Axes, Adzes and Chisels

Axes, Adzes and Chisels

Stone Tools from Late Neolithic Tell Sabi Abyad, Syria

Harmen O. Huigens

Axes, Adzes and Chisels

Stone Tools from Late Neolithic Tell Sabi Abyad, Syria

Harmen O. Huigens, s0611654 BA Thesis – 3ARW

Supervised by Prof. Dr. P.M.M.G. Akkermans Leiden University, Faculty of Archaeology

April 2010

Acknowledgements

First of all, I would like to thank Prof. Dr. Peter Akkermans for his guidance during the process of writing this BA thesis. I also thank Ms. Akemi Kaneda for providing me with data concerning the stratigraphy and chronology of Tell Sabi Abyad, and for letting me use several settlement plans. Furthermore, I would like to thank Lennart Roest, who corrected the English text.

2 Table of contents

1 Introduction & research objectives 5 1.1 Introduction 5 1.2 Neolithic axes, adzes and chisels 6 1.3 Occupational history of Tell Sabi Abyad 8 1.4 Sample size 9 1.5 Research objectives and methodology 9

2 A preliminary classification 11 2.1 Introduction 11 2.2 Terminology 11 2.3 Morphological classification 12 2.3.1 Trapezoidal celts 12 2.3.2 Rectangular celts 14 2.3.3 Other shapes 14 2.4 Style versus function 14

3 Raw material and provenance 24 3.1 Introduction 24 3.2 The rocks around Tell Sabi Abyad 24 3.3 Non-local rocks 25 3.3.1 Dolerite 25 3.3.2 Serpentinite 27 3.3.3 Other non-local rocks 28 3.4 Local vs. non-local rocks 29 3.4.1 Local vs. non-local celts 29 3.5 Production centres and distribution 29

4 Production, use and curation 32 4.1 Introduction 32 4.2 Traces of production 32

3 4.3 Traces of use 34 4.4 Rejuvenation and curation 35

5 Context 37 5.1 Introduction 37 5.2 Context of fragments 37 5.3 Context of complete celts 37

6 Diachronic analysis 41 6.1 Introduction 41 6.2 Diachronic distribution 41

7 Conclusion 45 7.1 Introduction 45 7.2 The economic and social role of stone celts at Tell Sabi Abyad 45 7.3 Concluding remarks 47

Samenvatting (Dutch summary) 49

Bibliography 51

4 1 Introduction & research objectives

1.1 Introduction This BA thesis concerns stone axes, adzes and chisels, generally known as celts, from Tell Sabi Abyad. This site is dated to the Late Neolithic period of Upper Mesopotamia (ca. 7000-5300 BC1). Tell Sabi Abyad is located in the valley of the Balikh river, a tributary of the Euphrates, in the plains of northern Syria. Since 1986, a long sequence of Late Neolithic occupation has been excavated here on a relatively large scale. The partially uncovered Late Neolithic settlement at Tell Sabi Abyad seems to have been relatively small - less than 1 ha – and was most likely permanently inhabited by no more than a few dozen people. Their means of subsistence was based on dry farming, the herding of domestic animals, and occasional hunting. These people possessed a rich material culture, including a wide variety of tools made from various materials. Examples of such tools are bone awls, clay sling missiles, flint implements such as arrowheads and scrapers, stone grinding tools and hammers. It is likely that tools made from more perishable materials, such as wood, were used at Tell Sabi Abyad as well. One obvious example is wooden parts, such as handles, of composite tools. All of these implements played an invaluable role in food procurement and artefact production at Tell Sabi Abyad. Other artefacts, such as clay figurines, clearly had a more symbolic meaning, and were perhaps used in ritual activities. Some artefacts had both utilitarian and symbolic meanings. For example, certain ceramic vessels were used in daily life, but were also found in graves, where they were placed as gifts for the dead. 2 As for Late Neolithic stone axes adzes and chisels, it has been suggested that they may have had both utilitarian and symbolic values as well. It has been stressed that although some larger celts may have been used in economic activities such as wood working or soil tilling, other celts were so small – only a few centimetres in length – that these may have had a more symbolic meaning.3 Interesting as this may sound, compelling proof for such a dual role has not been presented thus far. Late Neolithic axes, adzes and chisels have received only minor attention in the archaeological discourse during the past few decades, and most studies which do concern them have been most basic in the sense

1 All dates presented in this thesis are calibrated radiocarbon dates. 2 Akkermans (ed) 1996, Akkermans & Schwartz 2003. 3 Akkermans & Schwartz 2003, 131-2, Collet & Spoor 1996, 424, Verhoeven 1999, 72-5: tables 5.2-5.4.

5 that they are mainly descriptive rather than interpretative. As a result, archaeologists have not yet been able to ascribe more specific economic or symbolic functions to Late Neolithic celts. In this study, I wish to explore the economic and social role of the Late Neolithic axes, adzes and chisels from Tell Sabi Abyad. I will do so by investigating which types of celts were used at Tell Sabi Abyad, and by trying to reconstruct several aspects of the use-life of the celts. I will investigate how the celts were manufactured, and whether they we produced locally or not. I will also try to determine several functional aspects of the celts. Whether and how the stone celts were rejuvenated or curated will be considered as well. Finally, I will investigate whether the role of celts at Late Neolithic Tell Sabi Abyad has changed over time.

1.2 Neolithic axes, adzes and chisels The origins of stone axes, adzes and chisels from Upper Mesopotamia date back to the Natufian period (ca. 12.500 – 10.000 BC4). At Tell Mureybet, located in the Middle Euphrates area, a type of flint adze was used as a percussion tool for woodworking. Its use continued throughout the Pre-Pottery Neolithic A period (ca. 10.000 – 8700 BC) as well, in which it was applied to work limestone building blocks. During the Pre-Pottery Neolithic B period (henceforth PPNB; ca. 8700 – 7000 BC), the flint adze was replaced by ground and polished stone adzes and axes, both used to work wood. These tools could be used more intensively then the flint adze, as they could be constantly re-sharpened by grinding the cutting edges. These more elaborated objects also became exchange products during the PPNB. Furthermore, the stone hoe, a large celt used for soil tilling, was introduced during the PPNB in Upper Mesopotamia. This tool was more efficient than the preceding digging stick, and was needed to allow agriculture to intensify. Thus, it is clear that stone celts had an important role in the economy of the Pre-Pottery Neolithic periods.5 Far less is known about celts from the subsequent Late Neolithic period, for which there are a number of reasons. Many excavations of Late Neolithic sites are rather limited in extent. As a result, the overall sample sizes are often small. This means that in most cases, excavations have only yielded a handful of celts. It is perhaps because of such restricted assemblages that Late Neolithic celts are often solely dealt with in short

4 Akkermans & Schwartz 2003, 14. 5 Ibáñez et al. 2007.

6 paragraphs of excavation reports. In such reports, there is often no mentioning of the contexts in which the celts were found, or of the raw materials used to produce them and their provenance. Only little attention is often paid to traces of production, use, including use-direction, and maintenance. In general, not much more than a basic classification of the celts is presented. Such classifications are often solely based on morphological traits of the celts, which frequently show similarities with modern day tools such as axes, adzes and chisels.6 It is in such classes that celts are often divided. In such cases, axes, or more precisely, axe-shaped objects, show symmetrical bevelling of the sharp edge, as they would have been hafted parallel to the haft. Adzes would have been hafted perpendicular to the haft, and therefore show asymmetrical bevelling. Both tools would then have been used in a chopping motion.7 Chisels are often defined as objects with a straight, elongated shape and a rather narrow sharp edge, which would have been used for carving. Terms such as axes, adzes and chisels tend to predefine certain specific functions of the celts. However, it is important to realise that it is in many cases uncertain whether the objects were hafted, or used in a chopping or carving motion in the first place. The terms celts, axes, adzes and chisels should thus be used with caution. Nevertheless, as these terms have been widely accepted in literature, they will

be used in this study as well, for the sake of convenience. Fig. 1: Late Neolithic stone ‘axe’ from Tell Sabi Note however that in this study, they are solely meant to Abyad. describe the objects’ general shape. Examples of the functions of axe- and adze-shaped objects, as presented in literature, are that they were used for felling trees and bushes, production of wooden tools and furniture, production of wooden building materials, butchering, production of bone artefacts, soil tilling, and so on.8 The finer chisel-shaped objects would have been used for detailed carving activities, such as the finishing of bone and wooden artefacts. However, these are often mere assumptions based on the celts’ general shapes, rather than

6 Seeden 1982, 58. 7 Semenov 1964, 126-7. 8 Kirkbride 1974, 91, Özbal et al. 2004, 61, Verhoeven 1999, 72-5: tables 5.2-5.4, Von Oppenheim 1943, 109-111.

7 on the actual traces of use on the objects or on other variables. The notion that some celts had a more symbolic rather than a utilitarian function9, is based on the assumption that some celts would have been simply too small to function in composite chopping tools. It is uncertain whether this is true, and even if it is, then it is not clear what such mini-celts symbolised more specifically. In short, although many excavations of Late Neolithic sites in Upper Mesopotamia have yielded stone celts, the role they played in Late Neolithic life has remained elusive thus far.

1.3 Occupational history of Tell Sabi Abyad Let us take a look at the site of Tell Sabi Abyad and its history of occupation in more detail. Since 1986, excavations on the mound have been taken place more or less continuous. As a result of the long sequence of occupation and the extent of the

Fig. 2: Plan of Tell Sabi Abyad. Late Neolithic remains have been unearthed at various locations. These areas were named Operations I – V.

9 Collet & Spoor 1996, 424.

8 excavations, they have yielded important insights in the less well known Late Neolithic period. Thus far, three different prehistoric periods can be distinguished on the mound: the oldest is the Early Pottery Neolithic period (henceforth: EPN), dated to ca. 7000-6200 BC, followed by a Transitional period, ca. 6200-5900 BC, leading to the Early and Middle Halaf periods, ca. 5900-5700 BC. On top of these prehistoric remains, a Late Bronze Age Assyrian dunnu was found. However, the focus of this study is on the Late Neolithic remains. Occupation of Tell Sabi Abyad most likely started on the western half of the mound. Thus far, 16 occupational levels dated to the EPN have been discovered in an area of excavations named Operation III. These levels have been unearthed in areas varying from 38 m2 to over 1000 m2. A few EPN levels have been unearthed to a much smaller extent in Operations IV and V. Around 6200 BC, occupation shifted to the eastern half of the mound, where a Transitional period settlement was founded. This settlement was unearthed in Operations I, II and V. However, a large off-site activity area, including a cemetery, which relates to this post-6200 BC settlement has been unearthed in Operation III. The Early/Middle Halaf settlement has been unearthed mostly in Operation I, and to a smaller extent in Operations II and III.10

1.4 Sample size As the celt assemblage from Operation I has already been published elsewhere11, this study will focus on the implements found in Operation III. Yearly excavations in Operation III have started in 2002. With the exception of 2006, they have been continuous up to the present day. Thus far, 83 complete celts and 140 fragments have been found here. This is a relatively large sample size when compared to assemblages of contemporaneous sites elsewhere.

1.5 Research objectives and methodology It is regrettable that most studies of Late Neolithic axes, adzes and chisels have been unsatisfactory. A more detailed study of a celt assemblage has the potential to tell us more about the development of Late Neolithic technology, the activities carried out at Late Neolithic settlements, and the role of celts in Late Neolithic life. The relatively large amount of celts, the long occupational sequence and the extensive areas of excavations at

10 Akkermans 1993, Akkermans (ed) 1996, Kaneda, pers. comm., Verhoeven 1999. 11 Collet & Spoor 1996, 415-38, Van Exel & Rooijakkers in prep.

9 Tell Sabi Abyad allow me to explore this potential. I wish to investigate the economic and social role of stone celts at Late Neolithic Tell Sabi Abyad, and how this has changed through time. In order to do so, I will try to answer the following questions: Which types of celts can be recongnised at Tell Sabi Abyad? I will present a classification of the celts from Tell Sabi Abyad. This will provide us with a general overview of the assemblage, and may also reveal different types of celts. Were the celts found at Tell Sabi Abyad of local or non-local origin? I will investigate the provenance of the raw materials which were used to produce the celts, and try do determine whether any exotic raw materials were either imported to Tell Sabi Abyad or modified into celts before they were brought to the site. I will also investigate whether certain types of celts can be related to certain types of stone or source. How were the celts from Tell Sabi Abyad manufactured? Various production and finishing techniques may have been involved in producing the stone celts. These may reveal something about the amount of time and effort spent to produce them, and therefore how the celts were valued. I will also investigate whether certain types of celts were manufactured differently than others. What was the function of stone celts? To be able to tell something about how the various types of celts were used, I will investigate the macroscopic traces of use, which may be present on the objects. These may reveal damage patterns that may provide us with information about certain modes of use. The celts’ function will also be investigated by analysing the context in which they were found. Microscopic use-wear analysis would be a useful method to determine the function of the stone celts. However, in this study I do not have the means for such an analysis. To what extent were the celts from Tell Sabi Abyad rejuvenated or curated? The stone celts may have been rejuvenated after they had been damaged by use, or modified to serve a different purpose. This may tell something about the value of the celts and/or the raw material. How did the assemblage change through time? By carrying out a diachronic analysis of the assemblage, it may be possible to explore changes in the economic and social value of the celts through time. I will zoom in on the celts from different occupational phases at Tell Sabi Abyad. The celts from operation I will be taken into account here as well.

10 2 A preliminary classification

2.1 Introduction In this chapter, I will try to present a classification of the celts from Tell Sabi Abyad. By doing so, we will familiarise ourselves with the assemblage of the 80 complete celts found at Operation III, and their morphological traits. Moreover, such a classification may ultimately reveal different types of tools within the larger group of celts. A large amount of variables can be used to classify celts, such as size, shape, material, colour, provenance, and so on. In this chapter, I will start by trying to come to a classification based on morphological traits such as shape and size.

2.2 Terminology Various terms have been used over time when it comes to describing the morphology of stone celts. In general, however, the sharp edge of a celt is called the bit, while the blunt opposite end is termed the butt. The body is the middle part of the tool. The shape of a celt can be described in terms of Figure 3: terminology used in morphological descriptions of celts. its plan or its sections.12 In the case of figure 3, the shape of the celt’s plan is trapezoidal, its long section is convex and asymmetrically bevelled, and its transverse section is oval.

12 Wright 1992, 57-61.

11 2.3 Morphological classification A first division between the complete celts from Tell Sabi Abyad can be made on the basis of their general shape. The celts have been shaped into many different forms. Most of them have a trapezoidal plan; others are more or less rectangular. Many shapes are found only sporadically, such as oval, cylindrical, conical, or ‘pear-shaped’ celts.

2.3.1 Trapezoidal celts The majority (72 %, n=58) of the complete celts has a trapezoidal shape. This means that the sides of these celts are everted to some degree, which results in a wide bit and a narrow butt-end. Although this is a trait shared by all trapezoidal celts, other morphological aspects vary considerably. Some trapezoidal celts are much more elongated than others, and the degree of eversion of the sides varies considerably as well. As a result, some trapezoidal celts are nearly rectangular, whereas others are almost perfectly triangular. The length of the trapezoidal celts varies a great deal as well: the smallest of these celts is only 2.0 cm long, whereas the largest is almost 10 cm in length. In figure 4, the lengths of all trapezoidal celts are placed in classes of 0.5 cm. It shows that the trapezoidal celts can roughly be divided into three length classes: a group of small trapezoidal celts, represented by the first peak in the graph, a second group of medium- sized trapezoidal celts, and a small group of large trapezoidal celts.

Figure 4: number of trapezoidal celts per length class. Graph suggests a division between small, medium sized and large trapezoidal celts.

12 More than half of the trapezoidal celts (53 %, n=31) are small (figures 6 & 7). The length of these celts lies between only 2.0 and 4.3 cm. Some of these tiny objects are rather elongated, whereas others are more compact and have a more triangular shape. Some of the small celts have convex sides, others have straight sides. Butt-ends are either rounded or angular. In general, however, the shapes are fairly similar, and further divisions within the group of small celts are not visible. Medium sized trapezoidal celts (figures 8-10) are only slightly less common (43 %, n=25). Their length varies between 4.5 and 7.7 cm. Like their smaller counterparts, these celts vary somewhat in shape as well. Some of them are fairly compact (nos. 32-43, 54-56), whereas other are more elongated (nos. 44-53). There are only two large trapezoidal celts (figure 11) in the assemblage (4 %, n=2). The first (no. 57) is 9.7 cm long, and rather narrow and thin. The second (no. 58) is slightly shorter (9.2 cm long), yet is wider and rather thick.

Fig. 5: Celts with various shapes and sizes, found at Tell Sabi Abyad.

13 2.3.2 Rectangular celts The second general group of celts is made up of rectangular celts (figure 12). Only 14 % (n=11) of the complete celts has a rectangular shape. They are termed rectangular because of their fairly straight sides which run parallel to each other. The length of these celts ranges between 3.0 and 6.5 cm. Some morphological variation can still be observed, in the sense that some of them are somewhat rounded (nos. 62-65, 68), whereas others are more angular (nos. 59-61, 66, 67 & 69). Furthermore, some of these rectangular celts are almost square (eg. nos. 59, 65), whereas others are highly elongated (no. 69).

2.3.3 Other shapes The remaining 14 % (n=11) of the complete celts are characterised by a high degree of diversity (figures 13-15). Three celts are unusual in the sense that they are very thin in relation to the length and width (figure 13). Although they have a trapezoidal shape, I did not classify them as ordinary trapezoidal celts due to this abnormal feature. Two other trapezoidal celts were classified separately because they are arc-shaped (figure 14). This means that one of their surfaces is convex, whereas the other is concave, which results in a considerably asymmetrical transverse section. There are two celts with a cylindrical shape (figure 15, nos. 75, 76): they have a circular transverse section, and are rather narrow. Their bit end is narrow as well. One large celt has a conical shape (no. 77): its sides are inverted towards the bit end, which gives the celt a wide butt-end and a narrow bit. Apart from the two large trapezoidal celts presented above, a third large celt has been found at Tell Sabi Abyad. However, this celt (no. 78) has an oval shape, meaning that it has parallel convex sides and rounded bit- and butt-ends. Finally, there are two celts which have been shaped somewhat irregularly. One of them (no. 79) has a pear-shape, and is rather thick at the butt-end yet thin at its bit. The second (no. 80) has a rough trapezoidal shape, yet is abnormal due to its oval transverse section. The thickness of the object is rather unusual as well.

2.4 Style versus function As we have seen, the variety in both the shape and the size of the celts is high. Even a classification as basic as the one presented above suggests that perhaps a dozen different types of celts were used on Tell Sabi Abyad. However, as these types are thus far only

14 based on shape and size, they merely say something about stylistic variation. The question remains whether tools with a certain shape had their own specific function. One possibility is that each type had one or more functions, which were not performed by any other type of celt. Another possibility is that specific types had multiple functions, some of which could be performed by other types as well, while other functions were restricted to one type of celt only. A third possibility is that the functions of different types were completely similar. In short, although a wide variety of types of celts, based on shape and size, can be recognised, I cannot yet be conclusive about whether these style-types represent real types in any way. Therefore, I shall investigate the more technical characteristics of the celts in the next chapters. Thus, the classification as presented above remains preliminary.

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16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 3 Raw material and provenance

3.1 Introduction We will now continue by looking at the nature and provenance of the raw materials used for the production of the celts from Tell Sabi Abyad, as their attributes may be related to the production process and the final purpose of the designed tool.13 The type of rock was determined for 77% (n=171) of all celt-remains. For 23% (n=51) the type of rock could not be established with full certainty, or not at all. The objects of unknown material will be omitted from the following discussion. In total, at least 13 different types of rock were used to produce the celts found at Tell Sabi Abyad. However, most of them were represented by only one or a handful of specimens. Most celts were made either from dolerite, serpentinite or limestone. That a number of different types of stone were used for the celts found at Tell Sabi Abyad may suggest that a number of different sources, meaning the places where raw materials were extracted14, were exploited. In this chapter, I will try to roughly pinpoint the locations of the sources of the various raw materials used to manufacture the celts found at Tell Sabi Abyad.

3.2 The rocks around Tell Sabi Abyad Tell Sabi Abyad is located in the Balikh Valley, in which a bedrock of different sedimentary rocks has been formed. Although fluvial and aeolian sediments have accumulated within a large part of the valley during the Holocene, outcrops of the original bedrock can be found on the river terraces at the valley’s fringes, located only a few kilometres from Tell Sabi Abyad. Formations of limestone, gypsum, sandstone, and other sedimentary rocks can be found here. Restricted amounts of flint, quartzite and marl are present in the Balikh Valley as well.15 A rather restricted amount of the celts from Tell Sabi Abyad, no more than 7% (n=12), is composed of limestone. This soft type of rock – 3 on Mohs’ scale – comes in a wide variety of colours and shades, depending on the exact type of limestone.16 Other

13 Cummins 1983, 196. 14 Harbottle 1982, 16. 15 Akkermans 1993, 271, Ponikarov 1963. 16 Farndon 2005, 108.

24 rocks that can be found in the valley, and which were used to produce some of the celts found on Tell Sabi Abyad, are flint, marl and quartzite. However, these rock types were used only in very restricted amounts. In total, only 18 % (n=31) of all celt remains was fabricated from rocks which could have been obtained locally.

3.3 Non-local rocks Apart from those described above, all other rocks cannot be found in the direct vicinity of Tell Sabi Abyad. By discussing formation processes of several of these rocks, and analysing the geological maps of Syria and Turkey, I will now try to establish several potential sources of the used material.

3.3.1 Dolerite Dolerite (also termed diabase, microgabbro, or greenstone) was used to produce 57% (n=97) of the celts. Dolerite is an igneous rock with a hardness of 5 to 6.5 on the Mohs scale. Its mineral composition makes it extremely tough as well. The colour of dolerite ranges from black or dark grey to dark green, and, when polished, it has a high, nearly metallic lustre (fig. 16).17 There has been some contradiction in the literature about whether dolerite could have been obtained in the Balikh valley or not.18 Dolerite is an intrusive igneous rock, meaning that it is formed only within the earth’s crust, rather than on the surface. Dolerite in particular is formed within underground cracks, or veins, called dikes (vertical) and sills (horizontal). However, dolerite dikes and sills can become accessible through several processes. One of them is tectonic uplift, Fig. 16: celt made out of black dolerite (Tell Sabi Abyad). in which geological formations are compressed, resulting in the upward movement of these formations. The earth’s crust is often heavily deformed in such processes. Rocks that were formed within the crust may then become accessible on the

17 Cummins 1983, 202-10, Farndon 2005, 92-3, Rosenfeld 1965, 83. 18 Cf. Collet & Spoor 1996, 415, vs. Verhoeven 1999, 42.

25 Fig. 17: Map of Upper Mesopotamia, showing the main areas where raw material for stone celts could be obtained. (after Erentöz 1962, Ponikarov 1963.)

26 surface.19 Intensive erosion may also enable the surfacing of intrusive rocks. Only minor tectonic uplift has occurred in the Balikh valley, and the erosive force of the Balikh river has not revealed dolerite outcrops.20 Therefore, any intrusive rocks would be located far beneath the surface of the valley. Pebbles which originate from the Anatolian Taurus Mountains have been brought to the Balikh Basin by the river. Small amounts of basalts and granites are among these pebbles. However, dolerite is not.21 A small volcanic area, with the 160 m high Mankhar Gharbi volcano as its main feature, is located ca. 60 km southeast of Tell Sabi Abyad. The area has been examined extensively by Mulders, who recorded a basalt plateau of 6-10 m thick, extending up to 4 km around the volcano. Other volcanic extrusive rocks, such as lapilli and volcanic bombs were found even further away. However, intrusive igneous rocks such as dolerite have not been found in this area.22 To the north of Tell Sabi Abyad, dolerite may have been obtained from the Taurus Mountains (fig. 17). According to Erentöz, dolerite can be found in a large area between the modern cities of Urfa and Diyarbakir. More dolerite can be found in various smaller areas, located further to the east. Other dolerite outcrops can be found roughly between Gaziantep and Antakya, some 200 to 300 km west of Tell Sabi Abyad. In short, the nearest sources of dolerite were located more than 100 km away from Tell Sabi Abyad.23

3.3.2 Serpentinite The second most commonly used type of rock to produce the celts from Tell Sabi Abyad, forming 22% (n=37) of the assemblage, is serpentinite. Serpentinite is a very fine, metamorphic rock. It is much softer than dolerite, with a hardness of only 2.5 to 3 on the Mohs scale. The overall colour of serpentinite ranges from pale yellowish green to dark green, or even black. In addition to its overall colour, serpentinite often has veins and spots of a white, green, red

19 Rosenfeld 1965, 9-10. Fig. 18: celt made out of 20 Ponikarov 1963. greyish green serpentinite 21 Mulders 1969, 37-9. (Tell Sabi Abyad) 22 Mulders 1969, 39, 46 fig. 9, 50. 23 Erentöz 1962, Ponikarov 1963.

27 or brown colour. When polished, serpentinite becomes very smooth and fairly lustrous (fig. 18).24 Many large serpentinite formations were formed beneath the ocean floor, as serpentine minerals are the result of certain chemical reactions which involve water.25 Due to tectonic activity between the Arabian and Eurasian tectonic plates, some of these oceanic formations have been lifted up and are now part of the continental crust. These so-called ophiolite formations can be found in many parts of the Taurus and Pontus mountains of Anatolia. Serpentinite crops out of these ophiolites in many places. Located closest to Tell Sabi Abyad is the Kızıldağ ophiolite rock formation, which extends from the Mediterranean coast near Latakia to Elazığ Soridağ, just west of the modern city of Gaziantep (fig. 17). Thus, the nearest outcrops of serpentinite are located over 200 km away from Tell Sabi Abyad.26

3.3.3 Other non-local rocks Other types of rock that were used to produce the celts from Tell Sabi Abyad which could not have been obtained in the Balikh valley were granodiorite, basalt, and chlorite. However, only few objects made out of these rocks were found. Granodiorite was used for only one object. The sources of this igneous rock closest to Tell Sabi Abyad are located around Malatya, some 200 km north of the mound (fig. 17). Three objects were made from basalt. It can be found roughly in the same areas as dolerite, since it is its extrusive equivalent. Furthermore, basalt plateaus are located east of the upper Euphrates valley, ca. 50 km northwest of Tell Sabi Abyad, and along the Euphrates east of Raqqah, ca. 60 km southeast of the mound, around the small Mankhar Gharbi volcano described above.27 Basalt has even been transported by the Balikh River from the Taurus to the Balikh valley.28 However, I assume that the quantity and size of these pebbles is limited, given that the Balikh River is only a minor stream. Chlorite was used to produce only a single celt, and the raw material was most likely obtained from ophiolite series of the Taurus mountain range, no less than 200 km away.

24 Rosenfeld 1965, 65. 25 Farndon 2005, 131, Rosenfeld 1965, 96, Yardly et al. 1990, 3. 26 Billor & Gibb 2002, fig. 1, Derry 1980, 50-1, Erentöz 1962, Hess 1989, 96, Tekeli & Erendil 1986. 27 Erentöz 1962, Mulders 1969, 50, Ponikarov 1963, Rosenfeld 1965, 70-9. 28 Mulders 1969, 39.

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3.4 Local vs. non-local rocks The data presented above implies that most celts, i.e. over 80% (n=140), were manufactured out of materials which could local be obtained at sources located no less than non-local 100 km away from Tell Sabi Abyad (fig. 19). Less than 20% (n=37) of the celts was produced from materials which could be found in close proximity to the mound. Fig. 19: relative amount of used rocks of These local rocks comprise limestone, local and non-local provenance. sandstone, flint, quartzite, gypsum and marl. Non-local rocks that were used most frequently are dolerite and serpentinite. Granodiorite, basalt and chlorite were used only sporadically. I should note that all local materials can be found in exotic regions as well. Consequently, it is possible that even more material is exotic.

3.4.1 Local vs. non-local celts When we analyse the complete celts from Tell Sabi Abyad and the raw materials used to produce them, we can see several interesting things. The type of rock was determined for 66 complete celts. Nine of these (14 %) were made from material that could be obtained locally. It is possible that these celts were produced by the inhabitants of Tell Sabi Abyad. A relatively large amount of these ‘local celts’ has a rather unusual shape, such as the two relatively thin, irregularly shaped celts (fig. 13, nos. 71, 72), and the pear-shaped celt (fig. 15, no. 79). Two of the largest celts were made from local material (fig. 11, no. 57 & fig. 15, no. 78). The other local celts have a ‘normal’ trapezoidal or rectangular shape (fig. 6 no. 13, fig. 7 no. 22 & 28, fig. 12 no. 61). However, it is remarkable that no medium-sized trapezoidal celts are manufactured from local material, while they form over a quarter of the full assemblage of complete celts.

3.5 Production centres and distribution Now that several source-areas of the different raw material have been established, the question remains who gathered these raw materials, and who manufactured the celts from Tell Sabi Abyad out of it. Several possibilities can be thought of: either (a) the inhabitants

29 of Tell Sabi Abyad gathered the materials themselves at the sources to produce their own celts, or (b) the raw materials were collected by others and transported to Tell Sabi Abyad to be processed there, or (c) the materials were collected and shaped into blanks by others and then transported to Tell Sabi Abyad, where they were finished, or (d) the materials were collected and shaped into finished forms, which were then brought to Tell Sabi Abyad. It is likely that all locally available raw materials could have been brought to Tell Sabi Abyad by the mound’s inhabitants themselves. For instance, large boulders of limestone have been found at Tell Sabi Abyad, which were used as foundations for buildings.29 These raw materials could then be formed into celts. The occurrence of local raw material at the mound suggests that at least some of the objects made from local materials may have been produced entirely by the inhabitants of Tell Sabi Abyad. In contrast, this is much less likely for the celts made of non-local rocks. Neither large amounts of exotic raw materials, nor blanks from exotic rocks, were found at Tell Sabi Abyad. This does make sense, since it would have been highly impractical for the inhabitants of the mound to walk hundreds of kilometres to the sources of the rocks that were used the most. People would have been away from their homes for at least one or even several weeks.30 This would mean significant loss of capacity to the relatively small communities, while basic subsistence activities would still need to be carried out. Without the availability of labour animals, people would have had to carry all gathered rocks themselves. A solution to this problem might have been to process raw materials immediately at quarries. However, this would have meant that people were away from Tell Sabi Abyad even longer. The absence of non-local raw materials on Tell Sabi Abyad and the inconvenience of gathering it therefore suggest that finished celts, except for some which were made from local rocks, were brought to the Balikh valley through long- distance exchange networks. Within such networks, objects are exchanged from village to neighbouring village, a process which could eventually transport objects over hundreds of kilometres, depending on the reach of such networks. Although it seems that most of the celts found at Tell Sabi Abyad were imported from elsewhere, I should point out that the scale of this enterprise must have been rather limited. After all, the 140 non-local celts found at Tell Sabi Abyad were imported over

29 Akkermans 1993, 273. 30 Based on an arbitrary assumption that people walk with a speed of 4 km/h for 6 hours per day.

30 the course of hundreds of years. Therefore, it is likely that no more than a few dozen stone celts were brought to Tell Sabi Abyad each generation.

31 4 Production, use and curation

4.1 Introduction In the previous chapter, a number of regions have been presented where the raw material was gathered to produce the celts from Tell Sabi Abyad. In this chapter, I will investigate how the celts were then manufactured and used, and if so, curated. In other words, I will investigate the chaîne opératoire31 of the celts. The chaîne opératoire, literally the ‘operational chain’, is the sequence of processes which form the life history of an artefact, including its production sequence, its use and its final deposition.32 I will investigate these processes by analysing the macroscopic traces of these processes, located on the celts. The traces of production may give us an insight in the entire production process, while traces of use may tell something about how the celts were used. Traces of curation may shed light on the lifeline of the celts as well, and how the objects were valued in general. The final stage of the chaîne opératoire, i.e. discard processes, will be discussed in chapter 5.

4.2 Traces of production Various macroscopic traces on the celts from Tell Sabi Abyad, together with our knowledge about the used materials, can inform us on how these objects were produced. Although the precise locations of where the raw materials were collected, such as quarries, have not been found yet, it is likely that nodules were extracted from the rock outcrops either by pounding or by using thermal shock. Thermal shock is a technique in which the rock face is heated with a fire, and then rapidly cooled down with water to stimulate the growth of cracks. Subsequently, the raw material had to be formed into blanks, i.e. the basic roughouts of the final product. These blanks were most likely formed by flaking off large chips of the stones, which would give them a basic shape. Negatives of these flakes are still visible on the surfaces of some celts from Tell Sabi Abyad (eg. fig. 9, no. 51). As non-siliceous rocks such as dolerite, serpentinite are limestone have poor flaking qualities, more detailed shaping was done using a technique called pecking. This

31 Leroi-Gourhan 1964. 32 Hurcombe 2007, 40-1.

32 is a technique in which tiny chips are stroked off the surface of a rock by pounding it lightly with a larger stone.33 Although it was quite easy to peck the blanks into their final shape34, it must have taken a considerable amount of time and energy.35 The result of pecking is a surface which is full of tiny holes and bumps, so-called peckmarks. Most celts from Tell Sabi Abyad show only a small amount of peckmarks, as they were ground and polished away as a form of finishing. Grinding the surfaces of the celts smooth after pecking was most likely done by running the objects over an abrasive agent, such as a fine-grained limestone, or sandstone. This resulted in the smoothening of the celt’s surface, the creation of various facets on the surface of the celt, as well as striations carved into the surface.36 Some celts were subsequently polished, to create an even smoother and more lustrous surface. This may have been done with a piece of fur or leather in combination with fine sand as an abrasive.37 From a purely functional point of view, it was only necessary to grind the bit of the celts, as this would sharpen them. However, 90 % of the celts from Tell Sabi Abyad were ground smooth almost completely. Clear exceptions are, for example, nos. 55 & 80 (figs. 10 & 15). To grind and polish the full body of the celts can perhaps only be explained from an aesthetic viewpoint. The shiny, often dark surfaces of the celts were perhaps just nice to look at. Indeed, even today we are often surprised by the beauty of these lustrous objects. Extensive grinding and polishing was perhaps a form of decorating the celts. This form of decoration was not trivial either, given the amount of celts which were ground and polished, and the considerable amount of time that it must have taken to fully grind and sometimes polish the objects. Another interesting notion regarding the finishing of the celts is that the smallest celts were ground and polished more meticulously than larger celts. Almost 70 % of the medium-sized trapezoidal celts (cf. chapter 2) had still some residual peckmarks on its surface after being polished smooth. More attention was paid to finishing small trapezoidal celts, as only 45 % of these had residual pecking marks on their surface. This may suggest that the appearance of smaller celts was more important than it was with larger celts. It is also possible that leaving parts of the larger celts rough had an

33 Semenov 1964, 66. 34 Hurcombe 2007, 156. 35 cf. Semenov 1964, 68. 36 cf. Dorrel 1983, 509. 37 Coles 1979, 166, Semenov 1964, 69.

33 actual function: perhaps it secured the celts more tightly into the shafts in which they were possibly fitted.

4.3 Traces of use After flaking, pecking, grinding and polishing, the celts from Tell Sabi Abyad were ready for use. During use, a large proportion of the celts became heavily damaged, as is shown by the 140 celt fragments found at Tell Sabi Abyad. The large amount of celt fragments suggests that in many cases, a considerable amount of force was applied on the celts during use, which made the stones fracture. 38 Only a small amount of celts has remained more or less intact. Most of these complete celts (80 %) show traces of use on their bit-ends, the principal working edge of the celts. These traces of use, which are in essence various types of damage, include rounding and chipping of the edge, but also more severe damage such as fractures. The remaining 20 % of the complete celts did not show any of these macroscopic traces of use. This may mean that they were not used at all, but it is also possible that the traces left on these celts are too small to see with the naked eye, or that traces of use were removed by repeated resharpening of the bit. On ca. 30 % of the complete celts, edge rounding was the only type of damage found on the bit-end. Edge rounding

fragmentation of celt occurs when tiny bit chipping particles of stone are

bit rounding continuously dislodged no visible damage from the edge through contact with other materials. When more force is applied and/or Figure 20: types of damage due to use and their relative occurence within the assemblage. the edge is used on harder material, larger chips or flakes may come off the edge. Half of all complete celts showed this type of damage. In figure 20, the types of damage and their occurrence within the total

38 It is possible that a number of celts have fragmented as a result of processes other than use, such as trampling or perhaps even intentional fragmentation. I am, however, unable to investigate this at the moment.

34 assemblage of celts are shown. Thus, most celts were subjected to forces and/or materials which caused heavy damage to the bits and, in most cases, even fragmentation of the celts. Only a small amount of celts was less heavily damaged, or not visibly damaged at all. Figure 20 shows the general damage pattern of the total assemblage of celt remains. However, when we zoom in on particular types of celts, interesting differences in damage patterns become visible. In figure 21, the damage patterns of small trapezoidal celts (right) and medium-sized trapezoidal celts (left) are plotted. It shows that chipping of the bit, a result from relatively high forces applied to the bit, has affected around 70 % of the medium-sized celts, whereas only 40 % of the small trapezoidal have chipped bits. Most small trapezoidal celts only have rounded bits, or no visible damage at all. This may suggest that larger trapezoidal celts were used for heavier duties than small trapezoidal celts. It may also partly explain why small trapezoidal celts are the most numerous type of celts in the group of complete celts: many larger celts were perhaps used for heavier duties, which may have caused them to fracture and fragment more rapidly.

small trapezoidal celts medium-sized trapezoidal celts

no visible damage bit rounded bit chipped

Figure 21: pie-charts showing damage patterns of small trapezoidal celts and medium sized trapezoidal celts.

4.4 Rejuvenation and curation Damages to the celts from Tell Sabi Abyad that were inflicted during use could be repaired later. Rounded and chipped bits could be resharpened time after time, simply by grinding them over a rough stone. Evidence of resharpening can sometimes be seen on the bits of celts, for example when several ground surfaces, or facets, overlap on the bit. However, in most cases, traces of resharpening were not preserved on the bits of the celts

35 from Tell Sabi Abyad. Therefore, it is difficult to say if and how often dull celts were resharpened. Nevertheless, evidence of curation can be found in the fragments of the celts from Tell Sabi Abyad. Three types of fragments can be recognised within the assemblage: bit fragments, butt fragments and body fragments. Many of these are likely the remains of bit larger celts (see above). Figure 22 shows the relative butt number of fragments of each body type within the assemblage. It clearly shows that bit fragments are the most numerous, and that there are Fig. 22: pie-chart of the relative number of celt fragments per type. relatively few butt and body fragments. This may suggest that parts of the bit, or entire bits, which broke off during use, were discarded, yet that the remaining part of the celt, i.e. the butt/body, was curated. Perhaps a new bit was then created on this curated piece, so that the celt would essentially get a second life. A consequence of this act of curation must have been that the rejuvenated celt was much smaller than the original celt. Therefore, it is possible that many of the smaller complete celts found on Tell Sabi Abyad are the final result of the “life” of once larger celts.

36 5 Context

5.1 Introduction After the celts from Tell Sabi Abyad were manufactured and used, they ended up in the archaeological record. A number of different so-called discard processes39 may have been responsible for the ultimate deposition of the celts. For example, celts may simply have been discarded after they had broken or otherwise worn out. Other celts were perhaps left behind while still usable, intentionally or unintentionally. In this chapter, I will investigate where the celts from Tell Sabi Abyad were deposited, and through which depositional processes.

5.2 Context of fragments More than half (n=64) of the remains of broken celts were found in so-called open areas, which include courtyards, alleys and other areas outside the buildings of the village. These open areas were most likely used as general walking surfaces, connecting the various building of the village, and as areas where activities were carried out, such as preparing food and manufacturing tools. All kinds of refuse, both primary and secondary, were deposited on these open areas, including fragments of celts. Other fragments (n=25) were found in the fill of buildings. It is likely that they were deposited here as secondary refuse. A small number of fragments were thrown into pits, firepit, hearths etc. In total, 95% (n=109) of all celt fragments was discarded as refuse. The remaining 5% (n=6) of the fragments was found on floors inside buildings, or on the floors of storage containers. It is possible that these celt fragments were stored here instead of discarded. As I have argued in the previous chapter, it is possible that the remains of broken celts were sometimes re-shaped into smaller celts. Perhaps these celt fragments were stored for that purpose.

5.3 Context of complete celts Only 25 % (n=13) of the complete celts from Tell Sabi Abyad was found in an in situ context. These celts were found on floors of buildings and storage units, where they may have been stored with the intention of retrieving them later, which obviously never

39 Shott 1989, 17.

37 happened, for one reason or another. A relevant example of such stored items is a set of celts which was found in a rather special context. In the corner of a small room, which was part of large multi-roomed building, a small niche was created in the wall. Five complete celts and a fragment were deposited in this niche, together with many other tools, including nine hammer stones, a small grindstone, a flint tool, a pottery disc, and, most remarkably, four bone items with zoomorphic shapes, which formed two sets of clasps (fig. 23). It is unlikely that these items were discarded as refuse. After all, many of these tools, such as five of the celts and the bone clasps, were still in excellent condition. Perhaps they belonged to one individual or family, and were stored within the niche with the intention of retrieving them later. The fractured celt, and various large fragments of stone vessels which were found in the niche as well, were perhaps kept to be reused later as hammer stones, or to be reshaped into other stone items.

Fig. 23: selection of the set of stone tools and bone clasps which were found together in a small niche

In figure 24a, the location of this in situ context has been plotted on the plan of the settlement in which they were found (level A-4). It shows that another stone celt was found on the floor of the same building. Two more celts were found on the floors of two buildings in the north-western part of the settlement. Furthermore, in the previous level A-5 settlement, three complete celts were found on the floor of a single building (fig.

38 24b). The floors of all other buildings were devoid of stone celts. Whether stone celts were actually used, or only stored in these buildings, is not clear. It is also uncertain whether these were truly the only buildings where celts were used or kept. Other buildings may have had a similar relationship with stone celts, but this relationship may now be invisible due to the limited amount of in situ finds.

a: Level A-4

b: Level A-5

Fig. 24: settlement plans with locations of complete celts, found in in situ contexts.

39 What is certain is that most complete celts found at Tell Sabi Abyad, i.e. all others except for those described above, were found on the courtyards around buildings and in the fill of abandoned buildings. Therefore, it may seem that, like the fragmented celts, most complete celts have been discarded as refuse. However, if this were so, this would have meant that the inhabitants of Tell Sabi Abyad threw away items which were still in a relatively good condition, and certainly still usable. Moreover, these items had to be imported from distant regions, which makes it more unlikely that complete celts were simply discarded. Instead, it is more likely that many complete celts were lost, and never recovered. Admittedly, the chance of losing an object such as a stone celt is relatively small. People did not lose there celts on a daily basis. However, the rather large number (n=44) of “lost” complete celts found at Tell Sabi Abyad can be explained by the fact that their occurrence is spread out over many different settlement phases, each of which represents several decades of occupation. For example, the level A-3 settlement (fig. 25) has yielded six complete, usable celts. However, they were certainly not deposited here at the same time, as they were found in totally different depositions, stratigraphically speaking. Years may have gone by from the moment one celt was deposited until the deposition of the next. Thus, given the small number of complete celts when compared to the timeframe, it is quite possible that many of them were accidentally lost instead of intentionally thrown away.

Level A-3

Fig. 25: settlement plan with locations of “lost” complete celts on courtyards.

40 6 Diachronic analysis

6.1 Introduction Thus far, I have examined the assemblage of celts from Tell Sabi Abyad as one synchronous unit. I have analysed various aspects of the celts in terms of typology, technology and provenance, and context. In this chapter, I will investigate if and how these aspects have changed over time.

6.2 Diachronic distribution As is pointed out in the introductory chapter, Tell Sabi Abyad has been inhabited at least since about 7000 BC, i.e. since the Initial Pottery Neolithic period. A smaller mound called Tell Sabi Abyad II, which is located nearby, was inhabited even earlier, i.e. during the Final PPNB period.40 Excavations at Tell Sabi Abyad II have yielded seven stone celts which date to this period, showing that the use of stone celts in the Balikh valley dates back at least to the PPNB. During the subsequent Initial to Early Pottery Neolithic period (ca. 7000 – 6200 BC), which has been extensively excavated at Operation III at Tell Sabi Abyad, the use of stone celts continued. Figure 26 shows that celts were found in nearly all occupational levels dating to the EPN. The older EPN levels have yielded

Fig. 26: graph showing the number of celts per level and the size of the excavated areas per level in m2.

40 Verhoeven & Akkermans 2000.

41 significantly less celts than the younger EPN levels. However, this can be explained by the fact that these old levels have been excavated on a rather restricted scale. The younger EPN levels have been excavated on a large scale, and all of these have yielded a significant amount of stone celts. Indeed, celts were used up to the final stages of the Early Pottery Neolithic around 6200 BC, represented by level A1, which yielded 33 celt remains. During this final period of the EPN, some changes can be seen in the raw materials used to produce the celts. In chapter three, we have seen that over 80% of the celts found at Tell Sabi Abyad were most likely imported from sources located more than ca. 100 km away. However, the percentage of imported celts has not been stable over the course of time. Figure 27 shows the relative amount of local versus non-local celts found at the final five levels of the Early Pottery Neolithic. It shows that towards the end of the Early Pottery Neolithic, around 6200 BC, considerably more local celts have been found than during the previous period: the share of local celts increases from less than 20% to almost 40%. This would imply that towards the end of the Early Pottery Neolithic, a smaller amount of celts was imported to Tell Sabi Abyad than before. It is possible that the inhabitants of Tell Sabi Abyad simply lost some of their interest in exotic celts. Another possibility is that the exchange networks, through which exotic celts were most likely brought to Tell Sabi Abyad, became less stable, causing the number of celts that could be brought to the mound to dwindle.

100%

90%

80%

70% 60% exotic material 50% local material 40% 30%

20%

10%

0% A 5A 4A 3A 2A 1

Fig. 27: Relative amount of local and non-local celts during the final levels of the EPN.

42 This period of decreased import of celts is directly followed by the sudden and dramatic decline in the amount of celts at Tell Sabi Abyad, around 6200 BC. This decrease is clearly visible in figure 19, which shows that between the final EPN and the beginning of the Transitional period, the number of celts found at Operation III is reduced from 33 specimens (level A1) to zero (level B8). In the subsequent Transitional period levels at Operation III, only three remains of stone celts were found. Figure 26 also shows that this can hardly be ascribed to the size of the excavated areas. At Tell Sabi Abyad’s Operation I, a similar pattern can be observed. Here, most Transitional Period levels, as well as the Early Halaf levels, yielded no more than a few celts, or none at all, while the size of the excavated areas was often considerable. This is shown in figure 28. For example, levels 8, 7 and 3 of Operation I have been excavated over areas between 400 and 1000 m2, but have only yielded two stone celts.

Fig. 28: graph showing the number of celts per level and the size of the excavated areas per level in m2 (Operations III & I).

A clear exception at Operation I is Transitional level 6, at which 22 stone celts were found. They were found at the Transitional period settlement named “The Burnt Village”, which has been excavated extensively.41 As its name suggests, most of this settlement was heavily burnt, and subsequently abandoned. Because of the nature of its destruction and its rapid abandonment, excavations at the Burnt Village have yielded an

41 Akkermans 1996, Collet & Spoor 1996, Van Exel & Rooijakkers in prep.

43 unusual amount of finds, many of which were exceptionally well preserved.42 Among these finds were the remains of 22 stone celts.43 This number is no doubt disproportionally high due to the exceptional preservation of the village. Nevertheless, their presence does suggest that, despite the absence of stone celts in most Transitional- and Early Halaf period levels at Operations I and III of Tell Sabi Abyad, stone celts may still have been in use during these periods. But how, then, may we explain the fact that so few celts have been found in Transitional/Early Halaf levels? In chapter 4, I have argued that stone celts may have been curated to some extent. Even celt fragments may have been re-used or re-shaped into new celts or other items. It is possible that during the Transitional/Early Halaf Period, stone celts were much more heavily curated than in the previous Early Pottery Neolithic. Celts may have been constantly re-sharpened and reshaped, perhaps to save valuable exotic resources, and did therefore rarely enter the archaeological record, except in unusual circumstances as witnessed in the Burnt Village.

42 Verhoeven 1999. 43 Ibid., Collet & Spoor 1996, Van Exel & Rooijakkers in prep.

44 7 Conclusion

7.1 Introduction As I have pointed out in the introductory chapter, the goal of this BA thesis is to investigate the economic and social role of stone celts at Late Neolithic Tell Sabi Abyad, and how this has changed through time. To be able to shed light on this, I have asked several research questions. What types of celts can be identified at Tell Sabi Abyad, and how were they manufactured? Where these celts manufactured at Tell Sabi Abyad, or did they have a non-local origin? How were the various kinds of celts used? When damaged, were the celts quickly discarded, or were they extensively rejuvenated or curated? And finally, did the role of celts at Tell Sabi Abyad change over time? In chapters 2 to 6, many of these issues have been addressed. In this concluding chapter, I will try to come to a synthesis.

7.2 The economic and social role of stone celts at Tell Sabi Abyad In the second chapter of this BA thesis, I have presented a classification of the entire assemblage of complete stone celts found at Tell Sabi Abyad. It seems that a number of different celts were used at Tell Sabi Abyad, which may have had different functions. Although the assemblage is characterised by a high degree of diversity, a first division of the celts can be based on their general shape. I have shown that most of the celts (ca. 75 %) have a trapezoidal shape. Although these trapezoidal celts vary considerably in size, with lengths ranging between 2 to over 10 cm, half of them are smaller than ca. 4.5 cm. Macroscopic traces of use on the bits of the trapezoidal celts suggest that in particular those larger than ca. 4.5 cm have been used intensively. Although the precise function of these larger celts remains unclear, the degree to which many bits have been damaged, and the presence of large amounts of celts fragments suggests that a considerably amount of force was applied when these celts were used. That they served in heavy duty activities such as chopping wood or bone are therefore likely suggestions. The presence of many celt fragments within the settlement courtyards and buildings may suggest that at least some of these activities were carried out within the village. The small trapezoidal celts were clearly used less intensively. Many of these celts showed only minor damage or no damage at all, which may suggest that these celts were used for low-duty activities, perhaps cutting or carving. Alternatively, it may suggest that

45 many small celts had a more symbolic function rather than utilitarian. The idea that the role of the smallest celts was at least not wholly functional is further strengthened by the suggestion that these celts were finished more meticulously than their larger counterparts (chapter 4). The remaining celts, i.e. those without a trapezoidal shape, were rectangular, cylindrical, conical, even pear-shaped and arc-shaped. The asymmetrical nature of the arc-shaped celts (fig. 14, nos. 73 & 74) clearly suggests that they were used as adzes or hoes, instead of axes. The so-called pear-shaped celt (fig. 15, no. 79) strongly resembles a number of celts found at Tell Hassuna, interpreted by the excavators as hoes.44 The cylindrical and conical celts from Tell Sabi Abyad were probably not used as chopping tools, but perhaps as chisels or gouges (fig. 15, nos 75-77). The large oval celt and a large irregularly shaped celt (fig. 15, nos. 78 & 80) were probably used as large chopping tools as well. How the rectangular celts functionally differed from trapezoidal celts is thus far unclear. At least 80 % of the celts found at Tell Sabi Abyad was of made of stone of non- local origin. The raw material used for these celts, such as dolerite and serpentinite, could not be obtained in the Balikh valley, but was most likely collected in the Taurus mountains of southeast Anatolia. This was probably done by the people living close to these sources instead of by the inhabitants of Tell Sabi Abyad themselves. After collecting, or perhaps even mining the raw material, it was shaped into celts by flaking, pecking, grinding and polishing, which all-in-all must have been a time-consuming and fatiguing process. The finished celts may then have entered a network of long distance exchange, transporting the celts from the centre(s) of production to Tell Sabi Abyad, located hundreds of kilometres away. The precise nature of these exchange networks is rather elusive, although it seems not unreasonable to assume that it was a sort of down- the-line network in which commodities, including stone celts, were exchanged from one community to the neighbouring community, and from there to the next neighbour and so on, albeit in rather limited quantities. Essentially, such an exchange network would indirectly link many communities of a region. The objects which circulated within such exchange networks may have been symbols for this connection between communities. By acquiring exotic objects though an exchange network, people may have felt connected to

44 Lloyd et al. 1945, figs. 19, 20, 25

46 the communities within that network. This may have been the case with the stone celts found at Tell Sabi Abyad as well. Their distant origin, the relatively high production time, their physical appearance (i.e. their lustrous surface and often beautiful colour) and possibly even the symbolism embedded in them most likely made that the stone celts found at Tell Sabi Abyad were highly valued. The relatively low amount of butt fragments found may strengthen this suggestion, as they were perhaps highly curated (chapter 4). Given the likely high value of celts, many complete celts found at Tell Sabi Abyad were most likely accidentally lost instead of discarded as refuse, or stored in a niche and on floors, and never reclaimed (chapter 5). The presence of stone celts is almost completely restricted to the Early Pottery Neolithic at Tell Sabi Abyad (ca. 7000 – 6200 BC). Immediately after ca. 6200 BC, at the onset of the Transitional Period, the number of stone celts used at Tell Sabi Abyad plummets abruptly (chapter 6). It would seem that a rather limited amount of stone celts was brought to Tell Sabi Abyad from that time on. In short, the use of stone celts during the Transitional period and the Early Halaf period must have been limited. The sudden decline of stone celts around 6200 BC coincides with a number of other socio-economical changes at Tell Sabi Abyad. These may be related to a climatic event, which occurred around the same time.45 The changes witnessed in the celt assemblage around 6200 BC may therefore be part of a bigger story. It is possible that a climatic event affected the exchange networks through which the celts were brought to Tell Sabi Abyad. Fewer celts were brought to the settlement, which may have added to the value of exotic stone celts, and exotic raw material. This, in term, may have resulted in increased curation of celts and celt fragments, as fragments could serve as raw material for, for example, beads and pendants. A combination of actual decline in imported celts, as well as increased curation, may therefore have caused the virtual absence of stone celt remains in the archaeological record during the Transitional and Early Halaf Period at Tell Sabi Abyad.

7.3 Concluding remarks In the introductory chapter, it was pointed out that many studies of Late Neolithic stone celts were most basic and descriptive. In this BA thesis, I have tried to show that a more

45 Akkermans et al. 2006

47 thorough analysis of stone celts may yield interesting new insights into their role in Late Neolithic life. In the future, a more high-tech approach may provide even more information. Microscopic use-wear analysis may tell us more, and more precisely, about the functions of the various types of stone celts. Furthermore, with a petrographic analysis of the mineral compositions of the celts, we may be able to pinpoint the exact sources of the raw materials. Finally, it would be well worth investigating other Late Neolithic artefact categories of stone, such as stone bowls and hammer stones etc., to obtain a more complete overview of the Late Neolithic stone toolkit.

48 Samenvatting

Deze BA scriptie behandelt de stenen bijlen, dissels en beitels, samen ook wel celts genoemd, van Tell Sabi Abyad. Deze ruïneheuvel is gelegen in de Balikh vallei in noord Syrië, en werd bewoond tijdens het Late Neolithicum (ca. 7000 – 5300 v.Chr.). Opgravingen hebben op Tell Sabi Abyad een kleine boerennederzetting blootgelegd, waar waarschijnlijk enkele tientallen mensen leefden. Stenen bijlen, dissels en beitels waren enkele van de vele werktuigen die men gebruikte om in de levensbehoeften te kunnen voorzien. Over de functies van stenen celts is veel gespeculeerd. Zo is er wel gesuggereerd dat ze gebruikt zijn voor het hakken van hout, of het bewerken van land. Echter, er is tot op heden nauwelijks gedegen onderzoek verricht naar deze werktuigen. In deze scriptie ben ik dieper ingegaan op de stenen bijlen, dissels en beitels, en heb ik geprobeerd de economische en sociale rol van de celts van Tell Sabi Abyad te onderzoeken. Bovendien heb ik onderzocht of er veranderingen door de tijd heen optreden binnen deze materiaalcategorie. Ten eerste heb ik een classificatie gepresenteerd waarin verschillende typen celts worden onderscheiden, gebaseerd op vorm en grootte. De meeste celts zijn trapeziumvormig, anderen zijn rechthoekig, cilindrisch, conisch etc. Hoewel de lengte van de celts varieert tussen ca. 2 en 10 centimeter zijn de meesten niet groter dan 4.5 cm. Macroscopische sporen van gebruik op de sneden van de celts laten zien dat vooral de grotere celts intensief gebruikt zijn, bijvoorbeeld voor het bewerken van hout of been. De kleinere celts vertonen vaak geen of bijna geen beschadigingen. Wellicht werden deze kleine celts vooral voor detailwerk gebruikt, of hadden ze zelfs een meer symbolische functie. Ook heb ik getracht aan te tonen dat de steensoorten waarvan de meeste celts zijn gemaakt, onder meer doleriet en serpentiniet, niet lokaal voorhanden waren. De dichtst bijzijnde bronnen van deze steensoorten liggen in het Taurusgebergte van zuidoost Anatolië (in het huidige Turkije). Waarschijnlijk werden de celts door mensen uit die regio geproduceerd, waarna ze via uitwisselingnetwerken naar Tell Sabi Abyad kwamen. Zo legden de stenen celts van hand tot hand soms honderden kilometers af. Hierdoor werden de celts wellicht meer dan alleen gebruiksvoorwerpen. Misschien symboliseerden zij de indirecte verbondenheid tussen verschillende gemeenschappen.

49 Ik heb geprobeerd te laten zien dat niet tijdens alle perioden van bewoning op Tell Sabi Abyad stenen celts evenveel werden gebruikt. Het voorkomen van celts beperkt zich bijna volledig tot het Early Pottery Neolithic (Vroege Aardewerk Neolithicum: ca. 7000 – 6200 v.Chr.). Direct na ca. 6200 v. Chr. vinden we nauwelijks nog celts. Misschien waren celts plotseling minder beschikbaar, en werden ze ook vaker hergebruikt waardoor we ze minder snel terug vinden. Dit alles gaat gepaard met veel andere sociaal- economische veranderingen die plaats vinden rond 6200 v. Chr.

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