, but only Pasch and Richard Lund agreed with Kyle. after it was too late."* Burkhardt had never ''' Clipping from the Milwaukee Journal, April 14, run for a major office, and the fact that he 1946, in the Kyle Papers, box 2-4. was the closest the committee came to find­ " Burkhardt to Jack Kyle, May 16, 1946, Kyle ing a candidate for lieutenant-governor Papers, box 1-2. '" Kenneth Greenquist to Jack Kyle, May 5, 1946, reveals the organizational shortcomings of Kyle Papers, box 1-3. the Progressive-Republican Association. ''•' The Tenth Congressional District encompassed In the First Congressional District, which Ashland, Bayfield, Burnett, Douglas, Iron, Lincoln, Oneida, Polk, Price, Rusk, Sawyer, Taylor, Vilas, and included Kenosha and Racine, Progressive- Washburn counties. Republicans needed someone to oppose ''' Robert M. La Follette, speech deliveredjune 1, Congressman Lawrence Smith, an ardent 1946, on the Wisconsin radio network (forerunner critic of the New Deal. If a Progressive- to Wisconsin Public Radio), in the La Follette Family Republican would run against Smith in the Collection, box C-567. primary, it would help draw labor into the ™ Robert M. La Follette, radio speech, August 2, 1946, La Follette Family Collection, box C-567.

14 KADES: ROBERT M. CA FOLLETTE, JR.

One campaign pamphlet reminded la­ as a monument to his career; but while bor that La Follette had worked tirelessly as La Follette' s work on the bill deserved praise, chairman of the Civil Liberties Committee the issue of changing the legislative mecha­ that had investigated the legality of strike­ nism failed utterly to inspire Wisconsin breaking and other anti-labor techniques. voters. The brochure contained quotes from Wil­ liam Green, president ofthe American Fed­ eration of Labor (AFL), Senator Robert EVERTHELESS, despite the confusion Wagner of New York, and, most impor­ N about campaign strategy. La Follette's tantly, the Legislative Committee of the prospects looked good. Besides the split CIO, which stated: "Rest assured that the between moderate Republicans and Cole­ CIO is highly appreciative of his votes in manites, ethical problems plagued La behalf of legislation favored by this organi­ Follette's immediate opponent, Joseph zation.""^ Other pamphlets adopted a sirrii- McCarthy. By refusing to resign his judge­ lar approach to veterans and farmers. The ship when he became a candidate, McCarthy Capital Times ran a series of articles on La had violated both the American Bar Follette, one of which underscored the ad­ Association's code of ethics and the state miration that congressional reporters felt constitution.^^ For this, he drew a good deal towards Wisconsin's senior senator: "La of adverse publicity. The Capital Times and Follette has the respect of all the newsmen the anti-La Follette Milwaukee Journal hoth as well as the senators. I disagree with some demanded McCarthy'swithdrawal from the of his foreign policy views but his integrity race.'' and ability is unquestioned and he is always prepared. . . ."™ " La Follette was one of the Congress' staunchest Overall, La Follette's campaign pointed defenders. He feared that the New Deal and World not to future battles or specific reforms but War II had transferred too much power to the execu­ instead to past accomplishments. Through tive branch. With Congressman Mike Mulroney, an his literature and the press, he did not Oklahoma Democrat, La Follette introduced a bill to modernize Congress by reducing the number of appear as an energetic reformer but as a standing committees and defining their jurisdiction. reserved and thoughtful statesman. La The act gave each congressman an administrative Follette's "record" therefore replaced al­ assistant and created staffs of experts for the commit­ most all campaigning. The senator did not tees; it also forced lobbyists to register with and return to Wisconsin until a week before the submit financial reports to Congress, a measure La Follette hoped would increase the prestige of Con­ election. Radio broadcasts provided his only gress. For a more complete discussion, see Maney, contact with the electorate. He had a rea­ "Young Bob" La Follette, 272-287. sonable excuse: the legislative session was '^ Capital Times, April 29,1946; Milwaukee Journal, busy; there were anti-labor bills, a fight over May 16, 1946. During the campaign, McCarthy the OPA, an attack on the Fair Employment granted what became known in the press as a "quickie Practices Committee, and an attempt to divorce" to one of his political supporters. The sup­ porter had filed the case in Milwaukee County, but outlaw the poll tax. Although he voted the the judge in Milwaukee had dismissed the action by liberal line on all the issues, he focused on stipulation and the divorce was refiled in McCarthy's his own Congressional Reorganization Act, court. Although there was nothing illegal about the by which he hoped to modernize the work­ procedure, McCarthy's dual status as candidate and ings of government^' He intended the bill judge raised suspicions. See the Milwaukee Journal, September 26, 1946. ''' A lifelong enemy of McCarthy, Francis Wettengel, brought suit against McCarthy in the ™ "Bob La Follette's Record of Service to Labor," general election, but the Wisconsin Supreme Court a pamphlet in the Kyle Papers, box 2-4. reluctantly agreed with McCarthy that the candidate '" Robert C. Albright of the Washington Post, was bound only by the U.S. Constitution. Milwaukee quoted in the Capital Times, Jvi\y 10, 1946. Journal, September 9, 1946.

15 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1996

Characteristically, La Follette himself With Tom Coleman's guidance and fi­ ignored the issue of McCarthy's miscon­ nancial support, McCarthy projected a care­ duct on the bench. An attack on McCarthy's fully crafted image of a local hero. He leased candidacy would have resembled the mud- billboards across the state touting his war slinging he so hated. Confident of victory, record, emblazoned with the motto "Con­ La Follette saw no reason to embarrass gress Needs a Tailgunner."'^ Sympathetic McCarthy."* As a longtime friend and ad­ papers amplified this theme in their en­ viser remembered, "It was the Senator's dorsements: decision, and he was not going to kick a man while he was down."''' In late June, It is for Joseph R. McCarthy, Circuit Aldric Revell, a pro-La Follette columnist Judge, distinguished soldier, and bril­ and widely respected political analyst, wrote, liant promising hope for the new spirit "If the elections were held tomorrow Sena­ of public service and the deeper, tor La Follette would give Circuit Judge broader outlook on domestic and McCarthy the soundest drubbing any can­ world affairs our government so sorely didate for high political office ever received demands.*"' in decades. . . . """John Wyngaard, an equally astute conservative political columnist, was As later came to light, "the distinguished likewise pessimistic about McCarthy's soldier" had seen little combat; as an intel­ chances: "This is not going to make your ligence officer, McCarthy's career as a reporter popular at G.O.P. caucuses, but it tailgunner had consisted largely of shoot­ is time to report that there is an unnatural ing up deserted runways and palm trees. apathy and pessimism in important sectors But McCarthy had worn the uniform of a ofthe Republican Party organism, stalwart Marine aviator, and he had campaign rib­ wing, of Wisconsin."'' bons and a Purple Heart as proof of his None of this apathy and pessimism service in the Pacific. In 1946, this was more seemed to bother Joe McCarthy, who cam­ than enough to make him a war hero. paigned energetically throughout the state at a breakneck pace. He was good at face- to-face campaigning, and he relished it Y contrast with McCarthy's dynamism No town was too small for a visit; no one Band clean-cut image. Senator La Follette was too unimportant for a handshake. At seemed soft and tired. Increasingly, he re­ each stop, he would jump out of his car, sembled a Washington insider, an out-of- walk down main street, and pop into the touch career politician. To highlight the barber shop or drugstore.'" There was no differences between himself and his oppo­ opportunity, and really no need, to discuss nent, McCarthy focused on two non-issues— the issues—only enough time for voters to one a fabrication, the other a frivolity. acquaint themselves with McCarthy's rug­ Under the veil of humor, McCarthy, disre­ ged good looks and friendly, outgoing garding reality, attacked La Follette as "the personality. gentleman from Virginia," or "Virginia's third Senator." Everywhere he informed voters about La Follette' s alleged "estate " in '"" Pasch and Voigt interviews. Virginia.*" (La Follette had in fact bought a " Pasch interview. pre-Revolu tionary house in Virginia in 1931, "'' Aldric Revell in the Capital Times, June 20, but it was not the mansion McCarthy implied; 1946, p.7. '"John Wyngaard, writing in the Green Bay Press- Gazette, June, 1946. Wyngaard was a close personal friend of McCarthy. ™ Ibid. ™ David M. Oshinsky, A Conspiracy So Immense: The •*" Wisconsin State Journal, August 8, 1946. World of Joe McCarthy (New York, 1983), 45. "' Maney, "Young Bob" La Follette, 290.

16 nX

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WHi(X.S).')0669 Senator La Follette's "Virginia estate.'

it had no plumbing or heat the roof leaked, evidence that he had used his influence or and in any case La Follette had sold it years otherwise bent the rules. But because he bene­ before.**^) But by remaining in Washington fited, and to such a great extent, the radio- during the campaign. La Follette unwittingly station deal tarnished La Follette's hard- lent credence to McCarthy's charge. McCarthy earned reputation for absolute integrity. also frivolously impugned La Follette's hon­ When McCarthy argued about the is­ esty by claiming that La Follette had used his sues, his discussions were convoluted. He senatorial influence and his position in Wash­ assailed La Follette as being anti-labor and ington to secure a lucrative radio license, for anti-farmer because the senator had sup­ himself and a group of investors, on which he ported the New Deal. Although he called earned a profit of 314 per cent*'^ In reality. La himself pro-labor, McCarthy supported Follette's only crime was that he had made a banning poHtical contributions by unions good investment there was not a shred of and restricting both wildcat and jurisdic­ tional strikes.*** Almost alone among politi­ •^^Johnson, Robert M. LaFollette, 132. cians, he attacked the reforms in LaFollette's *'^ Clipping from the Beloit Daily News, June 26, 1946, in the Evjue Papers, box 76-9. See also the pamphlet "Bob's Record of Service to Wisconsin at "'' Clipping from the Beloit Daily News, April 17, the Nauon's Capital" (1946), 18-19. 1946, in the Evjue Papers, box 76-9.

17 WISCONSIN M.AGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1996

Congressional Reorganization Act, charg­ teers had signed McCarthy's name)."* Su­ ing that it was a cover for increasing senato­ perficial though it may have been, this "per­ rial pensions."'^ sonalized" appeal no doubt struck home McCarthy's primary campaign was a tri­ with many voters. umph of form over substance. He placed While McCarthy foreshadowed the era full-page ads in newspapers all over the of sound-bite campaigning. La Follette's state with big headlines reading '"Sen. La campaign seemed a relic from a bygone Follette Snubs Real Laboring Man," "New age.*'^ Its organization relied on the "black Dealer La Follette Votes Against Farmer," book," developed during Fighting Bob's and "How Did La Follette Get that Money?" time, which contained a list of volunteers in The headlines were hyperbolic at best, and every county and precinct and provided the the charges were not substantiated by the foundation for future campaigns. The book fine-print explanations. La Follette had had served the La Follettes well during the earned his money legally through the own­ early years of the century. Unfortunately, ership of radio station WEMP. La Follette however, during the Progressive party's long had voted against the Case Bill, which the decline, no one had maintained and up­ AFL, the CIO, and the railroad brother­ dated it. As a result, the senator's campaign hoods had all attacked. He had opposed an workers spent much of their time writing inflationary measure that would have tied letters to people who had long since food prices to the minimum wage.**" Any­ moved—or died.''" Past campaigns had used one who read the entire ad would have local and national speakers as surrogates on been suspicious of the headlines; but the the stump, but in an age when movies and big, bold type made McCarthy's charges radio had replaced political rallies as a appear significant. source of entertainment, surrogates—even McCarthy avoided attacking La Follette if the campaign had used them—could not in any medium that would permit in-depth draw a crowd.'" explanations; as the hard-hitting underdog Moreover, La Follette's anachronistic in the campaign, he was free to make all campaign had to ward off not only kinds of charges without having to substan­ McCarthy's attacks but also those of his tiate them. Miles McMillin, editor of the Democratic opponent, university profes­ Capital Times, noted one of many ironies: sor Howard McMurray of Madison. Believ­ "The amusing thing about the ads is that ing that McCarthy was an easier opponent Tom Coleman, one of the biggest open than La Follette, McMurray, running un­ shop employers in Wisconsin and for years opposed in the Democratic primary, a foe of organized labor, says that La Follette wanted to siphon off La Follette's labor has voted against the interest of labor. . . ."*" support to ensure the incumbent's de­ On the eve of the primary, McCarthy sent feat''^ McMurray therefore protrayed La thousands of handwritten postcards to vot­ Follette as a worn-out liberal whose fire for ers across the state. Each asked the recipi­ reform had died and whose isolationism ent for support in the election and was was either foolish or treacherous. To bol­ signed "Joseph McCarthy" (in fact volun- ster his charges, McMurray grossly exag­ gerated any differences between himself

*' Clipping from the Beloit Daily News, July 26, 1946, in the E\jue Papers, box 76-9. **''The ad appeared in newspapers statewide. See, *"* Unidentified clipping, August 12, 1946, in the for example, the Madison Capital Times, July 16, Evjue Papers, box 76-9. 1946. '^^ Jack Kyle, oral histor\'. "' Ibid., July 18, 1946. Because Tom Coleman ^" Kyle Papers, box 1. provided the money for the billboards, McMillin '" Ibid.; Voigt interview. directed his irony at the Republican party boss. ••'^Johnson, Robert M. LaFollette, 135.

18 KADES: ROBERT M. lA FOLLETTE, JR. and La Follette, and misrepresented La vote for Hitler, Mussolini and Hiro Follette's record. Hito as La Follette consistently voted On domestic policy, however, there was during these critical years.^' almost complete agreement between McMurray and La Follette. Both supported price controls, increasing the minimum S the campaign drew to a close, wage, and outlawing the poll tax; both be­ A,. McMurray questioned more than La lieved the government should provide jobs Follette's intelligence and foresight He for the unemployed; both opposed com­ went for the jugular, recalling La Follette's pulsory peacetime military conscription supposed role in founding the National and proposals like the Case, Truman, and Progressive party in 1938: ". . . [L]et's re­ Hobbes bills which would have clamped member well the record about that party down on unions.'^'' Despite this, McMurray launching—the long demagogic harangues; questioned La Follette's commitment to the enormous party flags; the 'abbreviated those policies: "The record will show that swastika' party emblem; the uniformed pa­ Bob La Follette has voted for labor's inter­ rades; the military bands—chauvinistic na­ est about half of the time, but investigation tionalism in the extreme.""** In reality, Bob brings out the all-important fact that he has La Follette had not even attended the con­ quit fighting for liberal causes."^* vention in Madison and was never more than a reluctant partner in his brother's Even over foreign policy, McMurray had venture; to identify the senator with the little to criticize. La Follette's isolationism unfortunate symbols and trappings of Phil's did not stem from a myopic chauvinism, ill-starred party was sheerest demagoguery. but from a suspicion offeree that bordered But there were many who listened to on pacifism.^'' La Follette believed in inter­ McMurray's charges.* national cooperation and had supported both the United Nations and the Bretton McMurray's real quarrel was with La Woods Agreement.^" In the end, all Follette's failure to join the Democratic McMurray could attack was La Follette's bandwagon. As a Republican, La Follette pre-war isolationism, a position that La would hurt liberals everywhere. As Follette had taken well before 1940, when McMurray put it, "Sen. La Follette's re- he received President Roosevelt's endorse­ nomination will help to re-elect the Repub­ ment and the support of numerous New lican Congressmen from Wisconsin who Dealers. Now, six years later, McMurray— without exception voted overwhelmingly himself an old New Dealer—wanted to re­ in the House of Representatives for the vise the liberal view of La Follette. He fumed that La Follette had •'' Howard McMurray, speech, July 21, 1946, in cast his vote to disband the army and the Evjue Papers, box 84-11. '"* Howard McMurray, speech, ibid. In a speech at send the boys home less than four Madison's Central High School, McMurray claimed months before Pearl Harbor. . . . They that before his death Roosevelt declared, "I've made ought to have known better than to many mistakes and my worst was in Wisconsin. But we'll correct that in Wisconsin." No one else has attested to this remark, and it seems doubtful that ^'' Capital Times, May 19, 1946. Roosevelt, who had a close relationship with La ">* Ibid., August 10, 1946. Follette, would have said it to McMurray, whom he ^» Maney, "Young Bob" La Follette, 229. did not know well. McMurray's speech is recorded in '"' La Follette, radio speech, WIBA, August 12, the Capital Times, August 7, 1946. 1946, in the La Follette Family Collection, container '''' Gordon Sinykin, oral history, Wisconsin State C-565. The Bretton Woods agreement established Archives, June 3, 1981. If one takes McMurray seri­ the International Monetary Fund and was a step ously. Young Bob La Follette was perhaps history's towards a more integrated global currency market. only chauvinistic, nationalistic pacifist.

19 WISCONSIN M.\GAZINE OF HLSTORY .\UTUMN, 1996

amendments which helped destroy the price But who would believe this zealot of party control extension."'"" Even La Follette's orthodoxy? Contrary to McMurray's claims independence was a liability: "He admits he that La Follette "had quit fighting for liberal has no platform but his record. The very causes," La Follette had personally contrib­ fact that Mr. La Follette does stand so very uted to the United Auto Workers' strike much alone after all these years and on so relief fund during the preceding winter. completely a personal record suggests Others, including President Truman, be­ strongly that the record has been domi­ lieved that limiting the right to strike was the nated by expediency. . . ."'"' only way to end labor unrest, but La Follette Towards its end, the primary campaign refused to sacrifice labor's hard-earned gains of 1946 had grown about as nasty as poli­ of the past fifty years. Instead, he declared, tics ever gets in Wisconsin. Not only Joe "The only real answer to the critical problem McCarthy but also the Democrats were is full and free collective bargaining, in an willfully misrepresenting Senator La atmosphere permeated with mutual confi­ Follette's record and impugning his char­ dence instead of mistrust"'"* La Follette not acter for political gain. An ad published by only voted against every anti-labor bill that the Democrats in the closing days of the the Senate considered, he also spoke against campaign exemplified the excesses of the them and used his parliamentary skills, contending parties. Across the top was though unsuccessfully, to protect the Fair written "Good-bye, Isolationist" Below it Employment Practice Act which prevented were the crossed-out names of defeated government contractors from discriminat­ isolationists: Senators Gerald Nye of North ing between white and black workers.'"'' So Dakota, Burton Wheeler of Montana, and staunch and consistent was Young Bob's Henrik Shipstead of Minnesota, and Con­ support of organized labor that the Mil­ gressman Hamilton Fish of New York. The waukee foumal complained he was part of a next line read, "Good-bye, La Follette." group of "prolaborites who want to stall off The text went on to misrepresent La any effective action by Congress to curb Follette's positions on the OPA and for­ labor abuses."'"" eign affairs.'"'- The ad stunned La Follette and his supporters. ". . . McMurray sprung it a week or two before the primary in NFORTUNATELY for La Follette, which Bob was fighting for his life against U Howard McMurray had a powerful Joseph R. McCarthy," said one, "and un­ ally. The state Congress of Industrial Orga­ doubtedly it was damaging."'"-' nizations (CIO), flexing its political muscles, decided that La Follette's past and contin­ ued support of labor was not enough to ""' Quoted in the Capital Times,Ju\\ 8. The Office justify their support. Communists such as of Price Administration controlled prices and profits Meyer Adleman and Melvin Heinritz held in order to prevent economic irregularities from important positions within the state CIO, jeopardizing the war effort. After the war, business­ men argued that price controls were impeding con­ and were upset with La Follette's criticism version, but supporters of the OPA believed it was of the Soviet Union's Eastern Europe necessary to ensure a smooth conversion and pre­ policy.'"' The Wisconsin CIO Neivs was dis- vent massive inflation. '"' Howard McMurray, radio speech, August 11, 1946, in the Evjue Papers. '"^ Capital Times, March 15, 1946. '"^ Capital Times, August 11,1946. The Democrats '"'' Congressional Record (1946), vol.92, part 7, pp. claimed that La Follette had no influence in foreign 5688 and 8736, and part 1, p. 89. affairs. Ironically, however, if he had won reelection. ""* Milwaukee Journal, May 16, 1946. La Follette could have become chairman of the "" David M. Oshinsky, Senatorjoseph McCarthy and Senate Foreign Relations Committee. the American Labor Movement (Columbia, Missouri, ""Jack Kyle, oral history. 1976), 25;Johnson,i?o6CTtM.Z.afo/fe«e, 138. Adleman 20 KADES: ROBERT M. LA FOLLETTE, JR. turbed by La Follette's hostility towards "The choice is important not because one Russia: "La Follette sniped at the leadership candidate may be greatly superior to the of President Roosevelt and did his best to other, for both of these men [i.e. LaFollette undermine faith in the world agreements and McMurray] have excellent records, but made at Teheran."'"*' Aldric Revell of the because ofthe implication inherent in the Capital Times reported that Communists choice of vehicle that is made.""* Labor were spreading outright lies about' La echoed McMurray's claim that La Follette Follette's positions on key labor issues: "The was helping reactionaries: "IfBob La Follette Communists, who dominate the Milwaukee were nominated on the Republican ticket, County and state CIO executive commit­ this fact would merely help elect all the tees, have launched the expected smear reactionaries nominated on the Republi­ campaign to 'sabotage' U.S. Sen. RobertM. can ticket including the seven Republican La Follette."'"9 congressmen from Wisconsin.""' Since 1945, La Follette's advisers had After Portage, the CIO worried that the warned him that the Communists would former Progressives were not invading the oppose him. "... I do know their [the Com­ Republican party, but were protecting La munists'] methods—'don't have a liberal Follette. The editor oi Racine Labor ohservecJ in—they just temporarily satisfy and delay that "whether the Progressive Republicans the day'. . . .""" As one adviser explained, will attempt to contest the seat of Congress­ even though active opposition to LaFollette man Lawrence Smith [representative ofthe was limited to state officials, "these leaders First Congressional District], or will ride are in control and regulate the along with him for the sake of the ticket conditions ... in respective unions to a remains a question.""" pointwhere the average rank-and-file mem­ ber is reluctant to swim against the stream for fear of reprisals.""' )RLa Follette's advisers in the lakeshore Another element of the CIO was upset Fcounties, the absence of a slate, not the with the decision made by La Follette at Communists, represented the real danger: Portage. To many union members, party ". . . [Ljabor is gluing its eye on that baby affiliation was as important as progressive exclusively [that is, defeating Congressman principles. As a Kenosha labor paper put it, Smith]. Unless we get someone on that spot "The primary election next Tuesday will the rest is negligible insofar as doing the be a test of whether or not Wisconsin will real thing is concerned.""' Wisconsin elec­ have a liberal party. ""^ Moreover the CIO tion laws required that a candidate receive wanted a complete slate of candidates, not a certain number of votes in the primary to merely a senatorial candidate: "The Racine appear on the ballot in the general elec­ County PAC refuses to stake all rights of tion. Without a La Follette Republican on labor for the benefits of one man.""^ Bob the ballot to oppose Smith, labor would La Follette's record was not the question: vote in the Democratic primary to ensure that the Democrat would appear on the November ballot; otherwise. Smith might not face any opposition in either the pri­ was a member ofthe CIO executive board; Heinritz mary or the general election. was the organization's state secretary-treasurer. '"**Johnson, Robert M. LaFollette, 140. '''''•Capital Times, April 11, 1946, "" McCabe to R.M.L., April 24, 1945, La Follette "'' Kenosha Labor, May 2, 1946. Family Collection, container C-23. "'" Ibid. "'Ibid. '"' RacmeLabor, May 22, 1946. "^ Kenosha Labor, August 8, 1946. "' Kenneth Greenquist to Jack Kyle, May 5, 1946, '" Racine Labor, May 24, 1946. Kyle Papers, box 1-3.

21 WISCONSIN NL-\GAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1996

When no La Follette Republican entered endorsed La Follette—though in a per­ the congressional race, the CIO turned its sonal letter rather than publicly. This, too, attention to defeating the anti-labor Smith: turned out badly for La Follette. During the "Smith proves and emphasizes on every campaign, the contents of the letter were critical measure that he represents the self­ divulged by a third party, and La Follette ish interest of business, not the people of neither acknowledged nor renounced the the first district.""*' Attacks on Smith con­ endorsement Taft understood LaFollette's tinued on a weekly basis in both the Racine dilemma. As he explained rather forlornly: and Kenosha labor papers. In Milwaukee, "I wrote this letter as a personal letter ... it the Wisconsin C/ONew^concentrated its fire was a gross breach of confidence for him to on the Democratic primary in the Fourth let it be published. . . . I hope very much that Congressional District. There, a CIO offi­ no harm was done by the publication."'^^ cial with alleged Communist ties, Edmund The Wisconsin CIO News, however, was Bobrowicz, was challenging the conser­ not nearly as understanding. It took La vative. Democratic incumbent Thad Follette's silence for a tacit endorsement of Wasliewski. The CIO and the Communists Taft, and wondered aloud if La Follette supported Bobrowicz. In its last two issues similarly endorsed Taft's attempt to kill the before the election, the Wisconsin CIO News OPA by amendment'^^ In fact, the News did not even mention La Follette."'-' knew full well that La Follette had voted Whether the state CIO opposed La against the Taft amendment to the OPA Follette because he refused to toe their line bill.'^* But the CIO was determined to make on foreign policy or because, as a Republi­ La Follette pay for his transgressions, can, he posed a threat to the Democrats, its whether they were real or imagined. Ac­ state organs mentioned the senator only to cordingly, rather than devoting space to attack him. Besides ignoring La Follette's what La Follette did or said during the defense of labor and refusing to acknowl­ campaign, the CIO papers gave more cov­ edge the CIO leaders who had endorsed erage to what others said about La Follette— him, labor publications charged that La particularly if it worked against him. For Follette had allied himself with Senator example, the notorious anti-Semite and Robert Taft of Ohio in return for the America Firster Gerald L. K. Smith had archconservative's backing in 1946.'-" In­ endorsed La Follette and three conserva­ deed, despite their deep ideological differ­ tive Wisconsin congressmen. Although La ences, the two senators had become Follette's prewar isolationism was not based friends.'-' And it was true that Taft had on a demagogic nationalism. Smith valued La Follette's position more than his reason­ ing. Senator La Follette quickly disavowed '"* Kenosha Labor, May 16, 1946. "^ Wisconsin CIO News, August 4 and 11, 1946. '-" Wisconsin CIO News, Kenosha Labor, and Racine '22 Robert Taft to R.M.L., June 29, 1946, La Labor. An unpublished press release from the La Follette Family Collection, container C-23, which Follette campaign announced that Senator La reads in part, "I hope La Follette is successful. I get Follette was supported by Lawrence Carlstrom, in­ on with him very well and would have no difficulty in ternational representative of the UAW; Harvey agreeing with him on social welfare measures." (This Kitzman, president of the UAW J.I. Case local and statement is odd because La Follette and Taft were campaign manager for Walter Reuther (newly elected not much closer on domestic issues in 1946 than they presidentof the UAW); and Leo Spanders, president had been in 1940.) Taft's reaction is contained in his ofthe UAW Walker Plant Local. See Kyle Papers, box letter to Lester Bradshaw, April II, 1946, ibid., con­ 2-4. Andrew Biemiller, a Democratic congressman, tainer C-23. claimed that La Follette had promised to support '•2' Wisconsin CIO Neivs, July 31, 1946. Taft's 1952 presidential bid. (Capital Times, May 11, '2'' On June 12, the Senate defeated the Taft 1946.) amendment, 49-29. See CIO News—Special Supple­ '-'Johnson, Robert M. LaFollette, 142. ment, August 19, 1946. 22 Senator Robert A. Taft's portrait, personally inscribed to Senator La Follette.

Smith's endorsement: "I want to make it as gospel of hate and intolerance."'^'' But emphatically clear as I can that I absolutely, this episode was embarrassing, and the and without reservation of any kind whatso­ ever, repudiate the support of Gerald L. K. '2'' America First had opposed entry into World Smith and any others who preach the War II and boasted such famous members as Charles 23 WSCONSIN NLAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1996 damage had been done. As the Kenosha outweighed by the effectiveness of the pro- Labor argued, "It is for their records that Democratic labor forces in Kenosha, Racine, Gerald approves of them. Let the voters and Milwaukee. look carefully at the records which have If part of the CIO was hostile to La won the approbation of such a man."'^" Follette, the American Federation of Labor Given the hostility of the state's CIO (AFL) should have rushed to his defense. leadership, La Follette could only appeal to Unlike the CIO leadership, which had never the national leadership or take his case closely associated itself with the La Follettes, directly to the unions' rank-and-file. Wish­ officials of the AFL had held positions on ing to avoid a schism over local politics, the the Progressive Central Committee.'*'" Like national leadership remained silent; and a La Follette, the AFL opposed the Soviet direct appeal to the membership never Union and worried that Communists were materialized. An active campaign would subverting the union movement'*" Morever, have underscored La Follette's continuing William Green, national president of the commitment to labor and might have stirred AFL, supported La Follette and stated un­ the rank-and-file's loyalty. His absence from equivocally: "I heartily endorse the candi­ Wisconsin only confirmed the fears that the dacy of Sen. La Follette. ... I respectfully CIO press had raised. urge labor and all the friends of labor in the Outside the lakeshore districts, where the state of Wisconsin to rally to his sup­ Democratic party was not a serious alterna­ port. . . ."'*^- tive, La Follette's campaign achieved greater At the local level, however, initial activity success. .Although organized labor was sup­ sputtered, never providing La Follette with portive, it did not wield the same power as it the grassroots organization he needed. In did in the eastern industrial counties. As a La Milwaukee, the secretary-treasurer of the Follette organizer recorded, ". . . [T] hey are Building Service Employees International very syTnpathetic to Senator La Follette, but promised to organize support for him.'*'*' their meeting attendance is poor, a condi­ Twenty-nine representatives of AFL unions tion that prevails all over the state."''-' In La formed a committee to support LaFollette, Crosse, however, the CIO worked with the but they raised a paltry $175.'*'* Neither railway brotherhoods in support of La George Haberman, president of the Wis­ Follette, and the local CIO-PAC privately consin State Federation of Labor (WSFL), endorsed him.'-*' In Eau Claire County, Rich­ nor the AFL paper, the Milwaukee Labor ard Lund, La Follette's field organizer, per­ frc55, endorsed a senatorial candidate. With­ suaded a labor candidate to run for sheriff as out the official sanction that only the state a Republican, thus helping La Follette to president or newspaper could give him. La carry the county.'-'' But these successes were Follette could not combat the CIO. The AFL rank-and-file did not rally to their old ally. As one labor journalist wrote: "The guy Lindbergh; but its pronounced nativism (to put it who might have voted for La Follette sat on mildly) and the outbreak of war caused it to be his hands and went fishing on primary day." discredited after Pearl Harbor. The three congress­ men were Frank Keefe, Calvin O'Konski, and Reid Murray. See Madison Capital Times, July 5, 1946. '2

Only the railway brotherhoods actively contributed to his image as a national fig­ supported La Follette. While generally the ure who was less engaged with state and most conservative unions, the brother­ local issues. hoods in Wisconsin had close ties with the Back in Wisconsin, Howard McMurray Progressive party.'*^*' In 1935, the brother­ andjoe McCarthy, despite their ideological hoods had helped form the Farm Labor differences, found common ground in their Progressive Federation, which, in turn, had zeal to unseat La Follette. Both took aim at supported the Progressive party.'*'" Broth­ the Reorganization Act and its pension plan. erhood leaders like William McCabe had On August 9th, McMurray attacked La worked closely with the campaign. The Follette at ajoint Democratic-labor rally in five railway brotherhoods jointly endorsed Milwaukee: La Follette, and Labor, the national paper of the brotherhoods, devoted an entire The newally of Ohio's Senator Taft is issue to the senator. Between them, the content to base his appeal for votes on brotherhoods and the La Follette cam­ his bill to reorganize Congress. Even paign distributed over 150,000 copies. on that subject, however, the oppor­ Besides touting La Follette's defense of tunist Republican fails to point out— price controls (the OPA), Laftorhighlighted one ofthe salientfeatures ofthe bill— his opposition to the Hobbes, Truman, the fact that it raises congressional and Case bills.'*" salaries from $10,000 [to] $15,000 a year and gives the boys a nice pension to boot'*" FTER countless attacks by friend and A. foe. La Follette received an avalanche The next day, McCarthy concurred, warn­ of endorsements—from Mark Sullivan of ing senior citizens that La Follette would the New York Herald-Tribune, the Chicago Sun earn a pension "of nearly as much per day Times, and a group of New Dealers.'*'*' The as these oldfolks are receivingper month."'*' Scripps-Howard newspaper chain declared of La Follette: "His record has been in the finest tradition of American representative T about the same time, following the government. He has been a lawmaker of A^ adjournment of Congress, La Follette wisdom, courage and independence, never finally returned to Wisconsin. At home, he hesitating to take the unpopular side of a faced the mirror image of his apathy to­ controversy when he thought he was wards campaigning; namely, the apathy of right"'*'" These endorsements may have the electorate towards voting. Sensing this helped La Follette slightly, but they also apathy, and increasingly leery of its impact on the election. La Follette warned his fellow citizens that they could not leave the job of reform half-done: ''"' Foster Rhea Dulles and Melvyn Dubofsky, Labor in America [Ath ed., Arlington Heights, Illinois, I can understand and appreciate this 1984), 1546. ''"' Ozanne, Labor Movement in Wisconsin, 13.5- longing for pensonal peace after nearly 136. four years of global war. It is the most '•'" Labor, June 1 and 15, 1946; records, Kyle human desire in the world. But I want Papers, box 1-7. to emphasize, my fellow citizens, that "« Capital Times, August 8 and 12, 1946. The New this peace of mind for which we all Dealers included, among others, Morris C. Cook, who headed the Rural Electrification Administra­ tion; William Davis, head of the War Labor Board; and Leon Henderson, head ofthe OPA. '•"' Milwaukee Journal, August 9, 1946. '•'•' Quoted in the Capital Times, August 12, 1946. '*' /fcl, August 10, 1946.

25 WHi(X3)50672 The young senator with his young family.

yearn will continue to escape us if we La Follette Milwaukee Journal to endorse fail to finish the job.'**-' him. (Not surprisingly, the editorial board refused.)'**' Nevertheless, La Follette re­ Voter apathy may have contributed to La mained inscrutable to his closest associates. Follette's customary pessimism about elec­ On the day before the election, the senator tions. Although La Follette often expected asked Wilbur Voigt to write both a victory the worst, his concern in 1946 may have run and a concession speech. After Voigt gave a deeper. Just days before the election, he draft of each to La Follette, he noticed "RM took the unusual step of asking the anti- was really looking alot more at the one about losing the election." On the other hand, Voigt's wife Rosemary, who also worked for the senator, believed that cam- '^2 R.M.L., speech over radio station 'WTMJ, Mil­ waukee, August 11, 1946, La Follette Family Collec­ tion, container C-565. Earlier in the campaign, La Follette had predicted that apathy would lead to a government "snarled in endless bureaucratic red- "' Thompson, Continuity and Change, 457. tape," controlled by "minority pressure groups" and Thompson estimates that the/oMma/endorsement "high-paid lobbyists." was worth 25,000 votes.

26 ICADES: ROBERT M. LA FOLLETTE, JR. paigning seemed to raise La Follette's be—clear and strong; without bitterness, spirits.'** accepting all it meant, yet recognizing that On election night, September 3, 1946, it was a hard blow. ... It is a staggering the senator, his family, and their friends the blow—both personal and impersonaL . . ."'*' Voigts drove to the La Follette family farm Elsewhere, the mood was joyous for the in Maple Bluff just outside Madison. They Republican stalwarts and smug for the CIO. clustered around the radio, anxiously lis­ Thomas Coleman had achieved his lifelong tening to the returns. Someone was close to dream: banishing the La Follette brothers the telephone to keep in contact with the from Wisconsin politics. It was, he said, the Capital Times and supporters around the greatest night of his life.'*^ Meanwhile, the state. After midnight, Norman Clapp, an labor papers drew their own lesson for all old friend who had worked with La Follette, progressives. The CIO paper in Kenosha called to congratulate the senator on carry­ wrote: "It was an irony, in our opinion, that ing traditionally conservative Grant County. Bob was motivated by expediency in choos­ He told his former boss, "If you can win ing the Republican Party and thus made Grant County, you must have this thing on this inexpedient choice."'*" a down hill trend." A despondent Senator The Democrats, who had contributed to La Follette responded, "No, I am afraid not. La Follette's fall, received their comeup­ We're just not getting the support out of pance in November. For Howard McMurray Milwaukee that we usually do. I am afraid I to win, he needed the support of the La am in deep trouble."'*^ Follette partisans. Although some Progressives like Gordon Sinykin were will­ ing to overlook McMurray's demagogic tac­ ND so he was. In a light turnout, Joseph tics in the primary, far more would not vote A. McCarthy squeaked to victory with for a man who had so ruthlessly attacked 207,935 votes to La Follette's 202,557. On "Young Bob." The Brotherhood of Loco­ the Democratic ticket, Howard McMurray motive Fireman and Enginemen con­ received 62,361 votes.'*" For the son of Fight­ demned McMurray for his full-page ing Bob La Follette, it was a staggering, newpaper ad against La Follette.'''" Some indeed an unbelievable, defeat—and one old-time progressives like Glenn Davis and that has been endlessly discussed, analyzed, Morris Rubin publicly endorsed the Repub­ and argued about ever since. Even in this lican slate.''' Another progressive, Harry traumatic hour, however, "Young Bob" was Sauthoff, whose airtime was paid for by the leader ofthe La Follette tradition, car­ Tom Coleman, attacked McMurray directly rying those burdens of leadership he had on the radio: "Let no admirer of La Follette always sought to avoid. On the morning vote for McMurray. Let him not profit by his after, Bob's sister Fola called from Con­ smear campaign against Bob. "Sauthoff also necticut to hear the bad news confirmed attacked the "Communist supported Demo­ firsthand. Later, she wrote, "It helped. Bob, cratic party. "'''*^ to hear your voice . . . —as I knew it would Howard McMurray and organized labor could hardly expect the Progressives to rally '*'' Voigt interview. At the time, Voigt did not think anything of La Follette's interest in the conces­ sion speech. '" Fola La Follette to R.M.L., September 4, 1946, ''''' Voigt and Clapp interviews. La Follette Family Collection, container C-534. '""' Wisconsin Blue Book, 1948, p. 604. A minor ''"' Thompson, Continuity and Change, 459. candidate. Perry Stearns, also ran on the Republican '''^ Kenosha Labor, August 15, 1946. senatorial primary ticket; he received 29,605 votes. '•'" Clipping in the Evjue Papers, box 84-11. Unless stated otherwise, all election statistics come '"' Ibid., box 69-5. from the 1948 Wiscon.sin Blue Book. ''2 Radio transcript, ibid., box 69-5.

27 WISCONSIN M.AG.AZINE OF HISTORY .AUTUMN, 1996 behind him after the primary, and indeed, the twenty-five counties that La Follette lost in November, many of them refused to vote in both 1940 and 1946, his margin of defeat for the Democrat. Some 28,000 people who narrowed by 4 per cent in the latter elec­ voted for the Democratic gubernatorial tion.'*'*' candidate, Daniel Hoan, did not cast a sena­ In retrospect. La Follette might have torial vote for McMurray.''*' The result was, done even better among conservatives had McMurray's primary antics contributed to he kept silent about the governor's race. As the overwhelming Republican surge in 1946. the campaign progressed, Ralph Immell's In November's general election, McCarthy gubernatorial candidacy failed to ignite trounced McMurray with 61 per cent ofthe much excitement Some of La Follette's vote. However, as McMurray soon discov­ advisers pushed for an endorsement of ered, his troubles were only beginning. Immell as an old friend and ally of the La During the campaign he had received the Follettes. They believed that La Follette was endorsement of the Communist party, and so far ahead that it would not affect the Joe McCarthy had made the most of it In outcome of his race."" On August 8th, when Januaryof 1947, the Republican-dominated asked for whom he was voting. La Follette Board of Regents rejected McMurray for responded: "I have lots of respect for Gov. tenure.'-'* Goodland. However, I have known Ralph Because Joe McCarthy would go on to Immell for twenty-five years. ... 1 person­ dominate American politics for a decade, ally am going to vote for Immell."'"" La many historians have focused on his role in Follette had not given Immell the most the 1946 primary. As one wrote, "Joe's fe­ ringing endorsement; indeed, it sounded verish activity across the state no doubt lukewarm at best But in politics, percep­ brought thousands to the polls and must tions often matter more than reality.'"' La not be overlooked in summarizing the cam­ Follette's statement was enough to arouse paign."'" Although McCarthy had run an old Governor Goodland's supporters to effective campaign, emphasis on it has over­ immediate and furious reaction. The shadowed the role of La Follette. That is, McCarthy campaign received thousands of the big political story of 1946 was not telegrams from people who were switching McCarthy's victory but La Follette's defeat. to McCarthy because they were going to In fact, McCarthy had run poorly in tradi­ prevent La Follette from taking over the tionally conservative areas, and conserva­ Republican party.'"- tive papers like the Appleton Post-Crescent had endorsed the incumbent over McCarthy.''" In the 1946 primary. La Follette FTER the election, advisers who had carried eight stalwart counties that he had A- opposed La Follette's endorsement lost in the 1940 general election.''' And, in of Immell believed that it caused the senator's defeat. As one supporter wrote, "I wish that I had a vote on the endorsement ''' Thompson, Continuity and Change, 465. '"* Eventually McMurray received tenure at the University of New Mexico. He died in 1961. See the ''** Wisconsin Blue Book, 1942, p. 660, and ibid., Milwaukee Journal, August 15, 1961, and a clipping 1948, p. 604. from the Capital 'firaci, January 1, 1947, in the E\jue ''' Pasch and Lund interviews. Papers, box 84-11. "'" Walter Goodland files, Wisconsin State Ar­ '" Thomas C. Reeves, The Life and Times of Joe chives (unprocessed collection); clipping from Racine McCarthy (New York, 1982), 93. See also Michael Journal-Times. O' Brien, McCarthy and McCarthyism in Wisconsin (Co­ "'' In fact, until I spoke with him, Norman Clapp lumbia, Missouri,' 1980), 64-72. thought that La Follette had given a speech endors­ '"'' Appleton Post-Crescent, August 10, 1946. ing Immell. '''" Wisconsin Blue Book, 1948, p. 604. "'2 Clapp inteniew. 28 ""'^^^^'

WHi(X3),50667

Walter Goodland and Joseph McCarthy, from the Vinje Collection. of Immell. I sure would have voted 'no.' endorse Immell. It was my opinion that he One could see the difference among many should not do it It definitely led to his people after that"'"*^ The mayor of Racine, defeat and McCarthy's victory in 1946."'"* Goodland's home town, agreed: "LaFollette Late in the campaign, when it appeared asked my advice as to whether he should

"'' Racinejournal-Times, clipping in the Goodland "•''William McCabe to Kyle, Kyle Papers, box 1-7, files. Jack Kyle, Norman Clapp, and Senator August, 1946. Alexander Wiley all believed that the endorsement 29 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1996

that Immell would lose. La Follette could wing CIO-PAC did a job on me in the not turn his back on his old friend. Immell's Primary."'"*' Later, a state CIO chairman strongest supporters were personal friends asserted: "The Communists definitely were of La Follette. Immell had supported the La responsible for the election of McCarthy. Follettes since the late twenties. Asjack Kyle We did all we could to offset Communists in speculated, "He [Bob] could have withheld the state and Milwaukee councils but were support, but the whole picture called, per­ outnumbered.""'" For Wisconsin liberals, haps, for what he did."'"' the Communists became the scapegoat for The endorsement of Immell was impor­ the disaster of 1946."" tant in the light of other circumstances. While it is true that the Communists Had La Follette aggressively campaigned at opposed La Follette, their role has been the head of a slate, he would not have over-emphasized. As one historian has con­ needed moderate Republican support; in­ cluded, ". . . [W]hile the Milwaukee Com­ stead, he could have appealed to organized munists controlled much of the organiza­ labor and wavering Democrats to follow tional machinery ofthe state CIO, they did him into the Republican party. Under such not control the minds or"\'otes of many CIO circumstances, Immell's candidacy would members during the 1946 campaign.""' have strengthened La Follette's campaign The Portage convention, more than Com­ because it would have strengthened the munist agitation, caused the CIO to defect slate. Although the senator's critics cor­ from the La Follette camp. If La Follette rectly blame his endorsement of Immell for had run as a Democrat, he would have contributing to his defeat, that assessment strengthened the party, and most of the implies a strategy that La Follette never CIO would have supported him. As labor clearly adopted. protested afterward, it was not to blame for Liberals, and especially La Follette back­ La Follette's demise: "He could have had ers, have almost exclusively blamed orga­ the labor vote along the lakeshore, which nized labor, and especially its Communist informed him in advance that after all these left wing, for LaFollette's defeat. Even after years in which La Follette and others lam­ fifty years, that conviction remains strong: basted the Republicans, it could not urge "The CIO was dominated by the Commies, labor people to vote in the GOP column, and they were out to get La Follette."'"" even for a La Follette."''*^ Richard Lund, La Follette's field organizer, In its quest to promote the Democratic claimed that Communists crossed over to party, the CIO ensured La Follette's defeat support McCarthy.'"' In a letter he wrote to In Milwaukee's Fourth Congressional Dis­ President Truman a few weeks after the trict, labor entered the Democratic primary primary. La Follette said that elements to vote for McMurray and Edmund within labor had caused his defeat: "the left Bobrowicz. Bobrowicz won the election.

had led to La Follette's defeat. Jack Kyle, oral history; "''^R.M.L. to PresidentTruman, August 20, 1946, Clapp interview. La Follette Family Collection, container C-537. '*'Jack Kyle, oral history, tape 16, side 2. The ties "'•'Johnson, RobertM. La Follelte, Jr., 139. between the campaign were very close. Maury Pasch, ''" This theory contains an appealing irony; Immell's campaign manager, was Gordon Sinykin's namely, that the Communists defeated La Follette roommate in law school, and at their weddings each and helped elect McCarthy who would make his had been the other's best man. Sinykin, in turn, was name as a red-baiter. a partner in Phil La Follette's law firm. '" Oshinsky, McCarthy and the Labor Movement, 32. '^'' Sinykin interview. Similar conclusions are drawn by Maney, "Young "'" Lund inteniew. Lund also claimed that the Bob"LaFollette, 301, and Johnson, RobertM. LaFollette, Communists gave money to McCarthy, although Jr, 158-159. Maurv Pasch did not remember this. "2 Racine Labor, August 16, 1946.

30 KADES: ROBERT M. lA FOLLETTE, JR.

and the 12,000 votes he garnered were portion of labor's votes went to McCarthy. enough to have swept La Follette to victory. This may provide some evidence that Com­ In the First Congressional District, which munists and Democrats actively "crossed stretched from Kenosha and Racine coun­ over" in support of McCarthy. ties to Rock County, the CIO endorsed the It seems more likely, however, that Democratic congressional candidate, McCarthy's religious affiliation helped him Lawrence Redstrom. Because voters ccruld among Milwaukee's ethnic working class, not split their tickets, a vote for Redstrom which was largely Polish, Czech, and Ger­ became, in effect, a vote against La Follette. man, and heavily Catholic."*" McCarthy, a graduate of the Jesuit Marquette Univer­ sity, maintained close ties with the Catholic OMPARING the results of the 1940 church. Throughout his life, even after a C senatorial election and the 1946 pri­ Saturday night of drinking and carousing, mary demonstrates the crucial importance he invariably attended Sunday mass. ""Dur­ of organized labor."*' In 1940, La Follette ing the campaign, he courted the Catholic had lost out-state, but labor in the lakeshore vote, and, as one scholar has commented, counties had carried him to victory. He "with his own Catholicism so well known, swept Kenosha, Racine, and Milwaukee his talks attracted a flurry of attention."'" counties by almost 62,000 votes—and won If La Follette had won the primary, one the election by 51,917 votes. The 1946 pri­ could have gauged the real feelings of orga­ mary tells a different story. There, La Follette nized labor's rank-and-file. The leadership lost the three lakeshore counties by a total of the CIO deserted their old ally, but the of 11,524 votes—and lost the election by rank-and-file, instead of sharing the just 5,378 votes. leadership's disillusionment with La Howard McMurray benefited the most Follette, may have felt torn by the con­ from labor's desertion of La Follette. In straints of the primary. In a general elec­ Kenosha, he polled a plurality with 35.2 per tion, they could have split their ticket as cent, and in Milwaukee and Racine coun­ they did in 1940, and under those circum­ ties he received 24.5 per cent ofthe vote to stances, labor might well have supported La Follette's 29.6 per cent. (Statewide, him as an old ally. McMurray only won 12.3 per cent of the The role ofthe AFL remains enigmatic. total in the primary.) The Federation's ambivalence does not, as La Follette ran thirty-two percentage some historians have suggested, stem from points below his 1940 averages in the Mil­ the Portage convention."*' While labor in waukee labor districts; McMurray increased general, and Wisconsin's in particular, was the Democratic share by twenty-eight per­ rejecting "voluntarism"—the policy of sup­ centage points. Surprisingly, McCarthy porting pro-labor candidates regardless of gained twelve percentage points over the party affiliation—the AFL in Wisconsin Republican results in 1940."* Labor in Mil­ (meaning the Wisconsin State Federation waukee did desert La Follette, and a pro­ of Labor) had just discovered it. The WSFL

'" Many have declared that labor was the most important cause of La Follette's defeat. See, for ''' Pasch interview. Richard Lund also agrees that example, Maney, "YoungBob"LaFollette, 299;Johnson, religion helped McCarthy in Milwaukee, but he Robert-M. LaFollette, Jr., 158; and Oshinsky, McCarthy argues that Communists did vote for McCarthy. and the Labor Movement, 43-49. ''" Oshinsky, A Conspiracy So Immense, 11. "'' Oshinsky, McCarthy and the Labor Movement, "' Donald Crosby, S.J., God, Church, and Flag: 46n. Oshinsky provides statistics for Janesville in .Senatorjoseph McCarthy and the Catholic Church (Chapel conservative Rock County; there La Follette main­ Hill, 1978), 29. tained his dominance in the labor wards. '™ Maney, "Young Bob" La Follelte, 295. 31 WISCONSIN MAO.AZINE OF HISTORY .AUTUMN, 1996 had always supported the Progressive ticket, since Fighting Bob had run for governor at regardless of how pro-labor the Democrats the turn of the century—simply did not were. Many of its leaders were avowed so­ deliver the votes.'*'*' cialists who had advocated a third party as La Follette had carried the Ninth and early as 1931."*' In 1941, the socialists had Tenth Congressional districts (northwest­ lost control to the moderate George ern Wisconsin) in every prior senatorial Haberman. The new leader rejected politi­ election. He carried them in 1946 as well. cal partisanship: "I am not a Democrat I am But a closer look at the returns reveals the not a Republican. I never was a Progres­ problem. Not surprisingly, La Follette re­ sive. ... I belong to no party. ... I am not ceived 57,865 more votes in the 1946 pri­ going to lay the eggs of the Federation in mary than in the 1940 primary, when he one basket"'*'" Clearly, a pragmatist like had run unopposed on a declining party Haberman would not have opposed La ticket. In 1946, La Follette increa.sed his Follette simply because he ran as a Repub­ vote in fifty-eight ofthe state's seventy-one lican. counties. Ofthe thirteen counties in which But at the time ofthe campaign, internal his vote decreased from his 1940 totals. La politics paralyzed the WSFL as a political Follette carried eleven of them. But, in force. Because Haberman faced challenges those eleven counties, he received 5,452 from the socialists in 1943 and 1944, his fewer votes than in the 1940 primary— primary concern was maintaining control which accounts almost exactly for his mar­ ofthe state organization, not taking sides in gin of defeat: 5,357 votes. Ten of those partisan politics. Moreover, because the eleven counties were in the Ninth and Tenth socialist faction in the WSFL had supported Congressional.'*'* This was the crux of the the Progressive party, Haberman associated disaster. If La Follette had received the the La Follettes' Progressive party with his same number of votes from those tradi­ opposition.'*" Haberman may, therefore, tional strongholds in 1946 as he had in have borne a grudge against the Pro­ 1940, he would have defeated McCarthy. gressives; in any event, he refused to en­ dorse La Follette. More importantly, his antipathy towards partisan politics destroyed OTH the endorsementof Ralph Immell the political effectiveness of the WSFL.'*''*^ B and the role of labor have overshad­ Under Haberman, the WSFL lacked both owed the low voter turnout in northwestern the direction and the organization that La Wisconsin, making it more difficult to ana­ Follette so desperately needed. lyze why this La Follete stronghold did not deliver. No reason existed to assume that liberal farmers would not support La Follette HE story of La Follette's defeat, how­ as they had in the past. La Follette geared T ever, does not end with the Immell endorsement or with organized labor. De­ spite those problems. La Follette could have '"^Johnson, RobertM. LaFollette,Jr., 157. won; but his staunchest supporters failed '*''' Wisconsin Blue Book, 1942, p. 658, and ibid., him as well. The rural northwestern part of 1948, p. 604. Of those counties in the Ninth and the state—a stronghold of the La Follettes Tenth Congressional districts, La Follette received 5,152 fewer votes. The eleventh county, Adams, was in the Seventh District, close to the Ninth. Also, in Juneau County, because La Follette's vote decreased "•' Ozanne, Labor Movement in Wisconsin, 133- by 452 votes from the 1940 primary, he lost this 143. traditional Progressive stronghold. Juneau borders ''"Ibid., 146. the Ninth Congressional District. Although the popu­ '*" Ibid., 109-111. lation in the region was declining, this does not "•- Ibid., 145. account for the poor voter turnout.

32 KADES: ROBERT M. LA FOLLETTE, JR. the decision at the Progressive party con­ from Bayfield, offered to organize the Tenth vention in Portage towards them. They had Congressional District for La Follette if the followed the La Follette brothers out ofthe campaign would pay for his gasoline, but a Republican party in 1934, and they were La Follette campaign manager told him, in more comfortable returning there than effect, to forget it: "Laurie, it looks like Bob entering the Democratic primary. As John is going to make it"'"" Years later, Carlson Wyngaard noticed, the senator's campaign still believed he could have made a differ­ literature singled out the rural constitu­ ence: "With my organization ability, I could ency for special attention.'*'*' have overcome 5,000 votes in the tenth Early in the campaign. Jack Kyle dis­ district"'"' patched Richard Lund to organize the Because Bob La Follette refused to cam­ northwest. On the whole, his reports were paign, he failed to ignite excitement positive. For example, Lund wrote, "I have amongst his most solid constituency. With been in Barron and Chippewa counties the its large Scandinavian, rural population, last couple of days. Both look good for the northwestern part of the state had strong Bob." At other times during the campaign, historic ties to both the La Follettes and however, Lund did sense apathy in the progressivism generally. "Fighting Bob" had region: "In the rural western counties there come to power only with the votes and aid seems to be no political activity in any de­ of these radical-leaning farmers. In 1934, gree in any party."'**" When the vote was these voters had loyally followed the La counted in the August primary. La Follette' s Follettes into the Progressive party.'"'*^ Some .support had decreased by 37.2 per cent in of these counties, like Burnett, had elected Barron County and by 9 per cent in Progressive county officers in 1944 and were Chippewa County from the 1940 primary. loath to disband their party. And, contrary No real organization existed in the north­ to La Follette's advisers' beliefs, the Repub­ western part of the state.'*" In Polk County, lican party may have lost all appeal. The young Gaylord Nelson, the Progressive- progressive farmers in the northwestern Republican candidate for the state assem­ part of the state were largely Scandinavian bly, was busy working as a lawyer in Madi­ and traditionally isolationist, but Hitler's son. He spent only $150 on his campaign.'*'*' brutal invasion of Norway had changed Many newspapers in that area were silent many of them into internationalists (as it about the campaign. For example, thejack- had, most notably. Bill Evjue). Never hav­ son County paper devoted no coverage to ing liked Republican domestic policy, many the campaign, and the Burnett County pa­ in northwestern Wisconsin disliked Repub­ per published only one editorial approving lican foreign policy as well.''"*' of La Follette's move to the Republican party.'**" La Follette ran one single-column ad in the northern county papers. Laurie "'' Journal of Burnett County, March 13, 1946. How­ Carlson, aformer Progressive assemblyman ever, the Balsam Lake Register {Polk Ck^unty) endorsed McCarthy and attacked a Progressive state senator who was running as a Republican; but the paper also covered the few meetings of the Progressive- '*^ Green Bay Press-Gazette, August 3, 1946. Republican Association. ""' Lund to Kyle, n.d., Kyle Papers, box 1-8. There '''" Carlson interview. is an entire folder devoted to the correspondence '"" Laurie Carlson, oral history, tape 3, side I. between Lund and Kyle, but few have dates. Fifteen Carlson also claimed that Isen La Follette (Phil's letters report optimistically about counties in the wife) told him, "I said you were the toughest cam­ Ninth and Tenth districts. paigner in the state." On the other hand, Gordon '"' Carlson interview. Throughout the campaign, Sinykin, Maury Pasch, and Richard Lund do not Carlson worked at a radio station in Superior. agree that Carlson could have made a difference. '""Author's interview with Gaylord Nelson, April '•'2 Thompson, Continuity and Change, 691. 27, 1993. '''•' Reynolds interview. 33 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1996

In 1946, they wanted to see Bob La could have provided La Follette the win­ Follette, to shake his hand, to make sure he ning margin. His lack of fire, his indecisive- was a committed progressive despite his ness, his failure to convince his most loyal actions at Portage.'"* La Follette's cam­ constituents that this was an important elec­ paign—or rather his lack of one—did noth­ tion—all combined to defeat him. ing to allay their doubts and anxieties. Given Jack Kyle summed up the underlying the meagerness of campaign activity, voters problem: "The most important thing we may have come to believe that La Follette could have done is gotten him out on the could not lose: "There was an assumption stump, and I think that might have changed that Bob La Follette couldn't be beat by the the results."'"' As a reformer and a political challenger Joe McCarthy; there was consid­ maverick, La Follette's greatest enemy was erable apathy."'"*" voter apathy and his own complacency. La In 1946, the need for an active campaign Follette could not, as he did, leave thejob to was greater than in the past. Because the his organization, an organization that was primary was in August—not, as usual, in merely the remnants of a dilapidated Pro­ September—farmers were in the middle of gressive party. Only he could rebuild his their second harvest. Without an active cam­ constituency; but instead he remained in paign to remind them ofthe importance of Washington. Had La Follette returned and the election, too many farmers continued stumped the state, he could have formu­ working in their fields instead of going to lated a definite strategy and might have the polls. For two generations, the people pursued it to victory. of northwestern Wisconsin had voted for La Instead, La Follette's aversion to cam­ Follettes; but in Young Bob's hour of need, paigning and the voters'complacency about they stayed home on election day. As Laurie national policy ended Young Bob La Carlson lamented long afterward, "If we Follette's career and signaled the demise of would have had someone to inspire us, we the Progressive-Republicans. The torch of could have got the vote out."'"" "Wisconsin progressivism" passed, almost As an incumbent without a party. La by default, to Wisconsin's old, worn-out Follette had to play the role of political Democratic party. Over the next decade, leader—a role he disliked and for which he younger progressives like Jim Doyle, John was ill-suited. Rather than returning to Wis­ Reynolds, Gaylord Nelson, and Bill consin and making the political fight of his Proxmire took control of the Democratic life, he decided to abandon the Progressive party, strengthened it, and began to win party and return to the Republican fold, elections. Ironically, within a decade of La attempting to capitalize on the Republi­ Follette's defeat, Wisconsin at long last de­ cans' strong organization rather than re­ veloped a two-party system.'"*' build the Progressives' or create a Demo­ cratic organization. Evenin this, LaFollette '"'' As Laurie Carlson remembers, "Some seemed confused. He never decided progressives were leary of Bob running as a Republi­ whether his campaign was a referendum on can." (Carlson interview.) his service in the Senate—in which case he '^•' Nelson interview. Pasch, Lund, and Clapp also should have appealed to moderates—or a blamed apathy and overconfidence for the low turn­ crusade to liberalize the Republican party— out. (Pasch, Lund and Clapp inter\'iews.) in which case he should have prornoted a '« Carlson interview, April 28, 1995. ''^"Jack Kyle, oral history, tape 4, side 2. statewide slate of progressive candidates. In '''" Nelson interview. Many of these young Demo­ the end, he alienated both labor and mod­ crats were energetic, forward-looking ex-GI's, and erate Republicans while failing to inspire their impact on Wisconsin politics was astonishing. the rural population he had always de­ For an account of the revivification of the Demo­ pended upon. Any one of those three groups cratic party, see Richard Carlton Haney, "The Rise of Wisconsin's New Democrats: A Political Realign-

34 KADES: ROBERT M. LA FOLLETTE, JR.

HE complacency of 1946 was forged in publicanism. Bob La Follette would have T the crucibles of the Depression and been the natural leader of a liberal Repub­ World War II. After all that the nation had lican bloc that included, among others. accomplished, it was understandable that Senators George Aiken of Vermont and people were tired of great public issues and Wayne Morse of Oregon. Instead, Aiken anxious to turn their attention to more retired and Morse became a Democrat. For personal matters. For politicians, however, all practical purposes, progressive Republi­ there could be no respite. Like it or not, if cans disappeared from the political land­ they were to shape policy and effect change, scape.^"" they had to continue getting reelected. Bob During the campaign, La Follette had La Follette's sister Fola was right when she warned that postwar apathy toward public observed, in the wake ofthe 1946 primary: policy would destroy reform and under­ "[I]t seems ominous for the country that mine the political process. He was right; but this has happened at a time when your he, too, suffered from apathy. La Follette vision, your exceptional ability, experience, lost in part because he refused to accept and statesmanship are so desperately that senators must be politicians as well as needed."'"" legislators. He could not stand above the Whatever respite the nation may have fray. In part, the CIO defeated La Follette wanted, events would refuse to cooperate. by placing party orthodoxy ahead of integ­ In the wake of La Follette's defeat. Con­ rity and independence. In part, the blame gress would alter the balance of power be­ lay with those longtime LaFollette support­ tween labor and management by passing ers who were too busy to vote in the pri­ the Taft-Hartley Act. America would wage a mary. The real tragedy of August 13, 1946, forty-five-year "cold war" with the Soviet was that everyone—both the candidate and Union—a struggle marked by military stale­ the voters—failed to reelect a genuine states­ mate in Korea and national tragedy in Viet­ man, a man whose creativity, independence, nam. And, within a decade of La Follette's and energy were a credit to himself, to defeat, the civil rights movement would Wisconsin, and to the nation. burst upon the domestic landscape. Had Senator LaFollette won reelection, he would have had his choice ofthe chairmanship of ment in the Mid-Twentieth Century," in the Wiscon­ either the labor or foreign relations com­ sin Magazine of History, 58:91-106 (Winter, 1974- 1975). mittees. Suppose he had continued in the '" Fola La Follette to R.M.L., September 4, 1946, Senate to 19(50 and beyond, to age sixty-five La Follette Family Collection, container C-534. or seventy? It seems likely that the nation as 2*"' Despite the urging of friends to run for his a whole would have benefited from a liberal father's old congressional seat in 1947, and of the insurgent outside the Democratic party, an Democrats to challenge McCarthy to a rematch in experienced senator whose wisdom and 1952, Young Bob never returned to public life. In­ stead, he became a financially successful consultant; integrity were widely acknowledged. but his health, which had never been good, continu­ A historian can only speculate about ally deteriorated. By 1953, he was suffering from what La Follette would have done. But his depression as well, and on February 24, 1953, he took his own life. Many blamed the 1946 defeat for defeat in 1946 did have real consequences. his depression; others pointed to his fear that he had It opened the way for Wisconsin's junior never lived up to his father's reputation. (See Maney, senator, who soon found an issue on which "Young Bob" La Follette, 313-314.) Wilbur Voigt, how­ to build his noisy, demagogic career; all ever, largely rejects those explanations, believing that came to be called "McCarthyism "flowed instead that La Follette's declining health and the pain it entailed drove him to suicide. Young Bob did out of the peculiarities of the Wisconsin not leave a suicide note, so the precise reason can primary of August, 1946. It also drove yet never be known—only that his suicide was a tragedy. another nail into the coffin of liberal Re­

35 The Vertefeuille House of Prairie du Chien: A Survivor from the Era of French Wisconsin

By Mary Antoine de Julio

VER since Louise Phelps Kellogg pub­ visitors' center and a modest statue of Fa­ E lished The French Regime in Wisconsin ther Marquette. Those with an interest in and the Northwest (1926), the city of Prairie the past may seek out Prairie du Chien's du Chien has promoted itself as Wisconsin's celebrated "house on the mound," the Villa second-oldest city and a regional focus of Louis, or perhaps stop to read a historical the fur trade. Annually, the local chamber marker recalling the days of French hege­ of commerce invites one and all to "Ren­ mony in the Old Northwest. Most visitors dezvous in Prairie du Chien," evoking will see little or no evidence of French images of seventeenth-century French ex­ culture or of the international fur trade plorers in search of a route to Cathay, of which for a brief moment in history made Catholic missionaries happening upon the Prairie du Chien as important as New Or­ majestic Mississippi River, of the color and leans and Montreal. But remnants of this bustle ofthe annual springtime rendezvous early period in Wisconsin's history do still of Indian traders and rowdy voyageurs pad­ exist—in family names, in folkways and dling rhythmically to the strains oiala claire holiday traditions, in the many people who fontaine. continue to make a living from the timeless Yet as one enters Prairie du Chien, it river. And among the most tangible re­ seems no different than hundreds of other mains of Prairie's French culture are the small Wisconsin communities. On the out­ handful of small structures that have sur­ skirts begins the inevitable ribbon of mo­ vived the ravages of time, high water, and tels, fast-food restaurants, video stores, strip "progress." malls, and Walmart. In the center of town is Two and a half miles north of the city the old commercial district—a single limits, along County Highway K—still street—beyond which lie neatly kept older known as Frenchtown Road by people born homes, mostly dating from the late nine­ and raised in Prairie—stands the tiny teenth century. The city's main street slopes Frangois Vertefeuille house. Built of hand- gradually toward the cit)''s original source hewn logs in the early nineteenth century, of commerce and its reason for being: the the house is all that remains of a small great river. Near the modern bridge which village originally established at the north bears traffic to and from Iowa there is a end of the prairie by French-Canadian

Copyright © 1996 by the Stale Historical Socielv of Wisconsin 36 All rights of reprodiictioti in :inv form resciTcd. DE JULIO: VERTEFEUILLE HOUSE voyageurs. Behind the house flows the river the Vertefeuille house survived. By then its upon which hundreds of French traders walls and windows were out of plumb, its and entrepreneurs, among them Francois roofline was leaky and beginning to sag, Vertefeuille, made their way to Prairie du and its log walls were clad in tin siding. Chien from Canada. Years later, some of It was a tough old structure; the great flood these men, again including Vertefeuille, of 1965 ruined it but did not destroy it embarked in their canoes on the fast- But that year it was abandoned, and for a flowing Mississippi and departed the prai­ quarter-century it stood vacant, unloved rie settlement to follow the fur trade west­ and mostly forgotten, a silent testament to ward up the Missouri River. As fur ceased to a French history and culture that had once be the main economy of Prairie du Chien been unique to Prairie du Chien. and many of its residents turned to farming, Vertefeuille's house was sold to new immi­ grants from French-speaking Canada who upJRAIRI. E des Chiens" was the name planted and tended their crops on the rich given by the French to the nine-mile alluvial plain. Far from their homeland, plain just north of the confluence of the these new tenants may have derived a sense Wisconsin and the Mississippi rivers: prairie of security in a log house constructed in a ofthe dogs. In the late seventeenth century, manner so similar to the ones they had left French trader-explorer.s—among them behind in Canada. As the nineteenth cen­ Nicolas Perrot and Louis Hennepin—had tury wore on, the population of Prairie du first come to the prairie as they explored Chien grew apace. New York land specula­ the great waterways of the interior and tors came to the area in the 1820's. They established trade relations among the tribes first purchased land from the Frenchmen of the Mississippi Valley. At first, traders who had grown old, then surveyed the open who lived in Canada, journeying in their grassland into blocks and lots to be sold to heavily laden canoes from Canada to a new generation of immigrants: Irishmen, Michilimackinac and Green Bay, came to Germans, Bohemians. Prairie du Chien the prairie each spring to trade. As the fur evolved from a French community into a trade penetrated ever deeper into north­ terminus on the Mississippi for steamboats ern Wisconsin and Minnesota, the winter­ and the railroad. Most ofthe older houses ing traders used the prairie each fall as a built by Frenchmen were torn down, to be gathering-place before dispersing to their replaced by large. Federal-style structures rude, solitary posts along the various tribu­ of brick and frame construction. The city taries ofthe Mississippi. Then, each spring, was incorporated and small manufactories the traders and their Indian clients gath­ began to offer employment to a growing ered noisily at the Prairie des Chiens to populace. Yet the small village in which the exchange muskets, traps, hatchets, beads, Vertefeuille house had been built remained and other manufactured goods for furs, isolated from all this business and expan­ and to repack furs for the long paddle back sion. It retained its French inhabitants and to Montreal. After concluding their busi­ its faint, Gallic flavor; it was known as ness, the white men and the red men—and "Frenchtown." their women too—drank and danced and sometimes brawled for several days So it remained until after World War II, and nights, before each group made its way when prosperity brought about the destruc­ homeward, the Frenchmen burdened with tion of Frenchtown. The old houses were furs, the Indians resplendent in beads and small, and because of their log construc­ silver. In the l760's, when warfare between tion, they resisted conversion to electricity, the French and British closed New Orleans plumbing, and central heating. One by one to trade. Frenchmen from the Illinois they were torn down, until, by 1980, only

37 WISCONSIN NL\GAZINE OF HLSTORY AUTUMN, 1996 country joined their Canadian brothers in residential structures, rather than a place of the Upper Mississippi fur trade.' seasonal residence, then the question is Throughout the eighteenth century, as more easily answered. The answer to when the fur trade expanded, the prairie gained Prairie du Chien was first settled and by in importance, and by the onset of the whom stems directly out of the pattern American Revolution land at Prairie des of settlement established there, and the Chiens was being bought and sold for agri­ subsequent construction of Frangois culture and settlement. By 1796 the prairie Vertefeuille's little log house. was not merely a place of rendezvous but Unfortunately, few written records sur­ was also home to a growing number of vive which document Prairie du Chien French-speaking inhabitants.^ during its French period in the eighteenth After the demise of the fur trade in the century. Those that exist are accounts by Upper Mississippi Valley, historians of the visitors to the prairie and legal transac­ Old Northwest began documenting the years tions recorded in St. Clair County, Illinois, from the first French penetration of the established in 1790 as the westernmost wilderness that would become Wisconsin to county of the Northwest Territory. (It was the creation of Wisconsin Territory by an act reorganized in 1795 with its seat at Cahokia, of Congress in 1836. The twenty-odd docu­ and from that date, Prairie des Chiens with mentary volumes published by the State His­ its "65 souls" became part of St. Clair torical Society of Wisconsin as the Wisconsin County.) It is one ofthe travelers' accounts Historical Collections are one important ex­ which provides the clue to the origins of ample of this impulse. Among the first topics Prairie du Chien's first settlers. In 1763, to be treated in the Collections was the first following their defeat in the Seven Years' permanent settlement at Prairie du Chien. War (or French and Indian War as it was Lyman C. Draper, a founder and first secre­ called in North America) and the subse­ tary of the historical society, stated his posi­ quent Treaty of Paris, the French were tion in an article of 1885 entitled "Early forced to cede all their holdings to Great French Forts in Western Wisconsin." Peter Britain. The British at once took over the L. Scanlan, a notable scholar of Prairie du operation of the fur trade, and English- Chien, devoted an entire chapter to his theory speaking men began exploring tbe newly in his book Prairie du Chien: French, British, gained western country. Jonathan Carver, American (1937). Both men relied upon a a New Englander in the employ of the hypothesis set forth in 1858 by the the Rev. soldier and adventurer Robert Rogers, Alfred Brunson, which was based upon the came to the prairie in 1766. He wrote of recollections of Marie Souligne (Cardinal); the gathering of Indians on the prairie and all three concluded that the first perma­ each spring and the trading of furs. Carver nent settlement at Prairie du Chien occurred was the first person to record the name of in the 1750's.'' But as more recent work by James L. Hansen on the Cardinal family has proved, all three were mistaken.'' ' Draper, "Early French Forts in Western Wiscon­ If by "permanent settlement" is meant a sin," in the Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. 10 continuously inhabited community with (2nd ed., Madison, 1931), 322-337; Scanlan, Prairie du Chien: French, British, American (reprint ed., Appleton, 1927); Brunson, "Early History of Wiscon­ sin," in the Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. 4 ' Louise Phelps Kellogg, 'The British Regime in (Madison, 1904), 239-251. Wisconsin," in the Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. ^ James L. Hansen, "The Myth of Jean Marie 18, (2nd ed., Madison, 1931), 338-341. Cardinal and His Founding of Prairie du Chien," 2 Kaskaskia Record Book B, Illinois State Ar­ unpublished paper presented before the annual chives, p. 67; United States Congress, American Slate meeting ofthe Outer for French Colonial Studies, Papers: Public Lands, vol. 4, pp. 842-879. Prairie du Chien, October 8-9, 1994.

38 DEJULIO: VERTEFEUILLE HOUSE the "Prairie des Chiens. "^ Seven years later, torian WinstanleyBriggs, "All this economic Peter Pond arrived at the prairie on his way activity led to a standard of living on this far to the St. Peters River in Minnesota to frontier that compares to Massachusetts at establish a trading post He described the the same time period in spite of the New "Planes ofthe Dogs" as "the grate plase of Englanders' hundred-year advantage."' rondavues for the traders and Indans" in However, after many years of cultivation, the spring and fall. Significantly, Pond the rich alluvial soil in the Illinois commu­ noted that boats from "Orleans & Ilenoa" nities began to lose its fertility. Also, the as well as from Mackinac came to the prai­ French colonial population in the commu­ rie to transport furs up and downriver.'' In nities was increasing. Ambitious French the l770's, when permanent settlement residents, and their children, began to cast finally occurred at the prairie, it was the their eyes about for new, more fertile places French from the Illinois country who first to settle. By mid-century, this search led built their homes at Prairie. inhabitants of Kaskaskia to petition for land Originating in Canada, the fur trade across the Mississippi, resulting in the es­ had brought the first French to the Illinois tablishment of Ste. Genevieve in present- country about 1700. After the establish­ day Missouri.** ment of the Province of Louisiana in 1718, A second set of events caused the Illinois these coureurs des ^ow were joined by immi­ French to migrate in search of land upon grant habitantsirom Montreal and Quebec which they could make a living. With the who came in search of land they could own conclusion of the French and Indian War, free ofthe restrictions of tenure on Cana­ Spain controlled the lower Mississippi and dian farms. Six communities were estab­ New Orleans. As victors in the war and an lished along the east bank of the Missis­ enemy of Spain, the British would not allow sippi River in the Illinois country, below the Illinois French to enter into the Mis­ present-day St. Louis. In these communi­ souri River fur trade, and the Crown made ties, a habitant owned a household lot in an effort to exclude French furs and farm the village and a long strip of farmland produce from the markets of New Orleans. behind the village. Internal land divisions Both measures had an adverse impact on within each community were casually de­ the prosperity of the Illinois country." cided, based upon the petition of the set­ Some residents of two of the Illinois tler. Each village and farm lot was individu­ communities, Cahokia and Kaskaskia, ally owned. The house, outbuildings, and sought to retain their prosperity where fer­ a garden were located on the village lot. tile land was available and the fur trade Crops were planted on the farm lot, on flourished. The location they selected for which there might also stand a barn. While their new homes was Prairie des Chiens, these lots were individually owned, com­ approximately 450 miles up the Mississippi mon agriculture was practiced in regard to River. grazing livestock and pasturage. Precisely when the Illinois French began The communities soon prospered. They coming to Prairie des Chiens is a topic produced wheat and flour for marketing in which continues to be debated, but by 1773 lower Louisiana. Besides farming, the Illi­ nois French gained income from fur trad­ ing and lead mining. According to the his- ' Winstanley Briggs, "Le Pays des Illinois," Wil­ liam and Mary Quarterly, Third Series, 42:1 (January, 1990), 52. ° Can'er, "Travels Through the Interior Parts of " Carl J. Ekberg, Colonial Ste. Genevieve (Gerald, North America in the Years 1766, 1767 and 1768," in Missouri, 1985), 2-25. the Wisconsin Historical Collections, 18:282-283. ' Clarence V. Alvord, The Illinois Country, 1673- "• Ibid, 18:339-341. 1818 (reprint ed., Urbana, 1987), 279-285.

39 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HLSTORY AUTUMN, 1996

their presence was noted by both Jonathan ment begun by the Illinois French, and, as Carver and Peter Pond. 'WTiile Pond noted the community grew, they extended the the active trading on the prairie and the pattern." presence of French-speaking men from The Canadian traders were the first to Mackinac and the Illinois country, he may purchase land from the Illinois French, not have realized that land on the prairie acquiring lots and houses in the village on was being claimed by some men from Illi­ the large island.''- There they established nois, who had established the beginnings of homes and trading houses. Some Illinois a village and open-field settlement pattern French continued in residence at Prairie similar to that which had existed in the des Chiens. Originally they had owned vil­ Illinois country for over seventy years.'" lage and farm lots. As they sold their village The newly founded village at Prairie des lots to the Canadians, those that remained Chiens was centered on a large island fac­ lived on their farm lots. ing the east bank ofthe Mississippi River. A Besides the traders, other Canadians had marais—meaning a marsh or shallow back­ come to Prairie des Chiens because of the water—separated the island from the main­ fur trade. These were engag-^i, meaning men land. On the mainland were the farm lots. who signed an engagement (contract) to work Each village lot, and each farm lot, was a for a trader or trading company in a specific long, narrow strip of land running east to region for one trading season. (They are west. In the village the eastern boundary usually termed voyageurs in American par­ was the river and the western boundary the lance.) As these men retired from the rigors marais. In the village, the eastern boundary of the fur trade, they too acquired land on was the river; the western boundary, the the prairie. They did not purchase property marais. On the mainland, the eastern bound­ in the village where the traders lived. Rather, ary of the farm lots was the marais; the lots for two other villages were partitioned western boundary, the bluffs which delimit from the farm lots, and on these the former the prairie. Each lot was measured only in engages built their homes, with the Illinois width, and by arpents. (AnarpentisaFrench French as their neighbors.''^ unit of measure, about 185 feet in length.) In sum, by 1810 there existed at Prairie Each lot was a roture, or "long lot." 'While the des Chiens three separate villages, behind French in North America had always di­ which stretched the farm lots. The villages vided land into long lots, the Illinois French were known as the Main Village (located on were unique in establishing a community of the island), the Village of St. Feriole, and village lots and farm lots where residents the Upper Village. (See map, facing page.) owned land in both. It was during this period of expansion and By the end of the eighteenth century, resettlement at Prairie that the history of Canadian traders and voyageurs'm Montreal the Frangois Vertefeuille house commences. and Michilimackinac began to acquire land at Prairie des Chiens. To these men, the HE Francois Vertefeuille house is in community was a seasonal home, to be T Upper Village Lot No. 4, which is occupied during the active periods of the bounded on the west by the Mississippi fur trade. Then, as the region for trading furs expanded up the Mississippi River and 10 Briggs, "Le Pays de Illinois," 30-41; Eckberg, Colonial Ste. Genevieve, 129-132. along the St. Peters River into present-day " United States Congress, American State Papers, Minnesota, the Canadian traders began to Public Lands, 4:863-879. make their permanent residences at Prairie '2 Cahokia Record Book B, Illinois State Ar­ des Chiens. The Canadians, both French- chives, pp. 67, 85, 184; United States Congress, and English-speaking, adapted to the com­ American Stale Papers, Public Lands, 4:874. munity. They accepted tbe pattern of settle­ ''' United States Congress, American State Papers, Public Lands, 4:877-879.

40

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River and on the east by the old Frenchtown Village, and two miles north of the Village Road. (Map,above.) It is a symbol ofthe two of St. Feriole, which lay opposite the marais French cultures which co-existed in the from the Main Village. Prior to the parti­ community, and ofthe Canadian fur trade, tion, a road had been established which as well as a tangible remnant of the French traversed the prairie. Closely following the pattern of land settlement that was com­ east bank ofthe Mississippi River, but high mon to Prairie des Chiens. It is located in enough to remain dry except during times what was the Upper Village of Prairie des of extreme flooding, the road was the means Chiens, which came into existence about by which people living on the prairie farm 1805 and comprised seven village lots which lots maintained contact with one another had been partitioned from four farm lots. and by which residents ofthe Main Village The Upper Village was north of the Main traveled to and from their farm lots. (The

42 DEJULIO: VERTEFEUILLE HOUSE road actually cut through the farm lots, dents of the Prairie, including that of which extended from the Mississippi to the Fraufois Vertefeuille. Accordingly, Upper distant bluffs.) So when the two new villages Village Lot No. 4 was granted to Vertefeuille were created, the road provided a natural in 1830. He also received title to Farm Lot boundary.''* No. 21." Many people were part of the history of Although Francois Vertefeuille lived at the Francois Vertefeuille house, and their Prairie des Chien by 1809 and served as a lives reflect the cultural richness and the witness for other claimants, he was not political turbulence that permeated early the first owner of Upper Village Lot No. 4. Wisconsin history. Though a community had The lot had originally been part of Farm existed at Prairie des Chiens since the last Lot No. 15, which had been occupied by quarter ofthe eighteenth century, and land Marie Souligne prior to 1799. She sold sales were dutifully recorded with an Illinois the tract to Joseph Rolette, who then sold or British notary,''' no deed or patent had it to James Aird. Aird, or the estate of initially been granted—either by the British James Aird, subseqently subdivided Farm government at Mackinac or the United States Lot No. 15, thereby creating Upper Vil­ government in Washington—guaranteeing lage Lot No. 4.'** Of these four people any resident possession of their land. With connected to the property, two had lived the end ofthe War ofl812, the United States on the lot: Marie Souligne and Frangois finally gained control of what would, a gen­ Vertefeuille. eration later, become Wisconsin. The U.S. Marie Souligne had come to the Illinois government moved quickly to establish its country by way of St. Joseph, in Michigan. authority in the Upper Mississippi region. Living in Cahokia, she marriedjean Marie Army officers dispatched to the Prairie con­ Cardinal, who was trading furs at Prairie sidered the residents to be aliens and British des Chiens in the 1780's. Upon her sympathizers—and therefore devoid of any husband's death, she came into pos.session civil rights. Harsh military measures were of several farm lots, including Farm Lot enacted against the community, and some No. 15.'" families were forced from their homes. The In 1817, Marie Souligne sold the land on residents of Prairie des Chiens realized the which the Vertefeuille house stands to Jo­ precariousness of their situation. In 1820, in seph Rolette.^" Rolette had come from response to a petition from the residents of Quebec to Prairie des Chiens about ten the prairie, the U.S. Surveyor General sent years earlier, and by then he was one ofthe Isaac Lee to the community to take testi­ major fur traders operating out ofthe settle­ mony relating to land claims at Prairie des ment. He was a partner in Bertholet and Chiens. Based upon these claims, as well as Rolette and had financial arrangements upon sworn testimony that a lot had been continuously occupied since 1796, a claim­ ant received title to his or her land, conveyed by a patent issued by the President of the "' United States Congress, American State Papers, United States."' Public Lands, 4:863-879. " Patent for Upper Village Lot No. 4 and Patent On his visit to Prairie des Chiens, Lee for Farm Lot No. 21, Crawford County Register of heard the individual claims of the resi­ Deeds, Prairie du Chien, Wisconsin. '*• United States Congress, American State Papers, Public Lands, 4:877. " Conversations between the author and James le/Airf,, 877. L. Hansen, reference librarian at the State Historical '' Kaskaskia Record Book B and Cahokia Record Society of Wisconsin; United States Congress, Ameri­ Book B, Illinois State Archives; Mackinac Notary can State Papers, Public Lands, 4:867-869, 879. Book of Samuel Abbott, in the Bayliss Library, Sault -" Estate Papers of James Aird, Crawford County Ste. Marie, Michigan. Register of Probate, Prairie du Chien, Wisconsin.

43 WISCONSIN M^G.^ZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1996 with the American Fur Company. In 1818, lot, probably planting wheat, barley, oats, perhaps because of a loss of credit or a need peas, potatoes, and onions, as did many of for cash, Rolette sold all his land holdings his neighbors. He was the oldest resident of in Prairie des Chiens to James Aird.^' Aird, the Upper Village, and in 1820, when Isaac a Scotsman from Canada, had used the Lee came from Washington to the Prairie Prairie as early as 1786 as a base for his seeking proof about land ownership, trading on the St. Peters River and was a Vertefeuille was able to provide testimony partner in several trading companies. With for all the residents of the Upper Village the acquisition of Rolette's property, Aird that their land had been continuously occu­ solidified his position as the major trader at pied since 1805.'*^'' Prairie des Chiens. He had only a year, Vertefeuille lived at Prairie des Chiens however, to enjoy his wealth; he died in until 1830, farming and employing other 1819. That same year, Aird (or possibly the skills to supplement his income. During the executors of his estate) sold seven acres of War of 1812 he hunted game along Lake Farm Lot No. 15 to Frangois Vertefeuille. Pepin which he sold to the British troops stationed at the Prairie. And in the 1820's, he was hired by at least one person to erect TT'RANCOIS Vertefeuille was from French- a barn on a neighboring farm lot. Though X^ speaking Canada. The place and date there are no records of an engagement dur­ of his birth are unknown. As early as 1797 ing this period, Vertefeuille likely contin­ he engaged to work in the fur trade in the ued to have some form of employment in employ ofthe trading partnership of Parker, the fur trade, as indicated by the trade Gerrard & Ogilvy, a British enterprise based beads that were later found scattered be­ in Montreal. By dint of this and other en­ neath the floor of his dwelling. As he tended gagements, Vertefeuille the voyageur went his vegetables and fished along the river to the Michilimackinac trading region. By bank, he could not have helped seeing the 1809 he was residing at Prairie des Chiens. comings and goings of fur-laden canoes on In that year, he enclosed and improved the river just beyond his doorstep. The lure Farm Lot No. 21.'" Verte fenille, like many of the fur trade must have been strong. In another engage, turned from the debilitat­ 1826 Vertefeuille sold his house to his daugh­ ing physical demands of the fur trade to ter, Marie Louis Vertefeuille Dyonne, and farming and made Prairie des Chiens his abandoned the comforts of home to work permanent home. Perhaps it was during for Pierre Chouteau on the Missouri River.-* that same year that he acquired Upper Following Francois Vertefeuille's death Village Lot No. 4. In any event, after twenty some time in the 1830's (the exact date is years of hardship and danger in the fur unknown), the house in which Vertefeuille trade, Vertefeuille settled into a relatively comfortable life at Prairie. Following the death of his first wife. Pelagic Gagne, he 2' James L. Hansen, "Prairie du Chien's Earliest married Marie Chalifous, the daughter of Church Records, 1817," in Minnesota Genealogical Journal, no. 4 (November, 1985), entry 130; Hansen, his neighbor to the north. They lived on "Prairie du Chien and Galena Church Records, 1827- Upper Village Lot No. 4, where they raised 1829," ibid., no. 5 (May, 1986), pp. 424,428; James H. three children. Vertefeuille worked his farm Lockwood, "Early Times and Events in Wisconsin," in the Wisconsin Historical Colleclions,\ol. 2 (Madison, 1903), 112. 2^ "Papers of Andrew Bulger," in the Wisconsin 2'Indenture dated May 20,18I8,betweenJoseph Historical Collections, vol. 13 (Madison, 1895), 129- Rolette and James Aird, Samuel Abbott Notary Book. 130; Indenture between Augustin Hebert and 22 Rapport de L 'Archivisle la Province de Quebec pour Francois Vertefeuille, April 1,1826, Crawford County 1942^1943 (Quebec, 1943), 375, 389; United States Register of Deeds; Chouteau Papers, Missouri His­ Congress, American State Papers, Public Lands, 4:870. torical Societv, St. Louis.

44 DEJULIO: VERTEFEUILLE HOUSE had lived changed hands many times. However, the DuCharmes were the last Vertefeuille's daughter Marie Louise and residents to make the house a home. The her husband Etienne Dyonne sold the prop­ record-breaking flood of 1965 filled half erty to Joseph Rolette, thereby returning it the first floor with water. Forced out, the to one of its previous owners. Rolette by this DuCharmes never lived in the house again; time was an old man; his position in the fur they built a new home just to the north. Yet trade had by then been taken by men like they were apparently aware of the history Hercules L. Dousman and Henry H. Sibley. and architectural value of the structure. The acquisition of the property may have Despite repeated offers, Mrs. DuCharme been an attempt by Rolette to regain past refused to sell the house, citing the fact the possessions. In any event, he soon sold the building was a log house and the only one lot to his daughter, Emilie Hooe, a resident still standing along the Frenchtown Road. of Detroit. She had little use for the house It was only after her death in 1987 that the or the land, so owner succeeded owner for full importance of the house was revealed. the next ten years. In 1854 the Vertefeuille property passed to a new arrival from Canada, Moses Caya (Calleau). HE rich and varied human history con­ In the period 1830-1860, many parcels T nected with the Francois Vertefeuille of land in Prairie were likewise conveyed house made it a structure deserving of pres­ from owner to owner, each retaining pos­ ervation. It was directly associated with a session for only a short time. This was a French fur trader and it dates to just before time of great change in the community— or after the War of 1812. These facts alone the passage from a fur-trade center to a would have conferred status on it. But it is bustling terminus controlled by Yankee by its architecture that its significance is speculators and entrepreneurs. Though defined. the Vertefeuille house was on the fringe of The house is an example of French- these changes, the speculative activity did Canadian piece sur piece architecture. It is a bear upon its history, for each successive side-gabled, one-and-a-half-story, double- owner hoped to make money from selling pier, three-bay-wide structure. Constructed it. Two owners of the house during this of hewn logs, it was built in two stages. The period, Nicholas and Mary Chenevert, and older section comprises the two south bays, then Louis Desrochers, may also have lived in which is set the front door; the addition in the structure. But what is significant is is the north bay, which contains the back that the house from its construction was door and the stairway to the second floor. always owned and inhabited by people of The addition was built after the house was French-Canadian ancestry. Nor did this acquired by Francois Vertefeuille, circa continuity end with Moses Caya. Several 1820-1825. generations of the Caya family lived in the The original house comprised a single house. Moses purchased more property to room on the first floor and a second-floor the north, and the family farmed the adja­ loft. Under the front half of the original cent land. In 1940 Anna Caya sold both structure was a cellar pit with wooden crib­ land and house to Alva and Adella bing to support the walls. When the addi­ DuCharme. Alva was a great-grandson of tion was built, one room was added to each Francis Xavier DuCharme, who had come floor. The overall size ofthe structure is 18 to Prairie des Chiens from Montreal be­ tween 1838 and 1840. This connection with the old French-Canadian culture may 2" Indenttire between Francois Chenevert and have been what preserved the Vertefeuille Moses Caya, December 6, 1856, and indenture be­ house.^•'^ tween Anna Caya and Alva and Adella DuCharme, May 2, 1940, Crawford County Register of Deeds.

45 :_: ^'-•s-Z£Tt ,..-.:.?-•

Francois Vertefeuille house, built upon Upper Village Lot No. 4 at Prairie des Chiens, Wisconsin, circa 1810-1825. The house is presently being restored by Bob and Deb Camardo, the owners. The house faces east and the old Frenchtown Road. To the rear is the Mississippi River. The restoration is not complete, but when finished the house will look much as it did in the 1820's. Restoration photographs couriesy the author.

feet deep by 32 feet wide; the original house in French Canada throughout the isl8feetby20 feet. The structure was set on seventeeth and eighteenth centuries, and it a foundation of rough-cut limestone laid aptly describes the principal features ofthe up without mortar, the stones set in a shal­ Vertefeuille house. low trench less than a foot deep. Both sec­ The walls of the Vertefeuille house are tions are constructed of hewn timbers in a built of horizontal maple timbers carefully French-Canadian manner called piece sur hewn to measure, on average, five inches piece en coulisse. deep by ten inches high by nine or ten feet Piece surpiecemeansroughly "limher upon long. Ax-hewn on two sides, and left slightly timber," and in construction, the timbers rounded on what will become the top and are laid horizoirtally. A coulisse is a vertical bottom, the timbers are laid up horizon­ timber with a groove or mortise channel cut tally, one upon the next, so that each timber lengthwise on two opposing sides. The rests upon another. The horizontal timbers grooves in the vertical coulisse are meant to on all four sides ofthe original house (and receive the ends ofthe horizontal members the north side ofthe addition) run half the which make up the walls of the structure. length ofthe wall and arejoined together in This method of construction was common the center by a coulisse. Each vertical timber

46 -—f"

^•f-

K«/, I ill! •ill

'^ • was finished with a long morUse groove on two opposing sides. Tenons on the ends of the horizontal Umbers fit into these grooves and are secured by wooden pegs. ..,,-1^. ..„> (Figure 1.) In the construcdon oi a piece sur piece en coulissehouse, each log is hewn with an ax to Figures I, 2, and 3, explained in the adjacent text. the desired length and marked with a ro- man numeral. After a rude stone founda­ tion is laid, the sill is set upon the founda- don stones. A tenon is cut at one end of each coulisse, and the coulisse is set vertically into the sill and secured with a peg. Begin­ ning with the timber marked with the nu­ meral I, the walls are laid horizontally, one course at a time. Each timber is raised, its tenon slipped into the mortise groove in the coulisse, and slid down to rest upon a timber. All four walls are built in this man­ ner, and all at the same time. The timbers of the front and back fa­ cades of the original section of the Vertefeuille house are just under ten feet long; the timbers of the side walls, just under nine feet long. The front and back walls of the addition are constructed of timbers twelve feet long. Tojoin the walls of the addition to the original structure, the timbers are secured at the front and back by a coulisse, each of which butts up to and ft- anchors into the north corners ofthe origi­ nal structure. (Figure 2.) The corners ofthe

•?^-'^-r . -••• ,ui*'«'', ^- V •- • -•Hff /»#*•• original house and the addition are tightly

47 WISCONSIN MAG.AZINE OF HISTORY .AUTUMN, 1996 joined by half-dovetail notching. (Figure economy is of a modest but comfortable 3.) A mortar of sand and lime was used to dwelling that was destined to be a comfort­ chink the horizontal spaces between the able, permanent structure, not a rude, tem­ logs, forming a smooth surface on both the porary cabin in the wilderness. exterior and interior walls. The front door utilizes the central coulisse as the south side ofthe opening. Each ofthe UST as Frangois Vertefeuille enlarged four facades of the original house con­ the house to meet the needs of his grow­ tained a single window. Each window, like J ing family, successive owners also made the front door, used the central coulisse as small changes to the structure. After the one side of the opening. The door, how­ addition was added, work was done to the ever, was framed by a second coulisse, while interior and to the roof to make the house the windows were not. Rather, the ends look like a unified structure. Twice the ofthe hewn timbers were sawed square with interior walls were covered with lath and the window frame and the frame secured plaster. The earlier windows were replaced to the timbers with nails. With the construc­ with ones containing larger panes of glass. tion ofthe addition, the window opening in The exterior was covered with vertical board- the north facade was stretched to make a and-batten siding. Some of the original doorway. rafters were removed and the gable ends The log walls extend beyond the height reframed, as evidenced by the presence of of the first floor, forming "knee walls" for milled lumber and cut nails. A small wing the second-floor loft. (The knee walls are was added to the west for a kitchen. One only about two feet high and support the small but very significant element was re­ framing for the roof and gable ends.) The tained, however. This was the coyau, the interior of the log walls on the first floor slight change of pitch of the roof which were originally covered with a burnt-lime creates the bell-cast eve. The coyau was re­ plaster which gave the living spaces a clean, tained through successive coverings of the pleasant finish. The second-floor knee walls roof into the twentieth century. were left raw. The roof rafters were notched Though over half a century had passed to rest on the top plate ofthe front and rear since the erection and enlargement ofthe walls, the plate being the top hewn log. The house, this construction method was re­ gable ends were framed and the vertical tained—thus maintaining a degree of con­ studs sheathed with horizontal weather­ tinuity with French-Canadian building tra­ boards. The northeast and southwest cor­ ditions long after Prairie du Chien was ners of the top plate of the original house dominated by German and Irish newcom­ had knee braces tied into the plate with ers. It indicates why the little settlement in half-lap dovetails and wooden pegs. There the old Upper Village was known as were also mortise slots in the top plate at the Frenchtown, and why it maintained that gable ends in tbe original house. The braces identity until the Second World War. The and original gable framing, which would retention ofthe CO}1(2M is also a good indica­ have been composed of hewn members, tion that the renovation was undertaken were removed some time prior to 1965. The by Moses Caya or his six sons. As French- roof rafters were secured to the top plate Canadians, the Cayas would likely have and joined at the peak without a ridge pole. employed building techniques still actively (They are half-lapped at their juncture and used in Canada and with which they were joined together by means of a wooden peg.) familiar. Since by the advent ofthe twenti­ The roof is pitched atjust under 45 degrees; eth centur)' tbe house was further covered it ends in a coyau or bell-cast eve. The effect with brick-patterned sheets of tin, which of all this French-Canadian skill and gradually rusted to a warm, reddish hue;

48 The roof is pitched atjust under 45 degrees; it ends in a coyau or bell-cast eve.

only the coyau gave a hint to the origins of Franf ois Lasselle house in Monroe, Michi­ the structure. It should be added, perhaps, gan, the McGulpin house at Mackinac, and that the covering of the logs with sheet tin the Michel Briollet house in Vincennes, was not as insensitive as it may sound, Indiana.^'' Within the historic Tank house because, historically, the exterior walls of in Green Bay is apiece sur piece structure built French-Canadian houses were always cov­ in the early nineteenth century. All were ered, whether with bark or weatherboards. The structures were intended as perma­ nent homes, so the logs were covered to 2** George Gauthier-Larouche, Evolution de la preserve them from the ravages of weather maison rurale traditionnelle dans la region de Quebec (Quebec, 1979); Michel Lessard and Giles Vilandre, and to convey a look of permanence to the La Maison traditionelle au Quebec (Montreal, 1974); exterior. Peter N. Moogk, Building a House in New France In its general form of construction, the (Toronto, 1977). Francois Vertefeuille house is close to the 2" Dennis M. Au, "Architectural Analysis of the Francois Verefeuille House" (unpublished manu­ standard found in piece surpiecehouses built script. Mineral Point, 1991). Au prepared a detailed in Quebec from the mid-eighteenth cen­ report for Bob and Deb Camardo on the condition tury to the twentieth century.^'' Other ofthe Vertefeuille house prior to restoration, noting French-Canadian log houses of this type are the alterations which had occurred in the nine­ to be found in the northern half of the old teenth century. His work was the basis for the physi­ cal description of the structure contained in the Northwest Territory; they include the present article, and I am grateful to the Camardos Navarre-Anderson trading post and the for sharing it with me.

49 WISCONSIN M.AGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1996 structures owned by people of French- ten mention the number and style of houses Canadian origin who were employed in the to be found in the community. Thomas fur trade. In each, there are similarities in Anderson, a Canadian trader, wrote in size and methods of construction to that 1801 that the settlement consisted of be­ exhibited in the Vertefeuille house in Prai­ tween ten and fifteen houses, with three rie du Chien. farms at a distance of three miles. Four While many other North Americans years later Zebulon Pike, the American erected log houses, the size of the logs and explorer, came to Prairie des Chiens and the method of construction make the recorded that there were eighteen dwell­ Vertefeuille house an artifact of the French- ing houses in the two streets of the Main Canadian culture that once dominated the Village, eight houses in the rear of the upper Mississippi and western Great Lakes pond (that is, the Village of St. Feriole), region. The logs in the original portion of and eight houses scattered on the prairie the house and addition are hewed on an to the north and south. In 1811 Nicolas average of five by ten inches; the timbers are Boilvin, the U.S. Indian agent, found thirty cut to a ten-foot module; the ratio of width to to forty houses at Prairie des Chiens. Then depth in the original section is 9:10, or well in 1816 James Lockwood, an employee of within the definition of 4:5 found in homes the American Fur Company, described a of New France. But it is the vertical mortise traders' village of twenty-five to thirty posts—the coulisse—which confirm the houses.'^" Each of these observers detailed French-Canadian architectural provenance what they considered to be a unique ofthe Vertefeuille house. Coulisse were per­ method of house construction in which fected and used extensively in the eighteenth horizontal timbers were set into mortises century by French-Canadians. Carefully made in the upright members ofthe struc­ hewn, the coulissewere evenly spaced in each ture: pieces sur piece en coulisse. Though they wall, either every five feet or in multiples of did not use the French-Canadian term, the five (i.e. ten, fifteen, etc.). Coulissewere com­ novelty of the construction method caused monly used to frame door and window open­ both Pike and Lockwood to attempt a de­ ings on French-Canadian structures—just as scription of it. Pike reported that they were in the Vertefeuille house.'-"^ This element assisted in the dating ofthe part of the houses are framed and in Vertefeuille house. The verticals in the origi­ place of weatherboarding there are nal section of the structure show the hand small logs let into the mortises made of someone experienced in making coulisse, in the uprights,joined closely, daubed and at a time when French-Canadian con­ on the outside with clay, and hand­ struction techniques were still viable in Prai­ somely whitewashed within. The in­ rie du Chien. As the French residents of side furniture of their houses is de­ Prairie became further removed from their cent and, indeed, in those ofthe most Canadian heritage, the coulisse was dropped wealthy displays a degree of elegance as a structural element. Also significant is and taste. the fact that the coulisse were used to frame both sides of only the door—indicating that the house was built in the early nineteenth century. 2' "Journal ofjohn G. Anderson," in the Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. 9 (2nd ed., Madison, 1931), Contemporary descriptions of early 147; Elliott Coues, ed. The Expeditions of Zebulon nineteenth-century Prairie des Chiens of- Montgomery Pike, vol. 1 (New York, 1986), 303-304; letter of Nicolas Boilvin to the Secretary of War, March 5, 1811, transcript in the Area Research Cen­ ' Au, "The Francois Vertefeuille House," 8, 19, ter, University of Wisconsin-Platteville; Lockwood, 22. "Early Times and Events in Wisconsin," 119.

50 ^ ^, .^^. .«g,^* ( w- . r:t^i2'- " ' -4 • :•: ^^-^^jtel-ti--

"•-*. »if*V ^:^-fm---.- •• " f -1, ''srr''*^*;';^; flu. 4i .* .- "^

Sgi/i East7nan 's "Fori Crawford at Prairie du Chien, October, 1829" is one ofthe earliest depictions of Prairie du Chien. Though Fori Crawford is the focus ofthe work, Eastman recorded the French pattern of settlement which existed in the community. In the fore­ ground is the Main Village. Many of the homes in the norihem poriion of the Main Village were destroyed when the United States Army built Fort Crawford in 1816, but those to the south were allowed to remain. These were built close together along the banks ofthe Mississippi River. Each stood upon a long lot which extended from the Mississippi to the Marais de St. Feriole. Ranked behind each home were outbuildings, a vegetable garden, and fruit trees. In the background is the mainland. Along the edge ofthe Marais are the homes in the Village of St. Feriole. Beyond, stretch the Farm Lots. The Upper Village was not included in the sketch, but was to the north, two miles beyond the Main Village. The original watercolor is in the collections of the Minnesota Historical Society and is reproduced with their permission.

Lockwood's description is more detailed, In short, both Pike and Lockwood observed though he missed the sill necessary to hold the two elements of piece sur piece en coulisse: the walls together: the upright members with their mortises and the horizontal members set one atop The houses are built by planting poles another. upright in the ground with grooves in The Frangois Vertefeuille house was them, so that the sides could be filled probably one ofthe structures so described. in with split timbers or poles, and But the scarcity of documents recording then plastered over with clay, and land transactions at Prairie du Chien prior white-washed with a white earth found to 1820 has made it difficult to determine in the vicinity, and then covered with when the original portion of the Vertefeuille bark, or clap-board riven from oak. house was built. As early as 1799, Marie 51 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1996

Souligne had constructed a house on Farm Main Village],"the numbers vary from eight Lot No. 15. Within four or five years of that to fifteen.'*' So the Vertefeuille house was date, she had a smaller house built nearby one of as many as fifteen homes on the on the same property.'" This second house prairie of Prairie des Chiens. It had neigh­ may well have been the Francois bors to the north and south, and, in time, Vertefeuille house, which is small com­ across the road on farm lots. Most of these pared to most French-Canadian homes. It were also piece sur piece structures.'''' These had only one room, whereas other docu­ are now gone. Today, the Vertefeuille mented French-Canadian homes of the house is the only structure extant in what same period in the Midwest commonly was the Upper Village, and the only one of had two to four rooms on the first floor. In those "scattered about the country," it be­ 1820, when the tract that became Upper ing 2.2 miles from the old Main Village. Of Village Lot No. 4 was partitioned from all the French-Canadian log houses that Farm Lot No. 15, testimony taken stated once stood in Prairie des Chiens, only three the tract had been occupied for fifteen others besides the Vertefeuille house are years.'" That would make the year of occu­ known to exist. One stands in the village of pation 1805. The construction methods of St. Feriole; the other two, in the Main Vil­ the Vertefeuille house roughly conform to lage. Of these, however, the two in the old that date, although the small number of Main Village were built subsequent to the coulisse perhaps implies a date closer to early nineteenth-century descriptions of 1815. Prairie des Chiens.''

40 built the house is not known— IEN Mrs. Ducharme died in 1987, Windeed may never be known. Frangois Wher children, respecting her interest Vertefeuille, by his own testimony, did not and concern for the old log dwelling on arrive at Prairie des Chiens until 1809. The Frenchtown Road, offered the house to north addition to the house would have several individuals and organizations with been constructed after Vertefeuille acquired an interest in preservation and restoration. the property and was probably erected by All who viewed the structure were appalled Vertefeuille himself. It is known that he was by its condition and overwhelmed by the capable of building barns, which did not amount of work and money that would be require the skills of a housebuilder.''-^ The required simply to stabilize it. The flood manner in which the north addition is fab­ damage and bat guano were but one aspect ricated lends additional credence to ofthe problem; in addition, twenty-five years Vertefeuille as the builder. The logs are not of rain, snow, ice, and sun had taken their placed as tightly together as in the original toll on the wood-shingled roof, which had section of the structure; they are loosely been patched several times with asphalt spaced, creating random gaps that were shingles. After the flood of 1965, the filled with mortar. " Ofthe various descriptions ofthe houses "scattered about the country, at a distance ''' Cones, ed., Zebulon Montgomery Pike, 1:304. ''' Estate papers of Benjamin Cadotte and estate of one, two, three, and five miles [from the papers of Francois Chenevert, Crawford County Register in Probate. ''' Dennis M. Au, "Architectural Analysis ofthe St. '"' American Stale Papers, Public Lands, 4:869. Germain dit Gauthier House" (unpublished manu­ •" Ibid., 877. script, prepared for the City of Prairie du Chien, ^2 Indenture between Augustin Hebert and 1990);Au, "Architectural Analysis ofthe LaChapelle- Francois Vertefeuille,April 1,1826, Crawford County Erdenberger House" (unpublished manuscript, pre­ Register of Deeds. pared for the Citv of Prairie du Chien, 1990).

52 DEJULIO: X-TRTEFEUILLE HOUSE

Frenchtown Road had been raised four feet teenager, working with his uncle. After earn­ above grade, so that it stood higher than the ing her degree in art education, Deb worked foundation ofthe house. As a result, years at the Rollo Jamison Museum in Platteville of runoff had washed sand and silt toward after it was transferred from its old site in the house. By the 1980's, the foundation Beetown. The Camardos' talents and com­ and first row of logs on the front wall of the bined interest in archeology, through which house were literally buried. All these factors they have participated in site work spon­ had created a humid environment within sored by the University of Wisconsin and the house: the cellulose insulation that had the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, been blown between the rafters, the layers led them into the field of historic restora­ of lath and plaster that covered the log tion. Bob founded and has operated the walls, the logs themselves—all were perme­ Federal Cabinet Shop in Mineral Point ated with damp and mildew. The house twenty-five years ago. The Camardos and stank of mold, mildew, rot, and bat drop­ their five co-workers specialize in the resto­ pings. ration of eighteenth- and early-nineteenth- Not surprisingly, perhaps, no buyer was century American furniture and metalwork. found for the house. Instead, it passed by They have a passionate interest in historic default to a family friend when he pur­ arts and crafts, and, using their woodwork­ chased the property attached to Mrs. ing and finishing skills, they have restored Ducharme's new house. The new owner, a several small miners' homes in Mineral retired man, did not want to deal with the Point. 'When they learned of the old log ruinous log house and considered it a liabil­ house at Prairie du Chien, they simply had ity. And so, with little or no remodeling to take a look—and, like many another, done in the twentieth century, the they were soon hooked. Within a short Vertefeuille house remained vacant and time, they began negotiating to purchase increasingly ruinous until 1991, when it was the Vertefeuille house. purchased by a young couple living in Min­ At first the owner did not want to sell, eral Point, a city some sixty miles south and insisting that he intended to burn the old east of Prairie du Chien. structure. But the Camardos convinced him As within all small communities, the web that the house was historically significant, of family relationships is finer and more and he agreed to sell it; but first they would complex than that spun by any spider. This have to find a suitable site for it. The logical particular web, at its farthest extremities, place, from a historical point of view, would touched a young resident of Mineral Point, have been either the old Upper Village or Deb Camardo. The new owner of the the Village of St. Feriole. But both areas had Vertefeuille house happened to be a shirt- been declared floodplain by the Army Corps tail relative of Ms. Camardo's father, who of Engineers after the 1965 flood, so the operated a farm south of Prairie du Chien. only available vacant land was off limits to On one of her visits to her parents' home. construction or the relocation of a historic Deb Camardo and her husband Bob learned structure. After luore family discussion, the about the old log house. owner agreed to sell the Camardos both the The Camardos both hold degrees in log house and a minuscule plot of land, so education from the University of Wisconsin- the house would not have to be moved. The Platteville. Bob has lived in Mineral Point only problem was, the plot was smaller than for thirty years; Deb for a dozen years. For the minimum required by the Town of several years. Bob taught industrial arts at Prairie du Chien. By the first survey of land the high school in nearby Darlington, where at Prairie des Chiens, Upper Village Lot No. he perfected the skills as a woodworker and 4 contained seven and 51/100 acres. The fine cabinetmaker that he had begun as a lot had been partitioned over the years, but

53 Water problems requiring more than mud-mopping.

the Camardos were able to purchase a plot UT what did they have? The Vertefeuille ofonly 107byl23feet B house, by tradition, was French; but Accordingly, the Camardos marshalled what did this mean? How old was it, what their historical research and preliminary was the method of construction, who had plans for the preservation and use of the built and owned the house, and what was its house and went before the town board to history? request a variance. Impressed by the future Before addressing these questions and that the Camardos outlined for the house— many others, the Camardos had to clean up though questioning their sanity—the board the structure. Over an entire summer and granted the variance. After surveying their well into the fall, they hauled, shoveled, and property and establishing diplomatic rela­ heaved out five dumpsters' wortb of broken- tions with their new neighbors, the down furniture, soggy insulation, crumbling Camardos took possession of a very old, plaster, rotting lath, mud, filth, and rodent very dilapidated log structure. and bat dung. Then, after nailing roofing

54 DE JULIO: VERTEFEUILLE HOUSE paper over the old shingles and securing then whitewashed the interior log walls, the doors and windows with plywood to creating the "degree of elegance" described preventfurther weather damage, they called by Zebulon Pike. in Dennis Au, former assistant director of Bob's cabinetmaking expertise has the Monroe Count}' Historical Society in proved invaluable. He has fabricated many Monroe, Michigan, for a full-scale struc­ elements of the structure that had been tural analysis ofthe house. removed over the years. Lacking plans Au's reputation preceded him. He had or photos of the original house, he has done extensive work on the River Raisin fused historical research with his own skills settlement, a French-Canadian community and insights to create replacement parts. forty miles south of Detroit established in For example, his model for the front door 1785 by Francois Navarre. He had conducted was a door saved from another French- the research for restoration of the Navarre- Canadian log house prior to its demise. Us­ Anderson trading post and had been a con­ ing nineteenth-century techniques, and with sultant on numerous projects and studies only a small photograph as a guide, he has pertaining to the French-Canadians in Mich­ built from scratch a I'eckelle de meunier—an igan. open ladder stairs—to the second-floor loft. 'WTiile Au worked on his report, the He has fabricated the iron hardware for the Camardos enlisted the present author to door and windows, and, with nineteenth- conduct the necessary research into the century hand tools, has cut comphcated history of the Vertefeuille house and its miterjoints in the framing around the door occupants, and how this connected with and window openings. By now. Bob the historyofPrairie des Chiens. Eventually Camardo knows so much about French- Au's report and mine were synthesized into Canadian construction and woodworking a National Register Nomination applica­ that he can virtually insinuate his hand and tion, and on March 18, 1993, the Frangois mind into that of a nineteenth-century Vertefeuille house was added to the Na­ builder, and, as required, create a faithful tional Register of Historic Places. Subse­ replica of just about any household item, quently, because of its architecture and from a window frame to a petite coffre—a ethnic associations, the house is being con­ small chest for linens or personal items. sidered for designation as a National His­ The Camardos' work is ongoing. Their toric Landmark as well. dedication, enthusiasm, and concern for Since that time, Bob and Deb Camardo historical accuracy are educating the have graduated from trash-hauling and commuunity to its heritage and awakening mud-mopping to the actual work of restor­ people to the idea that old structures need ing the Vertefeuille house. Their consider­ not be demolished but can be restored. able skills, and their sensitivity as owners, Milton Meier, from whom the Camardos make them more than capable of accom­ purchased the log house, has become the plishing all that the structure needs. But the guardian ofthe Vertefeuille house. During task they have set will require years of addi­ the week, when the Camardos are in Min­ tional work. Almost every weekend, they eral Point, Milton and his dog Rudy watch can be found in Prairie du Chien, working the structure from their home to the north, together in their house. Using both her checking every vehicle that turns into the artistic abilities and her patience, Deb has driveway. singlehandedly removed and replaced all As the restoration of the house itself the chinking between the logs with mortar nears completion, the owners have begun she devised from an analysis of chinking in to envision the structure as but one part of log houses in French-speaking Canada. With an organic whole: the dwelling-place of Canadian restoration work as a guide, she Frauf ois Vertefeuille but also his life and

55 WISCONSIN MAG.AZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1996 the surrounding ambiance of French- about the early history of what is now Prairie speaking Prairie. They want to be able to du Chien. illuminate and interpret many of the ele­ Through the efforts of Bob and Deb ments that once were part of the property. Camardo, the Francois Vertefeuille house For example, Upper Village Lot No. 4 was survives as one of the few remaining once much larger. An undated map shows examples of French-Canadian archi­ that not only the house but also a small tecture in the United States located on its building behind the house to the southwest original site. It testifies to the richness and was once part of Vertefeuille's holding. longevity of the two French cultures that What this structure was is unknown; per­ were present in the Mississippi Valley, and haps a summer kitchen, a bake oven, or a it stands in the only community in Wiscon­ stable similar to those found on other French sin where those cultures commingled. It home sites in Prairie du Chien. The bears physical testament to that peculiar Camardos intend to find out what it was. form of commerce that dominated the Mrs. Ducharme's granddaughter recalls that Great Lakes region. The fur trade spurred a log barn once stood behind the house to French penetration of the North Ameri­ the west. The well was directly behind the can wilderness, caused French and En­ house, and there were fruit trees nearby. glish-speaking people to travel and eventu­ Though the cellar pit inside the house was ally settle the great valley of the Missis­ completely excavated by the Wisconsin state sippi, and provided a central cause for archeologist, who found trade beads of vari­ several major wars. All of this connects, ous sizes, no archeology hasyetbeen under­ and not so tenuously, with the newly re­ taken around the house. Tantalizingly, how­ stored log house just north of Prairie. ever, a cup was found during the stabiliza­ Though it is small and unprepossessing, tion ofthe foundation: a cup manufactured the Francois Vertefeuille house is not in­ in France, c. 1806-1818, and one that would significant; and in the late twentieth cen­ have been expensive when new. So there is tury it has at last received the recognition still much to be learned about the Francois it deserves as an artifact and exemplar of Vertefeuille house and its occupants, and the early history of Wisconsin.

56 Communications Northeastern Wisconsin history, and the Connor family was happy to supply some of the background materials. Although the To THE EDITORS: article was largely factual, some observa­ tions and conclusions were reached which I wish to call to your attention that the completely missed the true outcome of those dam pictured on page 47 of the Wisconsin early struggles and therefore requires a Magazine of History, Autumn, 1995 (in the corrective recitation of the facts. article by David R. M. Beck, "Return to Davis missed a truly unique saga of a Nama'o Uskiwamit: The Importance of Stur­ lumber family who were making the transi­ geon in Menominee Indian History"), is tion from a rugged desperate beginning not located above Keshena Falls. The dam into several thriving, substantial operating which is pictured was constructed in 1892 companies in the forest industry. The most by the Shawano Water Power and River Im­ serious error was Davis' mistaken conclu­ provement Company on the Wolf River at sion that "little remains of the Connors in the west edge ofthe City of Shawano. It was Forest County besides a tourist-oriented acquired by the Wolf River Paper and Fiber railroad they operate during the summer." Company in 1908. The bridge in the photo The Connor family remains very much is the Picnic Street bridge which was con­ in Northern Wisconsin, many members structed in 1897 and was on the route of work and live in Forest County. The own­ what, at that time, was State Highway 16. The ers, management and employees of Wis­ bridge was permanently removed in 1962. consin Timber Associates, Nicolet Hard­ The large building at the left side of the woods Corporation, Pine River Lumber photo was the groundwood mill ofthe Wolf and Goodman Forest Industries were sur­ River Paper and Fiber Company, which was prised that the author concluded the founded in 1894. In 1899 the company Connor family had left. Nothing can be added a sulphite mill to its operation, of further from the truth or further from which an acid tower is partially visible at the their minds. very left edge of the photo. The photo Davis also neglects to mention the moves would have to have been taken sometime in the late 1920's by R. M. Connor to intro­ after 1904 as company houses, visible in the duce selective cutting and management of background, were built at that time. I am hardwood forests. It was this innovative move familiar with the subject as I was an em­ which make Northern hardwood forest ployee of the Wolf River Paper and Fiber lands a perpetual productive forest which Company-Shawano Paper Mills from 1943- supports the lumber mills of Wisconsin and 1984 and wrote their 1994 centennial book. Wisconsin's primary economic activity, the forest industry. At the same time these for­ GEORtiE PUTZ,JR. ests provide biodiversity, public recreation Shawano and visual pleasure to all who visit or fre­ quent the area and have done so for over 70 The author also caught our error, pointing out years. As a matter of record, the Connors that the pictures on pages 41 and 47 were mixed practiced biodiversity decades before it be­ up, which should have been obvious to us since came fashionable or was discovered by the name ofthe one dam is written on the picture. today's "greens." The family members remaining in the To THE EDITORS: business are proud of their record as good stewards of the land, and their tradition The article "Northern Choices, Rural of good forest management, which is the Forest County in the 1920's" by Mark Davis basis for these continuing operations. Pro­ [in the Autumn, 1995, and Winter, 199.5- motion of professional foresters through 1996 issues] dealt with a colorful period in scholarships at the University of Wisconsin

57 WISCONSIN MAG.AZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1996 provided by the Connor Foundation is an­ To THE EDITORS: other example of progressive thinking and long term management outlook. ... I have to make a couple of correc­ The challenges today are educating the tions [in "Farming the Lake Superior Shore: public to the advantage of managed forests. Agriculture and Horticulture on the Apostle Forests which provide wood products to the Islands, 1840-1940" by Arnold R. Alanen world and still ensure accessibility to sports­ and William H. Tishler in the Spring, 1996, men, snowmobilers and hikers. Healthy issue]. The first chapel in Wisconsin was not productive forests remove one ton of CO^ on Madeline Island in the mid 1600's, but per acre per year and put '/a tons of oxygen was between Washburn and Ashland. into the atmosphere. All good reasons for Madeline Island never had a chapel, I be­ proper enlightened management versus the lieve, until Father Baraga's in the 1830's, well intentioned but ill informed move­ some 170 years after Father Allouez's little ment to stop all management ofthe forests. church was built on the shore of Chequa- The University of Wisconsin has recently megon Bay near Washburn. . . . concluded a research study which confirms Also, the article mis-named the very ec­ that our forestry practices provide bio­ centric and infamous "Hermit." The article diversity yet are twice as productive as state called him Wiffiam Wilson, but his real name or federal lands in the area. Many profes­ was John Wilson. . . . Benjamin Armstrong, sional foresters and the Nature Conser­ who is also mentioned in the article, was vancy have attested to the enlightened man­ one of a small handful of people who "The agement practices of the Connor family Hermit" actually allowed on his island. Ben­ and Wisconsin Timber Associates, the part­ jamin would help him carry his provisions nership which holds all the timberlands (mostly liquor) to his cabin. . . . originally purchased by W. D. Connor at the turn ofthe last century. TONY WOIAK Although I thoroughly enjoyed the ar­ Washburn ticle and appreciate Davis' sincere efforts, some of us were, however, disappointed that he missed the real story of responsible Mr. Woiak has written four history books on the development, forest management and per­ area and contributes a historical column to the severance by productive members of the weekly newspaperTh.e Country Journal. family.

GORDON P. CONNOR The color pictures used with the article were taken President, Nicolet Hardwoods Corporation by Arnold R. Alanen, and, while we are at it, we Laona humbly apologize to our colleague. Jack Holzhueter, for misspelling his last name in Mr. Davis did not wish to respond. footnote 1. How could we!

58 BOOK REVIEWS

The CIO, 1935-1955. By ROBERT H. ZIEGER. always fragile, and that its focus on "con­ (University of North Carolina Press, Chapel tractual arrangements with employers and Hill, 1995. Pp. X, 491. Illustradons, biblio­ the regularization of industrial relations" graphical note, notes, index. ISBN 0-8078- actually dampened shop-floor unrest by 2182-9, $39.95.) enmeshing it "in a web of formalized dis­ pute resolution." In this sympathetic and provocative book, This ambitious institutional history con­ Robert H. Zieger explores the tumultuous veys the complexity of the CIO's experience. history of the Congress of Industrial Orga­ It focuses on developments at the national nizations (CIO) from its origins in 1935 level, and only occasionally explores local within the American Federation of Labor developments. It largely ignores shop-floor (AFL), through its mass organizing drives relations, and the CIO's "culture of unity" among industrial workers and the split from that Lizabeth Cohen discussed so well in the parent body in 1938, down to the purge Making A New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chi­ of radicals from the CIO in the late 1940's cago, 1919-1939 (1990). Yet Zieger's focus is and the repatriation with the AFL in 1955. proper, and his book is bursting with details Zieger discusses how the CIO and its con­ and insights, some of them paradoxical. For stituent unions in steel, auto, rubber, elec­ example, he reminds us that although hordes trical products, textiles, meatpacking, min­ of angry and frustrated workers responded ing, farm equipment, clothing, and other to the CIO's first organizing drives after its mass production industries enrolled mil­ rupture from the AFL, many other workers lions of workers which the AFL had ig­ were apathetic or downright hostile to unions. nored. The CIO then helped politicize and The CIO's impressive early victories in steel desegregate the labor movement, gained and auto coincided with stinging defeats in enormous power within the Democratic the late 1930's and the bitter internal dis­ party, and won contracts that helped to putes over domestic and foreign policy that bring union and non-union workers into by 1941 drove John L. Lewis out of the CIO the mainstream of American economic life. and the New Deal coalition and slowed in­ Despite the CIO's militant confrontational, dustrial union growth. daring, and well-organized image, Zieger The gains and setbacks continued dur­ argues that the industrial federation was ing and after World War II. Led after Lewis' 59 i»d0M I r"

! r^

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John L. Lewis presiding at the head table during celebrations of 50,000 CIO- UnitedAuto Workers of Local 600 on the tenth anniversary of the first contract signed by the Ford Motor Company with any union, Dearborn, June 23, 1951. departure by Philip Murray of the United dustrial unionism that doomed the CIO's Steel Workers, the CIO cooperated fully heroic efforts to unionize the South in with the war effort (although seven mil­ Operation Dixie and to push its progres­ lion workers engaged in wildcat strikes sive agenda that stressed higher wages, during the war), obtained many new mem­ civil rights, full employment, and greater bers, became financially independent, and economic equality. The CIO's vision soon was fully entrenched in the Democratic narrowed. Like other historians, Zieger party. But wartime restrictions also limited argues that the federation's domestic eco­ union activities and ensnared unions in nomic policies and bargaining goals, its government bureaucracy. The CIO's post­ support of the Cold War, and its purge of war optimism was quickly dashed by a re­ Communists in 1949, all helped to refocus surgence of corporate opposition to in­ working-class concerns on strictly con-

60 BOOK REVIEWS sumer issues, and contributed to the ideo­ The CIO is much richer than its most logical conformity that made reunifica­ recent predecessor. Art Preis' Labor's Giant tion with the AFL inevitable. Step: Twenty Years ofthe CIO (1964), because Zieger concludes that the CIO contrib­ it incorporates the fruit of studies that have uted much to America. It mobilized disaf­ appeared over the past thirty years and fected workers in the Depression, helped Zieger's own extensive research. But the fight fascism, created labor's first Political book really shines because ofthe insights it Action Committee, championed civil rights, sheds on the causes and consequences of opposed Stalinism, and improved workers' the recent decline of unions and working- lives materially. He disagrees with CIO crit­ class standards of living. ics who dismiss these achievements and argue that the CIO's limitations and com­ MICHAEL A. GORDON promises contributed to its own demise, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee and to the decline of working-class strength generally since the 1970's. Such critics claim that the CIO's rigid bureaucracy damp­ ened the shop-floor militancy that might C. C. Washburn and the Upper Mississippi eventually have provided a real challenge Valley. By KAREI. D. BICHA. (Garland Publish­ to capitalist power, and that central roles in ing Co., New York, 1995. Pp. xiii, 224. Illus­ government planning and the Democratic trations, notes, bibliography, index. ISBN party forced unions to compromise the 0-8153-2013-2, $52.00.) CIO's progressive agenda. Further, in purg­ ing its ranks of the alleged pro-Soviet left, Karel Bicha's biography of C. C. the CIO took a principled stand against Washburn details the life and exploits of a Stalinism but lost unions which Zieger and truly extraordinary man, an example ofthe many others acknowledge "were among the American dream of the self-made man. most egalitarian, the most honest and well- Remarkably, his career extended into many administered, the mostraciallyprogressive, aspects of the growth of America in the and the most class conscious." nineteenth century, and he made a major In response, Zieger argues that the CIO contribution to the milling industry. The structure could not have dampened radical book is organized topically, rather than working-class sentiments in the 1930's be­ chronologically. The opening chapter cov­ cause there is little evidence such senti­ ers his early life in New England. Subse­ ment was widespread. Moreover, he be­ quent chapters deal with his many activities lieves the CIO's wartime accommodations after he came to the Middle West: a specu­ were appropriate, and that the federation lator in land and mineral rights, a leading would have been irresponsible to have em­ politician in the Republican party in Wis­ braced third-party politics and concede its consin, his role in the Civil War, his lumber­ chance to shape national policy through ing interests, and the culmination of his the Democratic party. Zieger agrees that business enterprises in the founding of CIO Communists often courageously fought General Mills in Minneapolis. The final racism, but he contends the CIO could not chapter deals with the legal problems of his have been effective if it continued to allow personally controlled empire. While prac­ pro-Stalinist apologists within its ranks to ticing these major roles, Washburn also was taint its efforts. "The failure of the CIO on involved in railroading, banking, and de­ the Communist issue lay not in purging the veloping water power. pro-Soviet unions from its ranks," Zieger The author has served the general reader argues. "Rather, it lay in not following this well in detailing the technology and busi­ necessary action with renewed commitment ness practices basic to understanding the to organize the unorganized" service, gov­ methods by which Washburn acquired ernment, white collar, and other workers. wealth, nearly lost it, and subsequently made

61 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1996

Competitors could descend on a bank with an accumulation of banknotes and by de­ manding immediate payment in specie ruin the bank. Therefore notes were circulated as far as possible from the issuing bank. Washburn established a bank in Maine to provide notes which he used to speculate in land in southwestern Wisconsin, confident that it would take some time for the notes to find their way back from New England to be redeemed. The author devoted only a modicum of space to Washburn's political activity, in the chapter "Diversion One: The Politician," indicating the relative importance assigned to this aspect of Washburn's life. Even though Washburn was governor of Wiscon­ sin and was elected to Congress, his true talent was in the world of business deals. He amassed great wealth but seldom invested his own money. This biography of Washburn gives us a valuable insight into how business WHi(X3)30.547 was truly conducted in the nineteenth cen­ tury, not by robber barons or criminals, nor Portrait ofCadwallader Colden Washburn by G.P.A. Healy by saintly men, but by men in pursuit of from the Society's collections. wealth who knew how to work the system and had the foresight to exploit new tech­ nology. an even larger fortune. Especially informa­ tive are the details concerning land specu­ WALTER S. DUNN, JR. lation before the Civil War, the method of Elkhorn, Wisconsin large-scale lumbering, the technology of mining lead and producing shot, and a lengthy section on the milling industry. In none of these fields was Washburn a pio­ Between Two Fires: American Indians in the neer and leader in technical development Civil War. By LAURENCE M. HAUPTMAN. (The His genius was related to seizing a compara­ Free Press, New York, 1995. Pp. xv, 304. tively new technology and providing the Photographs, notes, bibliography, index. capital and leadership to turn that technol­ ISBN 0-02-914180-X, $25.00.) ogy into a profitable business. The depiction of his militarv' career as a In his latest discussion of how pivotal political general who used his administra­ events and policies in American history tive skill in avariety of non-combatant roles have impacted upon the various American is excellent. Washburn seemed to excel in Indian communities, Laurence M. gathering forces to accomplish the military Hauptman examines the Indian experience objectives set by his superiors, a necessary during the war between the states. In fact. skill in any war. He does not emerge as a Between Two Fires picks up the discussion charismatic leader but rather as a reliable Hauptman initially advanced in his out­ administrator. standing 1991 study Iroquois in the Civil War. The description ofthe workings of mid- Where Iroquois focused solely on the war's nineteenth-century banking is excellent. impact upon that single Indian nation, Be­ rn BOOK REVIEWS

tween Two Fires attempts to analyze the expe­ -.f^'P-i rience of several major Indian communi­ ties of both North and South. As with Iroquois, the central theme of Between TwoFiresis the devastating effect the Civil War had on American Indian communities; it was, as Hauptman argues, the "final nail in the coffin in Indian efforts to stop the tide of American expansion." Hauptman tries to emphasize that the Civil War impacted the various Indian com­ munities as a whole, rather than just those who served in the military. The Indian ex­ perience between 1861-1865 involved a great deal more than the standard examples of victimization (e.g. the 1862 Sioux Upris­ ing, the 1864 Sand Creek Massacre), and the service of prominent individuals such as Confederate Brigadier General Stand Watie. The Indian experience during the Civil War was at least as complex as that of the white communities ofthe North and South and, Hauptman argues, ultimately more devastating. WHi(X31)100.^8 Twenty thousand Indians served either the North or the South during the rebellion Capt. Thomas Bigford swearing in Indian Civil War for reasons as diverse as their individual recruits. Photo courtesy fohn Patrick Hunter. cultures and historical experiences with white society. Although the various tribes shared a common goal of protecting their with the poor southern whites, the Catawba respective lands and cultures, it was their had become increasingly dependent on the historical relationship with white society plantation economy ofthe Piedmont. They, that formed the basis of their war-time alle­ therefore, enlisted to protect their tenuous giance. The "precarious" nature of this ex­ economic position. istence resulted in divided loyalties and The Indians of the North had a similar power struggles within individual commu­ concern as those who fought for the South, nities; thus the Civil War between North i.e. the retention of land and culture. Ex­ and South fueled corrosive relationships tending the point made in /ro^wow concern­ within Indian communities, which had dire ing reasons for military service, Hauptman consequences for many tribes. finds similar rationale in many other Indian Hauptman's deft discussion ofthe mul­ communities. Whether enlisting for the tiple reasons for allegiance, and varied lev­ North or South, what separated the differ­ els of commitment, to either North or South ent Indian communities was not so much forms the main strength of Between Two the issues that divided their white com­ Fires. The dependency-paternalism argu­ rades, but their own community's under­ ment concerning the Catawba Indians of standing of which allegiance could best South Carolina, for example, provides an guarantee the survival of the community interesting parallel with the historiography and culture. on why poor southern whites would fight Despite service in the army (which for the perpetuation of a slave economy to Hauptman does not over-romanticize, which they seemingly did not belong; as pointing to incidents of desertion and

63 WISCONSIN NL\GAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1996 varied levels of commitment, as well as acts San Francisco, 1989. Reprint University of of heroism), families back home continued Wisconsin Press, Madison, 1993. Pp. 122. to face considerable hardship in the form ISBN 0-299-14100-4, $40.00, hardcover; of military attacks, confiscations of lands, ISBN 0-299-14104-7, $10.95, paperback.) and forced evacuations. It is with this discus­ sion that one encounters the chief weak­ Nell's Story: A Woman From Eagle River. By ness of Between Two Fires. That weakness NELL PETERS with ROBERT PETERS. (University might be characterized as giving the reader ofWisconsin Press, Madison, 1995. Pp. 161. a taste of something particularly tantaliz­ ISBN 0-299-14470-4, $22.95, hardcover; ing, but not enough to gain one's fill. ISBN 0-299-14474-7, $12.95, paperback.) Hauptman offers only glimpses of how the war devastated the civilian Indian popula­ These two brief books by Robert and tion with such consequences as continued Nell Peters, brother and sister, describe factionalism in the Cherokee nation, epi­ growing up in a rough-hewn shack near demics brought back with returning sol­ Eagle River in northern Wisconsin. Robert, diers, and the reduction in population that who is a now a poet living in California, tells could not be readily replaced via immigra­ of his boyhood during the 1930's; Nell, who tion as in white society. still lives in Eagle River, focuses more on the Hauptman's analysis focuses primarily 1940's and thereafter. on the military aspects of the Indian com­ The books are similar in many ways. munities during the Civil War. Who joined Both are antiquarian with the names of which side, for what reason, and with what roads, lakes, and tree species which will degree of commitment. 'WTien the analysis have little significance for readers unfa­ is focused upon the impact to civilians, miliar with the area. Both have a depth of however, Hauptman's discussion is much gritty emotion lacking in more historically too succinct. We are told that the war in­ minded monographs. Both authors are creased the level of economic, political, earthy. Robert writes of teeirage boys mas­ and cultural dependency, but there is little turbating together; Nell has a fixation on elaboration of how such a process might poop—chickens', pigs', loons', her dog's, have differed between two or more commu­ her twins', her own. Both books have mi­ nities. For those who have read Iroquois, in nor geographical errors. The distance be­ which Hauptman takes a careful look at the tween Eagle River and Lac du Flambeau is war's impact upon women, children, and not eighty miles; Door County is not on old folks, the absence of such analysis in Lake Superior. Between Two Fires w'lW be conspicuous. Both books are a series of vignettes. Nonetheless, Hauptman has produced Robert divides his stories into the four sea­ a ver)' fine work which offers some fresh sons of the year he entered high school. insights into an often under-appreciated Nell covers about thirty years beginning chapter in the complex history ofthe Civil with her birth in 1932. Both writers deal War. Between 7'rt;oft'rf5accomplishes a rather with typical northern subjects, ranging from difficult task by contributing a worthy chap­ fishing trips to destitute Indians to escaping ter to the literature of two extensively ex­ to the lakes and woods for comfort and plored fields, i.e. the history of American solace. Both, however, belie popular no­ Indians and the history of the Civil War. tions about living in northern Wisconsin. The Peters family was poor, to be sure, but ROBERT PATRICK BENDER neither Robert nor Nell write of despair or University of Arkansas abject poverty. Their home was a drafty shack, but the family owned forty acres of land and had enough to eat. The parents Crunching Gravel: A Wisconsin Boyhood in the stayed together. Their father worked, even Thiriies. By ROBERT PETERS. (Mercury House, in the worst of times. Their mother raised

64 BOOK REVIEWS five children even though, writes Nell, she Silvertone radio, and pulling porcupine had not wanted them all. The children quills out ofthe dog's mouth. Finnish com­ attended school and at least Robert and munity halls, paradigms of local democ­ Nell graduated. racy, become sites of drunken melees. A Despite their similarities, the books are paragraph beginning "Thatwe might starve very different. Robert's is an optimistic tale; was a common fear," is followed by a de­ Nell's is not. Robert writes about growing scription of making homemade ice cream. up and getting out. "Crunching Gravel" is Nell's book has an emotional appeal, the sound feet make as they walk down the but one that is curiously empty. It is filled unpaved roads leading away from Eagle with incidents, but with the exception of River. "Nell's Story" is about entrapment her relationship with her dad, Nell passes and survival. through each of them seemingly unaffected. Robert uses the seasons to carry out his Nell seems to want to resolve why she ended theme of leaving. Winter, with which he up in garage sales and could not get out of begins, was a time of death and despair. His Eagle River like Robert, Everett, and the father, two lovers whose car skidded off an guy in the Cadillac. I am not sure she found icy bridge, a rat captured in the root cellar, an answer; I didn't Nell'sStoryleftme unsat­ and a butchered pig all died in the winter. isfied but with a grudging sense of admira­ In the spring, the outside world intruded in tion and an even greater sense of sadness. the form of tourists, religion, and music. For more than twenty years, I lived near to Summer meant exploring that world by where Nell grew up; town gossip over those fishing, earning money, and writing poetry. years suggest that her story is all too com­ Fall, with vignettes of firewood, dirty stories mon in the vacation land of northern Wis­ on Halloween, and another school year, consin. brought a retreat back into winter. It also became the season of promise when Robert MARK DAVIS broke the cycle and left Eagle River. Madison Robert's life seems idyllic compared to his sister's. Nell began as an "accident" that "should have run down Mom's leg when the Dad spurted the seed." She "grew up in the Linoleum, Better Babies, and the Modern Farm background without being real happy or Woman, 1890-1930. By MARILYN IRVIN HOLT. real sad." Her father taught her how to be a (University of New Mexico Press, Albuquer­ boy. One of her brothers, Everett, tormented que, 1995. Pp. 250. Illustrations, notes, bib­ her. Her aunt staged a suicide and then liography, index. ISBN 0-8263-1635-2, accused Nell of trying to murder her. Just $34.95.) before following Robert out of Eagle River she had a fling in an undertaker's Cadillac, In this book, Marilyn Irvin Holt joins a ended up pregnant, a unwed mother of number of scholars who seek to understand twin boys, and back in Eagle River. She the complex relationship between rural married an abusive Finnish laborer, had people and the burgeoning "agricultural more children, meandered through a suc­ establishment" of the late nineteenth and cession of low-payingjobs, and at the end of early twentieth centuries. The task she sets her book she is conducting garage sales for herself is to study the "domestic economy" summer tourists. movement (essentially the discipline of These books work on different levels. home economics and its various manifesta­ Robert's is a book of poetry filled with tions in club work, extension, home dem­ marvelous details and lively contrasts that onstration, and education) "and its rela­ give vibrancy to the drabness ofthe 1930's. tionship to the duties, roles, lifestyles, and He writes of icy water dripping off nails in living space of women." In her introduc­ the roof, the sound of 'WLS over a Sears tion. Holt presents a compelling case for

65 ^- ^W2

How to pluck a chicken. Photo courtesy the Kansas State University Archives. considering this .subject not from one per­ change. . . . The movement offered to ease spective alone, but rather for seeing it within and enhance their lives, and it gave them a the overall context of agricultural history, chance to demonstrate their concrete con­ anc? women's history. Holt argues that "the tributions by engaging in home industries, domestic economy movement made a dis­ modernizing their homes, and changing tinct imprint upon rural life. It alone did work strategies." not reduce isolation or transform farm The task is daunting because, while it is homes, communities, or schools. But in easy to find out what the reformers in­ concert with other influences that acted tended, it is much harder to ferret out the upon agriculture, it brought a message that responses from the rural communities they was realized in club organization, education, targeted. Most of the source material of and community activism." She continues, necessity comes from the reformers; thus "Women voluntarily involved themselves the study relies heavily upon extension re­ and their families because they wanted ports. United States Department of Agri-

66 BOOK REVIEWS culture publications, and agricultural peri­ interact and influence the whole. Utilizing odicals. Farm women's voices are much an amazing variety of sources, Trask pre­ more difficult to articulate. This problem sents the history ofthe people and town of ultimatelyhampers Holt's laudable attempt Manitowoc, Wisconsin, not only within the to present a story of interaction rather than confines of the Civil War years, but also of cultural imperialism on the part of edu­ spanning time to show relevance to our cated, mostly urban Progressive-era "ex­ own experiences as well. The book follows perts." In all too many cases. Holt is forced many paths, some of which end, but most of to infer the rural response from evidence which widen and converge at numerous that is highly uneven in quantity and qual­ points, revealing their inter-connectedness. ity. At some points, as with documentation Beginning with Manitowoc itself, Trask showing how women helped to organize traces its development from an area inhab­ 4H clubs, the evidence is fairly convincing, ited by Native American groups like the but at many other points it rests on shaky Ojibwa, to that of a growing community of inference ("food lessons . . . probably cre­ immigrants from various European groups ated more variety") or appears to lack a base and a "village elite" of settlers from the entirely (as with the claim that "an agent's American Northeast. Connected to the presence and her role as club organizer larger outside world by water transport and changed the dynamics of women's informa­ the exports of wood products and fish, tion sharing"). These claims, while plau­ Manitowoc's inhabitants were divided in­ sible, rest on an extremely thin evidence ternally along ethnic, political, religious, base. and class lines. The wave of secession among In terms of historiographical context, the Southern states after the 1860 election too, the arguments of the book could have of Abraham Lincoln, followed by the com­ been taken further and reached out to mencement of hostilities, brought the citi­ engage issues raised by such scholars as zens together long enough to vow to restore Nancy Grey Osterud, David Danbom, the "broken nation." The young men ofthe Katherine jellison, Jane Adams, Mary county, out of a sense patriotism and to Hoffschwelle, Paula Baker, and Kathleen answer any "question [s] of manliness," ea­ Babbitt for the period in question, and also gerly volunteered, and with their departure the background in the nineteenth century. to Washington and then the war itself, the This is done, but only tentatively. Thus the scope of the book is expanded beyond the rural-history community still awaits a his­ boundaries of Manitowoc County and Wis­ tory of this important movement that is consin. written truly "from the bottom up." The real strength of Fire WithinMes in the almost flawless transitions between the SALLY A. MCMURRY words ofthe book's participants and Trask's Pennsylvania State University narrative. Two ofthe central figures in this book are James Leonard, who joined the 5th Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry, and Rosa Kellner, a frail young woman who ran a Fire Within: A Civil War Narrative from Wiscon­ boarding house in Manitowoc. Through sin. By KERRY A. TRASK. (Kent State Univer­ their diaries and letters, Trask is able to sity Press, Kent, Ohio, 1995. Pp. xiii, 279. create a thoroughly engrossing story ofthe Photographs, maps, notes, bibliography, people of Manitowoc and their "relation­ index. ISBN 0-87338-519-5, $30.00.) ship between the life of this particular place and the bigger, much better known events Kerry A. Trask's Fire Within: A Civil War ofthe national experience, mak[ing] the Narrative from Wisconsin vividly reminds us significance of the smaller part more ap­ that in order to understand any history, we parent." Trask's research and presentation must look at the various components which transcend that normally found in many

67 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HLSTORY AUTUMN, 1996

American Civil War unit, or social, histo­ for recognition and appreciation in both ries. Besides Leonard and Kellner, he locations. provides the reader with the thoughts, Kerry Trask follows his .subjects from emotions, and deeds of many other par­ their earliest appearances in Manitowoc, ticipants as well: James Anderson along through their experiences in and during with other members of the 5th Wisconsin; the Civil War years, and then after, to their, Jeremiah Crowley and Sewall Smith, politi­ as well as the book's, end. Throughout, he cal and editorial enemies from rival news­ conveys a warmth not only for the subject papers, whose feuds in Manitowoc were matter, but also for the people who are felt by Leonard and others at the front; finally being allowed to tell their story. His Alfred Castleman, the astute and cynical ability to capture their feelings and emo­ surgeon of the 5th Wisconsin; and Mead tions, from defeats to victory and life and Holmes,Jr., the well-liked "twenty-year-old death is impressive. Trask's skills at placing son of the town's Presbyterian pastor," those collective actions within the context who served in the 21st Wisconsin. Through ofthe larger events around them in such an Mead, Leonard, and Anderson are con­ enthralling and readable way makes Fire veyed the rivalries, tensions, and insecuri­ Within a worthy addition to any collection. ties that occurred between the members of two different social classes back home and STEVEN LOUIS ROCA of separate regiments in the field, looking University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee

Book Reviews

Bicha, C. C. Washburn and the Upper Mississippi Valley, reviewed by Walter S. Dunn, Jr 61 Hauptman, Between Two Fires: American Indians in the Civil War, reviewed by Robert Patrick Bender 62 Holt, Linoleum, Better Babies, and the Modern Farm Woman, 1890-1930, reviewed by Sally A. McMurry 65 Peters, Nell's Story: A Woman From Eagle River, reviewed by Mark Davis 64 Peters, Crunching Gravel: A Wisconsin Boyhood in the Thirties, reviewed by Mark Davis 64 Trask, Fire Within: A Civil War Narrative from Wisconsin, reviewed by Steven Louis Roca 67 Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955, reviewed by Michael A. Gordon .59

68 Wisconsin History Checklist Boyer, Dennis. Hilltalesfrom Vernon County. (Dodgeville,Wisconsin, cl995.Pp. ii, 39. Recently published and currently avail­ No price listed. Available from Boyer & able Wisconsiana added to the Society's Weikert, Eagletree Farm, 3302 Bethle­ Library are listed below. The compilers, hem Road, Dodgeville, Wisconsin James D. Buckett, Gifts and Exchanges Li­ 53533.) brarian, and Susan Dorst, Assistant Acqui­ sitions Librarian, are interested in obtain­ Breunig, Charles. "A Great and Good Work": ing information about (or copies of) items that are not widely advertised, such as pub­ a History of Lawrence University, 1847- lications of local historical societies, family 1964. (Appleton, Wisconsin, cl994. Pp. histories and genealogies, privately printed 315. Illus. $19.50 plus $2.50 postage and works, and histories of churches, institu­ handling. Available from Lawrence Uni­ tions, or organizations. Authors and pub­ versity, P.O. Box 599, Appleton, Wiscon­ lishers wishing to reach a wider audience sin 54912.) and also to perform a valuable bibliographic service are urged to inform the compilers of their publications, including the follow­ Cows, Creameries and Cheese Factories. (River ing information: author, title, location and Falls, Wisconsin, cl995. Pp. 200. Illus. name of publisher, date of publication, $13.00 plus $2.00 postage and handling. price, pagination, and address of supplier. Available from Carol Keller, 1085 Trout Write Susan Dorst, Acquisitions Section. Brook Road, Hudson, Wisconsin 54016.) History of the dairying industi7 in St. Anderson, Debra. Voyageur: Northeast Croix County. Wisconsin's Historical Review, Index to Vol­ umes 1—10, Spring 1984—Winter/Spring De Luca, Sara. Dancing the Cows Home: a 1994. (Green Bay, Wisconsin, Brown Wisconsin Girlhood. (St. Paul, Minnesota, County Historical Society, 1996. Pp. vii, cl996. Pp. X, 232. Illus. $24.95 (hard­ 102. $10.00. Available from Voyageur, cover) , $15.95 (softcover). Available from P.O. Box 8085, Green Bay, Wisconsin Minnesota Historical Society Press, 345 54308-8085.) Kellogg Blvd. W., St. Paul, Minnesota 55102-1906.) Reminiscences of farm life Apps, Jerry. One-Room Country Schools: His­ in Polk County during the 1950's. tory and Recollections from Wisconsin. (Amherst, Wisconsin, cl996. Pp. ix, 228. Faith and Courage: a History of the Ripon Col­ Illus. $18.95. Available from Amherst lege Reserve Officer Training Corps, 1919- Press, P.O. Box 296, 318 North Main i99i, edited by Raymond Larson. (Ripon, Street, Amherst, Wisconsin 54406.) Wisconsin, 1995. Pp. 50. Illus. No price listed. Available from Ripon College Arneson, Carl F. Andrew E. Arneson Genea­ Press, 300 Seward Street, Ripon, Wiscon­ logical Record, 1840-1995. (Barneveld?, sin 54971.) Wisconsin, 1995. Pp. 345. Illus. $30.00 plus postage and handling. Available Fredricksen, Flare. Palmyra Answers the Call from author, 306 East Orbison Street, in the Civil War. (Palmyra, Wisconsin, Barneveld, Wisconsin 53507-9715.) 1996. Pp. 39. Illus. $4.50 plus $1..50 post­ age and handling. Available from Baker, Winona B., and Wozny, Marien. Palmyra Historical Society, Box 265, History of the Anthony Family. (Milwau­ Palmyra, Wisconsin 53156.) kee?, Wisconsin, 1995. 1 vol., various pagings. Illus. No price listed. Available Gaff, Alan, and Gaff, Maureen. Our Boys: a from Marien Wozny, 3252 North 51st Civil War Photograph Album. (Lancaster?, Boulevard, Milwaukee, Wisconsin Wisconsin, 1996. Pp. 207, 7. Illus. $25.00 53216.) plus $3.00 postage and handling.

69 WISCONSIN M.AG.AZINE OF HISTORY .AUTUMN, 1996

Available from Grant County Historical Hetzel, Bev. Jefferson County Naturalizations. Society, 129 East Maple Street, Lancaster, (West Bend, Wisconsin, 1996? 49 leaves. Wisconsin 53813.) $35.00.)

Gentile, Domenic. The Packer Tapes: My 32 Hetzel, Bev. Naturalizations, Ozaukee County, Years with the Green Bay Packers. (Madison, Wisconsin. (WestBend, Wisconsin, 1996? Wisconsin, c 1995. Pp. xiv, 160. Illus. $12.95 1 vol., various pagings. $40.00.) plus $2.00 postage and handling. Avail­ able from Prairie Oak Press, 821 Prospect Hetzel, Bev. Sheboygan County, WI, Natural­ Place, Madison, Wisconsin 53703.) izations. (West Bend, Wisconsin, 1996? 153 leaves. No price listed.) The above Gettelman, Nancy Moore. The A. Gettelman four publications are available from the Brewing Company: One Hundred and Seven author, 2150 Skyline Drive, West Bend, Years of a Family Brewery in Milwaukee. Wisconsin 53095. (Milwaukee, Wisconsin, cl995. Pp. xii, 171. Illus. No price listed. Available from Holtz, Marie Strippgen. Our Holtz Family author, Procrustes Press, P.O. Box 630, Then ^Now. (St. Louis, Missouri, cl995. Brookfield, Wisconsin 53008-0630.) Pp. 93. Illus. $25.00. Available from au­ Cover title is A History of the A. Gettelman thor, 503 Fairview Avenue, St. Louis, Brewing Company. Missouri 63119-1850.)

Heath,Jim, and Heath, Kathie. Clark County, Yiornhoste\,]u\ia. A Good and CaringWoman: Wisconsin, Cemeteries, Volume 1. (Merrillan, the Life and Times of Nellie Tallman. Wisconsin, cl996. Pp. 65. $18.00. Wis­ (Lakeville, Minnesota, 1996. Pp. xi, 260. consin residents add 5'/2% sales tax.) Illus. $16.95. Available from Galde Press, Inc., 17110 Hershey Court, Lakeview, Heath,Jim, and Heath, Kathie. Clark County, Minnesota 55044.) Biography of a Wisconsin, Death Index [1872-1907]. Janesville philanthropist. (Merrillan, Wisconsin, cl996. 1 vol. $10.00 plus $2.50 postage and handling. Inscriptions of Forest Alound Cemetery, City of Wisconsin residents add 5'/?% sales tax.) Waupun, Fond du Lac County. (Fond du Lac, Wisconsin, 1995. 1 vol., various Heath, Kathie. Trempealeau County, Wiscon­ pagings. $35.00 plus $2.00 postage and sin Death Index, 1848-1906. (Merrillan, handling. Available from Fond du Lac Wisconsin, cl996. Pp. 91. $15.00. Wis­ County Genealogical Society, P.O. Box consin residents add 5'/2% sales tax.) The 1264, Fond du Lac, Wisconsin 54936- above three publications are available 1264.) from West Central Wisconsin Geneal­ ogy, W10254 Gaylord Road, Merrillan, Kennedy, Joseph. The Cudahys: an Irish- Wisconsin 54754. American Success Story. (Menomomee Falls, Wisconsin, 1995. Pp. 127. Illus. No price Herzfeld, Elizabeth Doherty. Old Cemetery listed. Available from MichaelJ. Cudahy, Burials of Milwaukee County, Wisconsin. Marquette Electronics, Inc., 8200 West (Bowie, Maryland, 1995. Pp. xiii, 317. No Tower Avenue, Milwaukee, Wisconsin price listed. Available from Heritage 53223.) History of the family that estab­ Books, Inc., 1540E Pointer Ridge Place, lished the meat-packing company. Bowie, Maryland 20716.) Miller, Willis H. Hudson Sketches: a Series of Hetzel, Bev. Dodge County Naturalizations. Stories from Hudson's Colorful Past. (West Bend, Wisconsin, 1996? 50 leaves (Hudson, Wisconsin, 1995. Pp. 62. Illus. $35.00.) $6.95 plus $2.00 postage and handling.

70 WISCONSIN HISTORY CHECKLIST

Available from Star-Observer Publishing Inc., cl995. Pp. 286. Illus. $25.00 plus Co., P.O. Box 147, Hudson, Wisconsin $2.00 postage and handling. Available 54016.) from New Past Press, Inc., P.O. Box 558, Friendship, Wisconsin 53934.) Moore, Dennis R. Researching Your Civil War Ancestors in Wisconsin. (Manitowoc, Wis­ Rentmeester,Jeanne, and Rentmeester, Les. consin, 1994. Pp. 258. $15.95 plus $1.95 Our Marchant Relatives. (Melbourne, postage and handling. Wisconsin resi­ Florida, cl995. 1 vol., various pagings. dents add 5% sales tax. Available from Illus. No price listed. Available from au­ Bivouac Publications, 1232 Arlington thors, 1131 Rivermont Drive, Melbourne, Avenue, Manitowoc, Wisconsin 54220.) Florida 32935.)

[O'Meara, Robert]. WiscoDeco: a Sampling of Rick, Rosemary Ruth. GeorgeE. Rick, Wausau, AriDeco and Art Moderne Buildings in Wis­ Wisconsin, 1861-1941. (Irving, Texas, consin. (Shorewood?, Wisconsin, 1995? 1996. Pp. 56. Illus. No price listed. Avail­ Pp. [32]. Illus. $7.00 plus $.55 postage able from author, P.O. Box 170637, Irv­ and handling. Available from author, ing, Texas 75017.) 2100 East Kenmore Place, Shorewood, Wisconsin 53211.) A Stroll Through the Village, Fall River, WI, 1846-1996 (FallRiver?, Wisconsin, 1996. OshkoshPhilatelic Society, 1930—1995:65 Years 1 vol. Illus. $8.00 plus postage and han­ of Progress, edited by Steve Langkau. dling. Available from Village of Fall River, (Oshkosh?, Wisconsin, 1995. Pp. 27. Illus. c/o Dave Wright, W-2484, Highway 16, No price listed. Available from editor, Columbus, Wisconsin 53925.) 200 South Lark Street, Oshkosh, Wis­ consin 54901-5633.) Thayer, Earl R. Seeking to Serve: a History of the Medical Society of Milwaukee County, 1846- Pedigree Charts of Milwaukee County Genealogi­ 1996. (Milwaukee,Wisconsin,cl996. Pp. cal Society, fnc. (Milwaukee, Wisconsin, 304. fllus. $30.00. Available from Medi­ 1995. Pp. 316. $12.00 plus $3.00 postage cal Society of Milwaukee County, 1126 and handling. Available from Milwau­ South 70th Street, Suite S507, Milwau­ kee County Genealogical Society, Inc., kee, Wisconsin 53214.) P.O. Box 27326, Milwaukee, Wisconsin 53227.) Town of Granville (Milw. Co.) Irish and St. Potter, Sandra Leitzke;Punko,JaneLeitzke; Michael's Cemetery. (Milwaukee?, Wiscon­ and Leitzke, William H. Oconomowoc, sin, 1995. Pp. 142, [6]. $10.00 plus $3.00 1920-1960, Book II: a Brief Look at the postage and handling. Available from People, Places and Events in the History of Milwaukee County Genealogical Soci­ Oconomowoc. (Oconomowoc, Wisconsin, ety, Inc., P.O. Box 27326, Milwaukee, cl995. 1 vol. Illus. No price listed. Avail­ Wisconsin 53227.) able from Leitzke IV Printing, Ltd., 517 West Second Street, P.O. Box 301, Wallman, Charles J. The German-Speaking Oconomowoc, Wisconsin 53066.) Forty-Eighters: Builders of Watertown, Wis­ consin. (MadLson, Wisconsin, cl992. Pp. Rasmussen, Donald P. Doing Something for ix, 110. Illus. No price listed. Available Someone Else: a History of the Wisconsin from The Max Kade Institute for German- Lions. (Friendship, Wisconsin, Wiscon­ American Studies, 901 University Bay sin Lions Foundation and New Past Press, Drive, Madison, Wisconsin 53705.)

71 Accessions Records, 1889-1949, including minutes (1930-1949), a constitution and bylaws; and Services for copying all but certain restricted other records of the Eau Claire Children's items in its Archives collections are provided Home whose purpose was providing chil­ by the Society. dren needing care with a temporary home until other homes or means of support could be secured. Presented by Eau Claire County Human Services via Sue Haas, Eau Area Research Center Collections Claire. Papers, 1896-1926, 1954, of William Eau Claire. Financial records, 1905-1907, Irvine, manager of the Chippewa Lumber of Camp #4, a lumber camp in the Cable, and Boom Company, Chippewa Falls, Wisconsin, area, including a folder of in-' consisting of letters from Frederick voices from suppliers in Chippewa Falls Weyerhaeuser and his son Charles A., remi­ and Eau Claire, and St. Paul and Duluth, niscences by Irvine concerning the Minnesota; and a ledger for camp opera­ Chippewa River lumber days, and other tions including accounts for individual log­ items. Presented by Mrs. Oscar Richter, gers (name, days worked, wages, and goods Manitowoc. purchased from the camp store) and ac­ Reminiscence, 1976, by Walter Knight counts with St. Joseph's Hospital in describing a Finnish lumber camp estab­ Chippewa Falls and Winslow's Camp Rem­ lished about 1925 in Price County, which edies of Eau Claire. A detailed invoice later was used as a hunting camp, including from Winslow's itemizes medicines and details on camp operations and anecdotes medical supplies. Presented by Walker D. about lumbering and hunting experiences; Wyman, River Falls. presentedbyLawrenceCronk, Menomonie. Family papers, 1940-1945, of Cyrena M. Van Garden Dierauerincluding transcriptions Green Bay: Papers, 1866-1953, of fames E. ofher grandfather's diary (1940-1945) and Bambery, a junior engineer ofthe U.S. Engi­ her father's World War II letters home. neering Office of the Department of War, Harry Van Gorden kept the diary while concerning the activities of the U.S. living in Eau Claire where he operated a government's Fox River Improvement Com­ gasoline supply business and several gas pany. Present is correspondence, monthly stations. The letters are from his son, Archie administrative reports, financial records, "Red" Van Gorden, written while serving maps and diagrams, a toll book from the De with the 32nd Division between July, 1941, Pere lock, financial records ofthe Fox River and December, 1943, in Australia and New Navigation Company, machinery diagrams, Guinea. Dierauer compiled the letters into and maps of cities on the Fox. Presented by a volume with a brief family history, photo­ James E. Bamber)', Kaukauna. copies of family photographs, newsclip­ A brief talk by Dr. B. C. Brett, Green Bay, pings, and an index to names mentioned in to the Fox River Valley Medical Society the letters. Presented by Cyrena M. Dierauer, describing his medical career beginning Bloomington, Minnesota. with his graduation from Dartmouth in A typed transcript of brief diaries for 1860, followed by employment at Demilt scattered years between 1864 and 1890, Dispensary in New York City, moving to kept by Charles Francis Eager (1852-1922), Wisconsin in 1862 and then medical service who taught school in Mondovi and home- in the 21st Wisconsin Infantry Regiment; steaded in South Dakota in 1879 where he and a paper by Brett on sewage disposal in remained as a merchant and banker until smallcommunities. Presented by D.C. Brett, moving to Tennessee in 1890; transcribed Green Bay. by Billie T. Parker. Presented by Mrs. W. Typewritten reminiscences by fohn P. Ted Parker, Lake Oswego, Oregon. Johnson (1883—) in 1950 and 1951 on his

72 AC;CESSIONS youth in Oconto Falls and his lifetime ca­ Scattered records, 1901-1944, of the reer in the paper industry in northeastern Daughters ofthe American Revolution, La Crosse Wisconsin and Michigan as a scaler and Chapter consisting of chapter yearbooks, wood buyer for Scott Paper Company and programs of state conferences held in La its predecessors; presented by Elizabeth Crosse (1913; 1940); handwritten notes Endres, Madison. taken at a national D.A.R. convention in Records, 1948-1991, of the Manitowoc Washington, D.C. (early 1900's); and mis­ Memorial Hospital Auxiliary, a non-profit cellaneous materials. Presented by Ed Hill, women's volunteer organization, includ­ La Crosse. ing by-laws, minutes, photographs, and Genealogy of the Edward Richard fones other files. About Manitowoc Memorial family of Bangor, compiled in 1991 by Jack Hospital there are incomplete files of corre­ Davis, Esther D. Aldrich, Arthur L.Jones, spondence, audits, board minutes, and Horace M. Jones, and Dorothy D. Derr, other records. Presented by the Auxiliary including an obituaryofJones(18L5-1905), via Mary Manis, Manitowoc. short biographies of his ten children, and Brief autobiographical reminiscences by four photographs. Presented by Jack Davis, Nessie Wishkeno, a Menominee Indian, writ­ Madison. ten at Keshena in 1966, describing experi­ Records, 1852-1959, oi the First Congre­ ences in her youth when fire destroyed gational Church of La Crosse, including minute both her home and her school, her ar­ books, registers, histories and directories, ranged marriage at age 13, and a trip to records relating to church organizations, Washington, D.C, in 1933. Presented by and photographs of children's religious Bruce K. Paulson, Suring. activities. Presented by the Church via Charles Haas, La Crosse. La Crosse. Records, 1926-1982, ofthe Ameri­ Undated genealogical records tracing can Association of University Women, La Crosse the ancestors of Bernard Lee Harris of Mon­ Chapter, a women's educational and civic roe County, compiled by Dolores Harris. organization. Included are chapter news­ Presented by Dolores Harris, Red Wing, letters (1974—1982), directories, papers re­ Minnesota. garding scholarships and loans, and other Photocopy of an undated informal his­ materials. Much information is present tory ofthe McCaul family of Tomah, writ­ about Wisconsin State College at La Crosse ten by Alice McCaul Hayward, focusing on in relation to its women students and fac­ the lives of her father and grandfather, ulty. Presented by Ed Hill, La Crosse. William Ruol McCaul and Thomas McCaul Minute book, 1914-1928, ofthe ladies (the first mayor of Tomah), and describ­ aid society of Chipmunk Cooley Methodist ing occupations, social and leisure activi­ Church (Town of Shelby, La Crosse County). ties, and household routines. Information Primarily in German, the volume includes on Thomas McCaul includes an account of meeting minutes, financial records, and a his Civil War experiences as a member of record ofdues payments. Presented byjohn Berdan's Sharpshooters, and of his travel Erickson, La Crescent, Minnesota. to and work as forage master at Ft. Laramie, Records, 1951-1970, ofthe CitizensEdu- Wyoming, 1865-1866. There is also a cation Committee of La Crosse, established in lengthy description of William McCaul's 1961 to promote better public education in experiences during the Spanish-American La Crosse. Correspondence, minutes, and War. Presented by Alice M. Hayward, Wis­ other materials concern study and action in consin Rapids. areas such as direct election of La Crosse An attorney's record book, 1858-1885, Board of Education members, the indus­ first used by Eaton & Fox of Mineral Point trial education curriculum, and long-range (1858-1859) to record accounts and claims plans for capital improvements. Presented collected, then taken over by C. R. Johnson by Ed Hill, La Crosse. of Black River Falls, Wisconsin. Johnson,

73 \mi{X-i)M6M) Sgt.-major William Ruol McCaul (farthest left) presenting Company K, 3rd Wisconsin Volunteer Infantry, at Camp Harvey, Milwaukee, May, 1898. who was the Jackson County district attor­ assets were sold to W. W. Cargill (the major­ ney in 1873, also used the volume to enter ity stockholder) in 1904. Presented by Roy debts owed and setfled, and recorded his S. Carlson, La Crosse. firm's civil and criminal cases, copies of Records, 1932-1985, of the La Crosse complaints entered while he was district Community Concert Association, a group which attorney, and a catalog of his law library. sponsored four national and international Presented with naturalization records of music and dance performances a year. The the Jackson County Clerk of Court. La Crosse Music Study Club (for which a Articles of incorporation and minutes of history is included) offered an "Artists se­ directors and stockholders meetings, 1902- ries" from 1919-1926, forming the basis for 1904, of the La Crosse and Southeastern Rail­ the association which affiliated with the road Company, organized for the purpose of Columbia Concert Association and started building and operating a railroad between its first concert series in 1932. Presented by La Crosse and Viroqua. The company's Elizabeth Mielke, La Crosse.

74 ACCESSIONS

Correspondence, newsletters, programs, An unidentified Steamship company led­ and other materials, 1965-1970, ofthe La ger, 1863-1872, containing primarily pay­ Crosse Coordinating Committee on Civil Rights, roll records. Presented by Ella Hagen. an organization formed in 1965 to encour­ Genealogy, memoirs, and other papers age greater understanding, appreciation, on the Soren Sorenson Urberg family, com­ and practice of human rights through edu­ piled in 1991 by Sigurd and Amy Yahr cation. The organization's projects included Urberg, and including information about work with the public schools, speakers the Yahr, Anderson, and Christensen fami­ brought to the community, a fundraising lies. S. S. Urberg (1861-1930) was a Norwe­ project know as "Project Equality," and the gian Lutheran pastor who ministered to the encouragement of African American em­ people of Trempealeau and Jackson coun­ ployment in La Crosse. Presented by Mrs. ties. Presented by Sigurd and Amy Urberg, Robert Ramlow, La Crosse. Waterville, Minnesota. Record book, 1916-1936, containing Recorded and transcribed interview, minutes, secretary's and treasurer's reports, 1993, by Tracey Deutsch with Credissa Wil­ occasional correspondence, a directory liams {l^?)?)—) ofBlack River Falls, focusing (1923), and miscellaneous materials ofthe on her experiences as a member of the La Crosse Country Club. Presented by George Women's Army Corps from 1951 until her Gilkey, La Crosse. retirement from the Army twenty years later. Papers, 1898-1919, including letters Also included is information about growing (1898) written by William Ruol McCaul {1^12- up in Black River Falls during the 1930's 1948), a sergeant-major in the Third Wis­ and 1940's where she and her family were consin Volunteer Infantry regiment during the only African-Americans. Presented by his military service with others from Tomah Credissa Williams, Black River Falls. in Puerto Rico in the Spanish-American War, Correspondence, newsletters, minutes, accompanied by handwritten transcriptions, annual reports, newsclippings, and other biographical information, and a summary of records, 1971-1982, ofthe Wisconsin Women's the letters prepared by McCaul's daughter, Political Caucus, La Crosse County Chapter. Alice M. Hayward. Also included are photo­ The Caucus promoted the election or ap­ graphs of McCaul, Camp Harvey (Milwau­ pointment of feminist candidates to politi­ kee), Camp Charleston (South Carolina), cal office, sponsored forums to advance the and Puerto Rico; a program for a benefit public discussion of issues of concern to entertainment for Co. K held in Tomah in women, and lobbied for relevant legisla­ 1888; and World War I memorabilia relating tion. Presented by Sharon Ryan and Sally to Co. K and to the 121st Machine Gun Averkamp, La Crosse. Battalion ofthe 32nd Division. Presented by Alice M. Hayward, Wisconsin Rapids. Milwaukee. Typed transcripts prepared by Records, 1901-1947, includingachurch Gilbert Endrizzi of diaries (1885-1886) kept history, membership list, Sunday School hy John E. Burton, a Milwaukee businessman record books, and occasional correspon­ and salesman for the American Life Insur­ dence ofthe Salzer Memorial Methodist Church ance Co. The diaries provide information of La Crosse. Presented by Mrs. Howard Thiel, about insurance policies written by Burton, Holmen. his social activities, and his heavy involve­ A history of Trippville in Vernon County, ment as an investor and director in iron written in 1938 by Grace Tripp Shuckhart mines and banks in the Ashland and Hurley (1878—) in the form of a letter to a friend. areas and around Bessemer, Michigan, par­ Included is information about the area prob­ ticularly work as secretary ofthe Aurora Iron ably told to her by her parents, as well as her Mining Company and in consolidating sev­ own recollections of buildings, people, and eral mining operations into the Gogebic events. Presented by Dwane Eastman, Consolidated Iron Company. Presented by Hillsboro. Gilbert Endrizzi, Wisconsin Rapids.

75 WISCONSIN MACiAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1996

Research paper (1990) and accompany- clippings (including identified images of ingfiles (1865-1930) of Andreas Etges con­ classmates and teachers), invitations, and cerning Mathilde Eranziska Anneke and her play and concert programs. Presented by school for girls in Milwaukee. The research Roy Schoebel, Milwaukee. files are largely in German and consist of Two editions of an illustrated memoir photocopied newsclippings and photo­ written between 1984 and 1995 by Roland copies of three volumes of notebooks kept H. Kiel, a native of Sheboygan, describing by Emma Bach. The copies relate to Anneke his military service during World War II. and her involvement with the school, Frei Kiel served as a staff sergeant with the Head­ Gemeinde (Free Church) of Milwaukee, quarters Squadron of the 47th Air Depot Club der Radikalen (the Milwaukee chap­ Group, U.S. Army Air Forces, stationed at ter of Radical Democracy, a political party), the Eastern India Air Depot, Panagarh, and suffrage work. Presented by Andreas' India. The memoirs describe induction, Etges, Oberhausen, West Germany. training, transport to India, the depot and Clerk's Record Books, 1848-1927, and Army life in India, and the return home. Treasurer's Book, 1899-1913, of the Free Kiel also describes travel outside the base; Will Baptist Church of Greenbush; containing included is a letter written by his best friend, minutes, other notes relating to funerals of Willie Comfort, describing their visit to a members and church finances, and mem­ leper colony. Presented by Mr. Kiel, Arling­ bership records. Presented by Phebe M. ton Heights, Illinois. Sheldon. Biographical essay, 1942, by Linda W. Autobiography by Louis H. Heifetz, writ­ Mears describing the life of Ora Blanchar ten in 1942, translated from the original who graduated from Neenah High School Hebrew, describing his youth in Russia, in 1896, and worked in the home econom­ establishing a leather business and later an ics field before becoming the first principal unlicensed pharmacy there, moving his fam­ ofthe Milwaukee Girls' Trade School. Trans­ ily to the U.S. in 1913 to escape government ferred from the Society's Library. oppression and anti-Jewish activity, and Administrative records, 1980-1984, of becoming a teacher at a Jewish school in the Milwaukee Women's Center, a non-profit Milwaukee. Presented by Joseph J. Shiff, social welfare organization offering a vari­ Appleton. ety of services to improve the lives of bat­ Papers, mainly 1934-1990, ofWisconsin tered women in Milwaukee. Services and labor leader Charles Heymanns (1901-1993) programs included a shelter for victims of which document his organizing work (1937- domestic abuse, crisis line, information and 1963) for the Wisconsin AFL and later for referral, counseling, legal advocacy, transi­ the AFL-CIO, and two lengthy strikes at the tional living program,job training and place­ Kohler Company. Also present is material ment program, and a "Nevermore" pro­ on the American Party, Andrew Biemiller, gram offering counseling to abusive men. the presidential candidacy of Henry M.Jack­ Presented with records ofthe Worker Rights son, various state and regional COPE com­ Institute. mittees, the Sheboygan County Labor Coun­ Three letters, 1843-1844, written by cil,' the Milwaukee County Labor Council, Thomas L. Ogden to Fanny Ogden in New the La Crosse Cathedral of St. Joseph the York, containing comments on Milwaukee Workman, and the organization of migrant society and the growth of abolitionist senti­ farm workers in Wisconsin by Obreros ment; presented byjohn C. Street, Madi­ Unidos. Presented by Michael Heymanns, son. Sheboygan. Papers, 1839-1982, of Henry S. Reuss, a Friendship book, 1921, of Ruth Holub, a Democratic congressman who represented student at Milwaukee's North Division High Wisconsin's Fifth Congressional District in School from 1917 to 1921. Included are the House of Representatives from 1955 to poems and notes written by friends, sketches. his retirement in 1982. The papers primar-

76 I ^^ y^^^^r^^^iH^^'T^^^

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WHi(X;t)25943

bresentative Henry S. Reuss, Fifth Congressional District, 1955-1982.

ily document Reuss' political career and Elmo W. Sawyer" (a Washington County contain the files of his field office in MIL lawyer), "English Sawyer Genealogy," and waukee and congressional office in Wash­ other records. Presented by the Leah Saw­ ington. Most of the files were created by yer Estate via Clarence Greenley, executor, Reuss and his administrative assistants and Milwaukee. consist of constituent communications, Administrative and program records, correspondence, legislative issue files, press 1953-1978, of the World Affairs Council of releases, reports, research materials, cam­ Milwaukee, a non-profit, non-partisan orga­ paign materials, speeches, and studies. Pre­ nization established to stimulate interest in sented by Henry S. Reuss, Washington, D.C. international issues and provide a forum Information collected and compiled, for education and for exchanging opinions 1941-1986, by Leah M. Sawyer concerning with policy makers. Included is correspon­ the genealogy of the Sawyer family of Hart­ dence, program materials, newsletters, min­ ford, including "Genealogy of the Sawyer utes, mailing and membership lists, and Family in America" by J. Edgar Sawyer, a other papers. Presented by the World Af­ family chart dating back to 1643, "Memo­ fairs Council of Milwaukee via Mary Kranitz, rial Addresses on the Life and Character of Grafton. 77 Contributors

MictLAEL KADES was born and raised in Beloit, MARY ANTOINE DE JULIO was born and raised Wisconsin. He attended Yale University, in Prairie du Chien. She received her un­ graduating with a B.A. in history in 1991. dergraduate degree in history from Although his father first sparked Michael's Marquette University and an M.A. in his­ interest in the La Follettes, a Richter Fellow­ tory museum studies from New York State ship from Yale University made the project a University at Oneonta. She worked in the reality. Most rewarding were the interviews museum field for several years in upstate with those associated with the campaign who New York, then returned to Prairie du Chien proved that, despite setbacks, disillusion­ with her family in 1984. She is curator of ment is not a requirement for maturity. collections at the Villa Louis Historic Site Michael graduated from the University of and an adjunct faculty member at Upper Wisconsin Law School in 1995. He is cur­ Iowa University. Mary has spent many years rently a law clerk for the Honorable John researching the material culture of the W. Reynolds, Senior District Judge for the French in the upper Mississippi Valley re­ Eastern District ofWisconsin, who has pro­ gion. vided invaluable insight into the 1946 pri­ mary.

Wisconsin Magazine of History

As announced on the table of contents page, the Wiscon.sin Magazine of History is indexed annually. The indexes to volumes 77 and 78 have just been published. Members are entitled to a free copy by writing to the Wisconsin Magazine of History, 816 State Street Madison, 'WI 53706-1488. A limited number of indexes to previous volumes are also available.

78 Corporate Sponsors

AAL MADISON GAS AND ELECTRIC COMPANY Appleton Madison ADMANCO, INC. MARSHALL A,ND ILSLEY FOUNDATION, INC. Ripon Milwaukee THE ALEXJ\NDER CO.MPANIES MARSHALL ERDMAN /\ND ASSOCIATES, INC. Madison Madison A,MERICA.N FA,MII.Y INSURANCE GROUP MENASHA CORPOR.ATION FOUNDATION Madison Neenah APPLETON MILLS FOUND.ATION NELSON INDUSTRIES, INC. Appleton Stoughton BANTA CORPORATION FOUNDATION, INC. NORTHWT.STERN MUTUAL LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY Menasha Milwaukee THE CAPITAL TIMES/WISCONSIN STATE JOURNAL PARKER PEN USA LIMITED Madison Janesville CAPITOL POLICE PLEASANT COMPANY Madison Middleton J. I. CASE RACINE FEDERATED, INC. Racine Racine CONSOLIDATED PAPERS FOUNDATION, INC. RAYOVAC CORPORATION Wisconsin Rapids Madison CREATIVE FORMINC;, INC. RIPON FOODS, INC. Ripon Ripon J. P. CULLEN AND SONS, INC. RUR.-\L INSURJ\NCE CO.MP.^NIES Janesville Madi.son CuNA MUTUAL GROUP FOUNDATION, INC. TRAPPERS TURN GOLF COURSE Madison Wisconsin Dells FIRSTAR BANK OF MADISON TWIN DI.SC, INCORPOR.\TED Madison Racine FIRSTAR BANK OF MILWAUKEE UNITED WI.SCONSIN SERVICES FOUNDATION, INC. Milwaukee Milwaukee GENERAL CASUAI.IT INSURANCE COMPANIES WISC-TV3 Sun Prairie Madison GERE CORPORATION WALCREENS Janesville Madison GOODMAN'S, INC. WEBCRAFTERS-FRAUTSCHI FOUNDATION, INC. Madison Madison GRUNAU COMPANY, INC. THE WE.SF BEND COMPANY Milwaukee West Bend HARLEY-DAVIDSON, INC. WINDWAY FOUNDATION, INC. MHwaukee Sheboygan THE HOUSE ON THE ROCK WISCONSIN ENERGY CXIRPORATION FOUNDATION, INC. Spring Green Milwaukee JOHNSON CONTROLS FOUNDATION WISCONSIN PHYSICIA.NS SERVICE Milwaukee Madison KOHLER CO. WISCONSIN POWER & Licirr COMPANY Kohler Madfson LANDS' END, INC. Dodgeville

79 Patrons

DR. DEAN M. CONNORS MRS. K. W. J.ACOBS.JR. Mineral Point Hartford DR. AND MRS. RICHARD CURRENT MR. THOMAS M. JEFFRIS 11 South Natick, Massachusetts Janesville MR. JOSEPH M. DERO.SA MISS RUTH DEYOUNG KOHLER Wauwatosa Kohler MRS. GERALDINE N. DRISCOLL MR. AND MRS. IR\IN S.AFHER Winneconne New Richmond DR. ROBERT H. IRRMANN MR. AND MRS. DAMD STUCKI Madison Madison

Fellows

RICHARD N. CURRENT ROBERT C NESBIT Massachusetts Washington LE.SLIE H. FISHEL.JR. WILLIAM F. THOMPSON Madison Madison

Curators Emeritus

E. D.ANTD CRONON HOWARD W. MEAD Madison Madison JANET S. HARTZELL ROBERT B. L. MURPHY Grantsburg Middleton NATHAN S. HEFFERNAN PHYI.I.IS C. SMYTHE Madison Milwaukee ROBERT H. IRR.MANN ROBERT S. ZIGMAN Madison Mequon HELEN E.JONES Fort Atkinson

Life Members

DR. EDW.\RD P. ALEX.ANDER MR. AND MRS. TOM HANSON MR. AND MRS. JOHN MURPHY MR. J. R. .AMACKER MR. WiLLi.AM K. HARDING MR. JOHN T. MURPHY MISS EMMELINE A.NDRUSKE\'ICZ MR. THOM.^S E. HAY-ES MR. AND MRS. ROBERT MURPHY MISS HELEN C. ANDRU.SKEMCZ MR.JO.SEPH F. HEIL, SR. DR. AND MRS. EUGENE NORDBY MR. DENNIS ANTONIE MR. GERALD E. HOLZMAN MRS. LORETTA B. PECK MS. MARION KUEHL APPLEG.ATE MRS. PETER D. HUMLEKER, JR. MRS. A. J. PEEKE Ms. POLLY ATHAN MR. VIRGIL GEORGE JACKSON MR. AND MRS. LLOYD PETTIT DR. AND MRS. IRA BALDWIN MS. CAROLYN JOHNSON MR. JOHN J. PHILIPPSEN MRS. LUCVANN GRIEM BESS MR. AND MRS. WILLIAM KAESER MRS. JOHN W. POLLOCK MRS. JA.NE K. BILLINGS MR. AND MRS. RASMUS B. A. KALNES MR. AND MRS. LEWIS SIBERZ MR. ROBERT E. BILLINGS DR. JOHN P. KAMINSKI MR. AND MRS. PHILIP SILLMAN MR. AND MRS. OSCAR BOLDT MRS. HARVEY B. KREBS MR. JOHN S. SKILTON Ms. IRENE DANIELL BOSSE MR. ROY C. LA BUDDE MRS. CLAUS SPORCK MR. PAUL L. BRENNER MR. ALFRED A. LAUN 111 MR. JOHN STEINER MR. LOUIS H. BURBEY MR. JOHN I. LAUN MR. FRED J. STRONG MR. THOMAS E. CAE.STECKER MR. MARVIN MAASCH MRS. MILO K. SWANTON MISS CHARLOTTE D. CHAPVLAN DR. EUGENE I. MAIEROWICZ MRS. MILLIE TAIT MRS. FRANCIS J. CONWAY MR. C. L. MARQUETTE MR. AND MRS. DUANE VETTER MISS LOULSE H. ELSER MRS. MARY C. MARTIN MRS. WILLIAM D. VOGEL MR. AND MRS. JOHN E. FORESTER MR. AND MRS. DANIEL F. MCKEITHAN, JR. MR. WALTER L. VOCE MR. AND MRS. WALTER FR.^UTSCHI MS. Co.NNiE MEIER MR. WALTER J. VOLLRATH DR. PAUL W. GATES MRS. BESSIE MELAND MR. AND MRS FRANCIS WENDT MR. TERRY L. HALLER MR. F. O. MINTZLAFF MR. JOHN WYNGAARD

80 THE BOARD OF CURATORS

THOMAS H. BARIAND Vrv'iAN L. GUZNICZAK VIR(;INIA R. MACNEIL Eau Claire Franklin Bayside JANICE M. BEAUDIN CHARLES E. HAAS GEORGE H. MILLER Madison La Oosse Ripon JANE B. BERNHARDT BETTE M. HAYES DOUGLAS A. 0(;II.VIE Cassville De Pere Hortonville PATRICIA A. BOGE FANNIE E. HICKI.IN JERRY PHILLIPS La Crosse Madison Bayfield DAVID E. (!;IARENBACH RICHARD H. Hoi.stiiiER MARY CONNOR PIERCE Madison Milwaukee Wisconsin Rapids Gi.ENN R. COATES GRF.(;ORV B. HUBER FRED A. RISSER Racine Wausau Madison JOHN M. COOPER, JR. MRS. PETER D. HUMLEKER, JR. BRIAN D. RLDE Madison Fond du Lac Coon Valley NESS FI.ORES THOMAS MOUATJEEFRIS II JOHN M. RUS.SELL Waukesha Janesville Menomonie STEPIIENJ. FREESE RA.SMUS B. A. KALNES MARY A. SATHER Dodgeville Eagle New Richmond PAUL C. GARTZKE RUTH DE YOUNI; KOHLER GERALD D. VISTE Madison Kohler Wausau LVNNE G. GOLDSTEIN SHARON L. LFJMR Whitefish Bay Genesee Depot

IvWTiENCE T. RIORDAN, President, Friends ofthe State MARVEL ANDER.SON, President ofthe Wisconsin Council Historical Society of Wisconsin for Local History ROCKNE G. FI.OWT.RS, President ofthe Wisconsin History DAVID W. OI.IEN, Senior Vice-President, University Foundation of Wisconsin System

Friends ofthe State Historical Society ofWisconsin

Officers LAWRENCE T. RIORDAN, Wausau NANCYJ. EMMERT, Madison President Treasurer JENNIFER EA(;ER EHI.E, Evansville JENNIFER EAGER EHLE, Evansville Vice-Pre.sident Past President KATHV L. RIORDAN, Wausau DELORES C. DUGKLOW, Madison .Secretary Staff Liaison

Trustees NANCY B. AI.I.EN BARBARA J. KAISER West Bend Madison RUTH WHITE ANDER.SON DONNA M. KALNES Edgerton Eagle Al ETA BARMORE CHRIS KERWIN Middleton Madison SHIRLEY BARTLEV BARBARA A. NORD.STROM Bloomington Manitowoc LAWRENCE BEMLEN MARtajERiTE OTTO Green Lake Racine PATRICIA COCHRAN KATHV L. RIORDAN De Pere Wausau JO GREENHAI.(;H MARK H. SURFUS Madison Manitowoc HARVA HAGIITEN GEORGE A. TALBOT III Madison Madison FANNIE E. HICKLIN JACK WIEDABACH Madison Fox Point THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY SHALL promote a wider appreciation of the American heritage with particular emphasis on the collection, advancement and dissemination of knowledge ofthe history of Wisconsin and the West. —Wisconsin Statutes, Chapter 44

The interior of the Vertefeuille House restoration, Prairie du Chien. An article on the tmilding begins on page 36. Photo by feff Dean, 1993.

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