Dynamics of Biraderi Politics in the Punjab with Special Reference to District Toba Tek Singh

Home , Ganji Bar, Heer Ranjha, Kanjar, Warraich

Nabila Akhtar Session 2008-2011

Registration No. 71-GCU-PhD-Pol-Sc-2008 Roll No. 407-PHD-08

DEPARTMENT of POLITICAL SCIENCE

GC.UNIVERSITY, LAHORE 2014

Dynamics of Biraderi Politics in the Punjab with Special Reference to District Toba Tek Singh

Submitted to GC University, Lahore in partial fulfilment of the requirements For the award of Degree of

PH. D. In

Political Science

By Nabila Akhtar Session 2008-2011

Registration No. 71-GCU-PhD-Pol-Sc-2008 Roll No. 407-PHD-08

DEPARTMENT of POLITICAL SCIENCE

GC.UNIVERSITY, LAHORE 2014

III

Acknowledgments

All praises are for the creator of the Universe ‗Allah Almighty‘! First of all, I am highly thankful to my Allah, the most gracious and merciful whose bestowal makes me complete my research work. Research is a hard task and one has to be prepared oneself strong morally and mentally. I owe my gratitude to honour Dr, Khalid Manzoor Butt, Chairman, and Department of Political Science for his guidance and help when I was hung-up during my study. He has always been very kind and considerate. He is the person who brought me out from the doldrums situation when I stuck and left to complete the task. He took a special interest in my research and gave me some valuable tips. His kind support has enabled me to accomplish this task. My heartiest gratitude is due for my supervisor, Dr. Sadia Mushtaq, who guided and helped me to complete this research. She was the person who put me on the track whenever I was confused or suffered by any indeterminacy. Through formal and informal discussions with her, I got many valuable ideas for the topic under study. I shall always remain indebted to her for her encouragement and treasured advice and for taking great interest in my work. I am highly grateful to Late Professor Javaid Ahmad Shaikh Ex - Chairperson of Department of Political Science who was my mentor and gave inspiration to me to do this task. It is difficult to pay gratitude in words to him because he deserves more than that. I owe my thanks to Late Prof. Muhammad Azhar Ch, the former Chairman of Department of Political Science, who encouraged, and guided and supported me during my research into his life. I am also obliged to Dr, Tahir Kamran of Cambridge University, Dr. Khalid Javid Mukhdom and Dr. Farooq Hassnat for their guidance. Also thankful to Ian Talbot, professor of History at the University of Southampton, he reviewed my proposal of study and gave a valuable feedback. I would like to extend my gratitude to Ms, Fauzia Ghani, and Mr, Naseer Ahmad, the faculty members of the Department of Political Science GC University Lahore. I am also, gratified to the Government of the Punjab, especially to Mr, Javeed Iqbal Bukhari the District Coordinator Officer, District Toba Tek Singh for providing me important material and guidance for my survey and research about the official information of the district. I acknowledge that without his help it will be very difficult to gather the required material. I am thankful for the staff of Quaid Azam, Library,

VII

Lahore, Punjab Public Library, Lahore and Zila Council Library of District Toba Tek Singh. I am thankful to Mr. Abdul Waheed, Chief Librarian, GC University Lahore Mr. M. Naeem Librarian who arranged for me some very rare books and material for my research. I should remain grateful to Mr. Ahmad Saleem, who also helped in collecting the material. I also acknowledge the help of Dr, Fauzia Naz of Psychology, Ms. Rabbia Lecturer in Psychology and Ms. Rabbia Bukhari, Lecturer in Statistics of Queen Mary College they extended their help regarding statistical tests of the data which enabled me to have some scientific verifications of my survey. It is pertinent here to owe my gratitude to my colleagues at Queen Mary College, Mam Irfana Khalid, Abida Ismail, Nabeela Akber, Ghazala Tasneem, Shaheen, Hina Rashid, Asma Shabir and Navida they all support me during my research work. I am also thankful to my nephew Gohar Ishtiaq who assisted me in formatting my research work. He showed patience in bringing changes in the script again and again. Without his assistance and hard work, the work would have been unending. I am very much grateful to my respectable loving father Haji Muhammad Rafique who always remained praying for me to accomplish this task. Taking advantage of this opportunity, I would like to say thanks to my inspirational and beloved husband Ajmal Hussain, who always encouraged me and support me to fulfil my mission, not only for his support but also for his patience. He used to put me out of the tensions and provided me an amiable environment to complete my thesis. I owe especial thanks to him. Last but not least, I am grateful to my kids Sobaan, Kewaan, and Roshaan who remained accommodating during all the period of my research and never demanded excessive time from me. Along with that, I want to thank my brothers Javaid Rafique, Zafar Bhai and sisters Naheed, Naveed, Salma, and Samina, who support me and pray for me. My prayers and love would always be with them.

VIII

Abstract The existence of the biraderies (Brotherhood, clans)1 in the social set up of any society is an acknowledged fact. Biraderi politics are deeply impacted on the societal setup, norms, and rituals and culture and politics of specific state if agriculture based economy exists there. Even the rapid changes of the world and the long time span do not affect the persisted nature of the biraderi system and the self- established phenomenon rules over the lives of the members that undermine the independence, free will and consequently affect the process of democratization.

The biraderi is the most predominant identity insignia in Pakistan. The biraderi forms an imperative dynamic element in an individual‘s life, particularly in the central parts of the Punjab. The analysis and evidence reveal that the biraderi system has been one of the major factors influencing the democratic process since the inception of Pakistan and the politics of biraderies is still playing an important role in the economic and political life of Toba Tek Singh. In contemporary Punjab the hierarchal structure, of the biraderi system is plainly breaking down to some extent – but in political process the significance of biraderi politics has augmented rather than declining in post-independence period that is primarily a colonial product and the post-independence state continued to use the existing ‗overdeveloped‘ state structure that protected, projected, and entrenched the biraderies in this system of power.

The historical, political junctures of colonial and post-colonial Punjab discloses that in the milieu of Punjab, the study of biraderi politics has probable new significance as it provides a rational model of manipulation of power through biraderies. It postulates a state where biraderism is used by biraderies as a tool of manipulation through social, economic, and political abstract power by which to strive for control over scarce resources and the remains of colonial rule. In Punjab‘s

1 The word caste in Pakistan is different from the word used in Indian caste system. Here we mean a group of people having the same caste such as Rajput Jatts and Arains. However, the word derivation of the term “Biraderi” comes from Persian word “Bradar” which means „brother‟. In different Urdu dictionaries meanings for the word Biraderi “Zaat and Quam” are used. In Ijaz-ul-Lughat it is meant as “Bhai Chara” (Fraternity) and as “Bhai Bandi” (Brotherhood). Whereas, in Farhang-e- Asfia it‟s meanings describe as “Goth (Sub caste), Zaat (Caste), Groh (Group), Jamat (Class), Sangat (Companionship), Gharana (Family) and Risht-e-dari (relatives)

political history this politico-sociological aspect has received little attention. Biraderi politics, if ever studied, are only dealt with at a national level by stressing the roles of bureaucratic, military elites and parliamentarians that represented by the landed aristocrats.

The purpose of this study, therefore, is to analyse through an empirical method that to what extent different following variation of the social, economic and political dynamics of the biraderi politics create adherence in Punjab and thus influence the process of democratization with particular reference to District Toba Tek Singh.

1. Social dynamics; social structure like family, culture, occupation, religion, education, status, titles, gender discrimination 2. Economic dynamics; Economic stability, Wealth, land, business, class structure, dependence, employment

3. Political dynamics; Political participation, e.g. political awareness, elections, voting behaviour, political parties.

This study is based on the hypothesis that the domination of biraderi politics is affecting the process of democratization through its socioeconomic and political manoeuvring and hence restricts an individual to take independent decisions. While using the structured questionnaire tool, a survey was conducted in the 21 Union Councils of the district Toba Tek Singh. Results show that dynamics of biraderi politics played an important role in all social, economic, and political aspect of individuals‘ life and his emancipating powers are pledged by this biraderi system.; on the whole 70 to 80 % respondents had endorsed ―Biraderi Politics Questionnaire” of this study and has shown that biraderi politics is affecting the process of democratization. People are well aware of the biraderies ties and evidently reflected their inclination to keep supporting the contesting candidates in the future elections who affirm by their own relevant biraderies.

The biraderies, like Arains and Jatt, Sayyed and the native biraderies Kharral are the dynamic biraderies of the District Toba Tek Singh those are dictating the individuals to participate on the basis of biraderi prejudices or biraderism. And thus they serve the higher strata of the biraderies by playing a non-democratic role. The finding of the study is that the dynamics of biraderi politics are affecting the process

of democratization and proving as an impediment in the process of institutionalizing of democracy.

Contents Acknowledgment…………………………………………...... V Abstract………………………………………………………… VII Abbreviations………………………………………………….. XVII Glossary……………………………………………………….. XVIII Chapter Chapter Title Page No No Chapter.1 Introduction 1 1.1 Objectives of the Study 10 1.2 Hypothesis 10 1.3 Scheme of Study 10 1.4 Method of Research 13 1.5 Data Collection Method 14 1.6 Sample Technique 16 1.7 Significance of Study 19 1.8 Limitations 20 Chapter. 2 Literature Review and Conceptual Framework 21 2.1 Literature Review 26 2.1.1 Literature on Colonial Era 26 2.1.2 Literature on Post-Colonial Era / The Colonial Legacy 33 2.2 Conceptual Framework 50 Chapter. 3 Politico-Historic Bases and Dynamics of Biraderies in 62 Punjab 3.1 Brief History of Biraderi system in Sub- Continent 67 3.2 The colonial Setup of Biraderies 78 3.3 Class Structure of Biraderies 101 3.4 Economic Profile; Agricultural Posture and Biraderi 107 Dynamics Chapter. 4 District Toba Tek Singh and Dynamics of Biraderi Politics 112 4.1 Social Setup 120 4.2 Political Significance 127

XII

4.3 Political Dynamics of Biraderi Politics 131 Chapter. 5 Findings of the Survey 152 5.1 Psychometric Properties of Scale 153 5.2 Percentage Base Data Analysis 176 5.2.1 Demographic Profile of the Sample 176 5.2.2 Political Dynamics of Biraderi Politics 180 5.2.3 Social Dynamics of Biraderi Politics 202 5.2.4 Economic Dynamics of Biraderi Politics 223 5.2.5 Discussion 243

Chapter. 6 Conclusion and Recommendations 257 7 Bibliography 270 9 Appendixes 285

XIII

List of Maps

Sr.No Title of Maps Page No Appendix Location Map of District Toba Tek Singh in Punjab 284 4.1 Map of Tehsil Toba Tek Singh 121 4.2 Map of Tehsil Gojra 123 4.3 Map of Tehsil Kamalia 124

XIV

List of Figures

Sr. No Figure Title Page. No 2.1 Conceptual Frame Work 59 4.1 Socio- economic locus of biraderies in 118 Tehsils Of District Toba Tek Singh 5.3 Political Dynamics of Biraderi Politics 181-202 (5.3.1-20) 5.4 Social Dynamics of Biraderi Politics (5.4.1- 203-222 20) 202 5.5 Economic Dynamics of Biraderi 224-241 Politics(5.5.1-18)

List of Tables

Sr.No Title of Table Page.No Chapter 1 1.1 Detail of Union Councils 17 1.2 Detail of Union Councils selected for the Survey 18 Chapter 4 4.1 Administrative Profile of District Toba Tek Singhs 115 4.2 Demographic Profile of Toba Tek Singh 115 4.3 Cultivated Area in Acres of District Toba Tek Singh 117 4.4 Distribution of land wise area among Biraderies of District 119 Toba Tek Singh (Total area Land wise Distribution) 4.5 Constituency No. NA-94 Tehsil Kamalia Biraderi Situation 137 4.6 Constituency NA.93 (Toba Tek Singh) Biraderi Situation 139 4.7 Constituency No.NA -92 (Tehsil Gojra and adjacent villages) 140 Biraderi Situation 4.8 Biraderi Positions in Punjab Provincial Assembly (District 140 Toba Tek Singh) Since 1977- 2013 4.9 Biraderi wise composition of the Members of District Council 144 in 1983 4.10 Biraderi wise composition of the members of District Council 145 of 1987 4.11 Biraderi wise composition of the members of District Council 145 of 1991 4.12 Biraderi wise composition of the members of District Council 146 of 2001-2005 4.13 Biraderi wise composition of the members of District Council 148 of 2005-2009 4.14 Comparison of the Member District Councillors (Biraderi wise 150 composition) Chapter 5 5.1.1 Exploratory Factor Analysis with Varimax Rotation Showing 154 Factor Structure of Biraderi Politics Questionnaire

XVI

5.1.2 Reliability Analysis of All measures BPQ 157 5.1.3 Item analysis of the BPQ / PDBP, EDBP, and SDBP 157 Item-Total Statistics 5.1.4 Inter-correlation among Political Dynamics of Biraderi Politics 162

5.1.5 Inter-correlation between Social Dynamics of Biraderi Politics 165

5.1.6 Inter-correlation between Economic Dynamics of Biraderi 168

Politics

5.1.7 Correlation of Democratization with Social Dynamics, 171

Economic Dynamics and Political Dynamics of Biraderi

Politics

5.1.8 Regression Analysis for predictors of Democratization 172

5.1.9 T- TEST Showing Gender Differences in social, political and 173

Economic Dynamics of BPQ Functioning

5.1.10 One Way ANOVA for Caste 174

5.1.11 One Way ANOVA for Rural-Urban Areas 175

5.1.12 One Way ANOVA for Education 175

5.2 General Demographic features of the sample 176

XVII

List of Appendices

Sr. No Appendix Title Page. No A Questionnaire 284 B Detail of Voters 296 C Results of constituencies 92,93,94 297 D Name of interviewees 299 E Conditions for representation in elections 300 1920-1947 by K.C Yadev F Descriptive statistics. 303

XVI

List of Abbreviations

AIML: All India Muslim League

BD: Basic Democracies

BPQ: Biraderi Politics Questionnaire

CML: Convention Muslim League

EBDO: Electoral Bodies Disqualification Order

EDBP: Economic Dynamics of Biraderi Politics

IJI: Islami Jamhoori Ittehad

ML: Muslim League (Councilor)

MMA: Muttahida Majlis-I-Amal

MQM: Muttahida Qaumi Movement

NAP: National Awami Party

NDP: National Democratic Party

PDB: Political Dynamics of Biraderi Politics

PML: Pakistan Muslim League

PMLN: Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz)

PMLQ: Pakistan Muslim League (Quaid)

PPP: Pakistan People‘s Party

PTI: Pakistan Tehrik-e -Insaf

SDBP: Social Dynamics of Biraderi Politics

TTS: Toba Tek Singh

UC: Union Council

XVII

Glossary

GLOSSARY OF URDU AND PUNJABI TERMS USED

Abadkar: Initial settler.

Badrakki; 2.5 % Tax

Biraderi: clan, Lineage group, Endogamous kin group, etc.

Chak: A Crown village, settled during the second phase of the village and land settlements in colonial

Chaudhry: A large landowner whose family was given land at the time of the original settlement of the village.

Jangli: Native people of Sandal Bar

Jagir: An estate granted, as opposed to sold, by the British Colonial Administration.

Kammi: The traditional artisan castes in the rural quom hierarchy, ranking below zamindars but above musalli.

Lambardar: The Village headman who was appointed by the colonial state as in charge of revenue collection, regulation of village affairs and to act as the main intermediate between the state and the village.

Musalli: Musallis are the lowest ranked group in the quom hierarchy. They are now called Muslim Sheikhs.

Munshi: A manager of a landlord‘s agricultural estate.

Panchayat: A conflict resolver and decision-making body mostly set up informally for dispute resolution.

Patwari: The lowest level government revenue officer in like an accountant who maintain land records.

Pawanji: 5 % tax

Parya: Gathering of the senior and dominating figures of village

XVIII

Pir: A living saint, usually a descendant of an important Sufi saint. Most cities and regions of Pakistan have a patron saint, whose descendants still occupy a spiritually exalted position, has thousands of spiritual follows, and can, therefore, be powerful political players.

Qanungo: An official charge that supervises the patwaris in a given area.

Quom: Hierarchically arranged, endogamous status groups that involve a notion of occupational castes. The three main quoms are zamindar, kammi, and musalli (in order of rank). Within each quom, there are sub-quoms or biraderis that are also, often, ranked hierarchically. Gough calls them ―caste-like status groups‖ (Gough 1977: 9).

Rath: Means strong leader and a robber at the same time

Rasa Giri; Cattle theft

Shajra-i-nasb: Colonial government document that recorded genealogies.

Sajjada Nashin: Caretaker of a Sufi shrine.

Tehsil: An administrative unit of a district. It is the second tier of the three-tiered local government system that comprises the district, tehsil, and union.

Thana: Local police office

Tirini: Tax, revenue in Sikh regime

Zail: an administrative unit comprised of five to forty villages

Zaildar: He is the one who assisted the colonial administration with revenue collection and administration within a set of villages.

Zamindar: The landowning caste in the quom hierarchy.

XIX

Chapter No.1

Introduction

Every contemporary state is predominantly heterogeneous punctuated with social, political, regional, and linguistic, religious and racial diversities. These heterogeneous features are the identities of social set up that carve out the political scenario and influence the arguments over freedom and parity through generating diversity, cooperation, and conflict.1 The ethnic diversities are the specific attributes and societal relationships of individuals ―that are institutionalized which deliver the people with a particular identity that is persuaded or transmitted over time from generation to generation.‖2 Patrick O‘ Neil called this process ―Ascription‖-----the assigning of a particular quality at birth‖.3 People do not select these identities rather they are innate attributes that are largely fixed in the entire life of an individual. These socio-ethnic compositions have variation in the national mould of any state. Its variegated ethnic groups are more identifiable in the “Biraderies” which is based on caste, clan, lineage, and family in sub-continent.

Biraderi politics are generally the phenomenon of tribal societies throughout the world where blood lineage is applied to determine the system of communal leadership. It is the traditional pattern of donating political power among biraderi members. Mainly biraderi ties or lineage has three main roles first is the cement for strengthening social ties and establishing social cohesion and solidarity along with the power of conflict-resolution of its members, secondly political organisation which is implanted with leadership structure that is dominated by the biraderi heads and the third is the mechanism of head men rotation within traditional political systems controlled by superior family members, depend on unilineal descent links. It asserts that power should be dispersed among biraderi members. For the sake of biraderi sanctuary, power should not be apprehended from those who have kinship connections and must be circulated only among those who are tied with blood relations as well.

1 Patrick H. O‘ Niel , Essential of Comparative Politics, 2nd ed, (New York : W.W. Norton and Company, (1966), 2007),44 2 Ibid, 45 3 Ibid, 45

In this regard, there is no exception for Pakistan, particularly in Punjab. Biraderi is the most predominant identity marker in Pakistan. The biraderi forms an imperative dynamic element of the power politics, especially in the central parts of the Punjab. Due to an agricultural economic region, it is an admitted fact that the social setup of Punjab is embedded by caste, clan and biraderi system for centuries. The presence of these hundreds of social institutions has deeply impacted on the people of Punjab in terms of their domestic lives, social patterns, rituals, traditions, cultural formation, politics, and economy.

It is very important to describe that Sikh in their rule had not departed power and authority from the landed tribal aristocracy even more to that they also pleased them by giving lands and jagirs off and on. These landed elites resumed preponderance in the declining period of the Sikh regime. These all traditions still persist even in the recent phase of the modern 21st century and have not changed this dominating phenomenon of biraderies. The central claim here is that the social setup has been accelerated by colonial rule and this phenomenon throughout from the colonial history played a very significant part in electoral politics.

The organizational structure of biraderies was seen after the annexation of Punjab, especially in Western areas of Punjab. Biraderi throughout from the colonial history plays a very important role in electoral politics. The present significance of the biraderi system in Punjab, therefore, cannot be understood without reference to the colonial era. The British sought to mediate rule through local power holders such as Pirs, Landlords and biraderi heads. They developed the webs of patronage with the ruling elites. They ensured their political prominence when elected bodies were established. The demarcation of constituencies sought to ensure that biraderi influence was maximized. At the same time, the number of seats in the legislative council and later the legislative assembly maximized the influence of rural Punjabi interests from whom the British could secure their loyal supports.

The colonial power focused on already exist few biraderi leaders in Punjab to build up a rural governmental organization. Actually Mughal and Sikh empires had not given the importance to these tribal or biraderi leaders and had not empowered them at their time. Tribal chiefs were hardly getting recognition from the state in Central Punjab and could not able to extend the large land holdings. Sikh specially

exerted their power of the tribes of central Punjab. During the Sikh regime, large areas of land were under the intermediaries, who were basically military men's favourites of the court and were not depended on tribal underpinnings.

After the annexation of Punjab, the British instituted an administrative mechanism that depends comprehensively on the backing of the province‘s powerful landed elite biraderies. The affiliation both of the two was on the shared interests; British wanted to consolidate its rule to have economic growth for self-interests, whereas local landed power holders wanted their manipulation of local resources and people. Hence the British had used their landed allies‘ biraderies to guarantee the preservation of law and order and effective economic growth in exchange for state sponsorship.

In the rural area of the Punjab, the organization of Muslim society is based on the biraderi system, not on religion. The colonial rule admitted the importance of the clans and biraderies in socio-political setup. That‘s why they erect a support system for the biraderies despite to depend on sectarian loyalties like Hindu, Muslim, and Sikh; they preferred to utilize the domination of biraderies through their patrilineal inclination. The colonial power established their rule on local values and norms; the customary law instead of Islamic law as it is based on fraternity and brotherhood on religion bases.

In this way, this institutional building has led the administrative system towards ―Biraderi politics” or „Biraderism‘. In the post- colonial period, the political and democratization process of Punjab and particularly in Toba Tek Singh continues to be subjugated by the Biraderi politics; dominating landed aristocrat biraderies, despite significant societal changes that could have potentially eroded their power.

Basically, the social identification taboo is ruling in an individual‘s life due to social and economic insecurities. This state nullifies the emancipation powers of individuals to become the rationalise participant of the democratic state. The individuals feel secure under the biraderi identification because biraderi supports and separates them in all their domestic, socioeconomic problems, and conflicts.

In order to riposte the query of why this is so, this hypothesis uses an empirical approach to test how and why in colonial state and aftermath these landed

biraderies rise to dominate the process of formal development in Punjab that permitted this biraderi phenomenon to increase and entrench its dynamics within the political order during the colonial and post-colonial periods. In doing so the landed biraderies were also able to strengthen them in the colonial and post-colonial state.

In the academia, micro studies have become the epistemic norm. Such studies offer space to the district level and political analysis in which the political dispensation of democratization is underpinned by the biraderies as the basic and most important unit of the society. The power politics at the local level in the colonial, as well as the post - colonial Punjab, can only be studied through caste and clan system. Hence biraderi becomes an important instrument for determining the political trends in Pakistan in general and the Punjab in particular. In this background, Toba Tek Singh is also a classical example of social, political manoeuvrings‘ of colonial rule and has offered an insight to understand the dynamics of major biraderies politics that also is vital to pay off the dynamics of broader, state-level politics.

The Colonial administration identified and re-identified local biraderies which consequently framed the power structure in post-colonial societies with general locus to Punjab and particularly in Toba Tek Singh. The significance of the biraderies as unifying code of social life is so well accepted and acknowledged that it is like a gate- keeping theory in order to the social aspect of human studies of the Punjab. Before Partition, Toba Tek Singh was almost an ideal classic colonial settlement, the part of Chenab Colony and during this era the economic base of this area, like the rest of the Canal Colonies, was agricultural. Toba Tek Singh is basically a canal colony, district; the settlement policy of the British worked in this area. It was a battlefield for political intrigues and triggering manipulations.

The agricultural interests were the primary apprehension of the settlement‗s policy. The distribution of land policy among settlers (Abadkar) was held at the bases of the Land Alienation Act 1901 which had left deep impacts in the area. This policy created a difference between agricultural and non-agricultural biraderies hence land becomes the hallmark of superiority in society. More to this administrative power was also given to local landed elite biraderies which played an intermediary between local people and the British. That is discussed briefly in the second chapter. But at the end of colonial rule, the accumulated results of the British policies and administrative

measures that were taken in this area have changed the original nomadic outlook into a socially and administratively engineered canal settlement after the canalisation.

Toba Tek Singh has gone through a visible demographic change in the aftermath of Partition in 1947. After partition in 1947; the “Mahajir‖ (the Migrators) biraderies along with already settled “abadakar” biraderies shaped a different glimpse of this region through dominating dynamics of biraderi politics. This is a small district formerly a Tehsil of District Faisal Abad, which was separated from Faisal Abad for administration purposes in Zia era. Here the biraderi ties are very strong, even though the land holdings are not as large as in the southern areas of Punjab even though the manipulation of biraderies is evident. The important manoeuvring biraderies are Arain, Jatt, and Kharal of Kamalia and a segment of Pirs also exists in the area of Pir Mahal which is also very dominating since colonial rule.

This study proves through empirical analysis and evidence that the social, economic and political dynamics of biraderi politics have been influenced the democratization process. That is evident in the electoral process since independence. As the biraderi system is still playing a very imperative and a dictating role in the socio-political and economic sphere of an individual‘s life.

In the light of these observations, the role of Toba Tek Singh deserves scholarly attention as so far no such study has been conducted. The present work in this context is a district level study in which politics of kinship or biraderi system is to be studied as manoeuvring factor that seized the emancipation powers of individuals and does not let them participate in the democratization process on the behalf of their free will and it further along within the representative democratization process only represents the upper strata of the biraderies. Local politics in this as in many other Punjab districts cannot be fully understood without reference to the role of the biraderi system. Biraderies have emerged as a compelling force which is used to manipulate political power and authority.

The history of Pakistan‘s political arena shows the most influential roles of biraderies who strengthen their power for their own interests. Their political role can be traced back to the introduction of representation in the colonial era. The factor of biraderi got more importance during martial law periods. Non-Party elections in the military rules further empowered them.

The colonial legacy had assigned such dominating roles to the major biraderies of Punjab, which are still persisted since independence and affect the individual‘s free will; in general and particularly in Toba Tek Singh. The socioeconomic and political dynamics of biraderi politics entrench its role which effects in dominating the biraderies in all aspects of an individual‘s life, especially in the independent participation and influence the rational choice from the individual during elections and this put impact on the path of a political process of democratization in the state. The politics of biraderi networks in Pakistan are firmly fastened in the politics of patron- client relationship that is in fact linked to caste; ethnicity and identity. Clan, tribe, caste, and biraderi play a major role in the electoral process and in defining general politics.

These links also legitimize the politically dynamic biraderies hold on resources and the transfer of these resources as a legacy to coming generations of biraderies. Pakistan has been in pursuit of the stable democratic system since its establishment. The process of democratization is very sluggish and inactive due to biraderi politics. It has been considered irresistible for non-democratic forces.

Basically, the social structure of Punjab is set up on the biraderi system. Biraderi is the foremost element that organizes the social structure of Punjab and it also plays a role of custodian of all kinds of socio-political and economic relationships of individuals. The British colonial legacy ironically has engineered and consolidated power configuration of the aristocrat landed biraderies in the social structure of the region. The dominating and manipulating role of the biraderies is manifest in the social, political and economic sphere. So the biraderi politics is the influence that exerts on the members of the biraderies.

It is pertinent to explain the term of “biraderi politics” to determine that in what sense this is used in this study. “Biraderi politics” is used in the meanings of manipulations of biraderi in all three aspects of individuals‘ lives in the social, economic and political sphere of society because; it manipulates through its self- cohesion and magnetic force and restricts the individuals‘ emancipation power in choosing their preferences in the political process.

Biraderi politics and democracy are two quite controversial elements; Biraderism is compelled by principles of identity indicator, an affiliation of kinship, prejudice of lineage, biraderi loyalties and strongly attached to biraderi norms and the perseverance of inheritance and heritage i.e. land and traditions, cohesion, and unifying force.

Whereas the democratic process has some certain parameters to implement and these are participating, peace, equality, heterogeneity along with assimilation and freedom, economic stability. Owing to this, the nature of parliaments and political parties has remained non-democratic in Pakistan. Pakistan has been remaining at the mercy of non-civilian forces and since its inception enduring for democratization.

Such social structures, e.g. family, religion, politics, and economy of society have been supposed to be creating hindrance in the democratic process. Because these promote non-democratic norms in the political culture and in various ways, it slows down the development of political participating culture, formed aristocrat biraderi orientations in the political mould. The abstract middle class which is the backbone of democracy has been also obstructing free, independent and rational choice of individuals in elections, which is a basic and essential component of free elections. Hence, it is the main argument of the research.

In this regard, it's very important to explore the phenomenon of biraderi politics. In this existing social fabric, biraderi is taken as an independent variable. As this variable has been manoeuvring through, its sub-variables, e.g. social, political and economic dynamics. The democratization process is a dependent variable that is affecting through these sub-variables of ―Biraderi politics‖. The little detail of sub- variables is as follows;

Political Dynamics: Awareness, political participation, elections, voting behaviour, political parties etc.

Social Dynamics: Social structure as examined earlier, family, culture, occupation, religion, education, status, titles, gender discrimination.

Economic Dynamics: Economic stability; Wealth, land, business, class structure, dependence, employment etc.

It is considered that the dominating dynamics of biraderi politics affecting and makes sluggish the democratization process in Toba Tek Singh. That is the main focal argument in which this research is framed.

There is a rich literature on the colonial Punjab and much has been written at the national level about Pakistani Punjab. Whereas, very limited is available on biraderi politics and also very little on the micro level district analysis.

Thus, there is a major gap between local level studies and national level studies, about the origin and domineering dynamics of biraderies politics. For contemporary Pakistan, the politics of power is very important to have a detailed understanding of the colonial legacy. Here an effort is made to present a scholarly view of such elements which resist the democratic norms with an appropriate example from the district of Punjab Toba Tek Singh.

Such a study can provide a preliminary base of the dynamics of biraderi politics at the local level. To study this phenomenon, an empirical, analytical and historical-descriptive approach is adopted as the existing situation remains generally unchanged. Indeed, the principle change may be the domination of biraderi politics.

By comprehending the whole phenomenon of biraderies it is not easy to understand it without an empirical study that how this genius played a dominating role in the democratization of Pakistan? Because its architecture role putting an effect on the democratic system and the political development. In this regard, Toba Tek Singh is a classical example of the social, economic and political manoeuvring of the biraderi politics to empirical study.

To conduct this study the objectives are as follows:

1.1 Objectives of the Study:

The main aim of the study is to highlight the political, economic and social dynamic factors of Biraderi politics in the process of democratization of Pakistan. Punjab has been selected with a special emphasis on Toba Tek Singh:

1. To understand the term ―Biraderi‖ and ―Biraderi Politics” and their significance. 2. To trace out the evolutionary development of biraderies, particularly in Punjab (Toba Tek Singh) in Pre and Post –Colonial era. 3. To evaluate the role of Biraderi Politics in Toba Tek Singh. 4. To examine the Socio- political and economic dynamics of biraderi politics in Toba Tek Singh. 5. To document and assess through a survey, to what extent the dynamics of biraderi politics is considered to be a hurdle in the process of democratization or is it subsidized this process of Toba Tek Singh. 6. To analyse and suggest some recommendations or possibilities and feasible solutions that may shatter the solidarity and dominance of the phenomenon under study. To achieve these above-mentioned objectives the hypothetical statement is formulated which is explained as below:

1.2 Hypothesis: “The socioeconomic and political dynamics of biraderi politics affect the democratization process in District Toba Tek Singh.” 1.3 Scheme of Study:

This study of dynamics of biraderi politics has been classified into the following chapters, along with an introduction and postscript in conclusion and recommendations. The classification is given below:

Chapter No. 1

Introduction; The first chapter is an introductory chapter. This chapter presented the whole sketch of the research thesis. It provides information about the method of

study, the scheme of study, the methodology used in the study, the significance of the research etc.

Chapter No. 2

Literature Review and Conceptual Framework; This chapter gives the insight about the literature reviewed that is pertinent to the study underwent and provides an outlining of all related approaches. It also gives the details of the conceptual framework of the research and its tools that can be derived from existent academic work while also emphasising and pointing out some of the gaps and shortcomings that characterise it.

Chapter No. 3

Politico- Historic Dynamics of Biraderies in Punjab; Chapter three focuses on the evolutionary development of dynamics of biraderies in a pre-colonial and colonial period of Punjab, probing the imperatives that initially helped the construction of the British rule in the province. Emphasis will be placed on examining specific instances of the British that why they did not want the transformation of that social phenomenon in the Punjab instead of that they had very diplomatically preserved it in the social mosaic to serve their vested interests.

This chapter also highlights the pre-colonial and colonial evolution of biraderi set up of District Toba Tek Singh which becomes a classic example of the British policy of canalisation engineering settlement. A brief history of the Chenab Colony area of central Punjab is also included with its socio-political and cultural constraints of biraderies. A precise focus is laid down on how and in what way this was done in the newly established Canal colonies, with the analysis, presenting how the colonial state‘s decision to align itself with Punjab‘s landed aristocracy.

Chapter No. 4 District Toba Tek Singh and Dynamics of Biraderi Politics; This chapter is basically an analytical, descriptive explanation that deals in the main area of research District Toba Tek Singh and its post-colonial development. Also highlight socio– political and economic dynamics of the biraderi politics. This chapter encapsulates the socioeconomic composition of major Biraderies in Toba Tek Singh and their

vibes in national, provincial and local bodies‘ elections in order to project and promote their set goals. Chapter No. 5

Survey Findings; This chapter is the main chapter of this empirical research. That is about the data and survey results of socio-political and economic dynamics of biraderi politics. This chapter is divided into following three parts:

Part. A. Political Dynamics of Biraderi politics

This part deals in political manipulations of the biraderi politics. That, how the political aspect of birders is dominating in the political process of democratization. And it does not let this process work in its true nature and the individuals are regulated through the dominance of biraderies. Because they are not able to use their free will in elections on rational bases. This is an empirical investigation through conducting a survey and offers a statistical analysis.

Part. B. Social Dynamics of Biraderi politics

As the phenomenon under study is basically related to the social aspect, therefore, it is very important to assess the implications of dominating the dynamics of biraderies in individual‘s social set up. In this regard, this second part evolves the major issues of biraderism to whom the society is adhesive to prejudice, occupations, status, family lineage, etc. Along with that also examines do the education is contributing in minimising the intensity of biraderism? This whole part is also erected on empirical research through a survey. Statistical tests are applied to evaluate the topic in all three parts.

Part. C. Economic Dynamics of Biraderi politics

Part C revolves around the economic dimension of biraderi politics. It examines to what extent economy plays its role in getting the major biraderies to become domineering position. Why it is necessary the economic stability of the people is significant for the rational choice and as well in the political process of democratization. It is also an investigative study and part of the survey.

Chapter No. 6

Conclusion and Recommendations; The last sixth chapter is the substantive chapter of the study. It engrosses, the findings of the situations that gave rise to the biraderi phenomenon to dominate. Then it will explain how the mechanism of biraderism working behind the persistence of the power of biraderies. As well as, in Punjab and particularly in TTS would eventually weaken the radical potential and is considered as a hurdle in the process of democratization.

This chapter concludes the discussion that is based on statistical analysis of the survey. Finally, the research closes with a summary of the arguments presented. After briefly revisiting the systematic roots of the thesis, an outline is given of the socioeconomic and political dimensions of biraderi politics that have paid off to the persistence of the landed biraderies in Punjab, and strengthened the co-optation between the major landed biraderies and the state. Then, after a discussion of the insights collected from the analysis, the thesis ends with a few speculative considerations on the future of biraderism in Punjab and particularly in Toba Tek Singh and suggested some recommendations.

1.4 Method of Research Every research needs a method to comprehend and explain the topic under study and to verify its reliability and validity. This study is basically an empirical and descriptive analysis. In order to this the phenomenon under the study of dynamics of biraderi politics of Toba Tek Singh, „Survey Research tool‟ is selected for empirical research.

It is also an exploratory study that presented the insight of the phenomenon of biraderi politics and its setting and intrigues. It is designed to gather the detailed information about socio-political and economic dynamics of the phenomenon under study. It documented the causes, problems, and the environment of the phenomenon. Before finalizing the survey instrument, a pilot study will be held to evaluate practicability, time, and to predict a proper sample size and improve upon the study design. As, it can be helpful if pre-test a research tool, like a new data collection method.

1.5 Data Collection Method

Generally, there are two kinds of primary and secondary sources that are used for collection of the data for research. These are further categorised but used according to the demand in the study. So a wide range data are collected by using different sources from primary and secondary sources;

i. Primary sources

In primary sources, the questionnaire technique is used to collect first-hand data which made the research innovative and original. For primary source also held meetings, with individuals and groups. The questionnaire is prepared both in English and Urdu language for the convenience of the respondents. Biraderi Politics Questionnaire (BPQ; Akhtar & Mushtaq, 2014) was carved out. Biraderi Politics Questionnaire is a 58 item scale.

A Likert-type five-point scale is used in this study. It is the most world-wide method for survey collection as the respondents can easily understand it. The responses are easily computable and particular to calculate of some scientific analysis. Working with quantitative data, it is easy to draw conclusions, reports, results, and graphs from the responses. Furthermore, because Likert Scale questions use a scale, people are not forced to express their opinion; rather they allowed to be neutral if they choose. Once all responses have been received, it is very easy to analyse them. Since it does not require the respondent to provide a simple and definite yes or no answer, it does not force the respondent to take a particular topic, but lets them respond with a degree of agreement; this makes question answering easier for the respondent.

This study is related to a known phenomenon the biraderism to the masses because it is a basically identification related issue, so most of the questions are straightforwardly asked in a statement manner. So That‘s why this questionnaire is used for the opinion of the people from District Toba Tek Singh. The scale was developed on certain themes after a one on one meeting held with the head of different biraderies i.e. Kharral, Arain, Jatt, Sayed etc. and political and administrative personalities of District Toba Tek Singh. See Appendix ‗D‘.

This scale has three Parts.

Part A; The first part is about Social Dynamics of biraderi politics with 20 questions.

Part B; Second part is about Political dynamics that consists of 18 questions.

Part C; The third and last is about economic dynamics with 20 questions.

All the questions are made in the closed-ended format and the B P Q are also pre-coded as the Likert-type scale of the five-point technique is used for required information. Five points along with their code numbers as below;

 Strongly Disagree 1

 Disagree 2

 Neutral 3

 Agree 4

 Strongly Agree 5

While preparing the questionnaire some aspects kept in view regarding the rural areas that were rural culture; low literacy rate, language constraints and lack of social exposure of the women respondents would be not so difficult for answering them so the questionnaire was also prepared in Urdu language for the respondents and where it was necessary it was also explained in Punjabi.

I had held 9 meetings with individuals and groups to get first-hand information that is also a primary source of this research.

ii. Secondary Sources

As for the concern of secondary source materials; including both official and non-official sources such as books, journals, periodicals, and newspapers, etc. Archive of GCU also has a collection of administration reports, Punjab (Property records) and Settlement Reports of the British India. These primary sources would be supplemented with interviews with important personalities of dominating biraderies and by newspaper accounts. Finally, there were articles in academic journals and periodicals. The modern tools of information technology the internet are used to study e-books and e-journals and visit different websites to download the required material for Data Collection.

1.6 Sample Technique

There are two steps taken for sampling technique. In the first step: the stratified random sampling technique with equal allocation is used, and at second step the convenient sampling technique is used in selecting sample units from each stratum the researcher selected units according to the convenience. In determining the sample population following points take into view:

1) Population As the phenomenon of biraderi politics is under study is related to the whole population of the district, including urban and rural areas of Toba Tek Singh as it is an identification mark for them. Due to limited sources and time constraints, it did not allow for getting a general sample, So a strategy is implied to get voters for the data collection who participated in previous elections and the voter lists were collected from the Election Commission Office of District Toba Tek Singh. The phenomenon under research is related to the independent variable the biraderi politics, which is belonging to a large population, the general masses that is why a convenient sampling technique is implied for the respondents from whom the data was collected.

The baseline data are available about the population under study from the election commission to describe and explore the concept. As shown in Table 1.1 See Appendix ‗B‘ Table No 1.1 the voters are 892823 in numbers of the 1998 census population of 16300274 according to the general information of the District Election Commission of TTS and the Population Census Organisation Statistical Division.

Now for the 2013 election, through the assistance of NADRA, 1092882 voters have been registered by EC of TTS till 30th. April 2013.5 (See Appendix, B) Tale No. 1.2 It was quite difficult to observe and study the whole population because, apart from being physically exhausting and time-consuming, the exercise would also prove to be very expensive. It was also not possible to prepare a directory or source list of the population because of limitations. So, the voter lists of Union Councils collected from EC office District Toba Tek Singh for sample units.

4 Information is gathered from District Election Commission of TTS and the Population Census Organisation Statistical Division. 12th June. 2013 by the author 5 Ibid

In order to minimize the bias and formulate a reliable sample for the study as already described a stratified random sampling with equal allocation was selected by dividing into equal union councils into three Tehsils of the district Toba Tek Singh further it was stratified into rural-urban and male-female categories. In a situation where the population is very large in size and spread in a whole District, it is not possible to observe and interview every individual or voters that are why a convenience sample unit was selected from each stratum. (Detail is below) So, the following is the sample size measures that were taken;

2) Sample Size

The sample size consists of 220 respondents. In which 120 rural and 90 urban respondents were taken and gender wise equal distribution is held while 10 respondents were the statesmen hence total sample is of 220 respondents. In order to select the size of the sample after discussion with statistics experts, some points keep under consideration that a minimum adequate sample would be selected to fulfil the requirement of the study. The respondents are selected equally from three Tehsils, Gojra, Kamalia, and Toba of District Toba Tek Singh. So four rural union councils were selected from each Tehsil and three urban Union Councils from each Tehsil were selected detail is given in Table 1.1 and in Table 1.2. There are 82 Union Councils in District Toba Tek Singh (See Appendix ‗B‘) It is pertinent to state that as a large population is under consideration it is very hard to take the response from all of them.

However, it can be bifurcated into two categories, i.e., Rural and Urban and further are divided into Male and female categories.

Table 1.1 Detail of Union Councils of District Toba Tek Singh

Total No. of UCs in District Toba Tek Singh 82 Sr. Name of Tehsil Distribution of UCs No 1 Gojra 24 2 Kamalia 28 3 Toba Tek Singh 30

To avoid systematic bias, an appropriate frame of the sample is ensured. Therefore, after consulting with some survey-experts, officials of the

Election Commission, Department, Government of the Punjab and the Statistics Department of Government College, University, Lahore, areas are selected for survey one-fourth Union Councils are selected that are total 21 in number. There are total 82 Union Councils with 716 the total Electoral Rolls Areas, in which 177 (25 %, approximately) are urban and 539 (75 % approximately). It is, therefore, 21 Union Councils selected with rural, urban divide into 75 % and 25 % respectively.

Table 1.2 Details of Union Councils Selected for Survey

Sr. District Toba UC Nos Rural UC Nos 82 Respondents/ No. Tek Singh Urban Total sample size

0 Name of 4 UCs from 3 UCs from 21 210* Tehsils each Tehsil each Tehsil UCs 1 Gojra 1,3,4,19 19,20,24 7 70 2 Kamalia 57,58,59,60 76,81,82 7 70 3 Toba Tek 27,29,33,34 54,55,56 7 70 Singh *Note. 10 are the statesmen so total is 210+10=220 From each of 21 Union Councils, 5 males and 5 females are taken as respondents for the survey of this study on the availability and access limitations. In this regard, total respondents are 210. To have a view of politicians, members of assemblies and Union Councils, a mini sample, 5 % of this sample is also taken. From each Union Council, five male and five female on gender bases are chosen. A preliminary pilot survey was also conducted. The shortfalls of the pilot survey study proved useful in developing the final survey schedule of the research.

i) Data Analysis After the questionnaire filling up from 220 respondents the data was entered into the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS), version 16.0. This software was also used to get Percentage Based Data Analysis of the collected data and draw tables, figures, and graphs to support the findings. With that, Factor analysis, Item to Total Analysis, KMO Sample adequacy analysis, Reliability analysis, one-way ANOVA, and t-Test are also implied. Similarly, on the collected data, an analysis of the bases of percentage was applied to get the answer to the questions. As the questionnaire is same for all the respondents i.e. rural, urban, male and female voters and statesmen so cumulative results are taken from the survey while doing PBDA.

1.7 Significance of Study Whenever, Power politics are studied, that only doling out at a macro level. It‘s only stressing on the role of three tiers of the government, especially military, bureaucratic elites and politicians represented by these main and landlords biraderies. It is not beyond the context here to glare at a biraderi politics. But its studies in a manner that biraderi politics facilitates suitable to compare it with the reference of the democratization process either it is supporting or subsidizing the political process or made it sluggish.

To find out the underpinnings of the phenomenon it is pertinent to select district Toba Tek Singh as a single case study as it is very advantageous for understanding at the micro level study. In fact, it is a part of the settlement colony of the British rule that projected biraderism for their ends before partition and after 69 years of independence that said the phenomenon is still working here. Now it is vital to determine the biraderi politics from where it is initiated and how it influences the democratisation process at the local level and then it is possible to determine how its role penetrates at broader, macro-level national politics. As there is a rich literature available on the colonial Punjab and much more has been written at the national level about Pakistani Punjab and also more limited is available on biraderi, clan, caste, and creed system. When one focuses on local micro level district analysis, there is a major gap between the two levels. Most of them are historical narrations or written in the context of political culture.

Whereas this study is significant in understanding how the biraderi phenomenon has got the domineering position that still persists in the political portfolio at macro and micro level and what are socioeconomic and political dynamics that are either contributing and strengthening the phenomenon of biraderism or to serve for lessening it. In this context, there is no study done on this topic of “biraderism” or Biraderi politics as it plays an important role in determining the voter behaviours in elections. But how and in what way the biraderi politics gain this position? Why this phenomenon is persisting. That is the main focus of the research understudy. This is investigated through an empirical study. That kind of analytical and empirical study is not conducted before at such a local district level. These aspects make, this study a unique, innovative and original study.

1.8 Limitations

There are many limitations in conducting an empirical research. It is much time consuming and also financial constraints are faced by the researcher. As a matter of fact, in this procedure, there is always a margin for error, but in social sciences, due to time and financial restraints. It is quite common to study a selected sub-set of a population that‘s why in 82 Union Councils only 21 are selected and from each Union Council, only 10 respondents are conveniently selected as it is not possible to take a large sample from an area of 3259 Sq. /km. So, this research is very limited and it is confined to only 7 Union Councils from each of three Tehsils and total 21 Union Councils.

Due to travel constraints, it is not possible to visit the whole district in a short time along with financial constraints, i.e. stationary and travelling expenses, accommodation charges, etc. So the survey is very limited and there is a room in every research has to explore new and contemporary issues that occur time by time.

Along with that a lot of hurdles faced by the researcher while conducting the survey e.g. the behaviour of the respondents. It is varied, person to person as some of them was quite helpful while gathering the data. For example, literate people easily understand the questionnaire and when asked for an illiterate one, he needed to explain and while answering his explanation was too long to grasp the actual option he was taking. Some behaved very strange as especially when asking to the housewives; they were looking up to whom they are dependent the males i.e. husbands, fathers or brothers. Some of them did not willing to answer, and then a lot of time spent to convince their males, that it would not be a serious issue, in answering the questionnaire.

Chapter No. 2

Literature Review and Conceptual Framework

It is a condition to study literature to comprehend the problem under study and its supplementary aspects. It helps the researcher to develop or improve the work which has earlier been done by his/her precursors. It also identifies the existing gaps and flaws of the topic under study. Literature review not merely concerned with the new dimensions of the topic along with deductions of other researchers rather it helps in the construction of hypothesis for a new inquiry. The purpose of the literature review is also to justify the research topic. However, it is pertinent before reviewing the literature ―Biraderi” and “Biraderi Politics‖ is to be defined.

The derivation of the term “Biraderi” comes from the Persian word ―Bradar‖ which means ‗brother‘. In many Urdu dictionaries, meanings for the word Biraderi “Zaat, and Quam‖ are used. In Ijaz-UL-Lughat it is meant as ―Bhai Chara‖ (Fraternity) and as “Bhai Bandi” (Brotherhood). Whereas, in Farhang-e-Asfia it‘s meanings describe as ―Goth (Sub-caste), Zaat (Caste), Groh (Group), Jamat (Class), Sangat (Companionship), Gharana (Family) and Risht-e-dari (relatives).

Basically, it is a linkage that developed through offspring‘s of ancestry belonging to the same caste and the collection of castes, constitutes that biraderi.1 ―Patrilineal descent lies at the heart of Biraderi as a social institution, although its boundaries vary with marriage connections, bonds of reciprocal obligation and political structure.‖2 Biraderi is the strongest factor of unity among proprietorship and used by the landed elite Biraderies for political mobilization that is evident through its social, political and economic dynamics. V.D Mahjan cited Sir Henry Maine that ―Clans are expanding families tracing their descent to the eldest male member of the original family.‖3

According to the ethnographers like J.C. Mansfield and William Crock cogitated that castes were defined with specific professions of the members of the concerned castes. But Riseley negates this perception and said that is a natural

1 Ahmad Mugees, Role of Biraderies in Punjab Politics, in Journal of Research Humanities Vol. 27 ( 2007) 15-23 2 Talbot, Ian, Pakistan a Modern History ( Lahore: Vanguard Books Pvt, 1999), 30 3 Mahjan, V. D, Political Theory 4th ed. (New Delhi: S. Chand and Company, 2008), 126

phenomenon of Indian people and it is imprinted on the bodies of the people like a racial fact which couldn‘t be apart.4 It is also very pertinent to write about the same term that is used as a parallel to biraderi ―the tribe‖. According to Oxford Dictionary ―tribe is a social division in a traditional society that consists of families or communities connected by social, economic, religious, or blood ties, with a common culture and dialect, typically having a recognized leader, i.e. indigenous Indian tribes and (in ancient Rome) each of several political divisions, originally three, later thirty, ultimately thirty-five‖ and Encyclopaedia of Britannica also states the same definition of the tribe.

Gilmartin in 1989 wrote that there was no difference for the words ―Clan and Tribes‖, as compared to the terminologies used by natives ―Zat, Quam, and Biraderi‖ in the view of the British administration. Political leadership was more important to measure the hierarchy of tribal Aristocracy. The British used this hierarchical order for their own motives. The indigenous organization that L.C. Tupper and other administrative officers were focused was ―Tribe‖ which was very feasible for installing the British administrative rule over Punjab due to its social and political importance. According to Gilmartin, for the British rulers, biraderi was a social abstract that was stated generally to any kind of relationship, derived as a native association, which is local and well-defined than religion. 5

According to another definition, the term biraderi consists of only patriarch people and caste consists of a group of families who declared somehow as a nation. It means that the word is used in limited meanings and caste is in broader meanings as caste is consisted of many biraderies for example, as there are Bukhari, Alavi, and Mushadi etc. in Sayeds.6 It is meant that the people of a biraderi are such relatives who are gathered in many events of happy or sad and exchange gifts, console each other and also help and support on different occasions. Biraderi System has its own specified beliefs and norms and these are varied in different biraderies but these are

4 Talbot Ian, Pakistan a Modern History, op. cit., 25--29 5 Gilmartin David Paul, Tribe, Land and Religion in the Punjab: Muslim Politics and the Making of Pakistan (a PhD Thesis, Barkley: University of California. 1979). 5 6 Hussain. Kausar, Nai or Purani Nasal Kay Biraderi Nizam kay Mutaliq RaviaJatt pur Jadidiate Kay Asrat ( An unpublished PhD Thesis in Urdu Language, Lahore: Punjab University, 1984), 8

similar in whole Punjab. In the matter of honour and dishonour, the issue of a person is considered to be of matter of the whole biraderi.7

Shiridhar writes that a caste is an endogamous group or a collection of endogamous groups, that leasing common names; its membership is hereditary, arising from birth alone, imposing on its member's certain restrictions in the matter of Association following common traditions and occupations for claiming common origin‖ 8 Its linkage is developed through offspring‘s of ancestry belonging to the same caste and the collection of castes, constitutes that biraderi. On the whole, Biraderi is a social and cultural phenomenon and its main objective is to lend cohesion or integrity among the members of the caste. With the passage of time, this identity marker has got entrenched its dominating position in the state politics.

As it is generally argued the prehistoric group identities like family, kinship and caste, or biraderi membership, played a more important role in determining voting behaviour than the individual‘s political rational preferences. This phenomenon is overwhelmingly ruled in the life of an individual in a society which is still in the transitional phase of democracy. The settlement policies of social engineering of the British had worked very well in the central region of Punjab. It was proved a battlefield for political intrigues and triggering socio-economic manipulations of the British colonial period and that is still persisting in its political setup.

Here in Punjab and specifically in District Toba Tek Singh the Biraderi ties are very strong which regulating socio-political and economic sphere of society and destabilize the road map of the democratic process. Oscar Lewis writes that in academia behind the democratic system the hypothesis on voting is that the individual is a self-determining, by having a capable thinking and set to take his own choice. But, in a kinship structured society……. it is the large extended family, which is the basic component of most decision making. So the preeminent is that voting becomes an extended family process.9 This argument was commonly perceived stating to the

7 Eglar Zabiya , A Punjabi Village In Pakistan,(New York: Columbia Unversity Press), 74-79 8 Ketkar, Shiridhar Y., The History of Caste in India ,Vol.I ( New York: Tylov and Carpenter,1909) ,28 9 Lewis, Oscar, Village Life in Northern India (New York: Vintage Books, 1965), 149

important role that biraderi played in the political process of the Punjab, especially in elections. Biraderi (literal meanings are ‗brotherhood‘ and fraternal or fraternity) was an important affinity system effective in Punjab. Zekiye Eglar has described it in this manner that a paternal lineage to whom all men can trace their relationship to a common progenitor, no matter how he/she is far-off but belongs to the same biraderi.10 Conversely, both Eglar and Hamza Alavi have pointed out that the term was not very specific as it can also be used to define other associations and groupings too.11 Inayatullah, writes about the rural Punjab, that the term is to be used for referring to the patrilineal affinity groupings of the Zamindars, or landowners, but also indicated the different occupational groups of landless too.12

Political manoeuvring of Biraderies is very important in the process of democratization. The colonial Raj had assigned certain roles in respect of biraderi dynamics through social engineering those still persist in post-colonial period and the state in its own interest deliberately projected factions and Biraderies to gain its set objectives. Due to this, the biraderies acquired a manipulating position in the social set up of the state through that its socio-political and economic dynamics subjugate the individuals and do not let him free in all his/her rational decisions. This colonial legacy is persistent, even after 67 years of partition. It can be witnessed through the mindset of aristocrat landed Biraderies in Pakistan.

The colonial and post-colonial history of Punjab discloses the manipulation of the power of biraderies. It presents that the biraderies are working as a tool of manipulation for the political authority of the colonial rule. In Pakistan‘s political history this area has received little attention. It is important to shed light on the domination of biraderi dynamics at such a micro level that properly develops an understanding of this phenomenon that how it works and creep into our social economic, political life. To further understand the phenomenon of Biraderi Politics, it becomes mandatory to review the literature.

10 Eglar Zekiya, A Punjabi Village in Pakistan (New York: Columbia University Press, 1960), 75 11 Alavi. Hamza, Kinship in West Punjab Village, 1-27 12 Inayatullah, Perspective in the Rural Power Structure in West Pakistan People and Society Series (Karachi: Development Research and Evolution Group, USAID, 1963), 51

2.1 Literature Review

Therefore, the focus here is to comprehend and to understand the determination of the political preponderant status of Biraderies in Punjab and their domination. Most of the literary work addresses the events and developments within a certain rule and the deliberate division creates between the colonial and post- colonial periods that present the pen picture to what extent political development in the province is enhanced during this historic disjuncture. So, the review is divided into two parts Colonial and Post-Colonial.

2.1.1 Literature of Colonial era

There is a rich literature available on colonial Punjab; the work of historians, colonial administrators and recent analytical narrators. These all are very significant in colonial perspective. There is a series of districts and Punjab provincial gazetteer that gathered information in colonial Punjab by its administrative officers. For example a semi-official work, Robert Needham Cust presented a manual for revenue offices, L.C. Tupper‘s marvellous work comes in three volumes these put forth the treatise of the mindset of the colonial power of Punjab and the argument of Punjab‘s social system which serves in the preservation of customary law and said that was a ―Patriarch‖ lineage that encapsulated the offspring of common descents and supports them, in other words, it supports biraderi system.13

Another seminal work is done by Sir. Denzil Ibbotson. He writes a book on the statistical basis of the 1881 Census report of Punjab. In which he described his hypothesis and consistency of international and evolutionary history in this manner that Punjab‘s tribal societal setup was comprised of various races and classes. The whole social fabric is interwoven by caste and creed system.14 He debates in very detail and explicit on the matter of caste system along with its relation to the economy as he says that “occupation is the primary basis caste ____The whole diversity of caste is the diversity of occupation”.15 The rise and fall in the social status are

13Needham Robert. Cust, Manual for the Guidance of Revenue Officers in the Punjab (Lahore: Koh-i- Noor Press,1866), 1-10 And Tupper. L C, Punjab Customary Law, Vol.I : A Selection from the Records of the Punjab Government, (Simla: Central Government Press).1880 14Ibbetson Denzil, Punjab Castes, (Lahore: Mubarak Ali Publishers, 1916), 1 -27 15 Ibid ,3

determined by the occupations. According to Sir Denzil Ibbetson, Indian Brahmins are responsible for their vested interests avoid exogamy to save this system. The upper class is subjugating the lower class and has portrayed themselves as superior to others.

Nicholas B. Dirks also supported Ibbotson‘s argument that this is the phenomenon of Brahmins to secure their statuesque. He claims that as the matter of fact, caste is not an impermeable diligence of prehistoric India and also not a sole system that replicates a core cultural value. Despite that, it is a basic manifestation of Indian traditions; caste is a contemporary phenomenon--the product of a tangible historical combat between Indians and the British colonial power. Dirks does not argue that caste was dreamt up by the British. But under British domination caste did become a single term adept for identification and above all integrating India's diversified forms of social identity and organization.‖16

Hence a social structure created that was distributed in many classes. So the caste and creed system is the main hurdle in Punjab‘s social setting that encircled the process of evolutionary change for centuries. According to those perceptions, it was supposed that races of Punjab are similar to primordial Europe in civilization perspective and was backward in knowledge, thus the social and evolutionary change is possible under the European form of government.

Although these contributions are very valuable in providing the evolutionary perspective of caste and creed system, these writings projected in the way so that the British got benefited.

Then H A. Rose also followed Ibbetson‘s work which is based on the Census Report for Punjab 1883 and E.D Maclegan‘s Census Report 1892 for the Punjab and compiled a thesaurus of the tribes of the Punjab. This splendid piece of work provides the basic information about the different castes and tribes of Punjab and NWFP and also describes their nature and characteristics without developing new theories. He did this work to collect full facts and information about the castes as to the ethnic elements which have made of the population of present Punjab, the growth of its

16 Dirks. Nicholas B, Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001),5

tribes and its castes.17 That information is quite useful for this study underway to analysis the stratification on caste based lower and higher strata of society.

A very significant and seminal work was made by J.H. Hutton on Castes phenomenon. It was a very comprehensive narrative on the whole Indian social caste and creed system. This book covers about all aspects of castes of India. It is a standardized and analytical work on the origins of the caste and determines the status of individuals that how he acquires. He concludes that “the status an individual holds in the society, partly depends on the past performances of their families as groups ___the individual occupies a social place determined partly by his own birth status and partly by his forebears.‖ 18 It clearly indicates that status concurrences among kin are not tautologies. They establish awareness of kinship standard and relations which cognizant the organisation.

Sayed Muhammad Latif presents the sequential junctures of the vanquishers from Mughal to Ranjit Singh and then admires the annexation of Punjab by the British. He praises the British rule in his book by the words that it is the era of prosperity, enlightenment, and progress and degrades the previous conquerors for destroying and rapine of the area. 19 It is a great work but offers merely the historical narration and it is written in a manner that projects the British rule.

The Sir Lapel H. Griffin‘s work gives a detailed description of Punjab‘s landed aristocracy along with their descendant‘s pyramid that is still existed. This book provides the connectivity between colonial and post-colonial landed aristocracy that these elite aristocrat tribes and biraderies still persist and in the ruling position. It presents the pedigree tables of each chief family of Punjab. The book is quite helpful to locate the local, natives of Tehsil Kamalia ―the Kharrals.‖20

Ibbetson and his counterparts write about social inequalities of society in terms of race, culture and class, caste and creed system. Although these narratives are presented in the administrative point of view of the officers of the colonial era and

17 Maclegan E.D and Rose H A. A Glossary of the Tribes” and ―Caste of the Punjab and NWFP‖ (Lahore; Superintendent Government printing Press Punjab, 1911), i 18 Hutton J H, Caste in India. Its Nature Function And Origin, (London : Cambridge University Press ,1946),179 19 Latif. S M Latif, Traikh-e- Punjab Urdu Version (Lahore : Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2004),2-4 20 Griffin Leppel H, The Punjab Chiefs Ist Ed 1909, (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications)Reprint 1993 ,2nd Impression 2004), 229-231

provide the colonial analysis of Punjab and Punjabi social set up, these are the personal cognitive insights of the administrative officers and written in their own perspective.

An economic perspective of Punjab‘s landed aristocracy there is a lot of work done by scholars In this regard a work is done by Thorburn Septimus S. His narrative presents the increase in the debt of the peasants of India. It also describes the causes and its effects along with the description of tenants and peasant proprietors.21 He argues that since two millenniums all through India the theory that the state is the ―Absolute Landlord‖, and authorized to acquire half or a larger share of the revenues of cultivation----in other words the state was apprehended as sole, not the ultimate landlord‖.22

He also admitted that the Revenue system of the Sikhs was reintroduced by the British. For that purpose, they patronised and relied on the local dominant biraderies whom he called the tribes.23Darling Malcolm, on the other hand, gives a little bright picture and also argues about the prosperity of the peasants in canal colony settlements.24These all narratives offer their personal interpretations of the situations that defined the actions of the colonial rule in the context of the Punjab‘s landed aristocratic Biraderies and for the sheltering of their common interests. These narratives deal in the revenue collection system of Punjab and give a detailed picture of the economic debt causes and the situation of the peasants and Muslims vs. money lenders and according to the view of M. Darling about the policies of the British, that Act of 1900 ―The Land Alienation Act‖ was very vital when, it introduced as it curtailed the power which alienates the peasants from their property, but it also creates difference between agriculturalist and non-agriculturalist tribes and thus supported the landowning communities.25

Even, these writings deal with the preliminary conditions of agricultural Punjab and its revenue system, but these are also quite helpful in understanding the impacts of the ‗Land Alienation Act‘ in futuristic point of view. The Land Alienation

21Thorburn S S , Musalmans and Moneylenders in the Punjab (Edinburg : Black wood ,1886),54-72 22 Ibid,45 23 Ibid, 46 (also see details in chapter xii) 24Darling S.M, The Punjab Peasant in Prosperity And Debt ( Oxford University Press, 1928),132 , 111-131 25 Ibid, 47-52

Acts deeply impacted on the social set up as well it fragmented the society. He also highlights the role of landlords and Pirs and says that for every five miles; there was a chieftain who subjugates his neighbour people and tenants, and the same was done by the Pir to his followers the spiritual leaders.26

Whereas all of these narratives disclose a clear favouritism towards the colonial administration, even these narratives are proving very valuable increments that are relevant to colonial domination and revenue collection system.

Along with that writing of the colonial administrators in Punjab, historians had also written on the processes that encouraged the development of colonial power in the province. Eric Stokes in his valuable account offers an attempt to classify the official liberal techniques of colonial rule. In this regard, he presents the different discussions and ideologies i.e. utilitarianism, evangelicalism and liberalism as the rule of the British was based on these ideologies that the British policies in India were introduced in the direction set by the development of the British economy‖ Which informed about revenue and governmental policies of the British colonial power in India. He highlights two main themes worked in India that was free market economy and church. These two institutions played a determining role in economic and institutional transformation as the relationship between local and administration underwent a huge change to rule over India. 27 Metcalf through the studies highlight and examines the arguments of Stokes that to what extent his argument of utilitarianism shaped out the administrative system to rule over Punjab through its performance and views of the Punjab government in its early phase.28

On the other hand, by putting emphasis entirely on official arrangements, techniques and practices of colonial rule are not sufficient as these readings do not answer the question of how these institutional transformations impacted on Punjab‘s social set up i.e. biraderies, factions and tribal intrigues.

There is another theory of study the patron-client model that explains the relationship between colonial rulers and local hierarchies (aristocrat biraderies). This covers the dependency of the British rule on indigenous authorities (the local landed

26 Ibid,98-101 27 Stokes. Eric, The English Utilitarian and India (Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1959), xvi-350 28 Metcalf. Thomas R, The Struggle Over Land Tenure in India, 1860-1868 in The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 21, No. 3,(1962), 295-307.

aristocrat), the roles of intermediary groups and administrative officials, and then the role of these local biraderies in the period of post-colonial period, which answer this question that the colonial governance was established on the bases of accommodation of local biraderies through patron- client politics. This theme of patron-client relationship is developed in Imran Ali‘s narratives. Imran Ali‘s 1988 inspiring work on the canal colonies deals with the relationship between the Punjabi agricultural landowning biraderies and the colonial administration. He also pins down the administrative steps that the British government had taken up in changing the politico- economic scenario which also put permanent effects on grass root level local politics. This study is about Punjab and also delineates the ways through which colonial administration enhances the change in a political and economic sphere with enduring results in the structural formation of local politics. This is another angle to study the colonial administration that was raised by Imran Ali and he highlights that by introducing the canal colonies settlement that was planned in wasteland areas of the crown in order to gain greater control over the colonial state, at the same time strengthening the economic and political status of the landed aristocrat biraderies through agricultural colonisation and they are still benefitted in the politics of Pakistan.

In Imran Ali‘s view that this engineered plan strengthened the patron-client relationship between the social setup of Punjab and the colonial state. The special concentration is put forth on the manner in which the canal colonies venture resulted in the greater association of the Punjab‘s social classes within the colonial administration. He explores the certain themes that are based on landed aristocracy; agricultural colonisation, its entrenchment in the social set up and militarisation29 these carve out the contours of the economy and societal setup in the new canalisation region of Punjab. He supports his argument through the perspective that in the first half of the nineteenth century, when all over India was rising up for nationalism and anti-colonial movements in the region of Punjab were supporting the British government through its Unionist party. According to him the way in which the canal colonies venture caused the greater collaboration of the Punjab‘s landed biraderies with the colonial administration.

29 Imran Ali, The Punjab Under Imperialism 1885-1947, (Princeton: Princeton University Press,1988),8-157

Ian Talbot and David Gilmartin also look at the relationship between the state and the aristocrat biraderies in the Colonial Raj. Talbot‘s work presents the picture of the settlers of Punjab their social –communal structure and the development of the relationship between the British and the Punjab‘s landed elite biraderies. In his opinion the patronage policy of the British made the local landed biraderies powerful. He describes that the British politically assimilated and continued the inter-communal integration among the landed aristocracy in gaining their control over the state. He also says that the loyalties of the rural population were very important for the British colonial rule and they successfully achieved this through ‗Collaboration Policy‘ on a commercial basis. They had the control, but along with that they preserved the authority of local landed aristocrats, Talbot provides two reasons for the affiliation of the important landed families in the British rule; the one is the generations of these families benefited from the general prosperity of Punjab and secondly these families are trickily interwoven in the patronising web of Colonial administration.30.

In this whole scenario, he encompasses the impacts of the biraderism in terms of the landed aristocracy in electoral politics before the partition of India. Colonial policies that distinguished and discriminated on the basis of caste and biraderi, such as the Land Alienation Act of 1900, served to reinforce their political importance. Biraderi considerations were also taken into account by colonial administrators while drawing district and sub-district administrative boundaries. But this is a partial description and needs detail investigation to explore.

Gilmartin‘s study, on the other hand, is looking towards the distinctiveness of colonial administration and says the British had no option other than to rely on local groups‘ loyalties to rule. The patronage policy of biraderi ties and landowning religious leaders who established an allegiance to the regime had worked very effectively. He explains the British in order to establish their colonial rule had created an infrastructure of administrative and political institutions which united these local forces. 31 Mustafa Kamal Pasha presents this same argument, but in a different manner, the political implication of the province and says that the landed biraderies played a strong, trustworthy role in providing military recruits for the colonial army

30 Talbot Ian, Punjab and the Raj ,1847-1947 ( New Delhi. 1998) Translated version by Tahir Kamran, Trikh-e- Punjab,(Lahore ;Takhliqat, 2006) Chapter no 3 ,62-81 31Gilmartin David Paul, Tribe Land An Religion in the Punjab: Muslim Politics and the Making of Pakistan (Phd ThesisUniversity of Califorina, Berkely, 1979) chapter. 1

and in implementing the political policies. The rulers made sure that family ties were employed to promote recruitment. Then the kids go after the footsteps of their fathers. 32 Through that, the colonial master explored the hidden martial talent of the poor peasantry and implants a new identity that was claimed the honour, respect, and admiration.33 This has deeply impacted on the process of democratization even after post- colonial rule in Pakistan. The landed aristocrat elites and military recruiters and the peasantry have shaped out the post-colonial political scenario. The society was segregated through an engineered plan. The authoritative roles had strengthened a particular class, not the general masses. By doing this the British eroded all kinds of emancipation powers of the individual and made them the subject of the higher strata of society.

2.2 Literature on Post-Colonial era / Colonial Legacy

All these studies stress on the aspect that it was a compulsion for the ultimate colonial rule in Sub-continent to have the strong control over the Punjab which they gain through social and cultural engineering. These narratives only highlight the critical queries about the relationship between the landed aristocracy and the colonial government but these all work provides limited exposure of the political scenario of the post-colonial period. The literary work of this colonial era can be differentiated into more categories like; Economic dynamics with reference to Punjab in perspective of colonial legacy, disparities, and discontentment of rural areas. The political dynamics; the political processes/ process of democratization i.e. electoral process, party struggles, voting behaviour, Military rules, etc. Marxian analysis in which the class based studies have done, the Institutional Legacy of Colonialism explained the over developed and overlapped roles of the institutions and path dependence

There are many studies that present the economic perspective of Punjab in the context of the colonial legacy. These narratives are descriptive and written in favour colonial Raj and this highlight the socioeconomic manoeuvring of biraderi politics and the role of the state. Colonial writings project the Punjab‘s economic profile and show the contentment of the agricultural classes, like small agriculturalists and peasants and through the liberal policies of the British and these policies made the

32 Pasha Mustafa Kamal, Colonial Political Economy; recruitment and Underdevelopment in the Punjab,(Karachi: Oxford University Press,1998),237-258 33 Ibid , 256

province economic hub.(As previously described Malcolm Darlings work) But there are recent studies of Nazir and Mishra, which put a question mark on the biases of this literature and focus on the magnitude of adverse effects of liberal economic policies of the British in terms of indebtedness, rising disparity, and deteriorating of the situation of economic growth during this era. 34 35 The unproductive, strengthening the local landed aristocrat relationships, imposed profitability and dearth of investment in agriculture had initiated colonial underdevelopment.

In this regard Imran Ali describes the impact of the British agricultural policy on growth during independence era, arguing that performance of institutional structure delivered under colonial rule is the main hindrance to economic development.36 Due to which Pakistan‘s agricultural economy is dominated by the aristocratic landed elites. Husain in his book highlights those elites in the perspective of Pakistan‗s economy and explains the changes in the nature and composition of Pakistan‘s rural economic elite over time.

His book points out that an elite class comprising of the landed aristocrat biraderies, that are rich and resourceful have kept their power. He points out the underlying currents of economic development of Pakistan is basically not a problem of strategy formulation. Instead, their success is intricately entwined with the institutional practices for implementation and continuation and the governance has to compromise and to deal with the elite group of the landed biraderies. 37 So, this study is very significant in providing the facts that major elite biraderies manage to sustain their economic statuesque and power to dominate the individuals.

There is a rich literature available on the political dispensation of the post- colonial period which highlights how and to what extent the colonial legacy has derailed and damaged the existent political venue and identifies the causes of the meager progress of democratization at the macro level study. This literary work also

34 Nazir Pervaiz, Origins of Debt, Mortgage and Alienation of Land in Early Modern Punjab, in Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol. 27, No. 3, (2000). 55-91. Doi,10:1080/ 03066150008438740 35Mishra Satish C., Commercialisation Peasant Differentiation and Merchant Capital in Late Nineteenth-Century Bombay and Punjab, in Journal of Peasant Studies , Vol.10, No.1 (1982). 3-51. Doi:10.1080/03066158208438188 36 Ali Imran, ―Malign Growth? Agricultural Colonization and the Roots of Backwardness in the Punjab‖, in Past and Present, Oxford Joural No. 114, (1987). 110-132. doi: 10.1093/past/114.1.110 37Hussain Ishrat, Pakistan: The Economy of an Elitist State (Karachi: Oxford University Press.,1999) , Chapter,1

identifies the absolutism and authoritarianism in politics by the state institutions as well as from the Biraderi politics.

Tahir Kamran comments on the 1985 elections that now -party bases elections also aggravated the biraderi differences. He claimed that in 1985 elections rather than the debates on a manifesto of the political parties the contenders tried to win elections on prejudices despite that they had no any national or international issues to address.38

Another detailed work on the politics of Pakistan is done by Muhammad Waseem in his book that reveals the penetrating theoretical explanation of Pakistan‘s politics. The politics of Pakistan with the view that the authority structure of the state as inherited from the British India provided a focal point for the country‘s politics. He says that the Local sub sovereignties were dismantled by the intrusive efforts of market forces of the colonial power and hence established a number of social groups in the state.39 He argues that self –sufficient society is not only restricted urbanization but also denied the individual‘s rights.

He also put emphasis on the role of local power brokers the ―Zamindars.‖40 The British preserved the Mughal imperial system to take over and consolidates its rule. He discusses in detail that the British induced the indigenisation in the state and handed over the power gradually to the local power elites who are subservient of the colonial master. He argues that through the objectivity of legitimization rule of law and by the rationale of the administrative system.41 Due to that, the political party‘s role weakened and undeveloped. Waseem highlights the undemocratic role political parties and argues about the elections 1993 that they had no contact with the masses at doorsteps rather they developed a link with local power holders and they, in turn, deliver a huge number of votes.42

Though apparently, the political community seemed to dominate the political scene through ideological movements, ethnic violence, election campaigns, and

38Tahir Kamran, Election Commission of Pakistan , Role in Politics (Lahore: South Asia Partnership- Pakistan,2009), 144 39 Muhammad Waseem, Politics and the State in Pakistan (Lahore : Progressive Publishers 1994),82(Chap.1) 40 Ibid,14 41 Ibid,6-84 42 Mohammad Waseem, The 1993 Elections in Pakistan (Lahore: Vanguard Books,(Pvt), Ltd,1994),235

legislative activity, etc., it was the structure of the state which was primarily responsible for shaping the political events throughout the post-independence period.

In this way primarily the Punjabi legal and constitutional authority occupied the centre stage while the political actors had a propensity either to seek support from it or otherwise to restrict its legitimizing potential. In this regard, Rais 43 and Waseem give a comprehensive explanation of electoral processes during the decades of the eighties and nineties and point out that what will be the possibilities for enhancing the democracy after frequent rules of Martial laws.

Rasul Bukhsh Rais another social scientist presented this argument in his article ―Elections in Pakistan: Is Democracy Winning?‖ about the elections 1985 of Zia regime that non-Party based elections and the prohibition of traditional tools of an election campaign like public rallies and speeches, and discussions on national issues has promoted biraderism. The controlled elections exhibited the contestants to assert and use their influence and connections to clan, tribe, or biraderies and feudal social base, in actuality, these aspects generally determined the results of elections. 44

His analysis was non-empirical and presents basically in a normative way, even though this study of Rasul Bukhush is very significant in understanding the election process and he is right in his argument that the influence of social institutions determines the election results especially in non-Party based elections.

During the colonial rule franchise rights of casting voting were restricted it was conditioned with property and educational credentials which further strengthened the role of the traditional landed aristocrat elites. There has been significant academic attention given to the role of ‗primordial‘ identities, caste in particular, in determining voting behaviour.45 The preliminary proclivity was to mark caste as the primary factor of voting behaviour. But the later studies emphasized that caste was only one of several elements, and it plays the role of a dynamic variable. The great stress was given to the politicisation of biraderies or castes and to what extent politics affected caste and not aptly how biraderies and castes effect on politics. Other observations

43 Rais Rasual B. Elections, Regime Change, and Democracy, (in Rasul Bukhsh Rais (ed.) State, Society, and Democratic Change in Pakistan, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1997), 255-276. 44 Rais Rasual B, op. cit., 43-61, 47 45 Palmer Norman D, Elections and Political Development: The South Asian Experience, (Durhum, N.C: Duke University Press, 1975),276-293

were that caste was a more important factor in local than in national politics, and in rural than in urban areas.46 On the subject of caste as a determinant of voting behaviour in India, Norman Palmer concludes, among many other factors caste or biraderi identification also a manoeuvring factor that impacts on the political process.47 He is right in his view and extensive support is given to the argument of the study. There is another very prominent name of A. R. Wilder in the electorate study who thoroughly studies the election process through its dynamics and trends. Focusing specifically on Punjab Wilder in his book ―The Pakistani Voters‖48 gives a comprehensive historical view of the electoral processes of Punjab and point out that here in Punjab biraderi is the main social determinant in setting the voting trends of people and also highlights the entirely change pattern of electoral behaviours in Central and Southern areas of Punjab that here politics subjugated by clientelism i.e. biraderi linkages and infers that non-party base elections promoted biraderism and there is no room for individualism. Andrew R. Wilder also highlights the scarcity of the research on the election process of Pakistan. He analysed the accessible material to meet the requirement of his research design and has developed a context by which he studied the electoral data of the Election Commission along with qualitative data to validate his statement of his research. He interprets that political dynamic of voting behaviour like party based in urban areas and in rural area‘s paternalistic orientation, the social dynamic is rising. 49 He looks positive in his second stance that the trend of the patriarchal kind of politics due to the role of influential landed aristocrat biraderies in their constituencies and there is no margin for the individuality of the voters as they are dictated by the biraderies. He himself points out that this phenomenon needs detailed research as he himself addresses this phenomenon partially. Such as all this narrative presents the quantitative data on election processes, but it needs more explanation for the social, political and economic dynamics of the biraderi politics, which determining, is absent from the Wilder‘s study as the significance of this single

46 Ibid, 287-289 47 Ibid, 290 48Wilder Andrew R, The Pakistani Voter: Electoral Politics and Voting Behaviour in the Punjab ( Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999)177-185 49Ibid , 3

variable for the political continuity and change that have shaped out the country‘s political scenario since independence. According to KC Yadav in his seminal work on elections of Punjab during 1920- 1947 offers the introduction of the electoral system and its trends before partition and gives basic information about the elections that held during this period. According to the presented data of the book the political history shows that the Punjab‘s landed biraderies had electoral dominance since the pre-independence of Pakistan. This exhibit, that a very little change has come in the political arena of the colonial era. From 1937 and onward repetitive elections at the district and provincial levels had continually returned the candidates back who were members of the Punjabi landed biraderies and same were the results of the 1946 election but this time they had been secured their seats under the Muslim League plate form. The authorization of casting vote in the election is merely 3 percent of the whole population of Punjab was permitted to cast their votes, whereas, in the1946 election it was increased from 3 to 12 percent only.50 This is why the conditions and criteria were set by the British was only enjoyed by aristocrat biraderies.After four years of independence, the landed Biraderies were able to influence through their economic and social power to control the elections of 1951; the district boards and provincial legislatures. The Punjab‘s landed Biraderies were able to strengthen and increase their power by using their embedded status within the institutional structure of the state to merge themselves in new political perspective that had secured their economic and political interests persistently. Khalid Bin Saeed in his book argues and compares Indian and the Pakistani political process, he says that from 1950-58 Pakistan ruled by seven prime ministers and one commander in chief whereas when compare it to the Indian state it has reversed situation it had one prime minister and several commanders in chiefs. After the great loss of her founder leader and assassination of a prime minister in the early phase of independence created a chaos. He criticized the role of Muslim League that was a rundown of leadership and organization in a country where ethnic and regional pluralities ruled.51

50 Yadav Kirpal C, Elections in Punjab 1920-1947 ( New Delhi: Monohar Pubications, 1987),8, 15-19 (The property and status qualification for the Central legislative Voters, 1920-47 ) see in Appendix E of this study. 51 SAeed Kahlid Bin, Politics in Pakistan,The Nature and Direction of change, ( New York: Praeger Publishers,1980), 31 (Chapt. 2)

(During Martial Law rule) The Ayub Khan introduced the ‗Basic Democracy‘ system, in quest of democratic legitimacy through an electoral politics that had the powers to elect the Electoral College for the selection of the legislative assemblies and the president. Before the elections, the introduction of EBDO (Elective Bodies Disqualification Order) 1959 erased a number of big politicians from the political realm and then Political parties had been banned by the General Ayub Khan. In this situation, only those candidates ensured their success how had possessed economic and social power, and in this regard, the Punjab‘s landed biraderi elites had become successful again and certified the stability and legitimacy to a new authoritarian rule.52 Khalid Bin Saeed argues that after ensuring his authoritative rule during 1951- 58 by curtailing the powers of the bureaucracy and capitalists he extended its benefits to new emergent capitalist class the land owners thus he reorganized the power structure to gain support.53 This was continually repeated in other Martial Law regimes and provided, the chances for the landed classes in power struggle to involve their selves within representative party politics. As for the concern of the 1970 elections, these also could not bring any drastic change in the political trends through which PPP of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto had got the populist support against the Ayub Khan‘s military rule as aftermath Bhutto, himself needed the support of these landed biraderi elites for his rule. Burki54 in his endeavour to understand these developments pays a notable academic attention to the era of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, who was the first generally elected Prime Minister of Pakistan and also charismatic leader of the Pakistan People‘s Party the representative of the masses. He presents an analysis of falling down of Ayub‘s Martial rule by the Democratic leader, but who in his turn could not manage to transform his representative mandate into a movement of mass politics; rather he had to rely on traditional and powerful landed aristocrats. That was shown in reluctance to implement the land reforms as it was the main mantra of its electoral campaign. Hussain,55 elaborate this same argument that the resistance from influential

52Waseem Muhammad, The Politics and the State of Pakistan (Islamabad, National Institute of Historical and Cultural research, 1994), 145-153 53 Sayeed .Khalid Bin, op. cit, 51 54 Burki. Shahid J, Pakistan Under Bhutto, 1971-1977 2nd ed, (London: Macmillan Press.1988),Chapter ,1 55 Hussain Akmal, Pakistan: Land Reforms Reconsidered in Hamza Alavi and John Harriss (ed.), Sociology of “Developing Societies”: South Asia, New York: Monthly Review Press, 1989), 59-69.

landed aristocrats involved in collapsing of the 1977 government and also describes that the government fundamentally inept to take actions in bringing change in the balance of economic power in the rural areas of the state.

There are also contemporary studies on elections in Pakistan, which are addressing military rules and how these rules get electoral legitimacy. In this regard, Cheema, Khwaja, and Qadir 56 offer a study on the local bodies elections that apprehended under Martial Law rules and deduce that the non-Party based elections had gained electoral legitimacy whereas at the same time empowering local level politicians obliged the state for sustained patronage.

These all studies are presented in a historical, descriptive manner, but fail to offer extensive insight into the political consequences and its repercussions and not identify the roles of local actors the biraderies and clans.

A different method is presented in Marxian analytical approach by classifying the relationship between the state and its leading economic classes in Pakistan. Different efforts are done to define the class arrangement of Pakistan and their political roles, the article of Hamza Alavi, Aijaz Ahmad and Iftikhar Ahmad present work on this perspective and define the class structure of Pakistan, and identify different classes and argue about their political roles. 57 58 59 But in the other article, Hamza Alavi is very persuasive in this regard, „The State in Post-Colonial Societies‟ it identifies the overdeveloped and over-lapped roles of political and governmental institutions provided by the colonial Raj. Alavi states and explains that the perseverance of dominance occurs in Pakistan he is arguing that the political structure of Pakistan must be comprehended in the context of the British institutional legacy. Alavi claims that the state in Pakistan is ‗overdeveloped‘ because the bureaucracy and the military have the full autonomy as

56 Cheema, A, Khawaja, Asimi, And Qadir A, Local Government Reform in Pakistan: Context, Content and Causes, in Pranab K. Bardhan and Dilip Mookherjee (eds.) Decentralization and Local Governance in Developing Countries: A Comparative Perspective , Cambridge: MIT Press (2006) , 257-384. 57Alavi Hamza, Rural Bases of Political Power in South Asia, in Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol. 4, No. 4, (1974) , 413-422. 58 Ahmad Aijaz, Democracy and Dictatorship in Pakistan, in Journal of Contemporary Asia, vol. 8, no. 4 (1978), 477-512. 59 Ahamd Iftikhar, Pakistan, Class and State Formation, in Race & Class,Sage Jouranls Vol. 22, No. 3, (1981). 239-256. doi: 10.1177/030639688102200302

compared to the landowning classes in the country, so clarifying the reasons for the persistence of domination in Pakistan. 60 But these studies do not offer social side of the phenomenon. Despite all the criticism of colonial rule, there is another study that highlights the positive and liberal impact of the British colonialism in the Subcontinent as compare to Spanish colonialism. In this context Lange, Mahoney and Vom Hau61 presents the link of liberal aspects of former Spanish and the British colonial regimes and they support this argument that the ‗liberal‘ institutions of British colonial rule were favourable to a relatively higher degree of development that aftermath got independence. Lange develops this argument that the direct or indirect rule of British proved very significant for the post-colonial political outcome of the states. Actually traditional past studies have an assumption that British imperialism hinders the future development scenarios of colonies. Matthew Lange challenges this argument and points in his book ―Lineages of Despotism and Development‖62 that the states which have experienced directly the British imperial rule have most successfully developed than those that were ruled indirectly. On the other hand, Lange finds that the indirect British rule created patrimonial, weak states that preyed on their own people. Lange suggests that direct rule, by emphasising on the creation of unified, formal tools of power, was most likely led to creating administratively firm states than the indirect rule that use the intermediaries and local powers who give a boost to weaker dominant states categorised by high levels of patronisation. While Lange‘s (2009)63 analysis responses on a contrast of different African colonies, he advocates that India is an example of a fusion or a hybrid model, which has features of direct and indirect rule both which permitted elite collaborators to strengthen their control of land and labour and thereby hinder free economic production. In the indirectly ruled areas, the British assured protection to domineering local elites, otherwise, they would have faced major resistance from

60 Alavi Hamza, The State in Post-Colonial Societies: Pakistan and Bangladesh‘, In Khthleen Gough and Hari P Sarma ed, Imperialism and Revolution in South Asia (NewYork London: Mothly Review Press 1973),145-173 61Mahoney Lange, M, J, and Hau Vom, Colonialism and Development: A Comparative Analysis of Spanish and British Colonies, in American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 111, No. 5, (2006 ). 1412-62. 62 Ibid 63 Ibid

rural peasantry.64 In the directly ruled areas, officials employed local aristocrat landed biraderies for ruling because the generally colonial administration was not existed there, especially in the rural areas. In many instances, local elites had rights to large areas of land and were thereby able to control villages officially under the British rule. The absorption of the responsibilities and powers in elite hands had made possible the acute manipulation of the peasantry that resulted in the decline of production and investment in public imports even in the post-colonial period. Although the comparative studies about the outcomes of the British colonial legacy define some of the methods in which colonial legacy designed post- independence scenario of political and economic lines, indeed they do not emphasize on the perseverance of despotism and repression in Pakistan.

Ayesha Jalal‘s in her study name ―Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia‖ offers a riposte to this query, and bequeaths the discussion of institutional continuity in Pakistan. Jalal in the introduction of her book for the talk over the need for putting emphasis on theorizing the development of the politics and state in Pakistan, which is the outcome of a historically established institutional legacy that was set by colonial rule and it originated in the series of events that occurred before the dissection of Indo-Pak Sub-continent.

Actually, she presents comparative analysis of political development in South Asia, claims that intermittent military rule in Pakistan and the diligence of autocratic political inclinations within the Indian state, regardless of the occurrence of formal democracy which can both be explained through analysis of the state structure of colonial rule that had a resilient military and bureaucratic administration. 65 Aysha Jalal‘s study offers valuable understandings through describing how the military‘s role in politics can be sketched back and the way military and the bureaucratic administration was becoming capable supersede civilian representatives who had not the administrative capacity and general support needed to take actual control of the state. While leveling critics on the politics of the country she totally ignored the sociological aspect of politics. She argues that recurring military rule in Pakistan is

64Mahoney M Lange, J, and Hau m Vom, Colonialism and Development: A Comparative Analysis of Spanish andBritish Colonies ,op. cit., 1444 65 Jilal Aysha, Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia: A Comparative and historical Perspective, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).Chap,1,

due to weaknesses of its political parties and its inherent ethnically heterogeneous society.66

The contemporary institutional scholarships examine Pakistan‘s politics and tried to overcome the problem by focusing more precisely on the processes that strengthened the continuity which characterised the change from the colonial to the post-colonial period. In this respect, Subrahmanyam 67 discusses that the dependence of the Muslim League on the Punjabi landed biraderies and not having the popular support due to ethical differences had set major trials to strengthen the democracy in a region that had not political organisational structural institutions that could have promoted consensus.

There are the works of many scholars who present theory of dependency to account for Pakistan‘s recurring periods of garrison governments, viewing in what way the army is able to build up its power of rule over government institutions, procure resources and supersede the civil political government and paved the path for martial laws in following years.

Whereas these studies provide important visions about the institutional framework of Pakistan‘s political processes of growth of dependence, but it is unsuccessful to narrate about the authority and dominance that remains to be exerted by certain groups more than the military and the techniques through that these groups have become able to entrench their roles within the political process.

Although the literature on politics in Pakistan and Punjab provides important analytical paradigms through that the understanding of structural and functional influences of the political process can be enhanced, but there exists a gap in the writings of understanding specifically how institutional continuity has stemmed in the persistence of the landed power biraderies in Punjab.

In this regard, Ahmad Mughees presents the political intrigues of biraderies that dynamic of biraderism are very prominent in all levels of elections in Pakistan. He also supports these argument political parties are not playing their actual role in

66 Aysha Jalal ,The state of Martial Rule, The Origins of Pakistan‟s Political economy of Defence (Lahore : Sang-e-Meel Publications,1999),295 67 Subrahmanyam G, Ruling continuities: Colonial rule, Social forces and Path Dependence inBritish India and Africa, in Commonwealth and Comparative Politics. Vol. 44, No. 1, (2006), 84-117.

the gross root level mobilization of the masses especially at the countryside and this vacuum allows the military rules to conduct non-Party based elections for legitimizing their ‗defects‘ rules. He supports this argument that biraderism is promoted during military rules as the elections based on a controlled mechanism which does not allow political parties to participate.

Along with that Mughees further, writes that there are some positive aspects too of the biraderism as it fills up the gap that is created by the non-party based elections during martial law regimes. In the absence of strong leadership, the biraderism works in very good and effective manner. Mughees supports the biraderism in comparing with the American and European pressure groups that it is also working as a cohesive force and writes that it is not a threat to the national security but, it is conditioned that within and among biraderies, there should be no rivalries or enmities. 68 Despite that, he himself admits that his research is limited and it needs more extensive study. He used behavioural and qualitative empirical approach to investigate the political repercussions of biraderism.

This study highlights the political parties role but does not explore social and economic underpinnings of the phenomenon that how the phenomenon of biraderi politics rule over individual and affects the democratization process.

Ahmad Mughees and Fouzia Naseem in their joint effort, describe that ―Casteism and Biraderism are the main components of the culture of Sub-Continent that had a deep impact on the political alignment of the people.‖ 69 This study concludes that culture has deep-rooted effects on the political system process. The biraderi politics are leading feature of Indian and Pakistani political process. 70While comparing the Pakistan and Indian social system they point out that ―biraderism” in Pakistan is a political phenomenon as it was promoted by the non-Party electoral process and by non-democratic forces and in India, these features are not seen even though the social system impacts on the political system.

68 Ahmad, Mughees, ―Faisalabad Division ki Siyasat par Biraderism kay Asarat‖(Unpublished thesis BZU Multan, 2004.)161-162 69Ahmad Mugees and Naseem Fouzia, Social System Influences Political System: A comparative Study of Sub-Continent, in Berkely Journal of Social Sciences, Vol.1, N0.1, (Jan 2011 ),1-10 70 Ibid

That‘s why the Caste system gives shelter to elite Biraderies that provides shelter and identification that promotes Hindu nationalism, as this elite Hindu class focused on the revitalisation of religion that creates an inter-caste discriminations.71 They are in the view that biraderi is the guiding element of an individual‘s life in the social and political arena. An individual‘s free will does not matter as it is a family issue prestige, and family is a part of biraderi it is nothing without it. This study develops a link between local politics with biraderi politics and argues that in local level elections biraderies play a pivotal role. They are right in their argument that biraderism the main component of the local culture‘ does influence the local bodies‘ elections and it does affect the political system of the state. They offer a new dimension of a comparative study of political science. But it is limited and addresses the national level comparison. This can be very helpful in the micro-local level study.

Another study is presented by Ahmad Zahoor, his research presents an analysis of the power politics of biraderies at the local level to national level political institutions from the colonial period to 2002. He opines that biraderies during the Local Government Election played a vital role and controlled and planned especially for the success of their representatives. He also supports this argument that non-Party based elections promoted this element. Urbanization and industrialization have shattered this a little bit in urban sides, but the rural side is still subjugated by this element. 72 He describes this phenomenon is a matter of prejudice or embarrassing for people in society. The upper biraderies are active in politics of the country and when they become the part of the government then they not only support the biraderi which help them to achieve this status but also encourage the system of Jagirdari and subjugation.

Ahmad Zahoor‘s study is quite helpful in understanding the Biraderism in Punjab but it exhibits a historical narration of five districts i.e. Gujrat, Toba Tek Singh, Lahore, Multan and Sargodha of Punjab that provides basic knowledge of politics of major biraderies. Ahmad also suggests the solution that by imparting and extension of education and political participation can bring change.

71 Ibid 72 Ahmad Zahoor, “Politics of Biraderies (Clan) in the selected districts of Punjab 1947-2002” (unpublished Phd urdu thesis Federal Urdu University for Arts, science and Technology Karachi ) 2009) 1-44

Ibrahim Muhammad in his research presents the evolutionary description of Lahore and power politics of biraderies in Lahore. He argues through his analysis and given proof that the biraderi system has been one of the major factors that influence every election, which has taken place since independence and this system is still playing a very important role in the economic and political life of Lahore. He also points out the major manoeuvring biraderies of Lahore i.e. Arain, Kashmiri, Kambohs etc. He highlights that the Biraderism mainly a colonial artefact and the post-colonial state have to continue the ‗over-developed‘ state structure that sheltered, projected and inserted the biraderies in this system of power to protect and project its vested interests. 73

No doubt, Ibrahim‘s study is a valuable addition to the topic under the discussion, but this study is confined to district Lahore and to the politics of major biraderies in Lahore. There is still much room to study it further and there is need to explore those hidden social factors within the biraderies despite the vested interests of the state which do not allow this phenomenon to abate or eradicate it from the social setup.

Even though these accounts provide a persuasive interpretation of the dynamics of landed divisive politics at the micro-level in Punjab but there is still a room to explore the tactics through which these indigenous level processes have penetrated into the structures of the higher level politics i.e. the provincial and national level. Although modifications occur in state and polity in the post-colonial era, the political dispensation of Punjab remains firm about issues of governing at the local level, also by the crises of legitimacy that apt an authoritarian state to support its rule through the manipulation of social setups dominated by powerful landed biraderies.

So, the local political patterns of colonialism continue to exist in Punjab after the post-colonial era. It is not only because of the biraderi struggle at the indigenous level but also because of the perseverance of structural permanency for surging the legitimacy in order, to gain support and backing from the landed aristocrat biraderies.

73 Ibrahim Muhammad “Role of Biraderi System in Power Politics of Lahore: Post-Independence Period”( unpublished Phd thesis Baha-ud-Din Zikria University Multan,2009),1-13

In this respect Banerjee and Iyer presents comparison between institutional buildings in colonial era regarding revenue collections and argues about that institutional outputs of revenue collection by the propertied classes in the British era on existing economic consequences he argues that performance of this system of revenue collection was very poor as compare to those areas where this system was not established and it only subsidized the inequalities between land-owning and non- land owning communities. 74

Cheema, Mohamand, and Patnam present micro-level data collected from the villages of the Sargodha district to put forth the argument that conventional landed families are still controlled the rural political activities. They stress that the institutional structure of colonial politics and revenue collection in Punjab allowed these Biraderies‘ Landed families to preserve their political and economic supremacy rather introduce institutional changes that regarded as the transformation from the colonial to the post-colonial eras.75 This paper claims that the persistence of the power of these traditional Biraderies families of village communities can be attributed to the process of path dependence directed by colonial institutional interferences in Punjab.

Though, it does not frame the actual applications through that reproduction and adaptation of institutions occurs in decades from the initiation of the colonial Raj to the contemporary era in Punjab. This study offers the micro-level analysis and also put the questions about the magnitude of which its outcomes can comprehend for the provincial and national level political dispensation.

As has been shown, the study of this phenomenon is rich in descriptive details about the events and processes that have regarded as political consequences in the time span, but the triggering basics of whole the phenomena are lapse as the most of the studies partially highlight the glimpses of biraderies manoeuvring in politics but not directly focus on this institution the biraderi, which pave the path of post-colonial political scenario.

74 Bannerjee Abhijeet and Iyer Lakkhshmi, History, Institutions and Economic Performance: The Legacy of Colonial Land Tenure Systems in India, American Economic Review, Vol. 95, No. 4, (2005) 1190-1213. 75 Cheema A. Mohamand, Khan Shandana and Patnam, M, Colonial Proprietary Elites and Institutions: The Persistence of De Facto Political Dominance, Economic Research Pakistan Working Paper Series, Centre for Economic Research, Pakistan, ( 2009 ), 1

Even though, the literature reviewed is useful for finding the traces of continuity and change of government to government in Punjab and provides understanding the processes that have strengthened these developments. This review has also opened the avenues that are leftover a requisite to examine how these processes of reshaping and advancement of institutions have supported the landed biraderies to persevere their powers in the province.

As for the concern of the literary work about District Toba Tek Singh, there is very less work available as TTS is the central part of ―Sandal Bar.‖ So the narrative about Sandal Bar is accessible but very scarce and in which the traces or information is found about that particular area. Ghazali Ahmad in his book “Sandal Bar: Vasti Punjab Ki Khahani, Lok Rivayat Ki Zubani”, presents the historical description about the area. 76 The colonial basic information about the TTS area, its location, people, flora and fauna and its pre-colonial and colonial historical origins are found in the government official records, i.e. The Settlement Reports and ―The Gazetteer of Chenab Colony‖ offers the history of the biraderies of the Sandal Bar area, initial reports of settlements that especially helps in the research but that was confined to only that era. The political junctures and other contemporary environment need to be discussed extensively.77

Although these are government officials‘ narratives that are written in the favour of the colonial Raj, these are the valuable supplement of colonial officers, which provide the insights of colonial administrative policies and unfold the history of the area. These narratives are elucidating the British era only and have no concern about the future significances of these policies. That needs extensive research.

There are a few local narratives which have contributed to revealing the historical junctures of the area for example In them a telephone directory 2001-2002 “Hello Kamalia” is presented by Khurshid. This reveals the brief history of Kamaila as it is a telephone directory. 78

76 Ghazali Ahmad, “Sandal Bar: Vasti Punjab Ki Khahani, Lok Rivayat Ki Zubani” (Lahore: Ferozsons,1986),9,29-34,69-80,110 77 The Gazetteer of the Chenab colony (Lyllapur) Faisalabad,( Lahore: Sang -e - Meel Publications, 1996) 78Kamalvi Khurshid, Hello Kamalia (Kamalia : A R S Chamber Dewan Fazil,2001)

Another seminal work name ―Jashan-e-Baharan Agricultural and Industrial Exhibition 2006‖ this is a booklet, issued by the District Government Toba Tek Singh that presents the basic facts and figures about the district.79

Haji Ahmad Din (a local writing of District Toba Tek Singh) presents his biography in Urdu language and also describes the socioeconomic and political history of the area TTS). This biography introduces us to some self-experiences of the writer regarding the settlement policies of the British in 1904 of Chenab Colony and then aftermath the transition span of independence of Pakistan and about the great migration was held in the history. The insights of these experiences are eye-opening regarding i.e. the role of patwari, Tehsil Dar, land claims and the basic detail of the area. But this is also a narration of the life memoir of a layman of the area. 80

Although different studies have been presented, none of the studies fully comprehend the dynamics of biraderies at such a micro level. There are some researchers at local Universities who have studied various features of biraderism, yet a number of aspects remain to be revealed. It is pertinent to mention that most of the research surveys about biraderi dynamics are confined to psychological, social or economic aspects. Some of them present quantitative data, but refrain from applying statistical tests to make it authenticate.

A comprehensive analysis and recommendations are yet to come to redress the democratization process is undermined by these dynamical aspects of biraderies. It is also felt that none of the researchers have studied the topic of dynamics of biraderi politics under the framework of the dominant behaviour of biraderies so far. Moreover, none of the academicians have undertaken research on that these authoritarian roles are destabilizing the road map of democracy. Thus the present case study is undertaken on dynamics of biraderi politics in Toba Tek Singh. Here it is pertinent to describe that this study is not presenting the existing rift between biraderies rather it is an attempt to find those underpinned elements that are

79 “Jashan-e-Baharan” Agricultural and Industrial Exhibition 2006,( this is a booklet, issued by the District Government Toba Tek Singh,2006) 80 Ahmad Din. Haji, “Beray- e- Azamo ka Musafir‖ (Faisalabad: Alkhair Publications, 2004), 81,95,107( Appendix between 64-65 give) Note. The writer is basically preserving his lineage history along with the social, political and economic circumstance.of the area Toba Tek Singh)

contributing to this phenomenon and then it influences the democratization process of the Toba Tek Singh.

2.2 Conceptual Framework

The patron- client relationship is shaping and defining the general politics and the biraderi politics of Pakistan. These links also legitimize the politically dynamic biraderies‘ clench on means and resources as well as the transfer of these resources as a bequest to coming generations of biraderies. Pakistan has been in pursuit of the stable democratic system since its establishment. The process of democratization is very sluggish and inactive due to biraderi politics. It has been considered irresistible for non-democratic forces.

Due to that, it has become a prey for non-civilian forces and consequently, political scenario of Pakistan is continuously deteriorating and failed to pave the path of the democratic process. The non-democratic attitudes of social institution ―Biraderi‖ are evident in nature and structure of political institutions. These dominant behaviours of social institutions are reflected by political institutions. The societal and political configurations links and influence each other; due to this, it is assumed that democracy is not external but internal Phenomenon. It cannot artificially insert in a state but can set up it through a particular process of democratization. The social structure of Pakistan is set up on the biraderi system. The British colonial legacy ironically has engineered and merged the elite landed biraderies in social construction in the expanse of Pakistani Punjab. So, first, it is necessary to understand the democratization process that how it can be?

Process of Democratization

Christian Welzel explains it in the words of institutionalisation of people. According to Christian Welzel, ―Democratization is sustainable to the extent to which it advances in response to pressures from within a society.‖ 81 He further explains that there are three different concepts or it may be explained in phases to understand the process of democratization;  Emergence of Democracy (Emergence in an authoritarian rule)  Deepening of democracy (Strengthen its roots in the political system)

81 Haerpfer. W. Christian, ed., Democratization , ( UK: Oxford University Press, 2009 ),75

 Survival of Democracy82 (Persistence of it in political System) This can be understood by the initiation of democracy in a non-democratic rule, then after it can be understood how a democratic regime evolves in its political system the core values of democracy and third is how it can be consolidated or preserving to continue its existence. Democratization is the transition to a more self-governing, independent and democratic rule. It may be the conversion from totalitarian rule to a complete democratic rule, a conversion from an authoritarian political system to a semi-democratic or change over from a semi- authoritarian rule of political democratic rule. Democratization is persuaded by several dynamics, including economic progress, antiquity, and social setup. Primarily this transition is an evolutionary process which evolves social, political and economic aspects. In this regard the process of democratization means;  The establishment of more democratic a state  Ensuring that all individuals have access to everything or to make it probable for all individuals to capture something

There are different approaches to studying democratization process. For example, Huntington explains it in the phases and called them in waves. According to him there are three waves of democratization in the world that may exemplify as;

1.―First Wave; (1828-1926) according to him (Huntington) in first wave there emerged the liberal democracies like the USA and UK France etc. but consolidated in the early 19th century. 2. Second Wave: (1943-1962) this wave emerged in WWII and persisted till the 1960s.During this wave, democracy emerged in India, Japan. 3. Third Wave; (1974-1991) according to Huntington this wave changed the political scenario of the world during this wave deepening of democratic values encouraged.‖ 83 In this third wave of democratization, the electioneering politics pervasively progress all through the world.

82 Ibid, 74 83Hague. Rod and Harrop. Martin, Comparative Government and Politics. (7th edition, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007),53

Christian Welzel presents a classification of the democratization process in accordance to him ―the human emancipation powers are a route to democracy is approachable to mass stresses for democracy this path establish responsive democratization. There are other types of democratization like;

 Enlightened democratization: in this type of democratization the upper class the elite respect, the freedom and democratic norms.  Opportunistic democratization: in this type of democratization the roles of elite are very perverted and corrupt without any kind of public pressure they have no regard to democratic values.  Imposed democratization: This is a forced democratization that is established on the aspirants of external influences it is a typical democracy that was seen after the II world war in the world like Japan, West Germany, and Italy more often seen in Pakistan under martial rules.  Responsive democratization: Responsive democratization is the only political process of democratization in which democracy becomes socially rooted and develops socially supportable. This is the one in which the every person knows his responsibility.

In all above first three types of democratizations power elites allocated interests exploiting power is overwhelmed by explanations other than mass pressures.‖84 It is obvious that democratization is not a self-perpetuating process that escorts itself without its indicators rather it is the process of purposeful joint actions, involving the policies of power elites, campaigns of social move campaigners and mass participation.85

He also presents different aspects or factors of democratisation that are as follows,

1. Democracy and resource distribution 2. Capitalism, industrialisation, and democracy 3. Social division, distributional equalities, and democratisation 4. Colonial legacies, religion, traditions, and democracy 5. Modernisation, Democratisation

84 Haerpfer W. Christian, ed., Democratization , 87 85 Ibid, 89

6. International conflicts, regimes alliances, and democracy 7. Elite accords, mass mobilisation, and democratisation 8. State repression and democratise mass pressure 9. Mass beliefs and democratisation 10. Elite -conceded versus mass -pressured democratisation 11. Institutional configuration of democracy 12. The human empowerment path to democracy86

However, there are also some recent advances in the study of democratization for example; According to UNDP report on Deepening Democracy, the Developing countries pursued democratization in the face of massive poverty and pervasive social and economic tensions. 87 This report has raised many issues regarding effective democracy;

1. An electoral system that guarantees for free and fair elections. 2. A system of checks and balances based on the separation of powers, with independent judicial and legislative branches. 3. A vibrant civil society, able to monitor government and private business—and provide alternative forms of political participation. 4. A free, independent media. 5. Effective civilian control over the military and from other security forces.88

In this context, World banks‘ World Governance Indicators presents the Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) project reports aggregate and individual governance indicators for over 200 countries and territories over the period 1996– 2015, it throws light on six dimensions of governance:

1. Voice, and Accountability 2. Political Stability and Absence of Violence 3. Government Effectiveness 4. Regulatory Quality

86 Ibid, 74-90 87 Human Develoment Report,Deepening Democracy in a fragmented World, Published by Oxford University Press, Inc.2002 88 Ibid p.4

5. Rule of Law 6. Control of Corruption89

The global program entitled ―Varieties of Democracy based in Sweden, Gothenburg University‖ presents that Women‘s rights linked with democratization. In this study, they focus on two things in democratization, first, changes in class power and demands for redistribution and second is mass behaviour and participatory civil society.90

Whereas, the Freedom House Survey on Freedoms in the World 2017 talk about the political rights and civil liberties. 91 Along with that, it also highlights human rights, civil society, freedom of expression rule of law and elections to gauge the level of democracy in a country.These are all the different aspects or indicators of democratization that leads towards the consolidation of the democratization process that can be varied state to state. In this study under research the social division, distributional equalities and along with human empowerment is focused more. Practically speaking, the process of democratization has a continuous process that may take a long way to achieving its certain conditions that are defined by many scholars. So, the level of economic and social freedom enhance the political freedom that further sets the level of democratization. This long path is the process to attain to democratize a state or it can be called democratization/ process of democratization. There is great debate about the aspects which affect or in the long run confines democratization process. Basically, the process of democratization evolves three factors, political, economic and social of any political system.

Political factors of Democratization

Primarily the process of democratization deals with the political system. This indicates that every individual has the right to vote to participate in the political system through the electoral process of the state on an equal basis may be called

89 The Worldwide Governance Indicators: Methodology and Analytical Issues; World Bank Policy Research Working Paper No. 5430, 24.09.2010 URL:http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/docsearch/document-type/620265 http://info.worldbank.org/governance/wgi/#home accessed on date 08.06.2017 90 V-Dem, working paper 2015:12 presented by The Varieties of Democracy Institute, Political Science Department, University Gothenburg 91 Puddington Arch and Roylance Tyler, Populists and Autocrats: The Dual Threat to Global Democracy, Freedom in the World 2017 by Freedom House 2017

political democracy also. The individual has the freedom of expression, speech, and writing as well, he/she is free to make his/her associations and involve in all kinds of legally allowed activities freely. The ultimate end of the democratization process is to attain the level of an ideal state in which a successful government is functioning; no individual is discriminated on any differences of religion, gender, caste, creed linguistic, or regional basis.

In this regard, political democracy as Lord Bryce defined it that ―Democracy in the form of government in which ruling power of a state legally rested, not in any particular individual or class, but in the members of the community as a whole.‖92 Every individual enjoys legally his /her freedom on equality bases. The main principle of it lies in self –rule, self -governance; and more to it democracy denotes not only to the electoral process of the politicians or parliamentarians by the ruled but to the denial of any separation between the two.93

As per the views of Sir Stafford Cripps, ‗ by democracy we mean a system of government in which every adult citizen is equally free to express his views and desires, upon all subjects in whatever way he wishes and influences the majority of his fellow citizens to decide according to those views and implement those desires.‘94

For this purpose following are the indicators of the political democratization:

1. The electoral process: Elections to choose members for a public office are key elements for democratization. According to Katz ―Elections are the defining institution of modern democracy.95‖ Basically, it is a decision-making process, in which the general public takes part and give their opinion through voter balloting. The process held regular bases. Elections are the basic indicator to measure the process of democratization. Election process should be fair and free from all kinds of corruptions and interferences like Gerrymandering in the delimitation of

92 Ibid, 436 93 Hague Rod and Harrop. Martin, Comparative Governments and Politics An Introduction ( 7th edition) ,43 94 SharmaUrmila and Sharma S.K, Principles and theory of Political Science, Vol. II ( New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers,India, 2000), 434 95 Hague Rod and Harrop Martin, Comparative Governments and Politics An Introduction ( 7th edition) 185

constituencies, suppression and tamper with election results may affect the process of democratization. 2. Voting behaviour of people: The Voting behaviour is a vital and central form of political participation. It focuses on such determinants that make the people participate in elections and the way by which they cast their vote. In the democratization process, the voting behaviour of people determines that whether it is supporting the democratic system or diverge it. So, the more the participation in elections and the choice of the people is, on a rational basis the more the system tracks on the democratic arena. 3. Role of Political Parties The Political parties‘ role is very crucial as their function is to mobilize the people. They also unify them at collective issues, even though they don't agree on all matters; they form the political parties of the people who agree on the commonalities of the matters. As an enormous unit of individuals, the political parties are able to apply more power to acquire its set goals in government than a single person without support can do. A strong system of political parties is essential to stabilize the democratic process.

The role of political parties is also a key indicator of democratization process as politically when a contestant is associated with a specific political party; the voters identify his position on the relationship between the government and its people. "Political parties are like trademarks‖. Voters trust on party platforms to say a political ideology. Political parties are an appropriate contrivance to articulate and consolidate ideas and positions pooled by a large group of people. Political parties aggregate various contradictory demands into coherent policy programs. All jargons and positions can't be picked up at once. The parties allow for one unifying say to be perceived. So in this regard, the role of Political Parties is very crucial in interest articulation and aggregation. Their role determines the level of the democratization whether it is on the right way to democracy in which every section of society accommodated or not. Civic culture Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba in the ―Civic Culture and the Civic Culture Revisited‖, held a comprehensive analysis of civic cultures. The main findings of

them are that an assured and particular civic culture is indispensable for the persistence of democratic process. The social factor of democratization process is to be determined by the social equality and assimilation of different segments or groups of society. According to Dewey as Urmila Sharma quoted him, ―Such a society must have a type of education which gives individuals a personal interest in the social relationship and control, and habits of mind which secure social change without introducing disorder.‖96 Kant embedded it with ―good‖ means ―good‖ to do with others and eventually have own ―Good‖ or one's ends or objectives. Under a social democracy, it is believed that equality is pervasive regardless of all kinds of prejudices of race, class, religion, gender discriminations. It indicates comprehensiveness in all aspects of social life of an individual and then let the individual use his / her free will in the political arena by having a rational vision to act accordingly. In this regard, in the social process of democratization, the empowerment and values of emancipation for an individual are a motivating force that is very important for democratization.

In democratization process, the economic scenario presents a picture of economic equivalence and harmony. Distribution of resources and allocation of capital resources is equally distributed. Disparity, poverty, and dependence obstruct the democratic transition. So, economic stability correlates with democratization process and that is why some academicians claim the rich democracies have never been witnessed to fall into authoritarianism. This puts forward the argument that states which have ample natural resources, such as agricultural land and other wealth resources, over and over again fail to democratize because the elite class lives on the natural resources rather than depend on general support for tax revenues. In those societies, the elite class also avoids direct confrontation of revolution, so they compromise by giving concessions and democratize the political system, for example, landed elites the feudal, the industrialists or the big business tycoons monopolised the resources. And hence the fragmented society emerged where the gap between having and have not been stretching.

In this regard, an ideal situation or somewhat transitional phase may come to pave the path of the democratisation where allocation and distribution of the means of

96 Sharma Urmila & Sharma S.K, Principles and theory of Political Science, Vol. II , 436

production and resources must equally distribute. A sense of contentment in the individuals may occur towards the political system. Democracy and free market economy are directly related. This belief generally focuses on the idea that democracy and the market economy are basically two different personas of freedom. It is believed that the pervasive free market economy may boost norms such as individuality, dialogues, conciliation, rule of law, and equal injustice. These elements are seen as supportive for democratization.

By summing up, the democratization process looks like a government in which the free, rational and emancipating will of the people prevails. It visions for rule of law, justice, socio-political and economic equalities, which is also accountable and transparent. It certifies the decree of law and sovereignty of the constitution. It paves the path for good governance, which provides the people peace, harmony despite heterogeneity, development, and prosperity. If a structure of government absences these basic topographies, then it is not a process of democratization. To achieve the ends, it is necessary to move on the path of the democratization process.

These are the general aspects that may indicate their influence on the process of democratization. But in Punjab and particularly in District Toba Tek Singh the role of factional /biraderi politics is overwhelmingly prominent in these indicators as it is a manoeuvring element in the political arena. In Parochial political culture, the family is the main agent of political socialization. So in this context, the biraderi politics effect on the process of democratization through its political social and economic dynamics. For this research, the following indicators are selected to study the dynamics of biraderi politics. There are many aspects, i.e., historical, socioeconomic, political and cultural, etc. that have been debated to influence the process, but in this study basically, three aspects are selected with some specification of the research.

Here it is essential to mention that any part of an action is needed to be explored within the broader perspective where it is occurring, like the domain of politics. In this realm it is suitable to find the relationship between the above-stated concepts by knowing about them provides the premises from which different aspects of ‗Social system impacts on the process of democratization are exposed and the question of its maturity and immaturity is judged in the socio-political and economic dynamics of biraderi politics milieu.

Fig. 2.1 Conceptual Framework

The specific perspective in Toba Tek Singh

Dynamics of Politics

Social Dynamics Political Dynamics • Family • Religion Political awareness, Econonmic Dynamics • Education Elections, voting Wealth, Status, Land • Status,titles behaviour,political parties • Social structures; family or biraderi business ,artisans, Dependence net works • Gender disrimination • ouccupation

voting Behaviour Biraderi politics Non-Rational Choice

The Level of Democratization

Social and Economic Freedom=

Political Free will

The above figure shows the dynamics of biraderi politics the independent variable in this study that how the biraderi set up empower or disempower the individuals through its dependent variables of social, political and economic dynamics and resultantly the level of democratization can be measured either receives effects or not. In all above-mentioned indicators of the democratisation process, the biraderi politics have manifestly played their role.

In political perspective, there are different parameters that can be analysed in political participation under the cover of biraderism i.e. political awareness, elections, voting behaviour of individuals, the role of political parties etc. In developed countries this basic social institutional structure the family, lineage prejudices is doing very important role in political socialization of the people and supports them to use their free will in rationale basis that is why the level of democratization is very high, but the same institution of the society in Punjab and especially in District Toba Tek Singh is subjugating the individuals and not let them free to choose a rational choice as the figure show.

As for the concern, political indicators of democratization their roles are also hijacked by the biraderi politics and hence restrict the individual empowerment in general Punjab and particular in the district under study. Even the 1970 elections also could not bring any drastic change in the political trends through which PPP of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto had got the populist support against the Ayub Khan‘s military rule as aftermath Bhutto himself needed the support of these landed biraderi elites for its rule. The dominant landed classes in Punjab were able to hold their political locus and strengthen it in the two military regimes of Zia-ul-Haq and Musharraf through the elections held under their controlled rule, and consequently in the decades of democracy that preceded after both of them till today. Due to that history, it is pertinent to explore those political sub- dependent variables of the biraderi politics like political participation i.e. awareness, elections, voting behavior of the masses, the role of political parties, Gerry-meandering, etc. As for the concern of the social dynamics of Biraderi politics is generally discussed about the prehistoric group identities like family, clan, biraderi kinship and caste, played a more important role in determining voting behaviour in the subcontinent, than individual political preferences., Oscar Lewis argues that

“The theoretical assumption behind a democratic system based on voting is that the individual is an independent, thinking to be capable and ready to make his own decision. However, in a kinship organized society…it is the large extended family, which is the basic unit for most decision making. At, best, voting becomes an extended family process”.97 Social indicators of democratization are also hampered by the domineering position in a biraderi system in Punjab for example, social inequalities are shown in, norms, values, status, prestige, titles of the biraderies, social structures, culture, gender, and occupations all are regulated through biraderi system and the self-cohesive force of biraderism obstructs the powers of the individuals. Those all variables contributing in restricting the use of free will of the individuals. The economic perspective of democratization also hinges up by biraderi Politics. It highlights the importance of economic security of the individual, but in rural agrarian set up of Punjab is also embedded by the biraderi system. The class structure of the biraderies clearly indicates that the upper strata are enjoying the freedom of democratic standards, whereas the lower strata of biraderies are submissive and do not have the fruits of democracy. Economic instability makes them vulnerable to dependent and this dependency has captured their preferences. Land, wealth, and affluence are guarantors of one emancipating power. The first elections in the history of Punjab were held in 1883 that introduced limited representation in the government of the province in order to enhance more effective role. That was based on a limited franchise, which granted to big landowners and they had the power of the vote. These elections made only a few in power who privileged and were becoming part of advisory capacity to the governor of the province. Both kinds of the participation gradually extended, the franchise and the domain of elected representatives, although institutional limits were introduced that guaranteed the persistent reproduction of the political supremacy of the rules of the landed biraderies. In this the sub-variables like Wealth, Status, Land, business, artisanship, Dependence very much count for the freedom of individual‘s free will for rational choice in a democratic process.

97 Oscar Lewis, Village Life in Northern India (New York: Vintage Books, 1965),149

Chapter No.3

Politico-Historic Bases and Dynamics of Biraderies in Punjab

An important fact about, the biraderi system of Punjab is that it cannot be detached from its historical underpinnings. Which has its roots in the socio-cultural heritage of Indian Sub-continent. But first, it is pertinent to define the intricate phenomenon that can only be understood by having the view on the roots of pre- partitioned Indian society that underwent various cultural invasions. So, to find any definition of the Biraderi system or caste system is very significant that can be found in the history as all scholars and writers define it through its historical perspective.

According to H.H Riseley caste is like binding cement that has captured the whole Indian social fabric. If there is not this concentrated power or its concept become flimsy than the change will not be less than a revolution or it may be also defined as a change or transformation of Gravitational force that can destroy the whole mechanism of organization and chaos may prevail.1 Biraderies or Clans are the social groups based on actual or purported uni-lineal descent from a common ancestor. That kind of sets has been known in all parts of the world and some of them comprise that claim the paternity. They have played a very significant role in colonial and post-colonial era through its socio- political and economic dynamics of Punjab. The central areas of the Punjab are very significant in the Biraderi ties that shape out it‘s the political clout.

Basically, this chapter is about the socio-political and economic setup of the Punjab that defines the biraderies and its impact on the society and the manipulation

1 Risely.H.H, People Of India (Calcuta& Simla ; Thaker , Spink and co : London, W, Thacker &co, 1915), 278 Also see i Mayer , Adrian C, Castes and Kinship in Central India :A Village and its Region ( Berkley ,U.C.P, 1966) ii Schuon Frithjif, Castes and Races ( Middlesex, Perennial Books 1981) iii William Crooke, The Tribes and Castes of Western India ( Delhi: Cosmo Publication , 1974)

of the British as a colonial master. This chapter deals with the historical perceptions and basic roots of Biraderies system. It also describes its characteristics and significance in Punjab. It also evaluates the colonial and post-colonial, social, political and economic dynamics of biraderies and its district wise composition in Punjab. The discussion here is focused first on hereditary elements how that social and cultural phenomenon of biraderies got its footing in the society and second why the British did not want to change that social phenomenon in the Punjab rather they very tactfully preserved it in the social fabric of it in getting their ultimate ends and how District Toba Tek Singh becomes a classical example of British scheming through a canal colonies settlement. A brief history of that particular region of Chenab Colony the Sandal Bar area of central Punjab is also included with its socio-political and economic history of biraderies.

When the British came into power, and then they had focused on already existed few biraderi leaders in Punjab to build up the rural governmental organization. Actually Mughal and Sikh empires had not given the importance to these tribal or biraderi leaders and had not empowered them at that time. Tribal chiefs were hardly getting recognition from the state in Central Punjab and could not able to extend the large land holdings. Sikh specially exerted their power of the tribes of central Punjab. During the Sikh regime, large areas of land were under the intermediaries, who were basically military man‘s favourites of the court and were not depended on tribal underpinnings.2

The organizational structure of tribal aristocracy was seen after the annexation of Punjab, especially in Western areas of Punjab. Sikh in their rule had not departed power and authority to the caste system or the biraderies is no doubt a social phenomenon, but it has great implications in the politico- economic sector. The concept of castes and biraderi has a very strong footing in the social setup of Punjab. Fredrik Barth in his book ―The system of social stratification in Swat, North Pakistan 1962‖3 writes that caste has not merely linked with religion but it is the outcome of power and economic structure. Every caste is different from other in accordance with the occupation. Recognition of caste is manifest individuals from their parents and

2 Gilmartin. David Paul, Empire and Islam (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1989). 18-20 3 Leach.E.R, Aspects of Castes in South Asia, Ceylone, North West Pakistan (London: Cambridge University Press, 1960), 113

the profession is by the choice of their own discretion. It is expressed by Leach that caste is the group of people that have linked to an old man of many prior ancestries. There are many patriarchal families in a caste. Social status in a caste is acquired by birth. Marriages are held within the castes means endogamy is the main feature of the caste. Professions are allocated customarily and every caste has its own social fabrication. Some castes are very conducive for prejudice, honour, and prestige for people.4

According to Sir Denzil Ibbetson in his remarkable report on the Races and Castes in Punjab 1883, classified the agricultural castes and others into five basic groups:

1. The Biloches, Pathan and associated Races 2. The Jatts, 3. Rajputes (Thakars) and allied Castes 4. The Minor dominant tribes (Awans, Kharrals, Meos) The Minor Agricultural tribes (Arains, Ahirs) 5. Religious, Professional, Mercantile and Miscellaneous, Foreign races (Sheikhs, Mughals) Jatt and Rajpute were the major castes of Punjab that settled in central Punjab. According to General Cunningham and Major Tod that both Jatts and Rajputes were Indo- Scythian linkage. ―General Cunningham delineated them as Zanthii of Strabo and Jattu of Pliny and Ptolemy….. they possibly came into Punjab from their homeland on the Oxus very soon following the Meds and Mands, who also were Indo Scythians…….. About one hundred years before the Christ. The Jatts seemed to have first engaged the Indus Valley as far down as Sindh. Before the Mohammedans invasion, the Jatts had spread into Punjab proper, where they were firmly established in the beginning of the 11th century….. Rajputes are from original Aryan stock, but the Jatts belonged to a later wave of settlers‖. 5Jatts moved from the Sindh or Western Rajputeana along with the brink of the river to the Western areas of Punjab Although there is a manifestation of the concept of castes in the rural social setup of Punjab but rather than Hindus, it has special elasticity and no any rift creates

4 Ibid, 2 5 Ibbetson. Denzil, Punjab Castes (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications. 2001). 97

among different castes. Even the customary difference between landlords and menials cannot be felt. They all sit together, eat together and even they use the drinking water ponds of each other. According to the Islamic teachings, all the men are brothers (the member of Islamic fraternity). Basically, Islam does not divide its believers into caste and creed system. They can eat, drink and sit together. They can do intermarriages. Due to the effects of Hindu culture, the Muslim is in the clutches of traditional phenomena of ―Endogamy‖ and ―Exogamy‖ and even they sometimes not eat food with strangers.6

Every rural person of Punjab has stuck to any caste or Biraderi that is considered to be his identity or recognition. Here the term big caste, sub-caste and biraderi stand similarly. According to Zabiya Eglar, the word “biraderi” is more used in rural areas of Punjab. The word is used at the same time for close blood relatives and for a whole group of people who belong to a same paternal lineage. The daughters are considered to be from the 0father‘s lineage and after marriages, they are considered from their husbands‘ lineage.7

The word biraderi is used in two ways, for example, one is to be used for much-closed relatives and secondly, it is used for all the non-relative people of the biraderi who dispersed in the whole country.8

Levy in his book ―Modernisation and The Structure of Societies‖ rightly opines that favouritism is an evident recognition of that kind of society which is much affected by the significance of relationships and where ‗the favouritism‘ is perceived as a base of the social structure.9 That has meant that in Punjab if one has enjoyed any kind of authority he is always preferred his biraderi relatives and this same segment is the part of Punjab‘s social culture. This customary Biraderi system is persisting in all spheres of life. Even the fabric of social system is intertwined on the basis of the prejudices and favouritism of biraderies. The biraderi fully give help and support to its offshoots fraternity in social and moral, economic and political aspects.

6 Jaefer Sharef, Islam in India, (London, Humphrey, Milford: Oxford University press, 1924), 328 7 Eglar Zabiya, A Punjabi Village in Pakistan, ( New York: Columbia University Press,1960), 75 8 Honigmn John, Three Pakistani Villages(North Columbia: Chappell hill University, 1958), 88 9 Morison Levy. Jr., Modernisation and the Structure of Societies. ( Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966), 386

Being an agricultural province basic unit of the biraderi system is the ―village‖ that has many social sub-structures which are the main sources of political power. There are three kinds of mutual relationships which provide the basic structure of social and political reactions.

1. Social relations that based on caste and biraderi, which is the customary law of the Punjab.

2. Economic relations, that are domestic as well as cooperative.

3. Political relations; Administrative, Governmental structure, especially district administration and police institution which encompasses the whole village social set-up.10

3.1 Brief History of Biraderi system in Sub- Continent

There are many factors which contributed to evaluating the historical perspective of the sub-continent. These factors that transformed the configuration of the societal set up on it may be categorised into following: 1. Migrations 2. Invaders 3. Missionary legates 4. Religions These are the main four factors that left their traces on the socio-cultural mosaic of sub-continent. Apart from this, the base of Punjabi race consists of Aryan peoples whose formation was happening in the second millennium of BC. Among them, big groups were ‗Mtherka‘, ‗Jaritala‘ and ‗Kaya‘. The relatives of those people, the Indian Aryans population was settled in the Western bank of river Sindh, Dera Jatt, and River Kabul. Primordial India found its castism traces about thousands of years ago and the existing caste based society had been formulated in an Aryans era during approximately 1500 B.C and they divided the society into different segments of castes. Actually, there is not found the straight traces of caste and creed system in the Vedic era. But in Brahmin era, people were divided into four castes i.e.

10 Alavi Hamza, Mahkomi ki Siyasat ka Shikar Mugrabi Punjab ka aik Gaoun (Translated by Tahir Kamran Lahore: Quarterly, Jan. 2004), 126

• Brahman ( the clerics/priests and the teachers)

• Khashtriya (administrators and military men)

• Vaishya (traders, merchants, businessmen, and peasants)

• Shudras (The local people / untouchable)11

This division shows the higher and lower profile strata of castes. This system of caste and creed is still persisting more or less in the present era. In other words, during the Vedic and Brahmin era, the Aryans came who were the Colonists of the Five River Land. (So, according to one theory that before Aryas there lived Dravidian. It was Proto-Dravidians who are now found in S. India and also constitutes some of the Adivasis of India.)

Indian historian Herbuns Mukhia stated that there was no any feudalism or Land Lord system in India before the arrival of the British. But the Russian historians have the view that there were found the signs of this system during the period of Arth Shaster or Chander Gupt Muriya. R.S Sharma in his book ‗Feudalism in India‘ writes that this system took its roots in the 4th Century and got culmination during 11th to 12th centuries. From Buddhist era to 3rd century the King, Worshipers and Military men were living on the surplus value of skilled men and peasants. But even yet the revenue was not collected, then the custom of gifting the (Jagir) land was started. Hence the landlord the “Jagirdar” collected the surplus from the peasants and the State got its share from the Landlord (Jagir Dar).12 All these steps had gone towards making the Land as a hallmark symbol of prestige, power and define the economic status of the people to distinguish each other.

After the invasion of Ghaznavids and Ghouries, the Northern Part of the Subcontinent became the hub of Muslim Military and Land owned aristocracy. Islam had vastly spread in this area, from the beginning of the 11th century to the 7th decade of the 18th Century (till the establishment of Sikh Regime ). Lahore was the centre of East and Central Punjab and Multan was the centre of South West Punjab.

11 Ali Abbas Jalalpuri, Rawayat-e-Tamadan-e- Qadeem, (Lahore: Takhliqat, 1999),229 12 Ali Mubarak, Jagir Dari (Lahore: Fiction House, 1996), 19-20

According to Mughees Ahmad and Fouzia Naseem, that with the amalgamation of locals with Aryans the division of castes and clans had been formed. But the discriminatory system of Aryans could not be wiped out even in the period of the Muslim rulers, but they were also divided into higher or lower castes. The superiority complex of identification like Muslim rulers Turk, Afghan and Arab transformed the local Muslims into biraderies and these people were divided into many sub-castes with the names of their predecessors, which shape out biraderi system later.13

Actually, in Islam, there is no discrimination in humans rather on the basis of good and bad, but practically people had been strongly attached to customary Laws rather with religion as the customary law originates from the socio–cultural basis and they could not apart themselves from the caste and creed system (the biraderism). The Muslim history in India is also based on power: struggle or war of existence and this became the main cause of biraderism as Muslim society was mainly dominated by following Muslim rulers who were very much attached with their lineage supremacy:

 Turkish rulers and nobles  Tajiks,  Khaljis  Afghans 14 Then the British replaced them and strengthen the roots of biraderism in order to achieve their set goals. According to the Governmental Statistics, 15% Muslims were the progenies of these invaders.15The areas in the South Doab Sindh Jhelum and South West areas of Punjab are considered to be the areas of Punjabi Land Lords tribal solidarity.16This system of caste and creed is still persisting more or less in the present era.

In India exploitation was of biraderies or castes it was not held by peasants as agriculture was a common feature of the whole state. As the state had control over irrigation means hence it collected the surplus value as a tax. According to Karl Marx

13 Mughees A and Fouzia N, Social system influences Political System A Comparative Study of Sub- Continent, in Berkeley Journal of Social Sciences Vol.1, No.1, (Jan 2011),4 14 Ibid, 4 15 Yuri Gonufiski, Pakistan ki Quomiatian, (Translated by Mirza Ashfaq Baig,Lahore: Fiction House. 2002) ,120 16 Ibid, 116-117

that in Eastern societies, village biraderis and Eastern authoritarianism did not change, but with the span of time some changes did happen, for example, shift from biraderi cultivation to individual cultivation, increase in state revenue and excess of the producing goods to markets, etc.17

In medieval ages village communities were also in many ways, connected with the biraderi system. Whenever it was necessitated to control the agricultural land or services had given for common interests, then all these issues might be resolved through mutual cooperation and consensus. Village communities were self-sufficient and skilled man‘s power was also present there who gave services in the perspective of the different requirements of the village community. They were not paid from the common expenditure head of the village rather following the customary law; these workers who were called as “Kami” (Menial) had got a little share of the agricultural produce of the each farmer at the time of harvesting of the crops. This created the gap between two classes the upper and lower strata.

At that time village communities were divided into two categories, one was a land owning and the second was the general public. First one was a landowner or a local tribal head or leader that persisted till the state pleased with him as long as he collected the revenue from the area under his control and deposited that amount in the state accounts. The status of the landowner was similar to an extent like a feudal lord of Britain. There were three categories in Mughal Empire i.e.

1. Having the independent status ―the Sardar‖ (A Chief or a head or sometimes a Leader for local community). 2. The intermediary characters ―The Landowners‖ who bridge up the link between the ruler and its subjects. 3. The lower ranked land owners.18 (socio- cultural and politico- economic formation) Theoretically, the subjects of the village, the farmers were independent, however, there was present a post of an administrator the “Muqaddam” who collects the revenue and also enjoyed the powers. It was an inherited designation and within the

17 Will Durant, The Age of Faith, (New York: 1950) , 555-556 18 Alavi Hamza, Hindustan Feudalism Say Nou- Abadiati Capitalism Tuk (Thesis, translated by Tahir Kamran, (Lahore: Quarterly Tarikh. Vol no.1 dated 1.3.1999 ) , 116-119

span of time, it got the status of a landowner.19 He was at the same time a head, a local leader, a conflict resolver and a revenue collector the intermediary person.

In this entire context, if have a look at the socio-cultural formation history of the Punjab then it is not different from the rest of the Sub-continent and it has no exception. In order to understand Punjab‘s social setting and dynamics of caste and biraderi politics, it is important to study its historical perceptions.

Punjab is an exclusive area with respect to its, administrative and political history and socio-economic structure. Its socio-political construction has been exposed to many vagaries in the past. Punjab is the land of five rivers, has been enjoying an important position in the subcontinent too, as compared to the other areas of India. Punjab is situated in the Northwest of Sub- Continent. In the North, the Himalaya‗s range separates it from Tibet and Kashmir, in its south Sindh and the Indian province Rajihistan is situated and in the West, the northwestern province Khyber Pukhtun Khaw is situated here River Sindh separate it from its boundaries.20 In the north of the Punjab is situated the Pothwar plateau that is known for its ancient civilization of the world. This area was mugged by different empires and races like Aryans, Persians, Greeks, Muslims, Mongols, Sikhs and the British, therefore the frontiers of Punjab has been stretching and dwindling in different eras.

The Punjab, the North Western area of the pre-partition Sub-Continent of South Asia has many ancient noticeable names that are ―Saput Sindhu‖, ―Sa, Ta Gosh‖, ―Punj Jenisia Kerishti‖, ―Punj Nand‖, ―Bhailek‖ and ―Punj Ambhua‖.21 Generally, it originates its name from two Indo-Persian words ―Punj‖ means five and ―Aab‖ means water, therefore, according to the nomenclature of its name it means the land of five rivers i.e. Jhelum, Chenab, Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej, including the tributaries of the Indus.22

19 Barni Zia- ud -din, Tarikh -e-Feroz Shahi (Urdu Version) (Lahore: Markazi Urdu Board, 1969) , 91-92 20 Chuhaderi, Muhammad Azam ,Tehreek-e-Pakistan may Punjab ka Kirdar, (Karachi: Royal Book Company. 1996), 13 21 Aunjum Rehmani, Punjab- Tamadni-O- Maushrti Jaiza, op. cit., 10 22 M.S.Leigh, The Punjab and the War (Supt. Govt. Printing press.1922) (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications 1997), 1-3 also read I B.S.Nijjar, Punjab under the British Rule1849-1947 ( Lahore: Book traders, (n.d), 1-21 II. Old names of five rivers as Bias(Hypeasis), Ravi( Hydrotes),Sutlej(Zaradvos),Jhelum(Hypasis),Chenab(Akesines)

These five rivers Bias, Ravi, Sutlej, Jhelum, and Chenab are irrigating its fertile lands and the floods and torrents enrich its soil‘s fertility that develops its agriculture.23

The present area of Punjab is comprised of 62102 Sq. Miles. This area is 60% of the undivided (pre-partitioned) Punjab. (Punjab is Pakistan's second largest province with an area of 205,344 square kilometres (79,284 square miles).24 Before partition its geographical boundaries drawn-out fall from Ambala division to river Attock and from Rawalpindi to Bahawalpur. It had 35 states till 1891 and the state of Jammu and Kashmir were also included in its boundaries.25 The area from Delhi to Nowshera and Bahawalpur to Hazara was the part of Punjab till 1900.26 The old, uninhabited land and forests of the Punjab are called “Bar”. Generally, the term “Bar” is denoted ―Barani Area‖ on the base of the Highlands. But after excavating the canals the situation was changed. The areas of Sandal Bar, Kirana Bar, Ganji Bar, Gondal Bar and Neli Bar of Punjab are very famous. The area of Punjab may further also distribute in five doabs:

1. Baast Jalandhir Doab (River Bias & River Sutlej) 2. Chaaj Doab (River Chenab & River Jhelum) 3. Bari Doab (River Bias & River Ravi) 4. Rachna Doab (River Ravi & River Chenab) 5. Sindh Sagar Doab (Area between River Jhelum & Sindh)27 In the South of an upper Bari Doab, Gurdas Pur, Amritsar, Ferozwala, Lahore and some area of Kasoor is called area of ―Maajha‖. The people of this area are famous for their bravery, health, military services and for their cultural basis. In the north of the Punjab is situated the Pothwar plateau that is known for its ancient civilization of the world. The area was invaded by different realms and races like Aryans, Persians, Greeks, Muslims, Mongols, Sikhs and the British, therefore, its boundaries have been swelling and shrinking over different periods of time. 28

23Talbot Ian, Tareekh-e-Punjab, (Urdu translation of ―Punjab and the Raj‖ 1849-1947 by Tahir Kamran, .Lahore: Takhliqat, 2006) , 25 24 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Punjab,_Pakistan#Geography 25 Awan, M.J. Tehreek-e-Azadi May Punjab ka Kirdar (1857-1947) (Islamabad: Modern Book Depot, 1993), 18 26 Ab-ul-Fazal, Ain -e- Akbari ( Hedra Abad Dakan, 1939) , 1019 27 Ibid 1019 28 Nijjar, B.S. Punjab under The Sultans 1000-1526 (1st Pakistani, Ed, Lahore: Book Traders, 1979) , 2

The main source of Punjab‘s prosperity is its agricultural system developed over centuries. The land was the main feature in the assertion of political influence and domination in rural areas of Punjab that is why the British also kept this realistic point in their views while establishing their political rule as Mughals and Sikhs had done in their rules that without the collaboration of landed aristocracy it‘s very hard to run the government.29

Punjab has an extraordinary attraction for the invaders of the North for its ingenuity. According to Khashwant Singh that maybe this area was ordained to be an enduring battleground and settlement of various vanquishers.30 That‘s why Punjab was afflicted by the different races, i.e. Aryans, Greeks, Huns, Persians, Turks and then by Muslim Afghan rulers. It was persisted a part of the Muslim empire, from the Sulatienies era to the Mughal Empire.31

After then, Ranjit Singh set the bases of his vast Sikh Kingdom.32 He fully established Sikh supremacy in the state and raised Punjab as a great state by capturing Multan, Kashmir, and Peshawar.33 He, himself totally dependent on the loyalty of the landed aristocrat biraderies and presented them extensive importance because Punjab was a soil of peasant proprietors, which had 87 % to 90 % population in the rural side area at that time. It should be explained here that basically, this bargaining persistence in all regimes allowed the landed elite to entrench themselves within a governing position in the political, social and economic construction of Punjab.34 ―The co- optation and cooperation of Punjab‘s landed elites remained central to the systems”35

However, the main source of incomes was the land revenue and the minimum 50% of the gross production was considered as the share of government.36 But their revenue system was very poor and precarious that the local chief went to the villages to collect security tax. The political situation also

29 Talbot Ian, Punjab and the Raj, Urdu Translation by Tahir Kamran, op.cit, 26 30 Khushwant Singh, History of the Sikh Vol-1 (Princeton University, 1963). 31Salahuddin Iqbal, Tareekh-e-Punjab (Lahore Aziz Publishers, 1988), 122 - 433. 32 Dr.Muhammad Azam Chaudhry, Tehreek-i-Pakistan main Punjab Ka Kirdar (Karachi: Royal Book Company 1996) .21 33 Latif, S. M, History of the Punjab (Calcutta: Central Press Company, 1891) 34Hassan Javid, Class, Power, and Patronage - The Landed Elite and Politics in Pakistani Punjab. A phd thesis submitted to the London School of Economics in 2012. 2-3 35 Ibid. 2 36 M Khurshid, The Role of Unionist Party in the Punjab Politics (1923-36) (The Islamia University of Bahawalpur: Unpublished Ph. D. Thesis,1992), 15

continued much unsolidified and geopolitical vagaries often happened consequently there was no stable superior proprietorship was shaped out.37

Many Muslim landed aristocrat Biraderies like Noons and Tiwanas were devoted supporters of Sikhs but this was not ample to secure their rule on Punjab. 38 Nevertheless, in Punjab, Ranjit Singh was the only ruler who could claim a strongly united kingdom and he ruled until his death (1839).

Along with this whole scenario, it is very important to have a view of the history of that particular region of Punjab in which District Toba Tek Singh is situated and which is the main focus area of this research. Toba Tek Singh has not its own specified history as its settlement was held very late. So it is essential to look over the history of the Sandal Bar in the historical context of Toba Tek Singh because Toba Tek Singh was the central part of Sandal Bar. The bar is like a plateau and this is a high land between two rivers where water cannot reach.39

The signs of the pre-colonial history of this area were found in the invasion of the Alexander (Sikander-e-Azam) the great conqueror of Greece. Alexander attacked Sanglanwala Tiba (present Sangla Hill) to teach the lesson to the people of this area for their revolt. Sangla was recognized by Brahmans as ―SAKALA‖ and for Buddhists as ―SAGAL‖. Alexander appeared from river Ravi (at that time called Hydraotes) to snub the revolt of that area by advancing along the bank of River Ganges. 40

After the Alexander, the history of the Sandal Bar is silent for centuries. An important feature of the people of this area was that they were inclined to grazing due to the agricultural background. Different areas of Rachna Doab were under powerful tribes who were used to quarrel with each other over the ownership of pasture lands.41 So, it is evident from that time too, that land was a manoeuvring dynamic among native tribes as the ownership defines the power of any tribe.

37 Ibid 38 Ibid 39 AhmadGhazali, Sandal Bar ( Lahore: Feroz sons Limited, 1988) , 9-23 40 Gazetteer of Chenab Colony 1904 (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 1996), 11 41 Ibid, 13

Settled areas of the bar were ruled by Saturn of Delhi. They ruled these areas through Soob-e-dar who was appointed in Lahore. After them, the areas of Chiniot, Chenab, Khushab, and Bhera were coming under the rule of Amir Taimoor for a long time. That‘s why Zaheer-Ud-Din Muhammad Baber in his book narrated that association with Amir Taimoor of that area, no one dares to neither harm the people nor abducts their animals. Another special feature of this area was the young Sardar ―Malik Hassat‖ of Janjua biraderi who accepted the authority of Baber.42 There are many other scripts of narratives had been found in which this area was discussed, i.e. ―Humayun Nama‖ by Gulbuddin Begum, ― Tuzk-e-Jahan Giri‖ and ―Shah Nama Firdosi‖ despite them the area is also discussed in the folklore of ―Mirza Sahiban‖ by Hafiz Barkhudar (1620-1700) and in ―Heer‖ Waris Shah (1722-1798).43

This area is witnessing the power politics among the native tribes. Different tribes had control over the area, but only powerful tribes with respect of socioeconomic aspect control the bar. These tribes, also provide the leadership for the people. The area of Bar was coming under the control of Bhatti's (a Muslim Rajpute Tribe)44 in the initial phase of the 19th century. The area was expanded from Pindi Bhatian to Shah Kot. The tribe of Bhatti's was basically an enemy of Virk and Kharral tribes due to the control and usage of the different parts of the bar. These three tribes also reached an agreement and the area of Shah Kot was decided as the boundary between the areas of three. In the memory of this agreement three wells were built that remained until the early years of the 20th century.45

Virks also got the control of the Sandal Bar as it‘s a power game among the tribes to control the bar. The South Eastern areas were under their control. But they left the bar like Bhatties before the annexation of the Punjab. In accordance with the Gazetteer of Chenab Colony, the folklore about the reason is this; there were two local small tribes ―WAGHA‖ and ―WASIRS‖. They were under the Kharrals. But they stood up against their patron tribe Kharral when they imposed heavy taxes on them. As the Sikh ruler imposed this tax on cattle lifting and in return, they (Kharrals) were bound to impose it on their people. But these tribes had not accepted

42 Ahmad Ghazali, Sandal Bar, Opcit, 69 43 Ibid, 70-74 44 The word ―Tribe‖ was used in pre-colonial period as they quarrel and fought with each other to gain the control, which has the same meanings as of ―Biraderi‖. 45 Ibid, 14

and left the central area of the bar and settled in the area of Virks. Virks had no objection as these tribes adopted cultivation as an occupation instead of cattle theft. Anyhow the tribe WAHGA soon after settling there had infringements with Bhatties. During that their leader ―Massan‖ in 1825 got defeated and killed. After him, his son ―Malla‖ got supremacy over a Gujranwala area of Sandal Bar, with the help of renowned rebellion leader Ahmad Khan Kharral of Jhamra. When the British annexed Punjab, then they had distributed Northern part of the bar into ―Chaks‖ and assigned the ―Thakedars‖ to collect the fees for cattle grazing.

A large area of the bar was also to be controlled by ―Sial‖ tribe and partially in small areas Harral of Murad Wala and Sayad of Rajoy also had their control. The Sials are the inheritors of Rai Shankar, a “Ranwar” Rajpute who lived in Dhar Nagar that was situated between Allahabad and Fatehpur. It's anecdote is that Rai Shanker had three sons named, Seu, Teu and Gheu and the Sials of Jhang, the Tiwanas of Shapur and the Ghebs of Pindigheb are their progeny. Another narrative is that Sial was the only son of Rai Shanker. But it is a fact that during this era Kharral, Tiwanas, Ghebas, Chuddharas, and Sials had come to this area of Punjab and settled here and accepted Islam. Power was shifted to Sials, in 1642. Mal Khan was the ninth descendant of Sial, who settled the Jhang area. Sial paid revenue to the Naul tribe who were the chief tribe of the Jhang area. Within one and a half century the Nauls and along with other tribes Bhangus, Marals and Mangans were to be deprived of Sials from their territory and they had a severe skirmish with the Beloch and Kharral of Kamalia. But they got real supremacy under their great leader WALI-DAD-KHAN. They had also fought with Bharwana Sials and Rind Baloch. After the death of Wali Dad Khan, Bharwana Sials got an occupation of Jhang and Chenab bar until they turned to cultivation from grazing.46

The Kharral are Rajpute and claimed, belong to, be the race of Raja Karan of Hastinapur. This show the social status also did matter for the respect and honour that claimed superiority of a biraderi or tribe. Their predecessor ―Bhupa‖ had come to ―Uch Sharif‖ in the 13th century. Here he and his son Kharral accepted Islam the hand of the Makhdoom Jehania Jehan Gasht. They move from ‗Uch‘ and settled on the bank of the Ravi River. In the beginning, they were also graziers same like Sial tribe.

46 Gazetteer of Chenab Colony,. P .15-16

But in the 14th century, their leader Sardar Kamal Khan made them a strong tribe. Present ―Kamali‘‘ is called after the name of Kamal Khan. But in the future, this city was becoming the centre of ―Lakhair‘‘ clan an offshoot of Kharral tribe. Lakhairas got culmination when Sardar Saadat Yar Khan of Kamalia got ―Jagir‖ (land) from Urangzaib Alamgir the Delhi Emperor. During that same period ―Wali Dad Khan‖ destroyed Kamalia and settled “Murdana” and ―Tabrana” Sials in the areas of River Ravi. He got assistance from “Kathias” Bhagelas and Wahniwals for doing this task. After the death of ―Walidad” Sial, the Lakhairas again got liberation. Until then the Sikh Nakkai had got domination over them. Then consequently and slowly a change occurred and the Kharrals discarded the life of grazing animals and attached to the agriculture and used to live a town life. That‘s why there was none of them ―Rahna‖ (Gypsie‘s place of living) present here when the canal settlement initiated. There was another clan of Kharral the ―Upera Kharral‖. They were settled in big villages like Jhamra Danabad and Lundianwala. Their popular leader Malu terminated the Virk authority. Unlike, Sials and Kharrals of Kamalia, Uperas never retreated from their ownership of the bar. Actually, they had no interest in agriculture that‘s why they wanted to remain the permanent residents of the bar. It is very easy to understand that the higher tribes also provide the leadership as there was also a patron tribe which had the power to dominate other tribes.

The above-mentioned tribes claimed themselves as the tribes of “Bari Ravi” (Means bigger Ravi) and on the other hand, the small and agricultural tribes called themselves to be tribes of ―Nigi Ravi‖ (Means small Ravi). Tribes of Bari Ravi revolted against the British under Ahmad Khan Kharral of Jhamra. Most of the events took place out of the boundary of Sandal Bar. But the people of bar protected the rebellions.47

Another important aspect is this that tax and revenue from cattle grazing from the settlers of Bar were initiated in the Sikh regime. This tax or revenue was called ―TIRINI‖. The Sikh rule only concerned with the collection of that tax, they never bother about the residents. So, in this regard, the tribal heads always made their own way and Sikh rule had no objection. These tribal heads were called “Rath” (Means strong leader and a robber at the same time). These “Rath‖ were worked as the

47 Ibid, 17

custodians of their subjects. Cattle lifting was a routine matter of bar. These “Rath” also collected the 5% tax called “Pawanji” on providing protection to the cattle lifters. Like that when the goods were passed through dangerous parts and ways of the bar, then 2.5% tax called ―Badrakki‖ was levied on them. And rupees 10, received on the recovery of stolen goods and cattle. Which was called “Phuta ka Rupia” in the local tongue? The bar had very bloody rituals, whenever invasion was held to destroy the enemy, for example, bloody war of Uppera Kharral. But after the British arrival, these skirmishes gradually diminished. Agriculture got its footing and grazing cattle in the shape of herds became outmoded.48

Rasa Giri and cattle theft were the special characteristics of the bar. It was said that no one would have right to set a turban on his head until he would not become a successful cattle thief. Many proverbs in this regard are used as colloquial of the people still today. 49 This is the entire social setup before the colonial Raj. The revenue system of Sikh was very important which persisted afterward too in the colonial period and so on.

3.2 The colonial setup of Biraderies This pre-colonial socio-political and economic set up was gradually transformed when the British rule took the control they had made drastic changes by preserving customary laws, but according to their needs and set goals to establish their about a hundred years, rule. So, India got a huge change in rural social setup when the British government established and they had introduced Britain, the liberal conceptual framework of democratization through Private Property institution and they enhance all this activity by establishing capable and able government structure through rule of law. These steps encouraged private ownership.50 This private ownership also puts a deep impact in the social, economic and political sphere and triggers the biraderi politics.

In the life of Ranjit Singh the British rule pragmatically did not decide to creep into Punjab but after his death, they had turned to cross the boundaries of Punjab. From 1841-1849 different battles were held between Sikhs and the British, but at last

48 Ibid, 17 49 Ahmad Zahoor, Ph.D thesis ., 72

50 Barni Zia –ud-Din, Tareekh-e-Feroz Shahi., 89-90 also it can be read in , Habib Irfan, The Agrarin System of Mughal India,(1963),129-130

demise of the Sikh rule in Punjab started with the battle of Gujarat and the British annexed Punjab into their custody on March 12, 1849.51 By the orders of Lord Dalhousie, Punjab was seized to the British India by the Sir Henry M Elliot then Governor General of India. Thus the boundaries of the British government attached to the North Western Frontier Province and Sikh became the good ally of the British rule. Even the Sikhs supported the British rule in the mutiny of 1857. That‘s why the British rule had faced less resistance at that time. 52

Many Political-administrative and economic steps were taken by the British in Punjab to had authoritative control. Punjab and Indian Government came under the British Empire by the implementation of ―Indian Council Act 1858‖ and East India Company was terminated. The title of Viceroy was turned into Governor General who might appoint the governors of the provinces too by his own discretion.

Sir John Lawrence became the first Lieutenant Governor General in 1859. The British government had many reasons to annex Punjab due to its numerous Politico-economic aspects. According to Nijjar, that perhaps the main attractions of the British were the Punjab‘s most favoured cotton market for the dumping and consumption of their finished products, accessibility of low paid labour, facilitation for the development of their cavalry force. 53 These were the attractions to pay off the free market economy.

More than half of the population of Punjab was Muslim. They were in the ultimate majority in West Punjab, however, in Eastern Punjab Hindus and Sikhs were in the majority. These three distinct identities had a long history of violent sectarianism conflicts. In this historical context, the British used the customary Law to minimise the ethnicities, hatred, and confrontation. Hence, they modelled the scenario by giving new prominent status to biraderi and clan as they were the basic social units. Through this policy religion and sectarian-based identification was

51 Nijjar. B.S, Punjab under the British Rule (1849-1947) Vol.3 (Lahore: Mustafa Waheed Publishers, n.d.), 35 52 Salah -ud- Din. Iqbal, Tareekh -e- Punjab ( Lahore: Aziz Publishers, 1988), 576, 581 Also view i. Lahore: Political Dairies 1847-1849, ( Allah Abad: The Pioneer Press, 1911, Vol. II ) 53 Nijjar. B.S, Punjab under the British Rule (1849-1947) op.cit., 26-27

discouraged.54 Here the major contribution was paid to this social unit ―the Biraderi‖ which aftermath has become able to entrench and project itself very actively.

The exclusion and inclusion of the two communities are very important feature to pay off to the encouragement of this caste and creed system, two different groups were shaped out first was, the few native communities were declared as hereditary criminal and the second group was encouraged by declaring them as the Martial race on the basis of Military recruitment. This philosophy was promoted very actively. One of British officer wrote about the first category of tribes that ―Crime was induced in their instinct and was their profession and they could not apart themselves from it. As previously described the theft that is an honourable thing for the native tribes, but here came tilt the element of honour and prestige was shifted towards martial races. It was said that as some were bound by fate to become a carpenter or a farmer same like that some were declared by fate as criminals due to link with certain castes. These castes were eradicated from society and to exploit them ―Criminal Tribes Law‖ was implemented in 1871.55

Those tribes were however very organised and recognised by their cultural diversities and norms. They joined in the shape of the biraderies. Among them, Oudd, Changar, Gujjar, and Saniasi were well known. These all collectively called as “Jangli” by the British and were supposed to be treated badly. Their language was known as uncivilised. They were Graziers by profession. After declaring them criminals these the real settlers of the area were deprived of their lands and earning means. Somehow, the same had done with the nomadic tribes of America, Australia, and New Zealand in the name of civilisation. Hence, after confiscating the lands from criminal tribes and allotted to newcomers, who coordinated the British in extraditing the natives. These lands were in canal colonies with the approximately 5086587Acre area. The British government occupied these areas by their own discretion and distributed among new allottees. 56

In that way, Punjab ‗the canal colonies settlement province‘ had become a servitude province of the British, and introduced such class of landowners who with

54Talbot Ian, Punjab Azadi say Ghulami Tuk , Op.cit , 32 55Metcalf,Thomas , Ideologies of Raj (New Delhi: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 122-123 56Vandel Pervaiz, Punjab ka Ibtadai Birtanvi Dour: Abadkari or Nahri Nou Abadian , Research Paper in Tareekh-e-Lahore Quarterly No.20 (Jan.2004 ), 93

all means served as an ally of foreign rulers. This cooperative relationship had become stronger when army recruitment was held. Retired army officers were granted large areas of land at new settlements of Jhelum as a gift. Hence, to get the lands as a gift had become the convention for the payment for the loyalties.57 This traditional act of land presented in gifts has manoeuvred the biraderi politics. The social group of the biraderies was rooted in this way at the base of the Punjabi administrative system.

This coercive and cooperative policy of British in Punjab got unimaginable success as within 8 years of the annexation of Punjab, Britain again occupied Delhi with the help of its foe of 1857 rebel ‗the Sikh.‘ The British annexed Punjab in the last so that they utilized their previous experience and adopted Patron – Client policy and got a docile loyalty in Punjab.58 Settlement policy proved to be a big instrument to launch the British rule. More to this the British portrayed itself as a patron saint. The cultivatable area was extended more after introducing the canal system. By the year 1900, 5 Lac Acre area of land was irrigated by canals and market access was possible due to the transportation means. The value of agricultural land had become very expensive as the demand for agricultural produce was increased in export. Hence the capitalists, bankers, and money lenders started investment in land. They exploited the small landowners and peasants through debts and then confiscating lands from them.

At that time the British government introduced ―Land Alienation Act 1900‖. The state itself induced ―land‖ as a manipulation, dynamic in social setup. A new hard line was drawn between agricultural and non-agricultural the biraderies by ―Land Alienation Act 1900‖ which put a deep impact on the post-colonial era. Actually, according to that act transfer of the land was prohibited to non-agricultural communities.59 This act had dual importance; one was national and other was racial.

The key task of the British colonial rule was to dig out local dominant individuals and Biraderies in order to get their support. The British had openly accepted the social and political set up of Biraderies and also they had put all their administrative efforts to strengthen them. For example, they depended on the manly

57 Ibid, 97 58 Ali Mubarak , Tareekh Or Thqeek (Lahore: Fiction House.2002), 117 59 Grawal I.S, Punjab Mein Zarai Paidawar or Nou Abadiati Policy , Thesis Translation by Tahir Kamran in Tareekh –e-Lahore, Quarterly, Issue No.19.(Oct,2003) , 13

power of the biraderies and social groups in order to use their affiliations for their vested interests.

The policy of the political administration of the British to control Punjab had prone the Biraderism. Andrew R. Wilder portrays this approach as following;

“Colonial policies that distinguished and discriminated on the basis of caste and Biraderi, such as the Land Alienation Act of 1900, served to reinforce their political importance. Biraderi considerations were also taken into account by colonial administrators while drawing district and sub-district administrative boundaries. These were often intended to create local strongholds for the landed elites and tribes and Biraderi leaders who were chosen to maintain political stability in their areas of control”.60

Punjab government was authorised to decide who would be in agricultural class and who would be not. Hence, many of cultivators were extradited from agricultural class and for example in Amritsar and Gurdaspur districts Jatt, Rajpute, Arain, Gujjar, Dogars, Mughals, and Sayed were counted in agricultural class and later some of them were extradited and declared as a non-agricultural class for example Sahini was agricultural in Gurdaspur and non-agricultural in Amritsar. Likewise, this Kambohs were agricultural in Amritsar and non-agricultural in Gurdaspur and Brahmins, Potters, Indian Christians, Sikhs, and Low-Caste were also in this agricultural category.61

Then to establish a strong rule of the British the administrative system was hosted in which local people were chosen to participate, but conditions applied as the local powerful biraderi leaders were selected to run the formal institutions. For that purpose, the British had introduced an administration unit at a very local level the „Zail‟ that comprised of five to forty Villages whose head was „Zaildar‘. These Zaildars were considered as a leader of hegemonic tribes and Biraderies. But in fact, they were working as a tool in the mechanism to implement the imperialistic views of

60 Wilder Andrew R., The Pakistani Voter: Electoral Politics and Voting Behaviour in the Punjab, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999), 178 61Ibid, 156-157

the British. Hence the foreign rulers successfully established an influential village Aristocracy that promoted their imperialistic views.62

They had not only read keenly the Indian discourse of societal set up in the perspective of caste, creed or racial elements, even they had focused on a man‘s level of affiliation to the tribe and continuity of lineage. Relationship or blood connections were more important for them. The Britain settlement officers and the courts kept this point in the distribution of land inheritance. This sociological aspect of individual‘s affiliation towards his biraderi was exploited by the British government in order to gain legitimacy from the local people for their rule.

It is also very important to have looked at the administrative steps that initiated by the British rule in Punjab. So, afterward, the annexation, different Acts, and Reforms were introduced by the British in 1892 and 1909 to give a little space to the Indians in government affairs and to gauge a minimum level of democracy. These were 1909 reforms in which for the first time right of the separate electorate were given to Indians. In1919 the notorious Rowlett Act was introduced which was protested severely by both communities, Hindus, and Muslims. For the first time, Martial Law was imposed in Punjab at that time.63

For the British, the role of Punjab was very significant after becoming the granary house and a cavalry breeding province than Mumbai (Bombay), Madras and Bengal.64 The slogan of ―Martial Race‖ flourished very well here. That‘s why in this province the heads of the biraderies first recruited themselves, then mobilised to their biraderi members to join military services. The collaborative role of Tiwans of Shahpur and other spiritual sanctity pirs and ―Sajadah Nasheen‖ biraderies was very important for the British.65 Approximately 17, 50,000 men power of Punjab recruited in Indian army. This had a great impact on the social, economic and political aspects of Punjab. Another significant thing is that not even the British relied on aristocrat Biraderi leaders like Tiwanas, Noons and many others, but also along with that preserved the sacredness of the religious Biraderies like Gillanies, Mukhdooms, Sayeds, etc. It was so, that people followed them blindly and gave them honour and

62 Gilmartin David Paul, Tribe Land And Religion In the Punjab : Muslim Politics and the Making of Pakistan ,( Phd Thesis,University of Califorina, Berkely, 1979) Chapter-1 , 1-45 63 Pindi Das Lala , Punjab Mein Pehla Martial Law (Lahore: Fiction House 1996), 72 64 Talbot Ian , Punjab Gulami say Azadi Tuk , 51 65 Ibid, 58-59

respect for their holiness and piety. This dynamic of biraderies is still persisted in political clout of the province

When the limited democracy was introduced in Punjab then for the military and civil services and loyalty they had received rewards in the shape of grants, lands, and titles. This all certified them with a dominant majority in limited electoral constituencies. The influential representatives of the Muslim Martial race like Sikander Hayat Tiwana and Khizer Hayat Tiwana reached the zenith of their political career by joining Unionist Party. These rural, military representatives enjoyed the dominating position and had gripped over politics till the end of the British Raj.66 So, the political scenario was oriented on biraderi affiliation rather than issues oriented.

Biraderism was playing a very vital role in Muslim Politics too in Punjab during the 20th century. The basic social groups of Muslim society in rural Punjab were Biraderies. The Customary laws and regulations had been followed by its affiliates. A certain area of land was under the ownership of any biraderi even though they belonged to different religions Muslims, Hindus or Sikhs. Actually, people were not divided on the basis of religion rather they were divided on the biraderi basis. During the British rule Jatts and Rajputes were major the biraderies in the Punjab.67 These large the biraderies were divided into further sub-castes that were the protectors of paternal royalty customs.

In fact, the role of political parties in Punjab like other areas was very limited and to fill up the gap the local biraderi politics played their role. Different biraderi based organization had been established at that time like;

 Fazal Hussain ‗s political Group,  Chottoo Ram‘s rural members‘ group,  Partab Singh‘s Punjab Chief‘s Association and  Sundar Singh Majeethia‘s Sikh National Board Party  Chand Narang‘s All Punjab Non-Agricultural Association (1938) (a local group),  Chottoo Ram‘s Jatt Gazette,  Muhammad Shafi‘s Gujar Gazette,

66 Ibid, 60 67 Ahmed Mugees, Faisalabad Division ke Siasat per Biradarism kay Asraat, 31

 All India Jatt Conference,  All India Rajpute Conference and Biradari organization These kinds of organizations had been established and that had played a significant role in sustaining and promoting Biradarism. 68 The biraderies of India proved very cooperative in preventing the trends of freedom and extend the period of British rulers.69 Although these organizations had projected their members‘ interests, this element restricted its affiliated people to think on rational bases even after the independence this phenomenon is still persisting.

The other side of the politics of the Muslim middle class was that it had clashed with Hindus and Sikhs that‘s why this class was dependent on Muslim Jagirdar or landed aristocracy. Punjab was deprived of any legislation reforms even till 1861 reforms. Punjab was given no room in legislation until that time and it‘s lagging behind as compared to other parts of India. In 1872, Punjab was allowed to participate in legislation, but the representation was given to that landed aristocracy.

For the first time in 1909 indirect election was held in Punjab under the 1909 Minto-Morley reforms. Only 3% people used their right to vote. They were the members of Local Self-Government and Chamber of Commerce, University Senators and land owners.70 The landed aristocracy had their political dominance since that era. Punjab was also left behind in 1913 as per constitutional reforms than other provinces.

In 1914, a move was started that Lieutenant Governor General of Punjab had to establish an Executive Council for administration purpose of the province. Governor Michael Odwyre strongly opposed this notion as he was in view that local people of the province had no right to interfere in government affairs according to him the educated population of the province moved the constitutional reforms who had the rebellious and radical views.71

68 Talbot Ian, Punjab and the Ra j, (Lahore:Takhliqat, 1999), 228 69 Asraf Muhammad Asraf , Hindustani Muashara (Lahore: Fiction House, 1991), 134 70. Ahmad Sayed Nur, Martial Law sa Martial Law Tuk (Lahore: M Y Printers, 1970), 5-6 also see Yadav Kirpal C, Elections in Punjab 1920-1947 ( New Delhi, Monohar Pubications, 1987) , 8 (The property and status qualification for the Central legislative Voters,1920-47 ) See Appendix E 71 Batalavi. Ashique Hussain, Iqbal kay Akhri Do Saal, (Karachi: Iqbal Acadamy, 1961), 33

Ashiq Hussain BitAlavi writes in his book ―Iqbal Kay Akhri Dou Saal‖ that at that time Micheal Odwyre had planned to create friction between rural and urban people. His attempt was quite fruitful as the seed of hatred and antipathy he sowed in Punjab left its miserable and melancholic traces in the political and social scenario of Punjab. He more writes that Governor Odwyre issued warning to the landowners and other influential people not to go to the annual meeting of the Muslim League in Delhi as the people who worked for the promotion of Muslim League would be arrested.

In 1919, both Parties Congress and Muslim League were agreed to call their annual meeting in Amritsar on the move of Dr. Saif-Ud-Din Kachlo but Odwyre imposed Martial Law in Punjab on 15th of April 1919.72 Two days before this tragic event of Jalianwala Bagh was taking place in Amritsar even though the meetings of Congress, The Muslim League and the Khilafat Committee held in Amritsar in December 1919 and Khilafat movement initiated its momentum. 73

1857 and afterward the Sikh had supported the British in Punjab but when the economic downturn and racial discrimination changes had occurred then they had become rebellious and revolutionary. The people of Central and Southern Districts of Punjab supported the Ghader Party that was founded in Canada and USA to liberate India from the British Raj. This movement also got popularity in central areas of Punjab i.e. Amritsar, Gujranwala and Lahore and its impact was very much prominent in forthcoming movements.74

All India Congress, being a big representative party of India, played a very important role in attaining the objectives of the British but it could not get the support from Punjab till 1937 as Jatts from all of three communities, Hindus, Sikhs, and Muslims did not participate from this platform. Mian Iftikhar Ahmed Arain won from Congress platform because his biraderi (Arain) was in majority in Quasur.75

Despite the moderate role of Gandhi in Congress a violent movement arisen by Sikh youth in Punjab. In which Bhagat Singh, Sukh Dev, and their companions

72 Ibid, 68-69 73 Chaudhry Zahid, Muslim Punjab Ka Siyasi Irtaqa, 66 74 Satiya M. Roy, Punjab Ki Inqalabi Tahreekien 1906-1946 (Translation by Mehmood Zaman, Lahore: Jmhori Publications, 2004), 10 75 Ahmed Mughees, Faisalabad Division ke Siasat per Biradarism kay Asraat (Ph.D Thesis, Department of Political Science, B Z University, Multan, 2004),30

were taken the part and demanded the freedom of India. All India Muslim League was also trying very hard to establish on a strong footing at that time.76

According to Montague Chelmsford 1919 reforms, the first Punjab legislative assembly was established in 1921. Sir Fazal-e-Hussain, Lala Herkishan Lal, and Sunder Singh Majethia were nominated as the members of the legislative assembly. In the political scenario, the Congress Party had been already existed since 1885 but could not get the support from Punjab and in 1923 a new political party the Punjab Unionist Party emerged in the political structure that was representing the landed aristocracy77 that claimed to be a secular party. It mainly represented the interests of the landed aristocrat biraderies of Punjab, including Muslims, Hindus, and Sikhs. Its founders were Sir Fazal Husain (Rajpute) and Chaudhary Chottoo Ram (Jatt).

The leadership of Unionist Party was in the hands of the landed aristocracy and its command was under “Jatts” (The biraderi factor) due to this the 1923 elections ruled by Baradari.78 Again in the elections of 1937, this party gained incredible success due to Barbarism. Ian Talbot also supports this argument that success was based on Biradaries‟ support.79 Zahid Chaudhary writes that Unionists trapped rural Muslims to Biraderies interests and get the success.80

This party very effectively delivered till the year of 1935 and ruled from 1924 to 1946. The leadership of Sir Fazal-e-Hussain (who became the premier in 1924) united Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs under a non-communal party. In the election of 1936, the Unionists got 96 seats of 175 Muslim‘s seats of Punjab. But in the 1946 election, the party got only 20 seats, whereas the Muslim League succeeded on 75 seats. But the government was again given to the Unionist party. 81 It is clear evidence that without the collaboration of Punjab‘s landed aristocrat biraderies it was not possible to rule over it.

76 Ibid, 11

77 Chaudheri Azam, Tehreek-e-Pakistan Mein Punjab ka Kirdar , op.cit, 79 78 Spear Percival, The Oxford History of Modern India, 1740-1947 (Great Britain: Oxford University Press, 1965) ,85 79Talbot Ian, Punjab and the Ra j, 125 80 Chaudhary Zahid, Muslim Punjab ka Siasi Irteqa (Lahore: Adara Mutalia Tareekh, 1991), 217 81 Salah -ud- Din Iqbal, Tarikh- e- Punjab, op.cit, 668

This is why; All India Muslim League also used this tactic and had the greater success during the elections of 1945-1946 by relying on the support of major biraderies. In these elections, the Muslim League gave party tickets to the majority biraderi instead of its devoted workers. For example, the tickets had been given to Mew biraderi of Gur Gaon, Arain biraderi of Faisalabad called Lyallpur at that time and in Gujranwala and Sialkot to Jatts.82

Talbot observes the impacts of biraderism on these elections that Muslim League contested the elections on the basis of personal influence and dominance of the candidate and his collective relations of biraderies to win. The communal relationships of the biraderies had been targeted to get rural and landed aristocrats‘ support for the Muslim League.83

Although a majority of Unionists consisted of Muslims, a big number of Sikhs and Hindus also supported and participated in it. The main components of rural politics were the loyalty to the colonial power and communal integration that was totally emerged in the shape of the Unionist party whose foundation was based on agricultural theory and the topmost leadership of the party had links with the mainstream of rural collaborators of the British Government. 84

The British had a strong belief that policy of developing a class of land aristocracy who was loyal to them and who were bequeathed with huge lands, titles and governmental powers of honorary magistrates in return for their military and civil services. By using such techniques the British rule won over the people of this area, mostly in the rural areas from farmers to feudalists.85 In fact this policy of the British was based on two elements first it was the need of strong hold over geopolitical constraints of that era and secondly, it was required to have an appropriate governmental hold over the peasantry to control by their own customary laws.86Due to that purpose, the British discouraged the communal affiliations and promoted biraderism in the rural setup of Punjab.

82 Ahmad Mugees, Role of biraderi in Punjab Politics , Journal of Research (Humanities)Vol. 27, (2007), 18 83Talbot Ian , Punjab and the Ra j ,217- 220 84 Talbot Ian, Punjab Gulami say Azadi Tuk (Urdu Translation) , 97 85 Khurshid. M, The Role of Unionist Party in the Punjab Politics , 23 86 Thorburn .S.S, The Punjab in Peace and War (London, Lahore: Qausain. n.d.1889), 9

This is why the Unionist Party did not play a mass party role as like the role of Indian National Congress and All India Muslim League at that time and popular all over India due to its rural support, as the founders of this party were belonged to those dominating families who were dominated in their areas as they supported the British in War of Independence and in WWI and in return rewarded with lands. The Unionists participated in the elections of the Punjab Legislative Council and the Central Legislative Council at the time when Indian National Congress and the Muslim League boycott the elections. Due to this, the Unionist Party dominated the provincial legislature for many years, allowing an elected provincial government to function when other provinces were governed by the direct rule.

At that time the Unionists ruled over the political scenario of Punjab unopposed from the 1920s to 1930s. But the role of Congress and Muslim League couldn‘t get any support from rural Punjab during the period from 1919 to 1937 as both had failed to give any big challenge to Unionist party. That‘s why; All India Muslim League also required getting rural support in following years of the partition with the help of this Unionist party.

However, in the early 1940s, the Unionists developed their relationship with AIML. Sir Sikandar was one of the movers of the Pakistan Resolution that was passed in Lahore, on 23 March 1940, calling for an autonomous Muslim state or region within a larger Indian confederation; this developed into the demand for an independent Pakistan. After Sir Sikandar's death in 1942, Sir Chhotu Ram was invited to be the premier, but he declined in favour of Sir Malik Khizar Hayat Tiwana. The Unionist Party under Khizar Hayat could not compete with Sir Sikandar Hayat's popularity, and with the growing popularity and the inspiration of Jinnah, the Party declined. It struggled very hard under Sir Khizar Hayat Khan from late-1942 to 1946.

As the demand for Pakistan grew more intense, political loyalties in the Punjab were reshaped on religious lines. Sir Khizar Hayat Khan's ministry that was totally dependent on the support of inter-community relations, i.e. Congress and Akali were destroyed. According to the 3rd June 1947 plan, Punjab was divided into Pakistan and India. Due to the unjustified decision of Red Cliff Award communal

riots were spread all through the Punjab region and more than 6 million people were slaughtered and about one and half billion was displaced. 87

Then, after independence, the India introduced land reforms that gratified the countryside as well as urban areas and hence creates a political environment of democracy. But here in Pakistan Muslim League was hijacked by the leaders of renowned biraderies and this scenario still overwhelmingly rules in the state. The role of political parties is replaced by the biraderism.

Three divisions were included in Pakistani Punjab as per the decision of Red Cliff Award for administration. Punjab was the province of Pakistan till the 1955 and when One Unit was introduced then it was included in the West unit of Pakistan. Lahore was the capital of this unit. In 1st April 1970, the One Unit was terminated by General Yahiya Khan and the status of all four provinces was restored after then Punjab is the province of Pakistan.88

The new government of the province generally brought peace and prosperity of the inhabitants of Punjab by establishing a powerful network of district administration with the active cooperation of cultivators and by their quasi-indifferent attitude towards religious communities. The rulers were interested in enhancing the role of rural population and the local aristocracy in administration, irrespective of communal affiliation. They believed that if the government succeeded in integrating the local aristocrats with the administrative system, their role would be strengthened. Anyhow, later on, the British government practically failed to check the rise of the communal feelings in the elections etc.89

The area witnessed a number of political changes and movements, including the partition of India in 1947.90 According to Tajjamal Hussain Anjum, he writes in his book ―Pakistan –Tareekhi, Siyasi Jaiza‖, in 1993 that Punjab had to bear the

87 Ibid, 640-641.also read. Awan M.J , 280, also see i. Sitaya. M.Roy, Punjab ki Inqalabi Tahreekain (Lahore: Jamhori Publications), 164 ii. Ch. M. Azam, op.cit , 216 88 Anjum. Tajjamal Hussain, Pakistan – Taareekhi,Siyasi Jaiza (Lahore : Nazir Sons 1993), 290 89 Khurshid. M, The Role of Unionist Party in the Punjab Politics (1923-36) , 24 90 Chaudhry. Zahid, Muslim Punjab Ka Siyasi Irtaqa 1949-1947(Lahore: Idara Mutala-e-Tareekh), 99

spasm of dissection but the capital was remained Lahore as before. Punjab was a part of West Pakistan until, April 1970, after that reinstated as a separate Province. 91

On the whole, Punjab is the second largest province in Pakistan but has been comprised of the larger population. According to the 1998 census, its total population is about 73.6 million in which 31.3% urban and 68.7% rural population. It annals for 55.6% of the whole population of Pakistan. (Rural Urban population, 1998 census) Rural population totally depends on agriculture and are living in villages with cultural ethos while urban areas have been developed with variegated culture people.

The fertility of the soil and agricultural posture of Punjab is the main reason for its prosperity. The main source of political influence and power of rural area of Punjab was land. So while establishing the structure of the government, the British like Mughals and Sikhs had pragmatically acknowledged this fact that without the collaboration of the landed aristocracy they would not succeed to run their rule. In this way, the birders have entrenched their socioeconomic and political dynamics in the state through the land holdings, social honour, and prestige with political dominance. Along with that broader provincial level historical analysis, it is also mandatory to write about the colonial social formation and politico-economic dynamics District Toba Tek Singh the main area under study. Actually, the British had used different colonization tactics for upper the North and Central and lower the South Punjab to have their dominant role.

As mentioned above that Toba Tek Singh is the central part of Sandal Bar. So it is pertinent and very important to know about this region regarding its socio- political and economic dynamics of colonial rule. Punjab was distributed in different bars during the British era. In which Sandal Bar, Ganji Bar, Kirana Bar, Gondal Bar and Nili Bar areas are very famous.92

There are many opinions about the derivation of word ―Bar‖. One of them is that it is extracted from the word ―BARANI‖ means an area cultivated by rain. Before the canalisation, the adjacent areas of West Punjab districts i.e. Sargodha, Jhang, Lyallpur (Faisalabad), Multan and Sahiwal were called as a bar. These areas are still known as Gondal Bar, Ganji Bar Nili bar, etc. Banjara Bedi wrote in his book

91 Anjum. Tajjamal Hussain, Pakistan – Taareekhi, Siyasi Jaiza, op.cit, 177-290 92 Malik. Khalid Parvaiz, Punjab aur Ahl-e-Punjab (Lahore: Ilam - O -Arfan Publishers,2002 ), 47-48

―Punjabi Lok Dhara” that the meaning of this word as ―Sandy and Barren Land‖ that is uncultivated since centuries.93

There are many other narrations among them the most famous is that Sandal was the name of the grandfather of renowned rebellion ―Dula Bhatti” who was hanged outside the Dehli Darwaza of Lahore in accusation of revolt along with his son Farid Khan (father of Dulla Bhatti). Another fiction is that Sandal was a Sardar who belonged to a low caste Chaura of Darawadi Race. He was burnt alive along with his tribe when he asked for the matrimonial relation to a Rajpute lady. In an old booklet ―Geography of Lyallpur‖ on page 60 it is stated as a robber (Dacoit) on whose name was that jungle called as Sandal and who is the leader of Chauhra.94 Apart from this Zaigam Pasha and Shaukat Ali Shaihd quoted in their book ―From Sand Dunes to Smiling Fields: History of Lyallpur Now Faisalabad‖ in 1996 that the word Sandal was derived from the name of a tribe Shan Dal. 95

The British Government declared that vast Jungle Sandal Bar as a―Chenab Colony‖ the area was situated between the rivers Ravi and Chenab and called ―Rachna Doab‖. This area is in the east of the Chenab.96 Toba Tek Singh is the sub- district of the Colony of the Sandal Bar area. First, have look on Chenab Colony. The Chenab Colony lies between North latitude, 30.46‘ and 31.46‘ and East latitude72. 19‘ and 73.38‘ and occupies the greater portion of the area of Government waste land known as Sandal Bar in the Rachna Doab between the river Ravi and Chenab.97

It was with the opening up of the Lower Chenab Colony in the Rechna Doab that agricultural colonization assumed significant importance for the recent history of the Punjab. This was the largest of the canal colonies, with an allotted area of over two million acres. Colonized between 1892 and 1905, with further extensions in the late 1910s and 1930s, the colony entirely took up the newly created Lyallpur (now Faisalabad) District, carved out of Gujranwala, Jhang and Lahore Districts. 98

93 Ahmad Gahzali, Sandal Bar, 29-30 94 Ibid, 25 95 Pasha Zaigam and Shaihd . Shaukat Ali, From Sand Dunes to Smiling Fields: History of Lyallpur Now Faisalabad (Faisalabad: Kitab Makaz ,1996) 96 Gazetteer of District Jhang Government of Punjab 1883-84 (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2000) , 2 97 Gazetteer of Chenab Colony, 1 98 Ibid, 1 Also it can see in Chenab Colony Settlement report 1915

Most of the area of Sandal Bar was under Jhang district. More than half area of Tehsil Khnakan Dogran of District Gujranawala, four rural areas of Tehsil Hafizabad and nine rural areas of Tehsil Shapur of Lahore district was also included in ―Chenab Colony‖. Old boundaries of the district, Montgomery (Sahiwal), district Gujranwala and Lahore was reconstituted for the establishment of district Lyallpur.

In 1899, when construction of Gugera Canal was started, and then the wasteland of the Government was divided into smaller areas of district Lahore and Montgomery were included in the tehsil Khankan Dogran. In the same year, approximately 586, 605 Acre area was included to district Jhang that was prior under the Assessment Circle of Sandal Bar. In 1900, the towns of Sumandri and Toba Tek Singh were got the status of Tehsil of district Jhang that later became the part of Lyallpur. 99

One important thing in this regard is this that initially Toba Tek Singh was declared the part of Chenab Colony. According to the census report of 1901 the Chenab colony was separated; even though it's most of the area consisted of the area of District Jhang. Other towns like Sangla Hill, Chiniot Road present Chiniot and Gojra were also part of the Chenab Colony.100

In 1891 the British took the initiative to engineer a new and different strategy for the uninhabited land of the bar than the rest of other parts of India. According to that plan, a network of canals would be established and then the distribution of land would be held. The nine canal colonies were established in the area. These were situated in the interfluves west of the Beas, Sutlej, and East of the Jhelum River. The Lower Chenab Canal, a perennial canal in the Punjab takes off from the left bank of the Chenab River and watering the track between it and the Ravi.101

Dr. Mohd Waseem has written in his book ―Politics and the state in Pakistan‖ that from the period 1887 to 1920, grand projects were introduced that claimed a lot of government money and attention. In fact, the Punjab land colonization represents a singular feat of social engineering. Along with that government imbued with a mainly anthropological vision, busy in establishing ―little republics‖, i.e. the self –sufficient

99 Ahmad Zahoor. Ph.D thesis, 71 100 Ibid, 72 101 Imperial Gazetteer of India, The provincial series Punjab ( Lahore : Sang-e-Meel Publications ,1998), 208

village communities neatly delimited, and provided with the ―natural leaderships ―in the form of upper class the guarantees of land.

The colonization procedure with having the purely economic nature was based on two pillars, the state, and the other one is the socio-political fabric of society. The first had an authoritative rule and supersede as it controlled the land distributions in the region because canal colonies based on government wasteland. ―Since the state also controlled the canal system and the water sources, agriculture itself became dependent on the will of the ruling authority.‖ 102

There were two dimensions of the scheme of canal colonies in the British perspective:

• First to reduce the population pressure already cultivated areas of Punjab in order to sustain the ratio between cultivation and population. 103 • And second was that in the concerned areas of the bar through settlement small land owners or Yeomen might be produced who were the best agriculturalists and they could cultivate their lands by their own self with the help of their families and menials but without workers and in return they became traditional Punjabi agriculturalists. In that way, the government could acquire a permanent source of income through collecting revenue. But these policies also served the landed aristocrat biraderies to get them a domineering position. By keeping in view on these aspects secretary finance of Punjab had written a letter for sanction the plan on 22nd July 1891 and hence the working got started on the Canal Settlement.104 In Punjab first experiment had been done in District Multan the Sidhnai Colony, where along with, further extensions in the 1890s, the area was around 250,000acres) the barren land cultivated with the water of river Sutlej during 1886-1888, which proved to be very successful.105

Despite that many another venue open in canal engineering. The other experiment that had been done in 1891 was to irrigate 10 lac acres land through the

102Ali Imran, The Punjab Under Imperialism 1885-1947 (Karachi: Princeton University press,1988), 10 103Talbot. Ian, History of Punjab 1849-1947 , Translation by Tahir Kamran (Lahore: Published by Takhlikat, 2006 ), 53 104 Ali Imran, The Punjab under Imperialism. 1885-194 , 1 105 Ibid .. 9

Lower Chenab Canal and a massive revolution enhanced in the economy of Punjab. In 1897, barren lands of Shapur irrigated through the water of Lower Jhelum. District Montgomery could be irrigated through the water of the Ravi River. But, in 1849, to supply water to districts Amritsar and Gurdaspur, through the Upper Bari Doab water of Ravi River had been turned back. To tackle the situation a renowned engineer Sir, John Ni TN designed three canals that were called ―Tripple Project System.‖106

• First one is Upper Jhelum that connects Jhelum to Chenab • Second is upper Chenab that connects the Chenab River to River Ravi • The third is lower Bari Doab that irrigated134 mile area from Montgomery to Multan. ―The perennial canals constructed by the British from 1885 onwards were spread over these extensive plains. The 'canal colonies', as these tracts came to be called, became a zone of major economic change in this part of British India.‖

The developing canal network of the Indus basin stretched over Punjab and Sindh became the largest irrigation system in the world. The native population level was not enough to open up the new agrarian front, in the western Punjab. According to Imran Ali, the agricultural communities of the river rain tracts had not sufficient manpower to liberate to the newly irrigated lands.107 Indeed, these areas began suffering from labour shortages when tenants and labourers tended to leave for the new territories.

Actual work started in Feb 1892 when E.D Maclagan was appointed as Settlement Officer. $40,000 acres distributed to investors, 60,000 acres to Yeomen and 27,000 acres were allotted to Peasants. The about 10,000-acre land was sold by auction and 20,000 acres were reserved for the forests. The work of a selection of the settlers was very tactfully handled.The majority of the people were from the best agriculturalists families. These were selected from central Punjab ―The social composition of the immigrant grantees was determined by the desire of the government to procure skilled cultivators. Accordingly, it was decided that the peasant grantees should be hereditary and land holding agriculturalists……..‖108

106 Kamran Tahir, (Translation ) History of Punjab, 53 and also can see Zahoor Ahmad: PhD thesis, 74 107 Ali Imran , op.cit. 9 108 Ali Imran The Punjab Under Imperialism, 1886-1947 , 51

Even the settlement officer of Amritsar he himself checked the palms to select the actual peasants. Applicants who were not hard working, lead an effortless life and unable were rejected. Patwari and Namberdar identify those people. In that way, very successfully healthy and motivated peasants were selected who were able for settlement.109

Only skilled agriculturists were selected for grantees. It was also ensured that the endowments were held for landholding lineages of central Punjab and thus the allottees were those who already enjoyed that status. They had set up eligibility criteria for the land grants. For that purpose under the Land Alienation Act, they enlisted the agricultural castes of the Punjab so that they could determine the eligibility for land grants. Only the agricultural castes were decided to eligible for land grants in these canal colonies. All other elements were excluded from proprietorships. Those who traditionally belonged to services castes (menials, kamies) bound to get employed as subtenants and landless labourers. The wealthier non- agriculturalist got the opportunity to purchase land through auctions and many of them were rewarded with lands and benefited from employment in administration and from the profits of agricultural produce. Hence the beneficiaries were those who already enjoyed a well-off life in Punjab

The structure of land holdings was the main attribute which served the castes, race and biraderi engines. Colonization left a great impact on the people socially and politically in Punjab. Another important thing is this that many peoples also changed their biraderies to get the land at that time and claimed themselves as agricultural tribes. 110

It is another dogma of society that by changing the biraderi or caste one can be assimilated into that social group and enjoyed its prestigious social, political and economic status. For that purpose many non -agricultural biraderies change their social identification. That is also in the case to determine one's economic position in the society.

In Chenab colony, most of the settlers were small peasants who were allotted 25 Acre area of land or the yeomen who were allotted 100 to the 125-acre area. The

109 Interview with Raja M.Rafique, a resident of Disterict Toba te Singh 10th June, 2012 110 Ibid

big landlords own 6 to 20 Maraba land. But in all these three peasants had a very important role, like the backbone of the economy of newly settled colonies.

The pastoralists were the other element of the local people who meagrely spread over the areas that in due course acquired perennial irrigation. The British were in view, that these local tribesmen, (Janglies), were lacking in numbers not only backward in agricultural skills and also ignorant about the economic capability of cash crops in the canal colonies. The cattle owners‘ tribes of Janglies111 were the most superior in the hierarchy.

The British also rejected their (Janglies) proprietorships over their broad pastoral areas. In general practice, the land which was uncultivated could be confiscated by the state. The Janglies were pressed off from their pastoral grounds to clear the area for colony grantees. Following disruption and loss of livelihood led to anger and protest and forced the British to allow small grants to Janglies. But the owners of cattle or camels were allotted lands, while others were left as their subordinates who had to survive through sub-tenancies and labour services.112The British officials were initially hesitant to create disturbance in the area. ―Landowners were allocated colony grants to compensate for any disruptions from perennial irrigation‖.113

To be controlled by the new canals these lands got great significance in value and production. Approximately, on the whole, the crops that are cultivated in newly settled areas had cost Rs. 49 corer. In this context, a wave of prosperity had come to Punjab that had no example in the history. In 1920-21, about Rs, 4.5 Crore worth gold and silver imported to Punjab. That was sold in kilos in Colony instead of ounces or tolas. These areas underwent a rapid economic change, the British wanted to preserve rather than change the existing agrarian hierarchy of western Punjab. A successful experiment of this formula had been done in the Chenab colony as the big landlord held experiment for the progress and betterment of agriculture and the small peasants always adopted and followed their successful experiments.

111 Chenab Colony Gazetteer 1904, 14-24 It can also see on Chenab Colony Settlement Report 1915, para 86-93. 112 Ali Imran, Sikh Settlers in the Western Punjab duringBritish Rule, CMER Working paper No. 94- 04. Lahore: LUMS University, 1994), 2 113 Ibid, 1

But time has proved that the 25 lac settlers fought with courage and consistency to the unfavourable circumstances of sandal bar. To cultivate this broad and large area many hurdles had been faced, for example, distance from rail tracks and roads and negative role of native people towards settlers, etc. More to this, methods of irrigation were on their introductory level. So it was very hard to identify about the surface of the land as sometimes the flow of water blocked due to unevenness of the surface, and the central distributary canal was still not constructed. Tenants were also less in number to work in the fields. It is to that the local people (Wasande) erected many hurdles, but due to the sharpness and the wisdom of the British they overcome them. Local people not even left their criminal activities but also turned towards cultivation. Barren areas of Sandal Bar that once occupied by thieves became gradually prosperous and developed area.114

The demography of the Punjab during the British rule witnessed spectacular changes. The force for these developments was the process of agricultural colonization that paved the path to the barren wastes of the western Punjab Doabs through the erection of a system of perennial canals. In contrast with the areas further in the East, the Western Punjab did not receive sufficient monsoonal rainfall to support important agricultural produce, this region became Pakistani Punjab in 1947. Some winter rainfall did help to grow wheat, but Barani agriculture could at best remain of insignificant.

These areas underwent a rapid economic change, the British, wanted to preserve the pre-existing hierarchy. So many political decisions had been taken by the British to establish the canal colonies, i.e. the land of canal colonies was declared as Government or State wasteland, secondly the proprietorship was given to the people, would be decided by their own jurisdiction. In that way, Colonization policy was commenced. The British took some strategic steps over the allotment of that Government waste land. First of all, they restricted land grants to Punjabis over the people from other provinces. The second decision was that they decided to shift the population from the densely populated areas of the Punjab. 115

114 Ibid 115 Chenab Colony Gazetteer, 29

―Since the manpower for agricultural growth came almost entirely from within the province.‖ Then at the same time, the existed stratifications and hierarchies in the Punjab people were restricted to form new classification. In the rural area the extremes were established, large landowners, poor peasants, and landless class. ―For the inter-mediation surface, richer cultivators and medium sized landlords introduced, while in urbanized strata a bourgeoisie and working class established. But in agricultural colonisation, the working class was totally pre-industrial and unimportant for it until the town became in working. The focal point that served here to install the biraderi‘s paternalistic system was only due to land distributions. This was also strengthened the preponderate status and the authority of the social groups and classes that were selected for land grants just to save the ruling authority.

The demographic composition for settlement of the area was decided by the Government. Initially, the non-Muslims were settled here in a large number, but after the partition of 1947, these settlers had to return to the East Punjab. But Allotment policy obtained under as the ―Land Alienation Act‖ prescribed, that the land grants were given only to the ―agriculture castes‖. Due to the canal colonies, a great demographic change had occurred. This occurrence had not relied on land grants but also opened the doors for occupational groups who migrated with to seek employment. It took a year to a comprehensive shift that seen in 1890 when the demographic shift in favour of the colony‘s occurring.

Toba Tek Singh is a standard model of all these manoeuvring and infringements, which held by the colonial master. Initially, Toba Tek Singh was the part of the Jhang District, at that time the British held modifications in the old boundaries of the Montgomery, Gujranwala and Lahore Districts. The whole areas got extensive changes. But, Tehsil Lyallpur had got the effect in 1899; when the Gugera Branch was opened under the ―Punjab Government Notification No. 370 of the 4th May 1899.‖116The May 1900 Constitution of Samundri and Toba Tek Singh did not affect district boundaries. But when the new district Lyallpur was formed at that time boundaries of the tehsils also altered including Toba Tek Singh and Samundri. The Chenab colony was renowned as a separate District for census purpose, in 1901.

116 Gazetteer of Chenab Colony 1904 (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications,1996), 1

The principal town Lyallpur so called after Sir James Lyell K.C.S.I, late Lieutenant Governor of the Province. It is situated on the Wazirabad, Khanewal Branch of the North Western Railway, and 96 miles from Wazirabad.117 Toba Tek Singh, Gojra, Chiniot Road and Sangla were the main towns on the railway Track. These were very important for export markets.

The exact date when the Lyallpur District formed was not known and also its boundaries were not fixed. But it was decided that it consisted of tehsil Lyallpur, tehsil Toba Tek Singh Tehsil Samundri and the remaining in the district that they belong to now. The remaining area of the colony was divided into 1418 states that were entirely agricultural land.118

After the establishment of the Lyallpur district, Toba Tek Singh became part of it as a tehsil. T. T. Singh. As a new Town, it was founded in 1900 which is 144 miles for from Wazirabad by Railway Track. It was almost designed as Gojra was formed. According to census population was only 1378. Initially, the town was not prosperous but gradually after settlement plan it got improvement and its population raised nearly 3000. In a very short time, it acquired the status of a small town. Toba Tek Singh offered very high auction sales rates and the gross sum was estimated as Rs.154, 489 at that time. That was very high rates at that moment. Tehsil was developed gradually. In the British era, they had built three ponds for drinking water and also established a good drainage system. At that time it cost Rs. 90449/- 119 within a span of time metaled roads constructed.

People from all over the Punjab, current India, and Pakistani Punjab, moved there when the colonization policy was announced and they got farm lands. Most of the People migrated there; they belonged to Lahore, Jalandhar, Sadiqabad and other districts. Toba Tek Singh was moving at the pace of development in the initial years of settlement of sandal bar. In 1900 it got the status of the tehsil. In 1921, its area was 1051 square miles by having 3 numbers of towns and 422 villages. Then it acquired the status of subdivision in 1930.It is very important to describe here that there in this

117 Ibid, 2. also it can see i.Ahmad Ghazali, Sandal Bar ,( Lahore: Feroze Sons.1988), 55 ii.Jashan-e-Baharan, (Agricultrual and Industrial Exibition 2005 , A booklet issued by District Government Toba Tek singh ,2006) , 9 118 Ibid, 2 119 Ibid, 152

100

area landholdings are small, not huge as compared to Southern parts of Punjab except in Kamalia where a segment of religious pir exists who has huge land holding as compare to others in Toba Tek Singh.

3.3 Class structure of Biraderies in Punjab

The British intrusion had made too many changes in the traditional social setup of the people and had put a great impact in political, cultural, rational, and literary aspects of the lives of the people of Punjab and most of them are still persisting. The loyalty of Punjabi rural classes became crucial to the British imperialism. To ensure the loyalty of rural classes they introduced a chain of actions that included the introduction of Western education, a new revenue structure, and the establishment of new governmental structure, canalisation policy and the constructions of railways that all steps led to a course of social change.

In this regard, the British in their regime had done a very significant task that they organised and restructured the biraderi system according to the professions of this scattered system which was divided into caste and creed discriminations in India especially in Punjab. According to Sir Denzil Ibbetson, that profession is the first given the elaborate foundation of caste. There is a partial organisation of social status and political difference in a common profession which is the particular feature of Indian castes and part of the whole system. Social status is founded on biraderi identification and biraderi identification is founded on social status reversely. The rise in Social status is linked when political significance is raised. After that biraderi or caste becomes the highest element to determine the social status and if deterioration occurs in it, then it is responsible for the fall of social status as well.120

Sir Denzil Ibbetson has divided biraderies 121of Punjab in different levels whose social statuses are based on professions. And specific profession of any caste asserts the social and the political status. In this respect, all the features of an occupation will be the features of the caste. The division of biraderies in Punjabi societal set up has been persisting since centuries. Two types of characteristics of biraderies can be apparent in society;

120 Ibbetson. Denzil, Punjab Castes (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2001),6 121 Note. The term Caste is used by Hindues in sub- Continent and also Denzil Ibbettson uses it. But In Muslim Pakistani Punjab the commonly used term is Biraderi.

101

 The first that defined by the observation of the British as per occupation.  The second is the oral heritage of proverbs, folklores, and axioms about a specific biraderi or caste that is to criticize or to undermine that biraderi. These are the findings and observations of British that they had described in occupational perspective and they had preserved in the social mosaic of the Punjab as well as in canal colony settlement.

 Landowners and agriculturalists/ religious aristocrat biraderi (Martial Races): Sayeds, Rajpute, Beloch, Mughal. Awan, Pathan, Arain /Raein Jatt, Kamboh, Doger belongs to Upper strata)  Traders and Artisans: Shaikh:  Traders/ Businessman; Aroray, Khoja, Qasai/ Butcher  Lower strata / the menials; Chohras, Parinay, Doom, Pakhi Wass, Kanjar or Kanchan:  Skilled workers/ Artisans; Potter, Black Smith, Cobbler, Barber, Washerman, water supplier ―Machi‖(Jehure in local language) and Mirasi, Laliih (a class of beggars)122

The classification of the society shows that the upper strata of society belong to the religious sacredness, big land holdings, and agriculturalists. They are the biggest stakeholders in state‘s political, economic and as well social sphere. This class structure has deeply impacted in the political process. As the restructure foundations of the biraderies through the British shifted the political powers to the upper strata to control the rest of the population. The subservient system of biraderies in the political arena, only represent the minority of the higher biraderies.

There are some features of biraderies according to the social setting of the Punjab. The British had completed the task of writing the discourse of division of castes of Punjab in a much-systematized manner. It is to be clear that the social status of these castes in Punjabi society had already asserted in the past. The characteristics of the castes of the Punjab which have transferred generations to generations are evident through the proverbs, idiomatic sayings and folklores like Heer Ranjha, Sasi Punu,

122 Ibbetson. Denzil, Punjab Castes, sang-e-Meel Publications, Lahore. 2001. Maclagan E.D and Rose H. A, Punjab Kay Rasm -o- Rawaj ka Encyclopedia, Lahore Book Home.2005 Ahmad Ghazali,Sandal Bar, Lahore Feroz sons,1988 Chishti Noor Ahmad: Yadgar-e-Chishti, Lahore Book Home. 2004. *According to Khurshid that professional speciality was also an apparent feature and status of the many caste groups of countryside Punjab that could be found among ―Ajlaf‖ (belong to the lower strata of society). According to their traditional work, they were customarily and firmly inherited their occupations and were permanently linked with their skills.

102

Mirza Sahiban etc. The society has been described these characteristics by affecting and experiencing through the occupation and status of these castes. The social ignominy and intensity of the sentiments appeared for them through different proverbs and idiomatic sayings of Punjabi language.

The superiority of the lineage; this phenomenon of the ―superiority of the lineage‖ has rooted its place in the society since centuries as it belongs to Hindus and aftermath in Muslim culture.

Rule of Sulatiens had begun with the era of the Slave dynasty in India. Initial Sulatiens were Turkish by race and most of them were slaves. This is why they had not gotten lineage nobility and supremacy. Although Gias -u- Din Balban had claimed very high profile of his lineage nobility, all his claims were proved hollow. The background of Turk Aristocrats was tribal and everyone wanted to preserve its independence and liberty.

Afterward, the rule was divided between Turks and Afghan Aristocrats as an estate. These people continuously indulged in revolts. Zahir- ud- Din Baber was also invited by those aristocrats as the rule of the Sulatiens was based on the racial supremacy and they had no link with the general people. Local people had not got any benefits. Even, nor any Indian based Muslim had appointed to any high or lower post of government by Gias-u-Din Balban in his rule. 123 But elite families of Rajpute were appointed to higher posts. In Akbar‘s era 70% Mansab Dars were of these families who were coming from outside the India and among remaining 30% half of them were Muslims and half of them were Hindus. 124

These Mansab Dars adopted the manners of the emperor by following the demeanours of the emperor‘s court. In this way, such a politico-economic structure was established in which emperor and elites were included in the ruling class which was domineering and powerful class as compared to other classes.125This society was divided into aristocrats and subservient, scum people. The classes of the aristocracy were belonged to foreign countries due to this reason Mughal was included in this class for their authoritarian rule and the Saadat were for their religious affiliations.

123 Ali Mubarak, Ber-e-Saghir mien Muslman Muashray ka Almia ( Lahore : Fiction House. 1997), 23 124 Moorland W. H., India At the Death of Akbar (London: 1920), 69-70 125 Ali Mubarak, Ber-e-Saghir mien Muslman Muashray ka Allmiya , 40

103

Even rulers also respected and honoured the Sayeds, that‘s why a large number of the Sayeds of Iran and Central Asian states had come to India and settled here.126 The rigorous system of caste and creed did not allow the people to leave it as other castes did not accept them. Biraderi loyalty was more important than religion.

The majority of local Muslims were artisans, cultivators and hand workers and most of them were attached with their ancestors‘ occupations. In this regard, a huge difference was created between two classes. The former class was considered very low in status and dishonoured due to occupational class. Irrespective of that elite class was preferred to die rather work or adopt an occupation as this proved to be stigmatized their honour and prestige. Low caste Muslims could not follow the manners of the upper-class. Even they were not allowed to cook that food which upper-class cooking. They could not invite them. They were not allowed to put the name of their children after that of the upper class had that‘s why their names were Kharati, Khuda Bukhash, Allah Rakha, Malko etc.127

Same thinking and sentiments were evident from the writings of the famous historians Zia -ud-Din Barni and Abu-l-Fazal of India of the middle ages, for example, Zia -ud –Din Barni said ―Derivative people should not allow power over original and the greater descent people. They tease them and lead the rule towards decline. Thankless and become a traitor and cooperate the enemy.128

This philosophy and classification of Zia -ud- Barni was similar to the caste and a creed system of India. According to him that at the time of creation some brains are affected by intellect and other remaining become the artisans like a weaver, tailor, carpenter, cobbler, etc. These people should have an inclination of these professions of which they are trained and adopt.129If a person of lower class may have a hundred qualities, but it is possible that he cannot rule the country or he is not a trustworthy. So, it is necessary to select among those highborn descent people who are liberal and noble, however, they are less in number.130 Ab-UL-Fazal the eminent gem of Akbar’s court divided the humans into four categories in16th century. o Warriors o Traders

126Ibid, 55-56 127Ibid, 57-58 128Mudabir Fakhar, Adaab-ul-Herab Wa-ul-Shujaat (Reference of Satish Chander), Ehad-e-Wuosta Kay Hindustan May Sakafet –O- Siyasat, (Translation by Zahoor Ch. Quaterly Tareekh, Lahore Fiction House. Issue No.13. April ,2002) , 147-148 129 Berni Zia -ud- Din: Fatawa-e- Jehandari, (Lahore: Quarterly Tareekh. Fiction House, Issue No.3 to 6. 1991to1992) , 177-196 130 Ibid issue No.6 , 256-257

104

o Scholars o Common men and labour class.131 Division of class and creed system is not a new phenomenon of Punjab. The marvellous book ‗Heer Waris Shah‘ of Waris Shah, who is known as the Shakespeare of Punjabi language is the valuable work of that era published in 1766.

He described all aspects of that era, e.g Social, political, historical and cultural norms and rituals, but also discussed in detail the castes and biraderies. He discussed in detail about the biraderi of Ranjha and Heer who were the member of sub-castes of Jatt biraderi. He, in many places, mentions the good and bad qualities of these castes. As Waris Shah himself belonged to the Sadat family so he had the consciousness of his superior pedigree. He proudly described his feelings of superiority in many places. More than that Waris Shah writes in a very cheap manner about many castes and biraderis e.g. Jatt as Jattetr, Choray as Choahetrra, mochan as Mocahti etc. 132 Bulah-e- Shah the Sufi poet of the same school of Waris Shah also Sayed by caste but his Murshed (the teacher) Shah Anaiyate Qadri was Arain by caste. Arain caste is considered low as compare to Sayeds. That was a very teasing fact for his family that he was a Sayed and had an Arain teacher.133

The phenomena of caste and creed division, menial castes and the disrespect of their professions had been persisted for centuries this also lingered on in the British rule. This disrespect attitude for lower castes and humans also apparent in the writings of Sir Denzil Ibbetson, E. D Maclegan, and H. A Rose. A book ―Yadgar-e-Chishti‖ by Molvi Nur Ahmad Chishti was published in 1859 in which he narrated about the customs of the castes and biraderies of Lahore. It is proved from this book that towards the end of the 19th century the intensity of caste and creed system was not meager. The writer did much slander and insult the lower castes and their occupations and glorified the higher castes.134

Three robbers of the lower strata of ―Majjah‖ area of Punjab had got much popularity in the British era these were Jabroo, Nizam, and Malngi.135 All of three

131 Mudabir Fakhar, ( Satish Chander), Ehad-e-Wuosta Kay Hindustan May Sakafet –O- Siyasat , 156 132Waris Shah, Heer, Compiled by Sharif Sabir, (Lahore: Waris Shah Memorial Committee, Deptt of Information and Culture. Govt of Punjab.1985), 21-25,45,54, 117- 128,163, 193-194,215-224 133 Puri.J.R, and Shinghari T.R, Sain Bhula-e-Shah (Lahore : Fiction House, 2004),254-255 134 Noor Ahmad Chishti , Yadgar-e-Chishti, op.cit.72-81,116 135 i. Jabro was barber (‗Nai‟ in local language) by caste and habitant of Jaman village.

105

became a killer for the sake of respect as the ―Wadiras‖ and Sardars of the village who were belonged to higher castes, kidnaped their women and slain their respect. To take revenge they adopted robbery as an occupation. After this, they became spies and assassinated for conspiracies.136

The feeling of the supremacy of the race is not found in Muslims, but it also existed in Hindus as well. This sentiment existed in this society since centuries before the arrivals of the Muslims. The lower castes Hindus were not allowed to have an education, even in the early period of the British. Hafiz Ali Shaikh in his book ―Tarikh -e - Hafizabad‖ stated that in 1904 a Hindu sanitary worker ‗Ghaleoo‘ had wanted to admit his grandson in a government school, but the headmaster had not allowed to admit him due to being a low caste. Gheeloo had contacted to higher authorities and got admission. But a great agony created in the town and the fundamental Hindus ready to withdraw their children from the school in the protest. They demanded to expel his grandson from school. But the higher officers of the education department had not accepted their demand and said that ―all the children had the right to acquire education as all are equal‖. So the protest had become lesser and the move was ended. These all conditions affecting the democratization process in Punjab. The prejudices of superiorities in higher strata did not give the people‘s right of self-esteem.

People who belong to lower castes and small biraderies had much desired to include in higher castes. So the butchers (Qasai) become Qurashi, Julaha the weaver becomes Ansari. The new Muslim, Hindus added the word, Shaikh, with their names. Most of the Hindus also put their names after Muslim castes, for example, Rajpute becomes ―Khan or Khanzaday‖ and the menial caste people after conversion of their religion become ―Dindar or Muslai.‖ Likewise, many biraderies link their lineage to Arab families, for example, ―Theim” link their selves to Al-e-Tamim, ―Punhor‖ linked themselves to Hazrat Haris, and Jatt and Beloch claimed to be the predecessors

ii. Nizam was blacksmith (‗Lohar‟ in local language) and resident of Muaza Soullan Thana Ganda Singh. iii. Malangi was a beggar by caste. 136 Ali. Mubarak, Tareekh-e-Thaag or Dakoo (Lahore: Fiction House, 1997), 239

106

of Muhammad Bin Haroon. ―Samay” proved their lineage link to ‗Akrama Bin Abi Jahil‘ and Somoroo attached themselves to the city of ‗Samara‘.137

After the partition, the colour of caste and creed become more deepen. That‘s why some Pirs and Saadats on a spiritual basis and other higher biraderies on the basis of their lands and through the socio-political sentiment of racial superiority has got the hegemony in the politics of Punjab.138 Hence, Gilanies, Qurashies, Mukhdooms, and Saadat of Jhang are the classic examples.

Other districts like Lodharan. Narowal, Mandi Bha-ud-Din, Pakpatan, Liaya, Hafiz Abad and Rajan Pur are new planned districts. Their main biraderies are considered of those districts of which these are previously tehsils. This composition manifest the political profile of Punjab that is dominated by the superior and prominent biraderies.

3.4 Economic Profile; Agricultural Posture and Biraderi

Dynamics

Punjab is a very important area in an agricultural point of view for centuries. The area was very prosperous and its past was glorified due to River Sindh and its supportive rivers. People of different civilizations came here from all over the world and higher civilised norms and cultural values established from the intercourse of these nations.139

New civilisations and towns have been established on these river banks. Agricultural development was happening in Barani areas that were far from the river banks. Agricultural development was comparatively more in the Eastern areas of Punjab than Western Punjab due to rains and rivers. The remaining area was barren and desert where Gypsies and semi-savage tribes used to live. There, people had herds of cattle, rob the passengers or squabble with each other.140 Life had been used to have threats of foreign invasions, but village life was not shaken as every village is a complete and self-sufficient unit. If one village was attacked, then whole the

137Ali Mubarak, Ber-e-Saghir ma Muslman Muashray ka Almia, 51 138 Jabben Robina, Punjab May Quomi Assembly Kay Intakhabat 1990, (M.A Thesis, Punjab University Lahore: 1990), 70 139 Rehmani Anjum , Pujnab, Tamadni –o- Masharti Jaiza (Lahore: Alfaisal, 1998), 21-23 140 Malik Abdullah, Punjab ki Siyasi Jamatien (Lahore: Nigarshat, 1971 ), 29

107

community of the village moved. Agronomy was held in the village and all artisans, like a carpenter, blacksmith, cobbler, weaver etc. depends on this agronomy. The land was under mutual proprietorship and imposed tax was collected by the “Jagirdar” and deposited in government head. 141

After occupying the Punjab, East India Company initiated the custom of individual‘s personal ownership of the land as it was in in the Britain at that time. Now the tax was imposed in accordance with the area of the land rather by the agricultural produce. So the farmer kept only such portion of land, of which he could pay the tax. The people who were not able to pay this tax amount became the Harries or servant of the Jagirdars, Sarddars and higher administrator authorities. Hence the class was created. By the initiation of the custom of the private ownership the export of raw material and export of English finished goods were started. The unit of the village became Market. Bunia and Arthi type classes produced, whom by the passage of time confiscated the lands.142

The agricultural produce had been raised up to 45% during 1891 to 1921 of Punjab as the new canal irrigation system had been introduced. And about 47% area was irrigated through the canals till the year 1939. The wasteland of the government of the District Lyallpur, Montgomery and Shahpur had become cultivable. New colonies divided into small areas of land and established a new structure of market, chakok, and towns. Then linked them with roads and railway tracks. The new colonies were made to shift the burden of the population of Eastern and Central Punjab. Hence the people (Abadkar and Mahjir) shifted to newly settled canal colonies.143 The poor and middle-class farmers were allotted 25acre land. In Shahpur 50 acre land was allotted under Ghori pal (Horse rears) Scheme. Government servants were also granted. This class provided men power for the cavalry and also collaborated with the Government for the backwardness for this area.144 Even 1947 a considerable number of the majority Punjabi people were living in rural areas and they might be divided into five categories:

141 Ibid, 29 142 Ibid, 29 143Talbot. Ian, Punjab Ghulami Say Azadi Tuk, 52 Also Read more about canal colonies At Beazlay, I.G and Puckle F.H, Punjab Colony Manual (Rev Ed) (Lahore: Supde. Govt Printing Press Punjab, 1926) 144 Chouhadri Zahid, Muslim Punjab Ka Siyasi Irtiqa , 34-37

108

 Landowners of a large piece of land who cultivate their areas through peasants.  Small farmers who owned a small piece of land.  A peasant who cultivated the lands of landowners and did own little bit land.  Low castes class of artisans like a potter, blacksmith, barbers, etc., which got a little share in the agricultural produce for their services.  Landless workers who totally depended on the will of the landowners.145 To own a piece of land was a very honourable thing. According to Ian Talbot, that a big factor that worked on strengthening the landowners (position in society, both in the political and economic sphere) as he was also the head of his biraderi; the decision maker. Their peasants were the menial members of their biraderies. The leadership of their biraderies was the main cause of their political statuesque.

The Land Alienation Act was also a strong reason that proved to strengthen the biraderism in rural areas of Punjab in 1900 as government officers played an important role of declaring agricultural and non-agricultural caste status to any community. More to this the relations between nomads and settlers were also not good and cleared. Hamza Alavi is in the view that aftermath these differences appeared in the shape of group loyalties.

These differences intensified when a number of Mahjir (Refugees) had come in West Punjab from East Punjab when the partition was held in 1947.146 They had clashed with Abadkars (the settlers) and natives. Abadkar and the natives did not accept them despite those who had their relatives of their concerned biraderies. They considered their biraderies as the guardian this element also encouraged the biraderism more.

In an agricultural society of Punjab, the firmness of mutual relationships is apparent by meeting and exchanging the gifts in the different ceremonies of marriage to death, which then ascertain the boundaries of subgroups that shape out in the social grouping which maintains through lineages and organised under Panchayat. Here

145 Talbot Ian , Punjab Ghulami Say Azadi Tuk, 28 146 Alavi Hamza, Kinship in West Punjab villages, Contributions to Indian Sociology,6 (1972) 1-27

109

members of the biraderies are very active and provide guidance to their biraderies. Then further these members participated on the bases of biraderies and lineages.147 Complexities of law and the authoritarianism and the corrupt role of police and other Government officers gave birth of such class in rural society that has tactics how to take work. They develop good terms with concerned officers and take favours to solve their legal and illegal works of their own and of their supporters.148 These are the people who have played an important role in local leadership and biraderies are very active in elections environment.

Above debate is quite helpful in understanding the phenomenon of biraderies and history reveals that this phenomenon was manoeuvred through the socio-political and economic perspective of the state, then gradually got strengthen and reached at this point to manoeuvre state politics. It is pertinent that the British had introduced the structural, functional foundations of the administrative rule for subcontinent was not so changed the rules of Mughals and Sikhs. The British and the other sovereign forces (Mughals and Sikhs) which ruled over the sub-continent had no option but to depend on local authoritative institutions i.e. Biraderi, clan or castes to support their rule.

The main argument of the British government was to enhance the development of Mughal and Sikha Shahi rule and in order to cope this, they had developed the relationship between the state and authoritative local biraderies. Their rule over Punjab was based on the policy of developing a landed aristocratic class which was loyal and served for their set objectives and which worked very successfully even that was effectively controlling the inter-communal relationship of Hindus, Sikhs, and Muslims. The foundations that the British colonial rule had laid down in its rule were, the infrastructure of administrative and political institutions which not united the province but also tie up their control over the province.

The colonial rule established and the period of independence consummated a dynamic process of strengthening the social institutions, the biraderi system. In this perspective, the dynamics of Biraderies can be easily analysed and comprehended that the policies of the British dominating and socio-political and economic manipulating along with institutional engineering (Biraderies Phenomenon) that all

147 Alavi Hamza, Mahkomi ki Siyasut ka Shikar Magrabi Punjab ka Aik Gaoun, 136 148 Ibid, 140

110

are still penetrated in the foundations of Punjab‗s political structure. The dominating dynamics of biraderies still create hindrance in the democratization process of the state by subjugating the individuals along with the class structure of biraderies as the lower biraderies are subjugated by the superior biraderies. The existing social, political and economic dynamics of this colonial engineered social phenomenon in District Toba Tek Singh are discussed in the next chapters.

111

Chapter No. 4

District Toba Tek Singh And Dynamics of Biraderi Politics

112

District Toba Tek Singh And Dynamics of Biraderi Politics

The power configuration in Pakistan runs with a legacy that was bequeathed from colonial rule. Punjab, particularly Toba Tek Singh has gone through a conspicuous demographic transformation in the aftermath of partition resultantly by migration. Toba Tek Singh is a classic example of the British intrigues.

T. T. Singh or mauza 326 Jhang Branch was formerly a Dak Bungalow on the Jhang Chichawatni road about 23 miles distant from Jhang. Its name was derived from the name of a “Chaprasi” Teko Singh, who had become a “Faqir‖ and made a pond of water there. Who served water and provided shelter to the passers-by. In this regard, he did great humanitarian services. The small pond called the ―Toba‖ in the Punjabi language. Eventually, this area was called Toba Tek Singh and the surrounding area of the settlement also known as the same.

This chapter deals with the historical outlook of Toba Tek Singh along with the socio-political and economic dynamics of Biraderies of Toba Tek Singh. It also covers the post-colonial development of the area as a central part of Chenab colony. It gives a detailed picture of district level study of biraderi dynamics. It explored significant biraderies of the district and their role.

Terrestrial Significance: It is pertinent here to describe the terrestrial significance of the area where the district Toba Tek Singh is situated. It attracts the people to come and settle here in the colonial canal settlement plan. It is so that Toba Tek Singh is the central part of Sandal Bar due to that it is owned different dimensional aspect of its geographical importance in the province of Punjab. Whole areas of the ex- Faisalabad division are the lower part of Rachana Doab (the area between river Ravi and river Chenab).

In fact, this area is such a cultural unit of the Punjab that has many folklores and tales in its cultural heritage. Many renowned towns and cities of present Punjab i.e. Tehsil Phalia of Gujrat, District Sargodha, District Jhang, some areas of Faisalabad, Chiniot, Toba Tek Singh, Gojra, Kamalia, Tandlian Wala and even the area of District Montgomery (Sahiwal) are in that particular area of the bar. If we draw a line that cut down Chenab, Chiniot, and Nankana Sahib and touched the river Ravi, then in the North and South of this line between both rivers the was the land of

113

the Sandal Bar that stretched 70 Kos to lengthwise and spread 40 Koss to width wise.252

In its past, this area was rich with thickly self-growing forests. The honour of the native tribes often motivated them to attack the caravans of the British officers and then hide in the thick jungle. Many tribes and castes declared as criminals by the British for this reason.253

Very soon, the British government felt it a constant threat because on the one side of this was river Ravi and on the other side of Gugera, there were government offices. In the centre of the Bar, there was the dangerous Jungle. In 1897, regarding these circumstances, a city of Lyallpur planned to settle for administrative purposes. After completion of canal lower Chenab, the settlement continued in stages.254

Geographically, south part of the area has very fertile soil, but in the north this fertility becomes lessened. Formerly, the soil of the area was suitable for self- growing grass and this was the main reason of local tribes and castes to attach with herd rearing and cattle farming. Sikh rulers took advantage of this and imposed a tax on cattle grazing and made an effective source of revenue collection in the past. 255

Thousands of acres were confined for pastures; it was due to the supply of camels, horses, and ponies to the British army in Africa during the First World War. They also introduced here special kinds of seeds and cattle to ensure the standardized supply of dairy products to garrison colonies. In that way, the area became a productive land of army needs and agricultural hub. Due to the fertility of the soil, the British called this area ―THE GRANARY OF ASIA‖. In its agricultural base in 1909, here established an Agricultural College and Research Centre that later got the status of Agricultural University in 1961.256

252 Ahmad Ghazali, Sandal Bar, 30

253 Thomas R Metcalf, Ideologies of Raj (New Delhi: Cambridge University Press,1995),122-123 254 Ahmad Ghazali, Sandal Ba, 31 255 Gazetteer of Chenab Colony, 19 256 Ghazali, Sandal Bar,78-80

114

Table 4.1: Administrative Profile of District Toba Tek Singh

Name of SubDivision Total Area/Sq. Km Population Toba Tek Singh 1293 6,17,035 Gojra 851 4,95,096 Kamalia 1115 5,09,462 District Toba Tek Singh 3259 16121953

This further distributed in for administration purpose into three Municipal committees, namely Toba Tek Singh, Gojra and Kamalia, a town committee of Pir Mehal and 539 villages.

Table 4.2: Demographic Profile of Toba Tek Singh

Elements Characteristics Details Location It is located between 30‘. 33to 31'. 23 North latitude and 72˚.08 to 72˚.48 longitudes. Physical features  46 to 61 meters above from sea level  Designed in plain level with a slight slope from East to West.  No any hill or natural nallah, landmark. Population  In 1947 = 12000.  1st July 1982 = 18 Lac 26 thousand with  Rural population =81 % and  II. Urban Population=Urban 19 %  1998 census= Muslim + non-Muslim (mainly Christian) 520,601 + 284,979 =805,580  2008 = 1.39 million. Approximately  Situated in the centre of the Punjab.  North West= surrounded by District Jhang Boundaries  North East= District Faisalabad.  South= River Ravi (a natural boundary) that Separates from District Sahiwal and District Khanewal.  The climate is same as most of the districts of Punjab.  Generally hot and dry. It is vicissitudes.  Pre- colonial period, it was characterized by: I. Scarcity of rainfall II. Saline water, Climate III. Part of the arid zone as a desert with a hot wind blowing in the summer and dust storms in almost all seasons.  Colonial period & Post-colonial = Canal colony the

115

area flourish. I. Fertile soil and suitable for all kinds of crops. II. The main crops are sugar cones, wheat, cotton, and Maize. III. In fruits guava, mango and citrus are important. IV. The forests are comprised of the 13951-acre area.  Census reports of 1981 literacy rate = 30.3%  Census reports of 1998 literacy rate = 50.5% I. Urban area literacy rate = 63.2% and II. Rural area literacy rate = 47.5 %  Being an agricultural district there has been Educational profile established a sub-campus of Agriculture, University near the railway station of Toba Tek Singh. It is comprised of 66 acres.  A Bahria Foundation College is also established for promoting modern and standardized education.  The high tendency of acquiring education is even more than the adjacent areas of Lahore.

 Four government hospitals in the district.  One District level Head Quarters T. T. Singh

 Three Tehsil level Toba Tek Singh, Gojra, and Kamalia. It has 400 patients capacity. Health  25. Dispensaries.  07. Rural Health Centers  69. Basic Health Units.  01. TB Hospital  316. Centers of clean drinking water in urban area  549. Centers in a rural area.

Communications  Connected with Khanewal and Faisalabad through railway network.  About 430 Kilometres roads already constructed.  Approximately, 272 KM under Highway Department and 208KM under Zila Council.  A farm to market road programme introduced by Punjab to develop the rural areas under this programme.  594 Kilometres long roads were constructed in 1982-83 to 1998-99. During this period existing 139 Kilometre road improved and made to widen.  At this time 39 telephone exchanges are working that have about 4500 lines capacity.

116

Energy  12 Grid stations that have 66 to 132 Kilowatt (Power and Natural capacity. Gas)  Natural gas is also being provided to the cities of Toba. Source: Population Census Report 2000, WWW. Punjab portal. gov.pk Punjab Development Statistics 2010, Booklet Jashan-e-Bhara

78.2% area is cultivated area as the table shows below. So, being an agricultural district, approximately all industries are based on agriculture. But it is lagging behind in industrial growth. Economic development is not moving at its previous pace that was witnessed in the colonial period. The condition of agriculturalists is also not good, although 70.8% area is a canal irrigated. Middle- class land holdings are not more than 12 to 15 acres approximately.257 Their condition is also very poor.

Table 4.3: Cultivated Area in Acres

Area Acres Percentages Forests 13845 1.72 % Cultivated Area 630710 78.2 %

Uncultivated Area 176528 21.8 % Canal Irrigated 571271 70.8 % Tube well Irrigated 35695 4.4 %

Barani Area 22200 2.75 % Flood Effected 1544 0.19 % Orchards 38437 4.76 %

Total Area 807238 ------

Source: www.punjabportal.com

Following tables and Fig 4.2 shows the area-wise distribution of biraderies in the district. On social set up landholders are stood at higher ranks. In them Arain, Jatt,

257 Interview with Gias-ud-Din Janbaz (A Journalist and Political Leader of PPP Now working as social worker ) 10.07.2012

117

Sayed, Kharral and to some extent Rajpute, Gujjar and Beloch are at the dynamic position as these three also are the political stakeholder biraderies along with major four biraderies. In local bodies elections, 2001 and 2005 a slight share is also gone to other biraderies too. (See table 4.11, 4.12. In the same Chapter)

Fig 4.1: Socio- economic locus of biraderies in Tehsils Of

District Toba Tek Singh

60 66.85 50 Kamalia 40 Gojra Toba Tek Singh 30 52 45.6 20

Totalarea of Land owned the by Biraderies 24.3 10 21 22.45 0.58 11.4 11.7 6.08 1.1461.7 3.191.56.3 1 0.2 0.05 8.2435.72 0 Jat Arain Gujar Rajput Kharral Seyad Baloch Others Biraderies

The above bar graph shows the clear picture that Arain Biraderi is at the top in Tehsil Toba Tek Sing, in Tehsil Gojra Jatts are in majority and in Tehsil Kamalia at the top is Sayed biraderi then at second place Kharral stands. The land occupied by them shows on the next page of their social economic status in the district.

118

Table 4.4

Distribution of land wise area among Biraderies of

District Toba Tek Singh

(Total area Land wise Distribution)

No Biraderies Occupied Area in Acres along with % Total Area in District

Tehsil Toba Tek Tehsil Kamalia Tehsil Gojra Toba Tek Singh

Singh Acres % Acres % % Acres %

1 Jatt 55220 21% 8000 6.8 % 117188 66.85% 180408 31.08%

2 Arain 135804 52% 15000 11.4 % 39364 22.45% 190168 33.56%

3 Gujar 4408 1.7 % 1500 11.2 % 9985 5.7 % 15893 2.8%

4 Rajpute 16406 6.31 % 4200 3.2 % 2150 1.2 % 22756 4.1%

5 Sial ------3000 2.3 % 250 .14 % 3250 .57%

6 Jakhar ------3000 2.3 % ------3000 .53%

7 Kharral 2053 .79 % 32000 24.3 % ------34053 6 %

8 Sayed 1514 .58 % 60000 45.6 % 300 .2 % 61814 11 %

9 Chadhar ------500 .38 % ---- .65 % 500 .08 %

10 Beloch 30265 11.7 % 64 .05 % ---- .12 % 30329 5.3 %

12 Awan 1643 .63 % ------1150 .4 % 2793 .% %

13 Pathan 5448 2.1 % ------200 -- 5648 1 %

14 Kamboh ------700 -- 700 .12 %

15 Chanar 934 0.36 % ------934 .16 %

16 Others 5980 2.3 % 4300 3.2 % 3994 2.3 % 14274 2.5 % Total 259675 100% 131564 100% 175281 100% 566520 100% Source: DCO office Toba Tek Singh Dated12.06.2013 (table made by the researcher)

The table depicts the loci of the biraderies in District Toba Tek Singh. The percentages of the area occupied can easily comprehend.

119

4.1 Social Setup

Pre -colonial and colonial analysis is discussed in the previous chapter in which the foundations and setting of this specific area are discussed. In the 1947 partition of Sub-Continent caused a huge migration. But the dissection was faced by Punjab, which was divided into Indian and Pakistani Punjab. Due to this many Muslims migrated to Pakistani Punjab and Hindus and Sikhs India for Indian Punjab. Most refugee families settled where their own, biraderies already settled in canal colonies. In this regard, Chenab colony also faced a drastic demographic change, but the British colonial legacies still continued.

After partition in 1st July 1982 Toba Tek Singh became a district, it has total 539 villages. According to 1998 census Muslim 520,601 and non-Muslim Christian 284,979. Migrated people were also living in this district along with local biraderies and settlers. The locals inhabit a bit roughly estimated at 32 to 38 km along with river Ravi.258 It is very important in its political background that this is the only district where Arain biraderi is in a majority of the whole.259 In Tehsil Kamalia local Biraderies are in majority than Arain. In this demographic composition, Arain biraderi is in majority only in Tehsil Toba Tek Singh and the surrounding area was occupied by others. Despite that, a comprehensive number of Beloch biraderi is also settled there and also politically activate. The Sardar Murad Khan Gadhi of Beloch biraderi in this context is a very active participant in Politics. In local biraderies; Fitianas Kharal, Beloch, Sayed of Sindhilianwali, Sargana, Gagdi, Sahoo etc. are also prominent biraderies.

City and Towns of Toba Tek Singh; There are renowned towns in the district apart from central city Toba Tek Singh like Gojra, Pir Mahal, and Kamalia.

Toba Tek Singh

The whole district got its name from this town as earlier described. This area is comparatively urbanised as compared to the rest of the area of the whole district. Being a headquarter of the district all main administrative offices are situated here.

258 District census Report of Toba Tek Singh by Population Census Organisation Statistical Division Government of Pakistan April 2000 259 Interview with Dr. Zahid Sattar Amir Jammat-e-Islami Toba Tek Singh.Dated 12.7.2011

120

Map. 4.1 Geographical boundaries of Tehsil Toba Tek Singh.

Source: DCO office Tehsil T T Singh Dated 12.06.2013

121

Gojra:

In fact, Gojra was called as Mauza 470 JB. It was established in 1899. Its population at that time in 1901 was 2265. That was a raised to 4000 in 1904. It was declared a small town in 1903. A town committee was established here for administration. An amount of Rs. 1, 10,413/- was collected in the form of sale of town. A sum of Rs. 1 to Rs. 6 tax was imposed under section 211 (1) (a) on house property occupiers. The Tax may be varied by the means of their occupiers.260 In the year 1904, an amount of Rs.62392/- was spent on for establishing the clean drinking water system and for metalled roads of the town.261

Before the partition of India and Pakistan, Gojra was a popular place for the ophthalmic treatment and surgery. Dr. Harbhajan Singh was a renowned ophthalmologist there. Soon after the establishment of Pakistan in 1947, he was moved and settled in India, but for a long time, it was known as for its eye treatment center. Dr. Rehmat Ullah also made a great contribution in this regard as he built an eye hospital in Gojra, by the name of ―Dr. Rehmat Ullah's General and Eye Hospital‖. Afterward, his mission was continued by his two sons. In 1982 it got the status of a tehsil Gojra. For that purpose half part of ―Mongizal‖ and 20 to 25 rural areas were included in Gojra, to make its population as compatible to Toba Tek Singh and Kamalia; the other towns of District Toba Tek Singh. Due to an agricultural town and for its size it is a very thriving town and played an important role in the export trade of grain.

Gojra is also a very famous town for sports, especially in hockey; it is also a producer town of hockey players belonged to Gojra. i.e. Mazhar-ul-Hassan, Rashid- ul-Hassan, Tahir Zaman, Shahbaz Junior, Maqsood Sadi, Nadeem Tedi, Iqbal Bali, Aslam Roda, Babar Abdullah, Muhammad Usman, Muhammad Khalid, Rashid Imran and Goal Keeper Muhammad

260Gazetteer of Chenab Colony 1904,152 261 Ibid, 152

122

Map.4.2 Map of Tehsil Gojra

Source of picture: DCO Office Toba Tek Singh

Qasim (Late). In this context on the special instructions of the President of Pakistan Farooq Lagari; AstroTurf was spread in the ―Poly Grass Hockey Stadium‖. It was also declared as ―Olympic Village‖ for its special distinctive feature.262

Tehsil Kamalia

Kamalia was as an old town known as Kot Kamalia. It is situated in the South West of River Ravi. There was a settlement at the end of North West bank of Ravi in Sandal Bar Jungle. People Travelled towards Harappa through this area. Alexander the Great passed through that Jangle and encountered the unorganized sailors. According to General Kinsinghum that this was the area where Alexander the Great defeated the ruler ―Muli" of this area. That‘s why "Muli" word is very

262 Ibid.67

123

Prominent in the name of "Kamalia" There is a very popular legend in the town that a ruler came from West destroyed Kamalia. There is a hill situated near Kamalia which is called Tiba Segal that is situated near Jangle in Chak 740 GB (Gugera Branch). So many legendary characters are attached with Kamalia like Raja Surkup Raja Rasalo and Rani Koklan.

Map 4.3 MAP OF TEHSIL KAMALIA

Source of picture: DCO Office Toba Tek Singh dated 12.06.2013

Rani Koklan was the daughter of Raja Surkup, to whom Raja Rasalo assassinated after winning her daughter in a bet with, then he married Rani Koklan. But after that Rani Koklan developed her relation with Raja Hodi Bin Bikram of Attock. Raja Rasloo killed him whilst Rani Koklan suicide.

In the era of Ibrahim Lodhi, a Rais (rich) Kamal Khan Kharal met Nawab Roy Hamannad of (Hundal Nagari) and both became friends, but Ibrahim Lodhi terminated Roy Hamannad very soon due to his old age and appointed Kamal Khan Kharal as ruler of Hundal Nagari. But he was assassinated by the sons of Roy Hamannad. Aftermath khan‘s son took revenge of their father and had settled "Kot

124

Kamal Khan" near the ruins of Raja Surkup.263That Kot Kamal Khan was later popular and known as Kamalia.

In 1556 Mughal Emperor Jalal-ud- Din Akbar gave the status of Pargana to Province of Lahore and included Kamalia in it. A Sardar Muhabat Khan was the ―Darogha‖ of ―Harm Sira‖ of Sha-Jehan‘s Palace. In 1688, he constructed a historical mosque in Kamalia on his return. That is still a Jamaia mosque of the town. Saadat Yar Khan‘s son of Muhabbat Khan got honour in the Mughal court. Sadat Yar Khan had conflicts with the Sials of Jhang very often and with Kharral of Jhamra, At Last Sials besieged Kamalia which was ended by the interference of Wali-e- Multan Nawab Muzaffar Khan. Saadat Yar Khan died in the era of Muhammad Sha Rangila. After his death, Sial again came back and occupied Kamalia in 1739 to1759. Then it was gone under Sikh Raj "Maha Raja Ranjit Singh."264 History of Kamalia is full of infringements and conflicts of Sials and Kharrals.

Kamalia paved the path of development and prosperity after the annexation of Punjab 1849.The Main cause was grooming trade and the high agricultural production is due to the lowlands of River Ravi. But Kamalia was badly hit by infringements of rebellious tribes in 1857 who occupied Kamalia for weeks was compensated by the Government. The indigenous industry of textile flourished.265 But an important fact is that in September 1857 Sardar Sarfaraz Khan Kharral of Kamalia (1863) opposed the leader of the freedom fighter Ahmad Khan Kharral and supported the cavalry of the East India Company.266

In the British era, Kamalia was linked with the whole country through railway tracks and its trade and industry became flourishing. In July 1868 municipality established with seven members was selected by the Deputy Commissioner.

Administrative expenses were got from toll tax that was imposed on different sort of thing. Kamalia was becoming an important market for its agricultural products, i.e. wheat, grain, and pulses. Here in Kamalia imported sugar and gur from Jalandhar and Amritsar, cotton from Jhang and fabric from Karachi, Amritsar, and Multan. It‘s

263 Ibid, 4 264 Ibid, 4 265 Gazetteer of Montgomery.1883-84 , 176-178 266 Griffin .Lepel H and Massay Francis, “The Punjab Chiefs”, (Revised Edition Sang-e-Meel Publications Lahore 2004) P.229-232

125

―Lungian‖, ―tauf‖ and fabric was very popular in all over India. Its population consisted of 7490 people in accordance with the 1891 census report.267 That was rapidly increased as compared with previous years. Its main reason was the fertile lands of the river Ravi, that was first becoming under water and then ejected by the river after a long span. That‘s the way its fertility was very high profile.268

Kamalia was a town of the district, Montgomery (Sahiwal) in the British era. In 1982 it became a tehsil of Toba Tek Singh. After the creation of Pakistan, it has become rapidly developing the city with the population of more than one Lac people. There is a big Sugar Mill (Kamalia Sugar Mills Limited).Its major textile good is Khadar of Kamalia that is very popular all over the world.

It has also a unique educational profile in the district and many renowned personalities acquired their education from Government High School Kamalia among them Sardar Muhammad Arif Nakai (Ex. C.M. Punjab), Arshad Lodhi Finance Minister, Prof. Maskeen Hijazi, Hamid-Ullah-Hashmi, Hasnain Javaid (Journalist) and so many other civil and military officers are prominent figures.269

Pir Mahal:-

Pir Mahal is a prosperous small and modern town of Toba Tek Singh that is divided in two Union Councils, the total population of Pirmahal is almost 29976.270 A number of people have gone in foreign countries and contributing to enhance its foreign remittances in the Pakistan.271During the British era when Lahore was connected to Shorkot Junction Via Nankana Sahib, Jaranwala and Tandlianwala then at that time a railway station was built in Pir Mahal. It is about 20 KM from Kamalia. In this duration, a house was constructed for a renowned religious leader Pir Qutab Shah (Sayed family) of Sindhilianwali near Dana Mandi (Grain Market). Pir Sahib stayed here while coming to Sindhilianwali, whenever he visited far-flung areas of the

267 Maclegan E D, Census of India, 1891 Vol. xx , The Punjab and its Feudatories. Part II (Imperial Tables and Supplementary Returns for the British Territory, Printing in Calcutta, India1892), 10 268 Gazetteer of Montgomery.(1883-84) , 176-178 269 Interview with Rai Muhammad Imtiaz Ahmed Khan Farooq (A Social and political personality of Kamalia ) 15.06.2012 270 www.pnapirmahal.com 271 Ibid

126

country through Khanewal. The resident of Pir Sahib was very glorious and beautifully constructed like a castle. That‘s why it is known as ―Pir Mahal‖.272

Rajhana

Rajhana is a small developing town situated on Kamalia road. This is a very small city which has a cross road chowk east road to Faisalabad, west road towards Multan city, then Karachi, the north side is to Toba Tek Singh and the south road to Kamalia and Vehari. Rajhana has a small fruit market where many people buy fruits and vegetables, then sell them in their villages; this is their source of earning money. Aseem Public Library is a very good icon of this town. This library stands amongst very distinguished private libraries of Pakistan. It is established in 1901 under Hafiz Mian Muhammad Ismail, who came and settled here from central Punjab. In 1933 there were only 1400 books. After taking charge by Chaudhary Abdul Rashid Aseem it included in the list of few big libraries of Punjab. Now there are more than 30,000 books in it. Some of them are very rare and valuable. Many scholars get benefit from here.273

District Toba Tek Singh is performing a very important role in national political development. There are three seats of the National Assembly and seven seats of the provincial assembly in District Toba Tek Singh and further, it is divided in 82 Union Councils at local level presently. (Detail is given already in the first chapter)

4.2 Political Significance

In its initial stage, the area is moving on the path of democratization. The following description reveals to what extent the political awareness did the masses had at that time. It is very pertinent to have a view of the political aspect of district Toba Tek Singh as this is always known as a forward-looking District. Due to higher participation in politics of left, it had acquired a very significant position in the British era. According to the settlement of the area, there had a class of small peasants and middle landlords. These people had trends of acquiring education since the beginning. This feature consequently gave rise to peasant organizations and the inception of

272 Ibid 273 Booklet Jashan-e-Bharan; Agricultrual and Industrial Exhibition 2006‖, this is a booklet issued by the District Government Toba Tek. Singh, 23

127

‗Kisan Movement‘ held. Before partition, a big number of Sikh settlers were attached with the communist movement. Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru also visited Toba Tek Singh before independence. Despite non-Muslims revolutionists, many Muslims were also joined revolutionary movements. Among them President of communist party Ch. Fateh Muhammad and Dr. Abdulah Sheikh and Baba Abdul Latif Qaiser were renowned names.274Communist preaching had continued till 1971 in Toba Tek Singh. Historical Kisan Conference, 200,000 Kissans (peasants) and progressive people from all over the country gathered in Toba Tek Singh on 23rd March 1970, and Maulana Bhashani addressed to that Conference.

The National press of that time declared Toba Tek Singh as ―STALIN GRID‖ and ―LENIN GRID‖. Many diplomats of communist countries specially joined this conference, i.e. Professor Eric Supreme, C.R Aslam, etc.275 that conference had a great impact on the political history of Pakistan and led to Land Reforms in Bhutto era. With the passage of time, these communists and leftist movements became to weaken. Aftermath the city became the symbol of political awareness in whole Pakistan. With the passage of time, the progressive elements began to diminish when East Pakistan was bifurcated. Most of the people of this movement joined Peoples Party, then a time had come when those progressive elements also eliminated from Peoples Party. But now there is no any single movement that can declare itself a Kissan Labour Movement. But one thing is very important that this small town played a very crucial role in political awakening and character building of the people.

Toba Tek Singh was a Sub-Division in the British era. Most of the political workers who belonged to the left struggled for years for labourers and peasants. This was all because in this particular area there were not the biggest land holdings except in Kamalia where Pir (The Sayed Family) of Sindhilianwali held more than 100 acres of land. The rest of central area comprised of small and medium peasants. Educational status and political awakening were very high among them this profile was not present in any other district of that time. Due to political consciousness, there were no any signs of conventional and ―Wadira Culture‖ Feudal type landlords. Despite political workers‘ local press was also very active, functional and dynamic. This was

274Interview with Gias-ud-Din Janbaz (A Journalist and Political Leader of PPP Now working as social worker ) 10.07.2012 275 Ibid

128

why the area acquired liberal and development nature of people. Rather than that from the period 1947 to 1962, the participation at the national or provincial level was very low.

In Ayub‘s era due to this significant feature of Toba Tek Singh, sister of Quaid-e-Azam Miss Fatimah Jinnah got equal votes as General Ayub Khan got here. That was the second city where Ayub Khan embarrassed. Military rule has totally changed this democratisation development and derailed it and policies of colonial legacy were repeated and local power holders were again predominantly being focused through administrative institutions. Tahir Kamran reports Khalid bin Saeed that

“Ayub has put the constitutional clock back to the days of the Lord Mayo and Lord Ripon __the late 19thcentury__ democracy in Pakistan, according to Ayub should be a government for the people and by the bureaucratic elite”.276 After the Ayub era, Yahya Khan took initiative and held elections in which leading political parties were Bhutto‘s PPP and Mujib‘s Awami party contested along with others and the area of Toba Tek Singh revived its convention and voted for the PPP.

The second phase of political development was obstructed in 1977 when the dictatorial rule of General Zia-ul-Huq instigated. General Zia-u-Haq belonged to the Arain biraderi. He put all his efforts and made a strategy to make TTS a hub of Arain biraderi. So that his biraderi was becoming more stable and played a very active and undeviating role and acquired a safe constituency. On these intentions, he planned to elevate the status of Tehsil Toba Tek Singh to the district. Hence, in 1985 under non- Party based elections Abdul Sattar and M. Hamza was selected as MNAs respectively from NA -79 and NA- 80. Both belonged to Arain biraderi. Supremacy of Arain biraderi was sustained in 1988 and then aslso in 1990. Ch. Asad-ur-Rehman, Ch Abdul Sattar, Muhammad Ijaz-ul- Haq (son of General Zia-ul- Haq) and M.Hamza were selected respectively.

276 Tahir Kamran, Election Commission of Pakistan: Role in Politics( Lahore: South Asia Partnership- Pakistan, 2009),69

129

In fact, non-Party based elections initiated the biraderism by General Zia-UL- Haq more in Martial Law regimes. Before him, 85% votes cast on political parties‘ bases. He invented the biraderi culture as before him this foundation of politics was not laid on biraderies. Although biraderies were present, there were not elements of prejudices among them. Zia distributed the biraderi factor horizontally.277 In politics, political parties only acknowledged the character and services of their workers. This feature had been observed in the election of 1962 and 1965.

At the time, when M. Hamza was selected as a member of West Pakistan Assembly then nobody knew him that he belonged to Arain biraderi. After him Ch. Aslam became a member of the National Assembly and nobody interested about his Arian biraderi. He belonged to Pakistan People‘s Party and selected on an ideological basis.278

People have had a different opinion in declaring Toba Tek Singh an Arain district. According to their opinion that tehsil Toba Tek Singh was quite big in size than six the district of Punjab at that time. Even district Sheikhupura, was very smaller than it. At the time of bifurcation of district Faisalabad, it was decided that only tehsil Toba Tek Singh fulfil the criteria of a district, but the speculation was this that General Zia-Ul-Haq, assisted in establishing the status of a district.

Political significance is also noticeable when in 1993 Khalid Ahmad Kharral as a Federal Minister and two provincial ministers Riaz Fitiana and Makhdom Ali Raza were selected. Governor of Punjab and the Ex-Member of Britain Parliament Ch. Muhammad Sarwar also belonged to this district. Small land holdings, education, political awareness and overseas employees make this district enormously prosperous and all these elements also contributing in its political importance. It can also be derived those leftist politics and after acquiring the status of district Toba Tek Singh it became politically more important.

277 Interview with Gias-ud-Din Janbaz on 10.7.2012

278 Ibid

130

4.3 Political Dynamics of Biraderi Politics

Before settlement of the bar the natives called ―Jangli‖ in relation with the vast jungle. Aftermath the ―word‖ was used in a negative sense to undermine and discriminate the natives. The British also dishonoured natives and took them as uncivilized. Another speculation is described by Kiran Khurshid in her book ―a Gazetteer by the Native‖ that the Jangli was the sub- caste of Rajpute who came from Jaisalmir in the Indian province of Rajisthan in the primordial period. In the course of time, they adopted new pattern and norms of life and a dialect called Jangli.279 This is noteworthy that the local tribes indomitable by nature either they were Jatt or Rajpute. As compared to other areas of undivided India these tribes did not like to recognize themselves as Jatt or Rajpute, whilst they liked to call after their tribe‘s name, for example, Sial, Harral, Kharral etc.280Anyhow the nomads had generally known as Jangli a name which holds no reproach; as if the claim to it is demonstrated it enabled the owner to a grant of land.281 After getting the district status in 1982, the biraderi description is as follows:

The Tehsil Toba Tek Singh has the majority of Arain biraderi, who before partition came here as settlers and a big number of Arain migrated after the partition of Sub-Continent. It was due to the blood relationship or biraderi fellows of Arain who migrated from Jhalander, Ferozepur, Amritsar, etc., to Pakistan. They preferred to settle in those areas where they were in the majority. As they are relatively prosperous and educated so they decided to live in urban areas.282 In the initial years of establishment of Pakistan, there were elements of rivalry between old and new Arain. These differences became meagre within the span of time. After marital ties, this situation was not seen any longer.

Arains are very rare in adjacent areas of river Ravi but in Pir Mahal and Gojra, they are in a huge number. Jatt and Arain biraderies are more or less in equal number in Tehsil Gojra. Despite them the other biraderies Gujar and Rajpute are in an effective number present there. There are different local tribes of the bar who are inhabited in Kamalia. Kharral, Manj, and Fitiana are also numerous in numbers.

279 Being an aboriginal tribe, Janglis are a sub –caste of Jatts. Maclagan & Rose in their join work in ―A Glossary of tribes and Castes of Punjab and N.W.F.P‖ also support this argument. 280 Gazetteer of Chenab Colony 1904, op. cit., 53 281 Ibid, 54 282 Interview with Gias-ud-Din Janbaz

131

Saadats of Sindhilianwali are also present, but less in numbers. They are very influential being a religious leader and playing a very effective role in the politics of this area.283 The one-third population of the Toba Tek Singh consists now of the menial class. So the first largest biraderi is this menial class.284

The politics of Kamalia moved around Kharrals before and after the British era till today. Within the span of time, Other Biradaries also got activated in politics. Rai Nasrullah Khan, Nazar Hussain, and Pir Sahib of Sindhilianwali got tickets of Muslim League from this area in 1954. Rai Habib Ullah Khan Saadi selected in 1963 as a member of the Assembly of West Pakistan. Saadi played an important role in opposing President Ayub Khan. Many other renowned persons also escorting him in opposition, i.e., M. Hamza from Gojra, Khawaja Safdar from Sialkot and Abdul Baqi Baloch from Sindh. They all supported Fatima Jinnah against Ayub Khan. Rai Hafiz Ullah Khan selected as MNA and again in 1977 selected as MNA. These persons belong to Manj biraderi who are Rajpute. Same like this Kharral also called themselves as Rai and they are also in racial perspective Rajpute.285

A noteworthy feature of Kamalia is this that the British didn‘t hold settlement here. Due to this, we found here Jagirdar (Landlords) and spiritual leaders and pirs. They are dynamically active in the local and national politics. Its other difference is in its local dialect that has a great impact on Siraiki Language. These are all the characteristics of South Punjab. A move is also going on to make Kamalia a separate district as it has distinct cultural and historical background that is different from other tehsils of District Toba Tek Singh. According to that move, the demand is that by separating Harrapa from District Sahiwal and Mamoo Kanjan from Faisalabad join them to tehsil Kamila to make a separate a district. But to oppose this move a Muthida Mahaz has established under Gias-ud-Din Janbaz.286

About 20 to 25 villages of tehsil Toba Tek Singh were merged in tehsil Kamalia287 due to the majority of Arain biraderi in these villages to make it an

283 Intervew of Sayed Javed Iqbal Bukhari, op.cit 284 Interview with Rai Imtiaz Ahmad Khan Farooq, op.cit 285 Warraich Ahmad Mutlub, Suharwardi say Wardi tuk (Lahore: Book Home , 2006), 76 286 Intervew of Sayed Javed Iqbal Bukhari,op.cit 287 A Phd Thesis title, ― Politics of Biraderies (Clans) in the selected Disterics of Punjab 1947-2002‖ Submitted by Zahoor Ahmad at Federal Urdu University Abdul Haq Capus Karachi.80

132

electoral constituency. In this regard Ch. Asad-UR-Rehman was selected as a member of the National Assembly in 1988, 1990, 1997. This is clear evidence that in what way the free will of the people may capture. These villages are situated in ―Kheka Zail”. Majority people of Arain biraderi had of communist views and active in leftist politics till 1971. These people invited Maulana Hamid Ullah Khan Bhashani in1970 and initiated the International Kissan Conference. The majority of the people belonged to Jalandhar and Hushiyarpur district were settled here in the British era. Actually, these people were not happy to join tehsil Kamalia as their villages were forced to join with Kamalia for election compulsions. They are still demanding to reemerge in Tehsil Toba Tek Singh and they will be allowed to cast their votes there. The young leadership protested and did not vote their conventional Arain contestant Ch. Asad Ur Rehman in 2002 elections due to that demand. Hence, they voted for his counter nominee Riaz Fitiana and he succeeded by 16,000 votes and had promised their villages would be attached with Tehsil Toba Tek Singh. However the companion of Riaz Fitiana, Khalid Ahmad Khan Kharral could not avail the opportunity and defeated ultimately.

The religious leaders did not succeed in Kamalia, except Maulana Mohammad Ahmad Ludhianvi of Siph-e –Sihaba who can get more than 10,000 votes. However spiritual leaders may create a huge difference by using their influence. In this respect the successors of Qadir Bakhash, Karmani and Sindhhilianwali are quite influential and play a vital role in tehsil politics.

There are three factors, i.e., biraderi, wealth and power that work in the elections. Among them, the biraderi factor is very strong as political parties have substantial believe in this factor as biraderi can be characterized as an unyielding societal phenomenon in which a social hierarchy is preserved generation to generations. This is why; political parties always focus this factor while giving the party ticket to a candidate who has a huge biraderi vote bank. Even the religious, the political parties like MMA also keep in view this element. It is also very significant that after winning the elections these candidates forget their biraderi voters, hence the situation of Jatt and Arain is still stagnant and this situation cannot change in the near future as political parties choose those Arain or Jatt contestants who have a strong rich and influential background.

133

Due to lack of education in rural areas of the district, especially in Tehsil Kamalia the voting behaviour of the people is revolved around emotional attachments with biraderies, ethnically segments like language differences, local vs. settlers and migrated issues and affiliation with the successors of spiritual figures. So, it is not a realistic approach to ignore the element of biraderism. In these circumstances, the able and sincere persons do not come forward in politics. On the whole, the biraderi politics rule over the individual by dictating him with its social, economic and political dynamics to whom he votes for.

According to Table No. 4.4 Arain biraderi is dominating in tehsil Toba Tek Singh, Jatts in Tehsil Gojra and in Kamalia Sayed and Kharral Biraderies are at dominating position due to their land holdings. The main political power struggle dynamics of biraderi politics are revolving around these biraderies. The political power holders have prone the non-democratic norms like biraderism in Pakistan. That‘s why General Zia-UL-Haq, General Sawar Khan, and General Rao Farman Ali in their turn raised the status of the biraderies i.e. Arain, Gujjar, and Rajpute respectively.

This situation also exhibited during General Musharraf era the 3rd Martial Law regime. The occurrence of the sentiments of rivalry, distrust, and competition was due to this factor and struggle for the political power got to start from here. District T.T.S also persecuted of that kind of ethnicity same like other parts of the country. Especially after the non-Party basis election of 1985, the biraderi politics have become more dynamic and active. The ―Arain–Nourishment‖ and encouragement by General Zia-UL-Haq has intensified this Biraderi intrigue and his process is still going on.

In the elections of 2002, when Chuhadries of Gujrat were in their boom Jatt biraderi got much of their support in Tehsil Gojra of District T. T. Singh. Dr. Ashfaque-UR-Rehman of Jatt Biraderi got the provincial Ministry of Forests in 2002 to2007. Same like this Ch. Amjad Ali Warraich of Jatt biraderi selected as a member of the National Assembly from T. T. Singh Constituency No.NA-92. His brother Bilal Asghar Warraich selected as a member of Provincial Assembly Constituency

134

No. PP-84 and his third brother Khalid Asghar Warraich had been a Tehsil Nazim Gojra since 2005.288

There is a very important point that no any biraderi can be able to get any winning position despite if it depends on other biraderi groups. So to ensure the success in elections the candidate who makes a good pair means seat adjustment at provincial and center level can win. For example, if a Jatt belongs to a Warraich biraderi selected as a member of provincial assembly then the possibilities increased for a Jatt to become a member of the National Assembly.289 But at other the constituencies, the political scenario will be changed for example and especially at PP-85 (Toba -ii) an Arain will be selected as a member of the provincial assembly. Same like this if M. Hamza (Arain) would be a MNA then the both MPAs would not be Arain, especially at PP-84 (Toba- i) a Jatt candidate selects due to the majority of his biraderi.

The contrary of that situation, different biraderies are settled in big numbers like Gujjar, Arain, and Rajpute biraderies, but Gujjars are comparatively more in the majority at provincial level constituency PP-85 (Toba- II). That‘s why in 2002 and in the previous two elections Gujjar candidate selected as a member of the provincial assembly. Hence at PP-84 Jatt biraderi win the seat of MPA and lose the seat of MNA if, it does not get the support of Arain biraderi. At PP-85 (Toba-II) if Gujjar biraderi wants to be a winning position, then it can be possible with the support of Arain biraderi.

So Arain biraderi is playing as a decisive casting vote power. 290But it is observed that in Tehsil Gojra Jatt biraderi has a great feeling of sentiments for their Jatt candidate and generally did not vote to Arain biraderi. Hence Arain biraderi has the compulsion to support Jatts on the basis of ―give and take‖ policy. 291 This situation is in constituency PP-84 and in PP-85 Gujjar biraderi is dependent on Arain

288 Interview with Rai Muhammad Imtiaz Ahmed Khan Farooq (A Social personality of Kamalia and ex-candidate of PPP for Member of provincial Assembly 1990. ) 15.06 .2012 289 Ibid 290 Interview with Khalid Ahmad Khan Kharral 291 Ibid

135

biraderi as it has not a decisive majority number to select a Gujjar candidate as MPA.292

An ephemeral situation of conflicting and challenging occurs during elections when the differences of local, non-local, cultural and linguistic issues have been propagated and the leaders and candidates of big national level political parties have also raised these mantras and promoted biraderism.293 But the big political actor is one who succeeded on the basis of votes of biraderi prejudice along with persistent impartiality. Apparently, all the politicians declared themselves as impartial and also claimed that they are coming to smash the deities of biraderism. But behind the scene, they rely on the support and help of their biraderies.294

Another important feature of this biraderi dynamic is this that any biraderi did not vote its candidate on the whole because the segment of antagonism within the same biraderi also exists. There are contemporaneous many infringements like property disputes, court cases, and marital issues and family conflicts within a biraderi. These elements prohibited the full support of the biraderi to its candidate. Hence there is a difference of thousands of votes between two candidates of same biraderi.295 Sometimes conscious and unconscious prejudices are seen among the biraderies. For example, in the era of General Zia-UL-Haq, this element is occurring in many biraderies against Arain biraderi as a general perception was that General Zia‘s support to Arain biraderi made this biraderi most influential and dynamic in District T.T. Singh.296

It seems that the biraderi is going to be divided in a district politics when there are competing two opposing candidates belonging to the same biraderi with one another. Although apparently, the biraderi segment has weakened in fact, the successful candidate still belongs to a dominant and majority biraderi. Muhammad Ijaz-UL-Haq the son of General Zia-U-Haq contested the election of member national assembly in 1990 from electoral constituency NA-71 (TTS-II). Ch. Ashfaque who is the local resident of the area competed him. But Ijaz-Ul-Haq got significant prominence against Ch. Ashfaque on the biraderi bases that were due to two factors

292 Ibid 293 Interview with Khalid Ahmad Khan Kharal 294 Interview with Rai Muhammad Imtiaz Ahmed Khan Farooq op.cit 295 Ibid 296 Interview with Rai Zia Ullah khan, op. cit.

136

first he was the son of General Zia-UL-Haq (Arain biraderi) and secondly General Zia-UL-Haq died in a plane crash about two years before, hence being the member of the Arain biraderi and having the emotional sentiments of the biraderi he succeeded and Ch. Ashfaque could not get enough votes of the people, nor on the basis of biraderi neither on the basis of politico-ideological candidate of Pakistan People‘s Party. So the temporarily biraderi scrimmaging situation did occur, but the biraderi segment was dominated.297

The class of spiritual pirs of Kamalia is not fit the conventional definition of biraderi, but it works like a biraderi system.298 After 1985 the decline is observed in voter class which votes on the ideological basis as non-democratic behaviour developed and biraderi politics are increased. There is another important feature of this biraderi dynamic is that if a biraderi is in minority how far it united but it cannot raise slogans of biraderism but the majority biraderi is very prejudiced for its big number power and very well acknowledge it. But the rate of wreckage and division is also very high in majority biraderi.299 Despite that all factors it is to be said against these arguments that the all voters cast votes on the biraderi basis. There is a big number of voters in Toba Tek Singh, who cast their votes on the ideological basis and impartially. And they cast the vote on behalf of the character of the candidate and his social services.300

It is imperative here to have the analysis of the election results of the National, Provincial and along with local bodies elections in District Toba Tek Singh that held at different eras. (Before or after acquiring the Status of the District)

Table No. 4.5 Constituency No. NA-94 Tehsil Kamalia (Rural)

Name of Constituency Election winner No Biraderi Dynamics Year Contestant Pir Nasir- NA. 78 & 71 1937 Sayed Defeated Mian NurAllah Arain ud-Din Shah (Defeated Pir Nasir-Ud-Din) Mian Nur- 1946 Arain According to Ian Talbot in the Allah Arain election 1946, Mian Nur-Allah

297 Interview with Gias-ud-Din Janbaz, op.cit. 298 Interview with Gias-ud-Din Janbaz, opcit. 299 Ibid 300 Interview with Rai Muhammad Imtiaz Ahmed Khan Farooq Opcit

137

had registered 8000 Arain votes in the voter list.301

Makhdom Nazar 1951 Hussain Sayed (PP)& Rai Nasar Ullah Rai Nasar 1956 Ullah Khan Rajpute (PP) Ch. M.Afzal 1962 Jatt Defeated Ch. Abdul Sattar Arain Cheema Ch. Ishaq 1965 Jatt He is Uncle of M.Afzal Cheema. Cheema Rai. Hafiz 1970 Rajpute Allah Rai Hafiz 1977 Rajpute Allah Asad NA. 77 1977 Masood Khan Arain Sayed Ali NA. 78 1985 Sayed Raza Shah Ch. Asad- NA. 71 1988 Arain Ur- Rehman Ch.Asad- Ur- NA. 71 1990 Arain Rehman Khalid NA. 71 1993 Ahamd Khan Kharral Kharral Ch. Asad-ur- NA. 71 1997 Arain Rehman He succeeds with the support of M. Riaz NA. 94 2002 Fityana an Arain biraderi group of Ch M. Khan Fityana Ashfaq. M. Riaz NA. 94 2008 Fityana Khan Fityana Ch Asad-Ur - NA. 94 2013 Arain Rehaman Sources: WWW.ecp.gov.pk, EC of district Toba Tek Singh, Kirpal Singh Yadav, Elections 1920-1947 Ahmad Mughees, Ph.D. Thesis,p.140

Mughees Ahmad reports Wakeel Anjum that this constituency area is basically divided on the grouping of natives the local biraderies and Arain biraderi.302 From this constituency, Arain biraderi succeeded for five times, three times Sayed and Rajpute, two, two times Jatt and Fityana, and one-time Kharral won from here. Only those political parties succeed who gave tickets to majority biraderies.

301 IanTalbot, Opcit. 1999, 125 302Ahamd Mugees, Faisal Abad Division key Siyasat per Biraderism kay Asrat, ( Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, BZU,Multan,2004),140

138

Table 4.6: Arain Biraderi Constituency NA.93 (Toba Tek Singh) (Urban)

Sr. Election Name of winner Constituency No / Remarks No Year Contestant 1 1965 Ch. Sultan Arain No information about/ Ayub Era Election 2 M. Bashir No information about /First democratic election 1970 Ahmad 3 Asad Masood 1977 NA 77/The sixth assembly Khan (PPP) 4 M. Bashir 1977 NA79 Ahmad(PPP) 5 Ch. Abdul NA79/Non- Party based Elections 1985 Sattar 6 NA 72/ PPP gave the ticket on ideological bases to Ch. Abdul Gias Ud Din Janabaz who had no biraderi support, 1988 Sattar (IJI) but on the biraderi basis, Arain candidate succeeded. 7 Muhammad NA72/PPP defeated and Biraderi based voters‘ Ijaz- Ul- Haq 1990 turnout made Arain Biraderi successful. (IJI) 8 NA 72/PPP gave the ticket to the biraderi based Ch. Muhammad candidate. This time both contestants were Arain 1993 Ishfaq (PPP) and votes split between two political parties. 9 Ch Abdul NA 72/Same situation as in the 1993 election, but 1997 Sattar(IJI) IJI was successful. 10 NA 93/Arain biraderi votes divided as PPP gave the Muhammad ticket to Hafiz Ullah and Ch Ishfaq made a new

Farhan Latif group and M Farhan Latif nephew of Ch. Ishfaq 2002 (IND) succeeded due to exchanging of the support between Arain and Riaz Fitana of NA 94. 11 NA93 /Party based election 2008 12 Muhamad

Junaid Anwar NA93/party based election 2013 Chuahadri Source; Ahmad Mughees p. 143 ECP This table depicts that in constituency NA- 93 is the only constituency in Toba Tek Singh, there only Arain biraderi has been succeeded repeatedly. Only that political party won that give the ticket to Arain biraderi. Whereas, in other constituencies, the results are different time to time. Mughees Ahmad narrates about this constituency that here Jatt, Natives, Beloch and other biraderies are divided on the basis of their ancestral and local groupings whereas that kind of grouping does not build in Arain biraderi as Arian always give the vote to an Arain biraderi candidate.303

303 Mugees Ahamd, Faisal Abad Division key Siyasat per Biraderism kay Asrat , Opcit, 143

139

Table 4.7 Comparison of the Election Wining Biraderies Constituency

No. NA -92 (Tehsil Gojra and adjacent villages) Biraderi Situation (Rural)

SR Name of winner Constituency No No Contestant Arain Jatt Rajpute /Comments 1 1962 No Information available/ Ayub Era Basic M. Hamza Democracies System introduced. 2 Ch. Sultan Arain 1965 No Information available 3 Ch. Muhammad Aslam 1970 NA 77/ Elections held under

Arain (PPP) General Yahiya Khan 4 Mohammad. Bashir 1977 NA80/ Bhutto Era Ahmad(PPP) 5 1985 NA 80/Zia Era Non -Party M.Hamza based Elections 6 Haji. Muhammad Ishaq NA 73/Party Based 1988 (PPP) Elections 7 M. Hamza (IJI) 1990 NA 73 8 M. Hamza (N. League) 1993 NA 73 9 M. Hamza (N. League) 1997 NA 73 10 2002 NA 92/General Musharraf Amjad Ali Warraich Era Seats of National (IND) Assembly was increased. 11 Ch. Khalid Javaid 2013 NA 92 Warraich (PMLN) 12 Total elections win 7times 3times 2times --- Source: Ahmad Mughees, Ph.D. Thesis II. P.147 WWW.ecp.gov.pk The table exhibits that seven times Arain Biraderi won this seat, two times Rajpute came into power and since the 2002 elections to 2013 elections this seat of the National Assembly has been won by Warraichs the Jatt biraderi.

Table 4.8 Biraderi Positions in Punjab Provincial Assembly (District Toba Tek Singh) Since 1977- 2013

Constituency Election Name of winner No Biraderi Comments Year Contestant

Javed Ahmad Khan Kharral Party Based Elections 1977 PP 87 Kharral (PPP) Rajpute PPP vs. ML Mukhdoom Sayed Ali PP 88 Sayed Raza Shah(PPP) PP 91 Ch. Asghar Ali (PPP) Jatt PP 92 Nazir Ahmad(PPP) Arain PP 93 Khalid Malik(PPP) Arain Non-Party based (Zia Sardar Altaf Hussain 1985 PP 87 Gujar Regime) According to (IND) Wilder in six seats of PP

140

elections Biraderism dominated. Sayed Ibrar Hussain PP 88 Sayed Shah Muhammad Rafique PP 89 Arain (Muslim. League) Sardar Muhammad PP 90 Beloch Murad Khan PP 91 Naseem Ahmad Arain Sajjad Ahmad PP 92 Jatt Cheema PP 93 Ch AHsan-UL_Haq Gujjar Party based PPP vs ML and Overall 1988 PP 71 M. Riaz Fityana(IND) Fityana PPP Succeeded in these elections. Mukhdoom Sayed Ali PP 72 Sayed Raza Shah (PPP) PP 73 Ch M. Ashfaq (PPP) Arain Sardar Muhammad PP 74 Murad Khan Gadhi Beloch (IJI) Ghulam Rabbani PP 75 (Pakistan Awami Jatt Ithad) M. Khalid Malik PP 76 Tiwana (PPP) 1990 PP 71 Riaz Fityana (IJI) Fityana Mukhdoom Sayed Ali PP 72 Sayed Raza Shah(IJI) PP 73 Abdul Sattar (IJI) Arain Sardar Muhammad PP 74 Beloch Murad Khan (IJI) Haji Ghulam Rabbani PP 75 Jatt (IJI) Amjad Ali Warraich PP 76 Jatt (IJI) 1993 PP 71 Riaz Fityana(PMLJ) Fityana Mukhdoom Sayed Ali PP 72 Sayed Raza Shah (IND) Ch .Anwar-UL- PP 73 Arain Haq(PMLN) Sardar Muhahammd PP 74 Beloch Murad Khan (PMLN) Ahsan-UL-Haq PP 75 Jatt Ch(PPP) Khalid Javed PP 76 Jatt Warraich (IND) Sardar Seed Anwar 1997 PP 71 Gujjar (PMLN) Iqbal Ahmad Khan PP 72 Rajpute Advocate (PMLN)

141

Dr. M.Anwar-Ul- PP 73 Arain Haq (PMLN) Sardar Muhammad PP 74 Masood Gadhi Beloch (PMLN) Haji Ghulam ahmad PP 75 Khan Rabbani Jatt (PMLN) Khalid Javaid PP 76 Jatt Warraich(IND) Elections held under General Pervez Musharraf Regime. In these elections, Bilal Asghar 2002 PP 84 Jatt rearrangements of the Warraich constituencies were held at the number of seats were increased. Azar Nadeem PP 85 Gujjar (PMLN) Ashfaq-UR- Rehaman PP 86 Jatt (PMLQ) Brig Retd Javad PP 87 Arain Akram PP 88 Asifa Riaz Fityana Fityana Mukhdoom zada PP 89 Sayed Hussain Raza Sayed Shah(PPPP) Liaqat Ali Shoukat PP 90 Arain (IND) These elections held under Ch. Bilal Asghar 2008 PP 84 Jatt General Parvaiz Musharaf Warraich Rule Haji Muhammad PP 85 Ishaq Jatt (PPPP) Neelam Jabbar PP 86 Arain Chaudhary(PPPP) Lieutenant Colonel (R) Sardar Gadhi PP 87 Muhammad Ayyub Beloch Khan(PMLN)

Nazia Raheel PP 88 Gujjar (PMLN) Makhdoom Sayed Ali PP 89 Sayed Raza Shah(IND) Mian Muhammad PP 90 Arain Rafique (PMLN) These elections held Bilal Asghar 2013 PP 84 Jatt under President Asif Ali Waraich(PMLN) Zardari Abdul Qadir Alavi PP 85 Alavi (PMLN)

142

Amjad Ali Javaid PP 86 Arain (PMLN) Sardar Muhamad PP 87 Ayub Khan Gadhi Beloch (PMLN)

PP 88 Nazia Raheel Gujjar (PMLN) Mukhdom Sayed Ali PP 89 Sayed Raza Shah (PMLN) Mian Muhammad PP 90 Arain Rafique (PMLN) Source; I.Ahamd Mughees, Ph.D. Thesisp.149-151 II. WWW.ecp.gov.pk

The table shows that only specified biraderies came forward and contested the elections either the elections held on party basis or non-Party basis. On the whole, here in native biraderies Sayed, Kharral, Fityana, and Beloch, whereas in settlers biraderies Arain, Jatt, Rajpute, and Gujjar are glaringly active in politics. Mughees Ahmad narrates that influential biraderies have forced the political parties to give the tickets to the base of the majority of the biraderies. 304

Wilder narrates that in rural areas of Punjab voting trends are set by the biraderies Individualism is set aside. Voters are confined to their respective biraderi groupings and without them, they feel insecure. Hence the biraderi is the basic unit which has political decision making.305

The biraderi intrigues are at the peak during the local bodies elections as constituencies are small, a number of voters are limited and more to it the voters are familiar and know the candidates. More than that the personal attraction of the candidate may prove effective as he knows who votes for him or who does not. Another important thing is that due to lack of education, tolerance and patience level is very low in our societal setup. The local bodies‘ elections contestants very well know about the number of their supportive voters and when that number of voters are less than their expectations then the family conflicts and enmities get started.306 By having a district status the first local bodies elections held in 1983 in District Toba Tek Singh. Daily Newspaper ―Mashriq‖ Lahore debates on these elections that the candidates are getting the cushion of biraderism in Toba Tek Singh and the groupings

304 Ibid, 156 305 Wilder A.R, The Pakistani Voter, Electoral Politics and Voting Behavior in the Punjab, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999), 6 306 Interview with Dr. Zahid Sattar, op.cit.

143

are built to gain the votes, for example, Mian Ikhtiar Hussain Nunah group and Maulana Abdul Majid Ludihanive Group.307

In 1983 elections Arain biraderi had won seven seats of councilors, Jatt had won six seats, whereas, Sayed got three seats, and Beloch, Fitianas, Gujjar, and others won each single, single seat. Jatt got the Chairman seat in of the whole district and Arain biraderi occupied the Vice Chairman seat. These elections were contested in Zia regime and on non-Party bases just to enhance the legitimate support and democracy, but these elections only are the power show of biraderies. Next elections of local bodies were held in 1987. In these elections, Arain biraderi got five seats of councillors, Jatt biraderi got six seats, Sayed got three of councillors whereas Fityanas and Gujjars got one seat each.

Table No. 4.9 Biraderi wise composition of the Members of District Council. 1983

Name of the Name of the member No. member district Biraderi No. Biraderi district Councillor Councillor 1 Ch Qadir Bukhsh Jatt 12 Mian Abdul Latif Arain Haji Ghulam 2 Jatt 13 Naeem Ahmad Arain Rubbani 3 Ch. M Boota Jatt 14 Abdul Ghani Arain 4 Zafar Iqbal Jatt 15 Major Ahmad Nawaz Arain 5 Mukhtar Ahamd Jatt 16 Bashir Ahmad Arain 6 M Latif Kahlon Jatt 17 Muhammad Rafique Arain Iftikhar Hussain Ch, Asad - UR - 7 Sayed 18 Arain Shah Rehman Gias Mahmood 8 Sayed 19 Ch. Ahsan Elahi Gujjar Shah 9 Akhter Abbas Shah Sayed 20 Mirza M. Rafique Others Minorities‘ 10 Murad Khan GAdhi Beloch 21 Sultan Maseeh member Aftab Ahamad 11 Fityana ------Khan *Source308 In 1983 elections Arain biraderi had won seven seats of councilors, Jatt had won six seats, whereas, Sayed got three seats, and Beloch, Fitianas, Gujjar, and others won each single, single seat. Jatt got the Chairman seat in of the whole district and Arain biraderi occupied the Vice Chairman seat. These elections were contested in Zia regime and on non-Party bases just to enhance the legitimate support and

307 Daily News paper , Mashriq Lahore, 16. Oct, 1983 308 Mughees Ahmad, Faisal Abad Division ki siyaat per Biraderism Key Asrat ( Unpublished Ph. D thesis ,BZU.Multan 2004),174

144

democracy, but these elections only are the power show of biraderies. Next elections of local bodies were held in 1987. Table No. 4.10 Biraderi wise composition of the members of District Council of 1987 Name of the member Name of the member No. Biraderi No. Biraderi district Councillor district Councillor 1 Ch Qadir Bukhsh Jatt 12 Mian Abdul Latif Arain 2 Haji Ghulam Rubbani Jatt 13 Mian Naeem Ahmad Arain 3 Ch. M Boota Jatt 14 Abdul Ghani Arain 4 Ch. Zafar Iqbal Jatt 15 Major Ahmad Nawaz Arain 5 Mukhtar Ahamd Jatt 16 Mian Bashir Ahmad Arain 6 M Latif Kahlon Jatt 17 Muhammad Rafique Arain Sayed Iftikhar Hussain Ch, Asad - Ur - 7 Sayed 18 Arain Shah Rehman Sayed Gias Mahmood 8 Sayed 19 Ch. Ahsan Ul Haq Gujjar Shah Sayed Akhter Abbas 9 Sayed 20 Mirza M. Rafique Others Shah Minorities‘ 10 Murad Khan GAdhi Beloch 21 Sultan Maseeh member 11 Aftab Iqbal Fityana ------source309

In these elections of 1987, Arain biraderi got five seats of Zila councillors, Jatt biraderi got six seats, Sayed got three seats of Zila councillors whereas Fityanas and Gujjars got one seat each. As compared with previous elections Jatt and Arain were about equal positions. The whole scenario depicts that individuals had no option to go and vote against their biraderies that are against the democratic norms that people have no choice. The next Zila Council elections were held in 1991 which was again the power show of the biraderies. Table No. 4.11 Biraderi wise composition of the members of District Council results of 1991 Name of the member Name of the member No. Biraderi No. Biraderi District Councillor District Councillor 1 Ch Qadir Bukhsh Jatt 21 Mian Abdul Latif Arain 2 Haji Ghulam Rubbani Jatt 22 Muhammad Azhar Jaje Arain 3 Ch. M Boota Jatt 23 Abdul Ghani Arain Ashfaq-Ur-Rehman 4 Jatt 24 Major Ahmad Nawaz Arain Gil

309 Ibid, 179

145

5 Khalid Nawaz Bajwa Jatt 25 Mian Bashir Ahmad Arain 6 Abdul Khaliq Jatt 26 Muhammad Saadiq Arain 7 Shabir Ahmad Jatt 27 Abdul Sattar Arain 8 Amjad Ali Jatt 28 Ch. M. Ramzan Arain 9 Bashir Ahmad Jatt 29 Mian Arshad Mehmood Arain 10 Ahmad Hussain Jatt 30 M. Hanif Shakir Arain Mian Saud Ahmad 11 Muhammad Sadique Jatt 31 Arain Shahid 12 Rana M. Anwer Rajpute 32 Abdul Rashid Zafar Arain 13 Abdul Aziz Doger Doger 33 Ch. Muhaamd Ashfaq Arain Hussanat Mahmood 14 Sayed 34 Mukhtar Ahmad Nusrat Arain Shah 15 Sayed Javed Hussin Sayed 35 Ch, Asad Ur Rehman Arain Sayed Haider Abbas 16 Sayed 36 Ch. M Ashraf Arain Sherazi 17 Ahmad Sher Khan Beloch 37 Ch. M Akram Arain Muhammad Rashid 18 Beloch 38 Muhammad Ahamd Gujjar Khan Khatiran 19 Murad Khan Gadhi Beloch 39 Khurshid Anwer Gujjar 20 Saadat Hussnain Khan Local 40 Mian Mukhtar Hussain Kathia Source310

In local bodies elections 1991, Arain biraderi got seventeen seats, Jatt biraderi eleven seats and Gujjar two seats, Sayeds got three, and Doger, Kathia, and natives each got one seat. Mughees Ahmad narrates about three elections of the local bodies 1983, 1987, and 1991 that in each constituency only the majority biraderi won the seat of councillors.311 Table 4.12 Biraderi wise composition of the members of District Council results of 2001-2005*

Tehsil Zial Caste Tehsil Zila Nazeemin Caste &Uc.no Nazeemin &Uc.no G. 1 Muhammad Sher Malik Awan 42 Rana Shaukat Rajpute Ali

310 Ibid,187 311 Mugees Ahmad, Faisal Abad Division Ki Siyaste per Biraderism kay Asrat, Opcit. 187

146

2 Haji M.Abdus Saeed Jatt 43 Khushi M. Arain Qasim. 3 Muhammad Farooq Jatt 44 Javed Akram. Arain 4 Muhammad Saleem Arain 45 M. Qasim Arain Manzoor. 5 Maqbool Ahmed Arain 46 Saeed Ahmed Arain Saeedi. 6 Sayed Mujeeb ul Hassan Sayed 47 Abdul Hameed Arain Shah 7 Mian Muhammad Arain 48 Naeem Akhtar. Arain ShoaibAdvocate 8 Ch. Liaquat Ali Arain 49 Anjum Shehzad Arain Jugnoo. 9 Mian Naseer Ahmed Arain 50 Ch. M. Tariq. Arain Ad 10 Liaqat Ali Jatt 51 Ghazanfar Ali. Arain

11 Muhammed Arshad Jatt 52 Ahmed Naeem Arain Fateh. 12 Nasir Mehmood Jatt 53 Abdul Waheed. Jatt 13 Muhammad Siddique Jatt 54 M. Ahmad Arain 14 Sayed Hasnat Mehmood Sayed 55 Saeed Jilani Arain Tariq 15 Muhammad Arshad Jatt 56 Ch. M Afzal Arain Noori Advocate 16 Ch. Azhar Abbas Chatha Jatt K.57 Hameed Ullah Kharral Khan. 17 Sultan Mehmood Jatt 58 Sardar Saeed Gujjar Anwer. 18 CH. Bashir Ahmed Jatt 59 Capt.Saadat Kharral Hasnain Khan. 19 Muhammad Saif Ullah Jatt 60 Sayed Akhtar Sayed Abbas Kamrani. 20 Haji Jan Muhammad Jatt 61 M. Siddique Awan Awan 21 Muhammad Aslam Jatt 62 Ch.zahoor-ul- Arain Haq 22 Rai Zubair Asghar Rajpute 63 Ch. Khushi Jatt MUHD 23 Iman Ullah Khan Lodhi Pathan 64 Abid hussain Khaitran khan. 24 Dilbar Hussain Arain 65 Mian Nawaz Khatia Galib. T. 25 Ch.Tahir Parvez Anjum Arain 66 Sayed Khalid Sayed Mustafa. 26 Ch.Muhammad Iqbal Ad Arain 67 Ch. Shafqat Jatt Rasool. 27 Ch.Arfan Azam Sapra. Jatt 68 Iman ul Allah Haraj Haraj.

147

28 Ch.MUhammad Rafique Jatt 69 Arshed Rajpute Randhawa. Rasheed. 29 Rana M. Hassan Khan Rajpute 70 M. Asghar Arain Zahid. 30 Ch.Saeed Akbar. Arain 71 Sayed Asad Sayed Abbas. 31 Ch.Abdul Latif. Arain 72 Hassan Raza Sayed Shah 32 Ch.M Rafique. Arain 73 Mian M. Sahoo Nawab. 33 Muhammad Javed Iqbal Arain 74 M. Ibrahim Javed. 34 Nisar-ul-Haq Nisar. Arain 75 Tariq Nawaz. Jatt 35 Muhammad. Aslam. Arain 76 M. Zia Ullah Rajpute Khan. 36 Mian Furqan Habib. Arain 77 MalikAmjad Malik Yaqoob. 37 Mian Muhammad Arif. Arain 78 Mumtaz Gondal Hussain 38 Mulazam Abbas Gadhi Beloch 79 Rai Atiq- ur- Rajpute Rehman. 39 Tayyab Iqbal ~~~~~~ 80 Mehram khan. Kharral 40 Ghulam Rasool Marth 81 Ch. Sultan Arain Ahamd 41 Muhammad Rasheed Mughal 82 Ch.khalid Arain Khan. Sardar. Source.: District Council Toba Tek Singh G: Gojra, T; Toba Tek Singh, K; Kamalia

General Pervez Musharraf promulgated the Local Government Order 2000. It is claimed that it changed the colonial pattern of the local bodies system and shifted the power to District Nazmien as to comprehend institutionalized participation of the people at a local indigenous level, even though upper hand again was given to provincial governments. The elections held under this order on non-Party bases. This again is the power show of the biraderies, Arain biraderi won at Tehsil Toba Tek Singh, Jatts in Gojra. Whereas in Kamalia the natives won the 3 seats of Nazims under biraderi title Kharral, Sayed won 4 seats.

Table. No.4.13

Biraderi wise composition of the members of District Council results of 2005-2009

Tehsil& Zial Caste Tehsil Zila Nazeemin Caste Uc.no Nazeemin &Uc.no G. 1 Muhammad Sher Malik Awan 42 Mian Muhammad Arain

148

Shabbir 2 Haji M. Abdus Saeed Jatt 43 Mian Shabbir Arain Akhtar Naeem 3 Zahoor ul Haq said Jatt 44 Javed akram. Arain 4 Ch, Muhammad Ramzan Gujjar 45 Muhammad Qasim Arain Manzoor 5 Abdul Gaffar Gaffari Arain 46 Saeed Ahmed Saeed Arain 6 Ch,Asif Majeed Jatt 47 Mian TanveerAnwar Arain 7 Mian M. A Shafiq Arain 48 Mian Amjad Arain Hussain 8 Ch. Abdul Razzaq Arain 49 Haji M. Arshad Arain 9 Mian Naseer Ahmed Ad Arain 50 Ch.Din M. Mukhtar Arain 10 Ch, Abdul Wahid Bajwa Jatt 51 Ch.Shabir Ahmed Jatt Khalid 11 Ch, Saeed Ahmed Dhaila Jatt 52 Ch.Talib Rashid Jatt 12 Ch. Nasir Mehmood Jatt 53 Abdul Waheed Jatt Khan 13 Haji abdul sattar shami Jatt 54 Mian Tahir Sattar Arain 14 Ashfaq Ahmed Cheema Jatt 55 Dr.Maqbool Arain Ahmed 15 Muhammad Arshad Noori Jatt 56 Ch.Muhammad Arain Afzal Advocate 16 Ch. Azhar Abbas Chatha Jatt K.57 Pir Ahmed Sayed Shehzad 17 Muhammad Aslam Jatt 58 Muhammad Rafique Mammar 18 Ch.Ali Ahmed Jatt 59 Capt.Saadat Husnain Kharal khan 19 Ch, Sajid Ahmed Sohail Jatt 60 Sayed Akhtar Sayed Abbas Kamran 20 Ijaz Ahmed Gill Jatt 61 Faisal Mehmood Kathia 21 Muhammad Zahid Iqbal Jatt 62 Ch.Mukhtar Ahmed Arain Nusrat 22 Muhammad Ashraf Jatt 63 Ch.khushi Jatt Muhammad 23 Muhammad Afzal Rao 64 Faisal Mehmood Kathia 24 Ms.Sajjida Aziz (Female) Arain 65 Mian Nawaz Galib Khatia T. 25 Ch. Niaz Ahmed Arain 66 Muhammad Ramzan Hamjan 26 Ch. ch.waheed sarwar Arain 67 Ch.shafqat Rasul Jatt 27 Ch.Arfan Azam Sapra. Jatt 68 Aman ul Allah Haraj 28 Ch.MUhammad Rafique Jatt 69 Rao Athar Iqbal Rajpute Randhawa. 29 Ch.M.Ramzan Chechi Ad Gujjar 70 M. Asghar Zahid Arain

30 Ch.Saeed Akbar. Arain 71 Sayed Manzoor Sayed Abbas Shah 31 Ch Tariq Pervez Arain 72 Sayed Ali Raza Sayed Shah 32 Haji Fazal Ahmed Arain 73 Mian Noor Ahmed Sahoo 33 Mian Muhammad Nadeem Arain 74 Mian Abid Hussain Sargana 34 Ch.ashiq Hussain Arain 75 Ch.Muhammad Arain Sarwar 35 Muhammad. Aslam. Arain 76 Rai Nadeem Ullah Rajpute Khan

149

36 Mian Furqan Habeeb. Arain 77 Rai Zubair Ullah Rajpute khan 37 Mian Shoaib Akram Arain 78 Shaikh Hameed Shaikh Ahmed 38 Mulazam Abbas Gadhi Beloch 79 Rashid Ahmed Gujjar Gujjar 39 Asad Abbas Khan ~~~~~~ 80 Haji Ijaz Rasul Ansari Tanveer 40 Rai Tahir Rana Marth 81 Ch.Sultan Ahmed Arain 41 Rab Nawaz Khan Mahoota 82 Ch.Khalid sardar Arain Source: District Council Toba Tek Singh Abbreviations; G: Gojra, T; Toba Tek Singh, K; Kamalia

In local bodies elections 2005 again, these held under Musharraf regime, according to the Local Government Order 2000. The results of the local bodies elections again show that in tehsil Gojra Jatt biraderi is at the top, then in Tehsil Toba Tek Singh Arain at the higher positions were as In Kamalia the results depict a different trend as no any biraderi at the sweeping edge. Here it is very important to mention that in tehsil Kamalia the colonial power had not introduced settlement policies. That‘s why here mixed trends are revealing even though the Sayed biraderi always win their seat 3 to 4 seats from Kamalia. While comparing the local bodies‘ elections, it is clear that biraderies are at manoeuvring ends and at the position to pressurize and influence the free will of the individuals. No doubt element of biraderi is very significant to mobilize the people and is the basic learning, the social institution of the masses for political participation, when the role of the political parties is also not democratic, then at that time they fill the gaps even though the role of the biraderi is subjugating and dictating. On this basis, it is necessary to have an empirical study that to what extent the biraderi politics are affecting the process of democratization through its socioeconomic and political influential dynamic.

Table No. 4.14 Comparison of the Member District Councillors (Biraderi wise composition)

1983 1987 1991 2001 2005

Total Total Sr.No Biraderi Total Total Total Members Members Members Members Members 82* 82* 21* 16* 40*

1 Arain 7 5 17 33 32 2 Jatt 6 6 11 19 23 3 Sayed 3 3 3 6 4

150

4 Beloch 1 -- 3 1 1 5 Gujjar 1 -- 2 1 3 6 Fityana 1 1 ------7 Others 1 -- -- 9 12 8 Local --- -- 1 1 --- 9 Kathia ------1 3 3 10 Rajpute ------1 6 3 11 Dogger ------1 -- -- 12 Kharral ------3 1 Member of 13 1 1 --- Minorities ------Source: Zila Council District Toba Tek Singh (table made by the researcher )

This chapter unfolds the all socio-political and economic aspects of the district that reveals its importance in the political arena. It also specifies the biraderi dynamics in the political process of both democratic or non-democratic governments, who have relied on these social institutions for their support. The patrons of the state institutions aspect make this phenomenon self- entrenched and self- projected within the span of time. The biraderism intensified at local government elections. In local bodies elections only biraderies decide whom to vote and then the campaign starts.

Basically, the stronghold of biraderism in social setup and the close association of the contestants never leaves the room for the individual to take an independent decision. Even if any family of biraderi has some conflicts with the contestant biraderi, then that biraderi is forced to vote for their respective biraderi member. The candidates are already aware of the results of the elections that who will be the winner in each constituency due to their close networking with the people. In a nutshell, the whole phenomenon of elections is revolving around a few biraderies which is an undemocratic norm of the political process. There is no space of individuals‘ free will as he is being a member of the biraderi he follows the biraderies norms due to dependent on it and the strong biraderies influence other lower strata of the biraderies. In both situations, he is bound that ultimately against the political process of the democratization. If the party based elections are being held consecutively and uninterruptedly then definitely this biraderi cohesion may be broken and rationalise participatory culture may develop.

151

Chapter No. 5

Findings of the Survey

152

Findings of the Survey

In the socio-political setup of the Punjab, biraderi or caste (qaum) is believed to be the strongest adhesive identity force that is often selected in forming the groupings and loyalties of people with one another. The social and cultural adherence of the people with their biraderi ties has a crucial impact due to socioeconomic and political dynamics of biraderi politics in the national and particularly in local level politics. The dynamics of biraderi politics are a persistent phenomenon of Punjab political dispensation. This requires an empirical study to find out how the socio-political and economic dynamics have strengthened this phenomenon by these dynamics of biraderi politics.? A structured survey questionnaire the BPQ was made by dividing into three subparts questionnaire guide on a Likert-type scale based was collected by the researcher. Then further to apply the Multiple Regression Analysis for hypothesis test; from each of the subparts, three questions were selected to test the democratization process either it was affected or not by social, economic and political dynamics of BPQ. (See Questionnaire is in the Appendix ‗B‘) Before presenting the ‗Percentage Basis Data Analysis (PBDA), it is necessary to locate and clarify how much an item of the Biraderi Politics Questionnaire (BPQ) has significance in establishing a relationship with biraderi politics in democratisation. The purpose of using statistical tests is to determine the structure of the scale which has significant effects and association with the phenomenon of Biraderi Politics. In order to explain the validity of the query, the Factor Analysis, Reliability statistics test, and item to total correlation test have been applied to the collected data. 5.1. Psychometric Properties of the Scale

A factor analysis was carried out to identify the factor structure of the Biraderi Politics Questionnaire. Factor analysis with Varimax rotation was run on the Biraderi politics to determine the Factor Structure of the scale. Three factors solutions emerged as the most meaningful. The Kaiser –Meyer Olkin measure of sampling adequacy was

153

0.61 above the recommended value of 0.60. Bartlett‘s test of sphericity indicated a significantly large correlation between the items of analysis312 (Neill, 1994).

Three factors explained a cumulative variance of 22.73 %. The items having the loading of more than 0.25 were considered for inclusion in a particular factor. This solution was meaningful and the items that clustered in the same parts made sense of representing common themes. These themes were mainly based on an existing theoretical framework according to that socio-politico and economic dynamics of biraderi politics affecting the democratization process. Thus the factors were labelled as Political Dynamics of Biraderi Politics in Democratization, Social Dynamics of Biraderi Politics in Democratization and Economic Dynamics of Biraderi Politics in Democratization.

Table 5.1 shows the factor loading after Varimax rotation. In the end, Eigen values % age of variance and Cronbach alpha for each component are also given in the respective columns. Although, in this analysis, there were some of the items which fell under two factors simultaneously, after a careful examination of their expression and conceptual relevance they were assigned to the given factor. The factor structure of the BPQ Scale along with their loadings, Eigen values and alpha coefficients are given in the table 5.1.1 below:

Table No. 5.1.1 Exploratory Factor Analysis with Varimax Rotation Showing Factor Structure of Biraderi Politics Questionnaire (BPQ; N= 220)

No Question‟s Statements PDBPD SDBPD EDBPD Factor1 Factor2 Factor3 1 Political parties select those political candidates and .586 workers whose biraderies are dominant in the constituency. 2 The element of Biraderism becomes more intensified in .552 Local level elections. 3 Biraderi should not be considered in voting if you feel .544 there is a need to promote democracy. 4 Politicians used their biraderi titles in elections to gain .531 maximum votes.

312 Neill, J. T. Exploratory Factor Analysis of the Short Version of the Adolescent Coping Scale, Centre for Applied Psychology University of Canberra, Summarised Extract from Neill (1994) 1994, 4

154

5 Political parties used the tool of delimitation of .526 constituencies for rearrangement in elections to gain more votes from their supportive biraderies. 6 If people do not vote to their biraderies they will be .524 faced a social boycott from their respective biraderies. 7 People vote to their respective biraderies as it is a .520 prestige matter for them to support them. 8 Political parties keep in view the vote bank of .483 candidate's biraderi while issuing party tickets. 9 The involvement of biraderism in local level elections is .478 affecting the process of democratization. 10 People prefer the biraderi affiliation of the contestant .447 than his capabilities 11 People do not use their free will for electing their .427 members rather they consider biraderi affiliations. 12 People vote on biraderies affiliations that may cause .417 political, economic and social corruption in society. 13 Voting behaviours are conditioned to the biraderi .414 affiliations. 14 Biraderi is a trendsetter whom to vote. .410 15 Biraderies are trend setters at local level elections. .402 16 People do not bother about the party affiliation of any .398 candidate while voting rather they are interested in the affiliation of candidates‘ biraderi. 17 Biraderism becomes intensified in non-arty based .389 elections. 18 In Martial law rules, Biraderism has been promoted .343 extensively in Toba Tek Singh. 19 Only those biraderies take part in elections that are .318 politically dynamic rather who are inactive in politics. 20 People vote to their respective biraderies as they think .257 only their biraderies shelter them and solve their personal problems and conflicts. ( i.e. Lands, pitwar, thana, Kachehri, employment) 21 Biraderi system defines the culture of social setup. .584 22 Landed biraderies are powerful in society. .584 23 Social behaviours of individuals are controlled by the .582 Biraderi system. 24 Biraderism does not allow people to abort themselves .563 from its mesmeric force (Customary laws) in society. 25 Lower biraderies role in society is marginalized by .523 major biraderies domination. 26 Social behaviours of biraderies are affecting the .507 democratization process. 27 Biraderi system carves out the social structures of .501 society. 28 Male has a domineering position in the Biraderies. .490 29 Religiously sacred biraderies (Pir, Sajjad-a-Nashin, etc.) .482 are very dominating in society due to their status 30 Biraderi organizations are projecting and promoting the .448 biraderies in society. 31 Biraderi system has created discriminations among .442 biraderies in society. 32 Family lineage creates a sense of prejudice among the .439

155

individuals about the higher biraderies. 33 Education is contributing to mild the phenomenon of .421 biraderies in the society. 34 Biraderi system does not allow for bringing change in .385 society. 35 Biraderies are recognized by their occupations. .377 36 The dominating role of biraderies creates the .376 dependence of individuals on their respective biraderies as it covers their all problems in society. 37 Major biraderies are dominating due to their higher .326 status in the society. 38 The social status of an individual is determined by .287 his/her Biraderi identification to which he/she belongs. 39 Landless biraderies cannot play a significant role in .635 politics. 40 Business (Trade, Industry) plays a strong role in making .630 the biraderies dominance in local level politics. 41 Capital is more important for enhancing a biraderies‟ .607 dominance. 42 Artisan biraderies do not use their free will in local level .572 politics rather they are subjugated by prominent biraderies. 43 Land holdings make the biraderies dominating in .565 politics. 44 Small farmers and peasant biraderies do not use their .534 free will in local level politics. 45 The land plays a main role in establishing the biraderies‘ .497 dominance in T.T. Singh. 46 The financial position makes any biraderi superior or inferior. .473 47 Economically dominating biraderies used politics to .462 regenerate economic resources for their biraderies. 48 Unemployment has created dependency for individuals .431 to be dependent on their respective biraderies. 49 Dominating biraderies have links with authorities to .422 attain their socio-political objectives. 50 Economically dominant biraderies are affecting the .404 process of democratization. 51 The behaviours of the biraderies relate to their economic .379 positions. 52 Caste formation has been made on the basis of the .362 economy. 53 Economically Powerful biraderies use their affluence .336 and bribe district institutions, i.e. (thana, Tehsil-dar, patwari) for their vested interests. 54 People of lower Biraderies change their biraderi .294 identification if they become rich. 55 Caste, creed and biraderi system is a basic element of the .249 society. Eigen Values 3.51 3.19 2.62 % of Variance 8.56 7.78 6.39 Α .80 .78 .79

* PDBPD: Political Dynamics of Biradri Politics in Democratization, SDBPD: Social Dynamics of Biradri Politics in Democratization, EDBPD: Economic Dynamics of Biradri in Democratization

156

The reliability and of BPQ and its three sub-parts‟ Scale was determined under computing Cronbach‟s Alpha

The second set of analysis in the Table 5.2 below was performed an Item Analysis by using the item total correlation technique on the three sub-parts of the BPQ Scale‘s internal consistency. The internal consistency of three subscales and the whole Scale was used Cronbach‘s alpha.

Table No. 5.1.2 Reliability Analysis of All measures

Scale K α M(SD) Political Dynamics 20 0..80 77.56 (7.9) Social Dynamics 20 0.78 77.42 (7.3) Economic Dynamics 18 0.79 70.64 (7.0) Total BPQ 58 0.80 225.54 ( 13.72)

Overall Reliability of BPQ scale was found to be well reliable as α = 0.80 which is a desirable reliability of a scale. Reliability of the three parts of the BPQ scale was also computed and found significantly reliable, i.e. Economics Dynamics scale α= 0.78, Political Dynamics scale α = 0.79 and Social Dynamics scale α = 0.78

Table No.5.1. 3 Item Analysis of the BPQ / PDBP, SDBP, and EDBP

Item- Total Statistics

Scale Scale Corrected Cronbach's Mean if Variance Item-Total Alpha if Item No Item Item if Item Correlation Deleted Deleted Deleted 1 Biraderi is a trend setter 221.74 182.631 .228 .79 whom to vote. 2 Biraderies are trend setters at 221.71 182.799 .224 .79 local level elections. 3 Element of Biraderism 221.68 180.631 .290 .79 becomes more intensified in Local level elections. 4 Voting behaviours are 221.80 181.914 .227 .79 conditioned to the biraderi affiliations. 5 People do not use their free 221.72 183.76 .152 .79 will for electing their members rather they consider biraderi affiliations. 6 People prefer the biraderi 221.64 182.60 .199 .79 affiliations contestant than his

157

capabilities. 7 People do not bother about 221.62 183.22 .174 .794 the party affiliation of any candidate while voting rather they are interested in the affiliation of candidates‘ biraderi. 8 Political parties select those 221.68 180.40 .298 .79 political candidates and workers whose biraderies are dominant in the constituency. 9 Political parties keep in view 221.62 181.58 .236 .79 the vote bank of candidate's biraderi while issuing party tickets. 10 If people do not vote to their 221.70 181.80 .225 .79 biraderies they will be facing a social boycott from their respective biraderies. 11 People vote to their 221.75 181.04 .255 .79 respective biraderies as it is a prestige matter for them to support them. 12 People vote to their 221.57 183.79 .148 .79 respective biraderies as they think only their biraderies shelter them and solve their personal problems and conflicts. ( i.e. Lands, pitwar, thana, Kachehri, employment) 13 Political parties used the tool 221.67 180.90 .281 .79 of delimitation of constituencies to rearrangement in elections to gain more votes from their supportive biraderies. 14 Only those biraderies take 221.71 185.55 .075 .79 part in elections that are politically dynamic rather who are inactive in politics. 15 Biraderism becomes 221.60 182.82 .229 .79 intensified in non-Party based elections. 16 In Martial law rules, 221.60 182.89 .255 .79 Biraderism has been promoted extensively in Toba Tek Singh. 17 People vote on biraderies 221.68 181.6 .238 .79 affiliations that may cause political, economic and social corruption in society. 18 Politicians used their biraderi 221.82 178.66 .343 .78

158

titles in elections to gain maximum votes. 19 The involvement of 221.54 183.77 .156 .79 Biraderism in local level elections is affecting the process of democratization. 20 Biraderi should not be 221.53 182.24 .219 .79 considered in voting if you feel there is a need to promote democracy. 21 Caste, creed and biraderi 221.70 185.00 .100 .79 system is a basic element of the society. 22 The orientation of Biraderi 221.71 183.73 .153 .79 system plays a guardian role in individual‘s life. 23 The social status of an 221.68 185.84 .068 .79 individual is determined by his/her Biraderi identification to which he/she belongs. 24 Family lineage creates a sense 221.70 182.66 .215 .79 of prejudice among the individuals about the higher biraderies. 25 Major biraderies are 221.65 181.70 .237 .79 dominating due to their higher status in the society. 26 Biraderies are recognized by 221.72 180.76 .302 .79 their occupations. 27 Biraderi system carves out the 221.81 180.24 .315 .79 social structures of society. 28 Biraderi system has created 221.65 181.93 .230 .79 discriminations among biraderies in society. 29 Male has a domineering 221.70 183.08 .180 .79 position in the Biraderies. 30 Landed biraderies are 221.65 182.32 .213 .79 powerful in society. 31 Religiously sacred biraderies 221.55 182.34 .247 .79 (Pir, Sajja -a-Nashin, etc.) are very dominating in society due to their status. 32 Lower biraderies role in 221.71 181.86 .264 .79 society is marginalized by major biraderies domination. 33 Biraderi system defines the 221.72 181.15 .256 .79 culture of social setup. 34 Biraderi organizations are 221.68 183.64 .174 .79 projecting and promoting the biraderies in society.

159

35 Biraderism does not allow 221.71 180.965 .267 .792 people to apart themselves from its mesmeric force (Customary laws) in society. 36 Social behaviours of 221.74 179.407 .338 .78 individuals are controlled by the Biraderi system. 37 The dominating role of 221.63 182.335 .220 .79 biraderies creates the dependence of individuals on their respective biraderies as it covers their all problems society. 38 Biraderi system does not 221.70 182.37 .229 .79 allow for bringing change in society. 39 Education is contributing to 221.50 183.17 .221 .79 mild the phenomenon of biraderies in the society. 40 Social behaviours of 221.59 181.50 .302 .79 biraderies are affecting the democratization process. 41 Caste based formation of the 221.57 185.65 .094 .79 biraderi system has been made on the basis of the economy. 42 The behaviours of the 221.65 184.41 .127 .79 biraderies relate to their economic positions. 43 Financial position makes any 221.73 181.05 .283 .79 biraderi superior or inferior.. 44 Land holdings make the 221.65 183.22 .200 .79 biraderies dominating in politics. 45 Business (Trade, Industry) 221.67 179.80 .296 .79 plays a strong role in making the biraderies dominance in local level politics. 46 The land plays a main role in 221.68 182.08 .210 .79 establishing the biraderies‘ dominance in T.T. Singh. 47 Landless biraderies cannot 221.73 182.32 .213 .79 play a significant role in politics. 48 Capital is more important for 221.70 181.36 .259 .79 enhancing a biraderies‘ dominance. 49 Small farmers and peasant 221.66 183.32 .186 .79 biraderies do not use their free will in local level politics. 50 Artisan biraderies do not use 221.54 180.81 .314 .79

160

their free will in local level politics rather they are subjugated by prominent biraderies. 51 Economically dominating 221.66 181.81 .294 .79 biraderies used politics to regenerate economic resources for their biraderies. 52 Economically dominant 221.58 184.69 .171 .79 biraderies have a big role in state politics. 53 Economically Powerful 221.63 183.21 .203 .79 biraderies use their affluence and bribe district institutions. (thana, tehsildar, patwari) for their vested interests. 54 Dominating biraderies have 221.63 178.64 .373 .78 links with authorities to attain their socio-political objectives. 55 Unemployment has created 221.64 180.86 .274 .79 dependency for individuals to be dependent on their respective biraderies. 56 Poorer sell their votes for 221.53 185.03 .113 .79 their personal interests to dominate biraderies in elections. 57 People of lower Biraderies 221.55 183.58 .171 .79 change their biraderi identification if they become rich. 58 Dominant biraderies are 221.40 182.56 .215 .79 affecting the process of democratization.

The above table shows the validity of the questionnaire that, if one item will be deleted what will be the validity of the remaining BPQ. Inter-correlation among Dynamics of Biraderi Politics A Pearson correlation coefficient was computed to assess the relationship between all variables or dimensions within the subparts of the BPQ. There was a positive correlation between the many of its variables, maximum r = 0.68, n = 220, Overall, there was a strong, positive correlation between the variables of political, social and economic dynamics of biraderi politics. An increase in one was correlated with increases in the rating of others.

161

The Pearson correlation coefficient was computed to assess the relationship between all variables or dimensions of the Political dynamics of biraderi politics. There was a positive correlation between the many of its variables, maximum r = 0.68, n = 220, Overall, there was a strong, positive correlation between the variables of political dynamics. Increases by one were correlated with increases in rating of others as mentioned in detail below;

Table No. 5.1. 4

Inter-correlation among Political dynamics of Biraderi Politics (N=220)

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 .32** .16* .02 .04 .05 .27** .17* .16* .24** .05 .18** .14* .11 .15* .11 .06 .12 .17*

1 .40** 1 .49** .34** .16* .07 .18 .19 .16* .06 .09 .05 .10 .16* .13 .02 .03 .13 .20** .16*

2 1 .34** .28** .28** .26** .20** .15* .22** .23** .10 .23** .15* .15* .06 .21** .22** .11 .12

3 1 .33** .12 .08 .05 .132 .15* .14* - .023 .07 .17** .16* .127 .23** .10 .09

4 1 .29** .19** .20** .15* .16* .14* .05 .11 .02 .24** .04 .02 .25** .13 .16*

5 1 .34** .28** .18** .22** .17** .07 .19** .08 .13 .14* .15* .11 .11 .16*

6 1 .35** .20** .19** .14* .18** .17* .11 -.01 .04 .04 .18** .03 .14*

7 1 .37** .29** .25** .09 .27** .11 .21** .20** .20** .22** .25** .25**

8 1 .28** .20** .07 .27** .19** .13 .21** -.01 .12 .14* .17*

9 1 .24** .18** .36** -.01 .06 .09 .30** .21** .09 .25**

10 1 .27** .24** .14* .09 .13 .17* .25** .15* .28**

12 1 .26** .05 .06 -.01 .11 .18** -.02 -.04

13 1 .28** .16* .16* .26** .19** .13 .21**

14 1 .15* .13 .10 .10 .10 .07

15 1 .60** .27** .17* .17* .12

16 1 .15* .13 .17* .18**

17 1 .24** .20** .27**

18 1 .40* .33**

19 .68**

20 1 Note. *p<. 05. **p<. 01.

1. Results in Table No. 5.6 show that the first dimension of the political dynamics the ―Biraderi is a trend setter whom to vote‖ has significant positive correlation with 2nd,3rd, 4th,8th 9th, 10th, 11th, 13th, 16th and 20th dimension of Political

162

dynamics of the Biraderi Politics of Biraderi Politics Questionnaire that means if the first is increased the rest are also increased. 2. The 2nd dimension ―Biraderies are trend setters at local level elections‖ is significantly had the significant correlation with 3rd, 4th, 5th, 9th, 14th, the 19th and the 20th dimension of the third part of the Biraderi Politics Questionnaire. 3. The third dimension of Political Dynamics of Biraderi Politics the ―Element of Biraderism becomes more intensified in Local level elections‖ has significantly correlated with the 4th,5th,6th,7th,8th, 9th,10th,11th, 13th, 14th, 15th, 17thand 18thdimension of the questionnaire. 4. The 4th dimension ―Voting behaviours are conditioned to the biraderi affiliations‖ has a positive correlation with 5th, 10th, 11th, 15th, 16th and 18th dimension and has negatively correlated with one dimension the 12th of Political dynamics of the Biraderi Politics of BPQ. This is meant if one is decreased the other will be too minimised. 5. The 5th “People do not use their free will for electing their members rather they consider biraderi affiliations” dimension has a positive correlation with 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 15th, 18th and with the 20th dimension of Political dynamics. 6. The 6th argument “People prefer the biraderi affiliation of the contestant than his capabilities.” is positively correlated 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 13th, 16th, 17th and with the 20th dimension of Political dynamics. 7. The seventh dimension ―People do not bother about the party affiliation of any candidate while voting rather they are interested in the affiliation of candidates‟ biraderi” has negatively correlated with the 15th dimension of the Political Dynamics of biraderi politics and significantly positively correlated to 8th,9th ,10th , 11th, 12th ,13th ,18th and 20th. 8. The eighth dimension of political dynamics the “Political parties select those political candidates and workers whose biraderies are dominant in the constituency” is positively correlated with all rest of the 9th,10th, 11th, 12th,13th,15th,16th,17th,18th,19th and 20th dimensions of the political dynamics. 9. The 9th dimension is, “Political parties keep in view the vote bank of candidate's biraderi while issuing party tickets” has significant positive correlation with 10th,11th,13th,14th, 16th,19th and 20th dimension, whereas it is negatively correlated with the 17th dimension that casting votes to ones biraderi is conducive to corruption.

163

10. The 10th dimension “If people do not vote to their biraderies they will be faced a social boycott from their respective biraderies.” has a negative correlation ship with17th dimension. This dimension is positively correlated at a significant level to 11th, 12th, 13th, 17th, 18th and with the 20th dimension of PDBP. 11. The 11th dimension that “People vote to their respective biraderies as it is a prestige matter for them to support them.” has a positive correlation with the 12th, 13th,14th,17th, 18th, 19th and with 20th. 12. The 12th argument “People vote to their respective biraderies as they think only their biraderies shelter them and solve their personal problems and conflicts. i.e. Lands, pitwar, thana, Kachehri, employment” has a positive correlation with a 13th and 18th argument which is significantly positively related and it has a negative correlation with 16th, 19th and 20th dimension of the political dynamics questionnaire. 13. The 13th dimension “political parties used the tool of delimitation of constituencies to rearrangement in elections to gain more votes from their supportive biraderies” has a significant correlation with 14th, 15th,16th,17th, 18th and with 20th. 14. The results show that about 14th dimension that “Only those biraderies take part in elections that are politically dynamic rather who are inactive in politics” has positively correlated at a significant level to 15th dimension. 15. The 15th dimension the “Biraderism becomes intensified in non-Party based elections” is the significantly higher positive correlation with the 16Th dimension that Martial regimes are the main reason in promoting biraderism in Toba Tek Singh. It has a positive correlation with 17th, 18th, and the 19th dimension of the political dynamics of biraderi politics. 16. The 16th argument “In Martial law rules, Biraderism has been promoted extensively in Toba Tek Singh” has a positive correlation with rest of four elements of political dynamics the 17th, 18th,19th and with 20th dimension. 17. The 17th dimension “People vote on biraderies affiliations that may cause political, economic and social corruption in society” has a positive correlation with the 18th, 19th and 20th argument of the questionnaire. 18. The18th argument “Politicians used their biraderi titles in elections to gain maximum votes” is correlated with the 19th and 20th dimension of political dynamics.

164

19. The 19th dimension “The involvement of Biraderism in local level elections is the main hurdle in the process of democratization” highly correlated positively with the 20th argument that ―Biraderi should not be considered in voting if you feel there is a need to promote democracy‖ as r = 0.68, n = 220 between both of these arguments. 20. The 20th dimension also has a positive correlation with all rest of the arguments except 3rd, 14th, and 15th.

The Pearson correlation coefficient was computed to assess the relationship between all variables or dimensions within the sub-parts the Social Dynamics of Biraderi Politics Questionnaire. Table No.5.1.5 Inter-correlation between Social Dynamics of Biraderi Politics

(N=220)

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

1 .29** .05 .12 .06 .04 .00 .08 .05 .07 -.06 .12 .08 -.04 -.03 .01 -.03 -.05 .02 -.02

2 --- .06 -.07 .10 .09 .15* .03 -.04 .12 -.04 .09 .16* .22** .09 .15* .08 -.10 .01 -.01

3 -- .14* .08 .01 .05 .02 .16* .33** .17* .12 .11 .01 .08 .12 .08 .15* .16* -.05

4 -- .26** .21** .16* .09 .15* .18** .20** .23** .13* .17** .29** .23** .15* .08 .07 .16*

5 -- .32** .33** .17** .11 .15* .12 .16* .05 .07 .10 .03 .09 -.03 .07 .12

6 -- .45** .25** .16* .07 .19** .29** .11 .11 .05 .05 -.02 .03 .08 .20**

7 -- .42** .16* .20** .18** .28** .28** .14** -.01 .11 .12 .16* .22** .16*

8 -- .24** .19** .04 .10 .25** .08 .10 .17** .13 .20** .20** .13*

9 -- .42** .30** .29** .22** .042 .20** .20** -.01 .08 .06 .12

10 -- .34** .21** .28** .20** .30** .20** .08 .19** .15* .14*

11 -- .51** .30** .16* .13* .08 .04 .13* .09 .19**

12 -- .41** .12 .14* .14* -.06 .10 .059 .17**

13 -- .40** .17** .25** .02 .09 .12 .19**

14 -- .36** .21** .18** -.01 .086 .19**

15 -- .62** .28** .11 .17* .28**

16 -- .48** .18** .21** .30**

17 -- .42** .21** .23**

18 -- .49** .42**

19 -- .50**

20 -- Note. *p <. 05. ** <0.01.

165

1. There was a positive correlation between the maximum of its variables, the maximum r = 0.62, n = 220, Overall, there was a strong, positive correlation between the variables of political dynamics. Increases in one variable were correlated with increases in the rating of others as mentioned in detail below; The first argument the ―Caste, creed and biraderi system are a basic element of the society‖ is positively correlated with 2nd, argument. It has a negative correlation with 11th, 14th, 15th, and 17th and with the 20th argument. 2. “Orientation of Biraderi system plays a guardian role in individual‟s life.” has a positive correlation with 7th, 13th, 14th, and 16th argument. Whereas it has a negative correlation with 4th, 9th, 11th, 18th and with the 20th argument. 3. The ―Social status of an individual is determined by his/her Biraderi identification to which he/she belongs”. This is negatively correlated with the 20th argument, whereas it has a positive correlation with 4th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 18th and with the 19th argument. 4. “Family lineage creates a sense of prejudice among the individuals about the higher biraderies” has a positive correlation with 5th,6th,7th, 9th,10th, 11th, 12th, 13th, 14th, 15th,16th 17th and with the 20th argument. 5. “Major Biraderies are dominating due to their higher status in the society.” This argument is correlated with 6th, 7th, 8th, 10th and 12th argument. It is negatively correlated with the 18th argument that Biraderi system does not allow for bringing change in society. 6. ―Biraderies are recognized by their occupations.‖ has a positive correlation with, 7th, 8th, 9th, 11th, 12th and with the 20th argument. It has a negative correlation with the 17th argument. 7. ―Biraderi system carves out the social structures of society.‖ This argument has a positive correlation with 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 12th, 13th, 14th, 18th, 19th and with 20th argument and negative correlation with the 15th argument. 8. ―Biraderi system has created discriminations among biraderies in society”. This argument positively correlated with 9th, 10th, 13th, 16th, 18th, 19th and with the 20th argument. 9. ―Male has a domineering position in the Biraderies.” This element is significantly correlated with the 10th argument of the questionnaire and has also a correlation with the 11th, 12th, 13th, 15th and 16th argument. It has also a negative, but the weak relationship with the 17th argument.

166

10. “Landed biraderies are powerful in society.” It has a positive relation with 11th, 12th, 13th, 14th, 15th and with the 16th argument. It is also correlated with the 18th, 19th and 20th argument of the questionnaire. 11. ―Religiously sacred biraderies (Pir, Sajjad Nashin, etc.) are very dominating in society due to their status.” This statement is strongly and positively correlated with 12th argument and then correlated with the 13th, 14th, 15th, 18th and 20th argument. 12. “Lower biraderies role in society is marginalized by major biraderies domination.” This argument a strong positive correlation with the 13th argument. It is also correlated with 15th, 16th, and 20th dimension. Whereas it is negatively correlated with 17th dimension. 13. Biraderi system defines the culture of social setup.” This argument has a positive correlation with 14th, 15th, 16th and 20th. 14. ―Biraderi organizations are projecting and promoting the biraderies in society”. This dimension has a very positive correlation with 15th argument and with 16th, 17th and with 20th dimension. It has a negative correlation with18th argument. 15. ―Biraderism does not allow people to abort themselves from its mesmeric force (Customary laws) in society.” It has a highly significant positive relation to the 16th argument of the questionnaire and also correlated with 18th and 19th argument. 16. “Social behaviours of individuals are controlled by the Biraderi system.” This argument has a positive correlation with the rest of the four dimensions the 17th, 18th, 19th and 20th argument of social dynamics of biraderi politics questionnaire. 17. ―Dominating role of biraderies creates the dependence of individuals on their respective biraderies as it covers their all problems in society.” This is positively correlated with an 18th, 19th and 20th dimension of the questionnaire. 18. ―Biraderi system does not allow for bringing change in society.” This argument has positive significant correlation 19th and with the 20th argument. 19. ―Education is contributing to mild the phenomenon of biraderis in the society.” This argument has a strong positive correlation with the last argument of the subpart the social dynamics of the questionnaire that is Social behaviours of biraderies is affecting the democratization process.

167

Overall, it is there is a strong relationship among all items of social dynamics. (The questionnaire is given in the appendix.) The Pearson correlation coefficient was computed to assess the relationship between all variables or dimensions within the sub-part of ―the Economic Dynamics” of the Biraderi Politics Questionnaire. (See table on the next page ) There was a positive correlation between the maximum of its variables, the maximum r = 0.53, n = 220, Overall, there was a strong, positive correlation between the variables of economic dynamics. Increases in one variable were correlated with increases in rating of others as mentioned in detail below; Table No. 5.1. 6 Inter-correlation among Economic dynamics of Biraderi Politics (N=220)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

2 .34** .19** .22** .21** .11 .15* .06 .16* .23** .07 -.05 .05 .08 .05 .02 .17* .11

3 1 .30** .15* .20** .14* .19** .09 .14* .10 .21** -.01 .07 .10 .17* .01 .01 .08

4 1 .46** .36** .15* .15* .18** .22** .13* .17** -.08 .11 .05 .08 .04 .04 .12

5 1 .37** .25** .31** .29** .22** .19** .22** .06 .17* .04 .06 .09 .05 .21**

6 1 .36** .35** .35** .25** .28** .23** -.02 .12 .18** .14* -.11 .07 .11

7 1 .49** .26** .13 .22** .13 .05 .05 .06 .11 .00 .06 .12

8 1 .53** .32** .34** .21** .12 .06 .06 .13 .01 .09 .21**

9 1 .48** .38** .16* .09 .08 .17* .19** -.06 .08 .07

10 1 .47** .19** .16* .06 .19** .12 -.10 .01 .09

11 -- .33** .13 .09 .25** .20** -.04 .18** .07

12 1 .41** .24** .26** .24** .06 .14* .19**

13 1 .26** .17* .05* .05 .10 .19**

14 1 .45** .21** .17** .07 .14*

15 1 .48** .06 .21** .22**

16 .24** .17** .22**

17 1 .48** .26**

18 1 .48**

Note.*p<. 05. **p<0.01.

168

1. “Caste-based formation of the biraderi system has been made on the basis of the economy.” This argument is a significant correlation with 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 9th, 10th, and with the 17th argument of the economic dynamics of biraderi politics. Whereas, it is correlated with 12th dimension. 2. “Behaviours of the biraderies relate to their economic positions.” This argument is a significant correlation with 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 9th, 11th and with the 15th argument of the economic dynamics of biraderi politics. Whereas negatively correlated with 12th dimension. 3. “Financial position makes any biraderi superior or inferior.” argument is a significant correlation with 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th, 9th and with the 11th argument of the economic dynamics of biraderi politics. Whereas negatively correlated with a 12th aspect. 4. “Land holdings make the biraderies dominating in politics.” This argument is a significant correlation with 5th, 6th, 7th, 9th and with the 17th argument of the economic dynamics of biraderi politics. Whereas negatively correlated with 12th dimension. 5. “Business (Trade, Industry) plays a strong role in making the biraderies dominant in local level politics.” It is significantly positively correlated with 6th, 7th 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 14th, and 15th. But strongly correlated with 6th, 7th, and 8th argument, whereas it has a negative correlation with 12th, and 16th dimension. 6. “Land plays the main role in establishing the biraderies‟ dominance in T.T. Singh.” This argument has a strong positive correlation with 7th, argument. Further, it is significantly correlated with the 8th and 10th argument. This is meant that if land and capital increased the parallel the dominance increased. 7. “Landless biraderies cannot play a significant role in politics.” This argument has a strong correlation with the 8th argument that land and capital ensure the dominance and political participation. It has furthermore positive correlation with the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 20th element. 8. “Capital is more important for enhancing a biraderies‟ dominance.” This has a positive, strong correlation with 9th argument and then also has a positive correlation with the 10th, 11th, 14th and 15th argument. Whereas having a weak negative correlation with the 16th element as the poorer biraderies sell their votes. It means if the dominance of capital decrease ultimately this argument‘s impotence decrease as poor people then do not sell their votes.

169

9. “Small farmers and peasant biraderies do not use their free will in local level politics”. This has a significant positive, strong correlation with 10th argument and then also has a positive correlation with the 10th, 11th, 12th and 14th argument. It has a negative correlation with the 16th element. 10. “Artisan biraderies do not use their free will in local level politics rather they are subjugated by prominent biraderies.” It is positively correlated with the 11th element and with 14th, 15th, and 17th element. Whereas a negative correlation occurs with the 16th element. 11. “Economically dominating biraderies used politics to regenerate economic resources for their biraderies.” It has a significant positive correlation with a 12th aspect of the questionnaire. It has a further positive correlation with 13th, 14th, 15th, 17th and 18th aspect of the questionnaire. 12. “Economically dominant biraderies have a big role in state politics.” It is correlated with 13th, 14th, and 18th aspect. 13. “Economically Powerful biraderies use their affluence and bribe district institutions, i.e. (thana, Tehsil-dar, patwari) for their vested interests.” This argument has a strong positive correlation with the 14th argument that domination achieved the set objectives of a biraderi. If the domination increased then there is come to an increase in the chances of achieving the objectives. This aspect further correlated with the 15th, 16th and 18th argument. 14. “Dominating biraderies have links with authorities to attain their socio-political objectives”. It is significantly correlated with the 15th argument.This means the more the dependency the more individual rely on his biraderi and biraderi further influence the state institutions for the achievements of their goals. Simply that the more the dependency the more the biraderism become strong. It is further correlated with the 17th and 18th argument. 15. “Unemployment has created dependency for individuals to be dependent on their respective biraderies.” This aspect has a positive correlation ship with the 16th, 17th and 18th argument. 16. “Poorer Biraderies sell their votes for their personal interests to dominate biraderies in elections.” It is strongly correlated with the 17th argument. The more the per capita income increased the more individual has a chance to change his biraderi identification as the poor are marginalised and they become victimised of inferiority complexes that are why they want to change their identification if they have enough money or by increasing their per capita income. It is also correlated

170

with an 18th aspect. That means the more an individual become economically stable the more the democratization level increased in the state. 17. “People of lower Biraderies change their biraderi identification if they become rich”. This factor is correlated with an 18th aspect of the questionnaire. That dominance is affecting the process of democratization in Toba Tek Singh. The increase in per capita income the more it is affecting the process of democratization.

18. “Economically dominant biraderies are affected in the process of democratization”. This factor is correlated with dominance and subjugation so this aspect has correlation with17th, 16th, 15th 14th, and13th, 12th,11th 7th and with the 4th dimension of the questionnaire.

The Pearson correlation coefficient was computed to assess the relationship between the all four variables or dimensions of the Political dynamics of biraderi politics. There was a positive correlation with the democratization process with all other three variables, maximum r = 0.33, n = 220, Overall, there was a strong, positive correlation between the variables of political dynamics. Increases by one were correlated with increases in rating of others as mentioned in detail below;

Table No. 5.1. 7 Correlation of Democratization with Social Dynamics, Economic Dynamics and Political Dynamics of Biraderi Politics

No Factors 1 2 3 4 1 Democratization Process effects by dynamics .22** .27** .33** of Biraderi Politics ---- 2 Social Dynamics Of Biraderi Politics .16* .052 ---- 3 Economic Dynamics of Biraderi Politics .042 ---- 4 Political Dynamics of Biraderi Politics ---- Note. *p <. 05, ** p<. 01. The Table 5.7 shows the significant correlation between ―Democratization Process affects the by dynamics of biraderi politics” with the other three variables of Political Dynamics, Social Dynamics, and Economic Dynamics of Biraderi Politics. “Social dynamics of biraderi politics” and “Economic dynamics of biraderi politics” has a positive correlation too.

171

To test the hypothesis of the study ―the socioeconomic and political dynamics of biraderi politics affect the democratization process in District Toba Tek Singh.‖ The Multiple Regression Analysis has been run by selecting one, one question from the three subparts of BPQ. It was named as ―democratization process affect by the dynamics of biraderi politics. (See questions in Appendix ‗A‘)

As the three variables are correlated with the criterion so, the Multiple Regression Analysis was performed to determine the predictive power of different social, political and economic dynamics of biraderi politics the functional factors in the process of democratization. Results showed that Political dynamics is the strongest factor in predicting, F (5, 214) = 4.4, p<. 001. After that, economic dynamics factor, F (4, 215) = 8.2, p<. 01 proved to be a strong predictor of the democratization process. Then at third number Social dynamics factor F (3, 216) = 6.6, p<. 01 proved to be a significant predictor of democratization.

Table No. 5.1.8 Regression Analysis for predictors of Democratization (N=220) Predictors R2 R2 Β Step .04 .03 1 Age -.20** Gender .03 Step .08 .07 2 Age -.17* Social Dynamics of biraderi Politics .22** Step .13 .18 3 Age -.15* Social Dynamics of biraderi Politics .18** Economic Dynamics of biraderi Politics .22** Step .22 .20 4 Age -.13* Social Dynamics of biraderi Politics .17** Economic Dynamics of biraderi Politics .21** Political Dynamics of biraderi Politics .30*** Note. **p<. 01***p<. 001

172

For this analysis, all the subparts of the Biraderi Politics Questionnaire; the social dynamics of biraderi politics, the economic dynamics of biraderi politics and the political dynamics of biraderi politics were analysed as predictors of the democratization process.

T- TEST for Gender Differences in social, political and Economic Dynamics Results show that there is no significant difference in the male, female opinion regarding Social Dynamics of Biraderi Politics, Political Dynamics of Biraderi politics and Economic Dynamics of Biraderi Politics as the thinking of the both are same. It is pertinent to mention as male is domineering in the biraderi discourse so the thought of the male is reflected in the female opinion. Females fully own what the male think regarding social, political and economic dynamics of biraderi politics. Both genders fully agreed that in District Toba Tek Singh biraderi politics is dominated and covering all three aspects of social, political and economic of the democratization process. Patriarchy is the significantly overwhelming rule in the social set up of Toba Tek Singh.

Table No.5.1.9 T- TEST Showing Gender Differences in social, political and Economic Dynamics of BPQ Functioning (N= 220) Male (n=112) Female M (SD) (n=108) T P M (SD) Political Dynamics of 77.62 (7.1) 77.42 (8.6) .19 .84 Biraderi Politics

Social Dynamics of 78.12 (6.9) 76.69 (7.8) -.25 .80 Biraderi Politics Economic Dynamics of 70.49 (6.8) 70.72 (7.0) 1.4 .15 Biraderi Politics

Note. P = n. s

One Way ANOVA for Caste

Results indicate that caste reported brings no significant variance in thinking about the biraderi politics among the different castes. The intensity of the phenomenon is

173

evident from the upper table that thinking of all castes is the same and they all believe that social institution biraderi are covering all facets of the individual i.e. the social, the economic and the political.

Table No. 5.1.10 One Way ANOVA for Caste (N=220)

SS MS F Sig. Political Dynamics of 13362.886 Biraderi Politics 59.751 1.77 .11 Social Dynamics of Biraderi Politics 11921.527 54.927 .67 .67 Economic Dynamics 47.737 .34 ..92 of Biraderi Politics 10264.595

Note. df = 6, 214, p= n.s .

One Way Anova for Rural-Urban Areas

Results specify that the rural-urban reported that there is a significant difference regarding the social dynamics of biraderi politics with the mean scores of rural is (M=13.23, SD= 3.9) as compared to Urban (M=13.0, SD= 4.1). It depicts that in the perspective of social dynamics that these are more intensified in rural areas rather than in urban areas. Whereas brings no significant variance in thinking about the Political Dynamics of Biraderi politics and economic dynamics of the Biraderi politics among the difference of rural-urban area‘s population. The intensity of the phenomenon is evident from the upper table that thinking of the people is the same regarding political and economic dynamics as they all believe that the social institution of biraderi is covering all facets of the individual i.e., social, economic and the political.(see table below)

174

Table. No. 5.1. 11 One Way Anova for Rural-Urban Areas (N=220) SS MS F Sig. Political Dynamics of 13362.886 60.81 1.37 .26 Biraderi Politics

Social Dynamics of 11921.527 52.60 4.87** .01 Biraderi Politics

Economic Dynamics of 10264.595 47.17 .31 .74 Biraderi Politics

Note. df= 1, 219, p<.05

One Way Anova for Education

Results specify that education reported Analysis of variance that there is no any significant difference regarding Social Dynamics of biraderi politics, the Political Dynamics of biraderi politics and economic dynamics of the Biraderi politics. The strength of the phenomenon is evident from the above table No. 5.1.12 that thinking of the people is the same regarding socio- political and economic dynamics of biraderi politics. Illiterate to higher degree holder cannot think that there is any other thing apart from that biraderism that may supersede in all three respects of biraderi politics the social, economic and political. Table No. 5.1.12 One Way Anova for Education (N=220)

SS MS F Sig. Political dynamics of Biraderi 13362.886 59.90 2.37 .07 Politics Social dynamics of Biraderi Politics 11921.527 54.40 1.05 .37

Economic dynamics of Biraderi 10264.595 47.44 .119 .95 Politics

Note. df = 3, 216, p= n.s The next analysis of the survey is the Percentage Basis Data Analysis results are given as below:

175

5.2. Percentage Basis Data Analysis of the Findings

It is pertinent to mention here that before collecting the data a pilot study is also held to get more reliable data and the other important thing to mention is that there are three items in this analysis, that are extracted by the Varimax Rotation Factor Analysis after a careful examination of their expression and conceptual relevance they were retained in Percentage Based Data Analysis as the inter-item correlation supports their significance too as shown in the table 5.1.3. First, have a look at the demographic features of the respondents.

5.2.1 General Demographic features of the sample

The sample of the study is equally divided into male, female and rural, urban categories. This is to assimilate both rural, urban and male, female respondents, in the sample and to avoid biases; they are equally distributed in the sampling. Some other general demographic features of the respondents were also asked and collected through the questionnaire. In this respect, the demographic aspects; age, caste, education, the profession of the reporting units were asked. The Distribution of the respondents according to the demographic features is as below;

Caste based distribution of the respondents in Survey

Respondents were asked about their castes in the survey. Caste based composition of the respondents is shown below. The following fig shows that among conveniently selected respondents, 23.6 % are of other than major biraderies who are actively participating in the electoral process. 24.5 % respondents belong to Arain Biraderi, 20.5 % of respondents are of Jatt biraderi and then third major biraderi of the respondents belonged to Sayed, Kharral and Gujjar 8.2 % and 6 % respectively. Remaining respondents are included in category ‗Others’, who consisted of 23.6 % of the total sample chosen for the survey. The table displays the maximum participation of the respondents of all major biraderies during the survey. A substantial portion of the respondents is other than these major biraderies that consisted of 23.6 %.

176

Figure No. 5.2.1

25.00%

20.00%

15.00% 24.50% 23.60% 20.50% 10.00% 14.10% 5.00% 8.20% 5.90% 3.20% 0.00% Arain Gujjar Jat Kharral Sial Sayeds Others

Caste Based composition of the Respondents

Age wise distribution of the respondents

Regarding the features of age, respondents are not categorised, so the below-given graph gives an appropriate figure of the respondents.

Table No. 5.2.2

Sr. No Age category Frequency Percentage 1 18-24 48 21.8 % 2 25-29 39 17.7 % 3 30-34 41 18.6 % 4 35-49 54 24.5 % 5 50-and Above 38 17.3 % Total 220 Respondents 220 100.0 %

The above table depicts the age in years. The age is categorised into five groups. Almost 18 to 79 years old respondents were responding to the survey. There are 21.8% respondents of (18-24) year age group, in (25-29) year age group, 18.6% are the reporting units, 30-34 years age group is 24.5%, whereas in 50-and above category there are 17.3% respondents. Approximately they Education wise distribution of the Respondents

Education wise composition of the respondents is divided into four categories that are as follows in the table.

177

Table No.5.2.3 Sr.No Category Frequency Percentage 1 Illiterate 23 10.5% 2 Up to Middle 30 13.6% School 3 High School and 75 34.1% Inter 4 Graduate and 92 41.8% Masters Total 220 Respondents 220 100%

This table depicts that among the 220 respondents, 10.3% were illiterate, 13.6% were acquired up to middle school education, 34.1% respondent had high school up to intermediate level education and 41.8% were equated graduation and master‘s level qualification.

Profession wise Distribution of the Respondents

In the professional category, respondents have divided into male and female category actually the sample of the respondents is chosen almost equal in size regarding gender. So they have divided accordingly into their professional activities. First, have a look at the profession wise distribution of male respondents.

Table No. 5. 2. 4

Gender wise distribution respondents

Sr.No Gender Frequency Percentage 1 Male 112 50.9% 2 Female 108 49.1% 3 Total 220 100%

Professional categories are separately categorised for male and female respondents as both have different features. The distribution is shown in the above table is about the gender distribution. According to the above table, there was 51% male and 49% were female respondents in the sample. Then the distribution of the sample units of males is categorised into eight professions from business to student category and females are categorised into three groups. The following figure depicts the distribution of 112 respondents of the male, according to their occupational feature distribution.

178

Table No. 5.2.5

Profession wise Distribution of the male respondents

Sr.No Category Frequency Percentage 1 Business 26 23 % 2 Farmers 16 14 % 3 Landowners 17 15% 4 Skilled Labour 14 13% 5 Un-Skilled Labour 11 10% 6 Jobians, Govt /private 16 14% 7 Un-employed 5 5% 8 Student 7 6% 9 Total 112 100%

The above table portrays that 23% respondents were involved in the business related activities, 14% respondents are peasants or the small agriculturalists and 15% respondents were the landholders (Zamindar) not the landlords 13% respondents are related to skilled labour and in unskilled labour, the category was 10% respondents. Among 112 respondents, 14% were Jobians who are employed at governmental and non-governmental jobs. 5% respondents had on employment, whereas 6% were still studying as they were students. In actual, the sample represents all walks of life and included their opinion. The following graphical picture shows the share of each category in the sample regarding their occupations. Table. No. 5.2.6 Profession wise distribution of Female respondents Sr.No. Category Frequency Percentage approximately 1 Female Students 20 10 % 2 House Wives 44 44 % 3 Working Women 44 44 % 4 Total 108 100 %

Female respondents consist of 49.1% of the 220 respondents. The female respondents are divided into three professional and non-professional groups. Among 108 female responders 10% were students, 44% female respondents were working women and the same percentage of 44% female respondents were housewife women.

179

5.3 Part. A

Political Dynamics of Biraderi Politics

Biraderi plays a pivotal role in democratization being a foremost institution for the political socialization of the individual. The structural, functional behaviours towards the process of democracy of any political culture depends on the basic institution of the society, i.e. family its lineage, caste, clan and biraderies, etc., which is the main component of the political culture which has very deep roots in political socialization of the people which pave the path of democratization. This dynamic gained more importance in Pakistan in the era of non-political governments. The societal system of the state basically effects directly local political system. This entire puts an effect on the output of democratization and may cause the deterioration and disrupts the political process.

The impact of cultural norms directly affects the politics and the patronizing character of the phenomenon of the biraderies in local level politics with special reference to Punjab and particularly in District Toba Tek Singh. There are different dynamics of the political aspect of biraderi politics, like political participation, political awareness of the people and the role of political parties‘ then electoral process. In all these aspects biraderi politics is apparent through its preponderant role in empowering or disempowering the people. But mostly it is witnessed that it checks human emancipating power due to integrating force of the biraderi system. The Alpha Reliability of the Political dynamics shows its effectiveness in the political process that is 0.80.

(α) Alpha Reliability of Data of questionnaire

Scale K C M(SD) Political dynamics of 20 .80 77.56(7.9) Biraderi Politics

180

1. Biraderi is a trendsetter whom to vote. Figure No.5.3. 1

Strongly Agree 10.00%

Agree 70.90%

Neutral 11.40%

Disagree 5.00%

Strongly Disagree 2.70%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00% 80.00%

1. Biraderi is a trend setter whom to vote.

The bar chart shows the clear indication of the trends of the respondents that biraderi fixed the penchants of the voters whom to vote. Regarding this statement overall results depict that 70.9% respondents are agreeing that means the biggest share consists of the agreed option that “Biraderi gives orientation to individuals that how they participate and to whom they vote‖. 14.5% strongly agree with this statement. 9.5% respond in neutral option and an overall 9.1% do not agree with this statement. So, it is clear from both agree and strongly agreed on responses, approximately 81% respondents have agreed with the statement, biraderism is a very strong factor that persuades in an individual‘s life as it is playing a leading role which provides shelter from birth to death. The majority of the respondents accepted the argument that during the elections Biraderi is the main factor that set the trends of the voters.

Here it is to be important that these results are higher as presented by the Gallup survey reported about the 2008 elections that across Pakistan 9% voter‘s inclinations were towards their biraderies ―the Biraderi is the single most important influence on voting decisions.‖313 The above depicts the same but it shows the higher

313 The Gallup Survey , Exit poll-Election day survey (Gallup Pakistan and Pildat-Business Recorder, March 2008) , 38-42

181

effectiveness of the biraderi dynamic works in voting decisions as compared to Gallup surveys. The above depicts the same, but it shows the higher effectiveness of the biraderi dynamic works in voting decisions.

It further guides him in his political socialization throughout, in his / her upbringing via family identification the biraderi name. The prejudices work here and nobody goes against the concerned biraderi contestant. If some families have some conflicts at that time they are also being resolved and people participate in elections for the success of their biraderi member. Wasim, Wilder, Rasual Bukhush Rais; all renowned scholars, although admitted, a partial part of factional or biraderi affiliations in the election process.

But it is vindicated through this empirical study as the result shows biraderi is the main factor that dictates the people to come and vote for that contestant which biraderi has decided. Here it is a positive aspect of the biraderi politics as it seems apparent that it is filling the gap between political parties, but the role that should be played by political parties it is played by biraderies to mobilise its members to participate in elections even though it is a directed participation. But this participation is limited not rationalize people vote in elections on the basis of their biraderi prejudices that is against the norms of democratic values. 2 Biraderies are trend setters at local level (bodies) elections. Figure.No.5.3. 2

Strongly Agree 12.30%

Agree 67.20%

Neutral 14.10%

Disagree 4.10%

Strongly Disagree 2.30%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00% 80.00%

2. Biraderies are trend setter at local level elections.

182

―About 67.2 % voters inclined towards agreeing on the option which depicts that element of biraderism is more valued in local bodies elections. 12.3% strongly agreed with the argument, whereas 14.1% set themselves apart from any judgmental opinion and selected the neutral option as they were indecisive in their opinion. Around 6.4% don‘t agree with the stance. It is claimed that at the local bodies elections or at an indigenous level the influence of the biraderies intensified so it is pertinent to ask the respondents about their point of view to what extent they are agreed or not agreed with the statement.‖ By summing up agreed and strongly agreed on responses, it is vivid from the results from the bar graph that the whole situation indicates that 77% accept the notion that biraderi is a sole dynamic factor which directs the voters whom to vote in local-level elections. Actually, at that micro level relationships are much closer and interwoven that‘s why it is easy to contact and to force all families of the biraderies to whom they vote.‖Along with that, the upper strata of biraderies do influence lower strata for voting. That is the main reason for the hype of the phenomenon that biraderi is trendsetters at local level politics more. The influential voting in elections promotes favouritism. This favouritism leads towards malfunctioning of the state institutions. That hampers the democratization process through discriminatory actions in state institutions and also an injustice. 3. The element of Biraderism becomes more intensified in Local level elections.

Figure No. 5.3. 3

Strongly Agree 17.70%

Agree 62.70%

Neutral 10.50%

Disagree 6.80%

Strongly Disagree 2.30%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00%

3. Element of Biraderism becomes more intensified in Local level elections.

183

The above bar graph gives a picturesque image of the findings of the questionnaire. It postulates that in the sample of 220 respondents about 80 % have agreed with the statement. And believed that biraderism promotes at local elections. In this questionnaire statement, the respondents were asked their opinion regarding the above-mentioned statement that the element of biraderism becomes more intensified during local level elections. The responses are indicated in the above bar graph that 62.7% have agreed with the statement, 17.7% strongly agreed and around 9% respondents negated the statement and disagree with the statement, whereas 10.5 % respondents were undecided about the statement and responded in neutral option. It is relevant to explain here that at a very gross root level people have a very close association with each other and biraderies are also having connections at the doorstep to its members despite the family relation. Here it is significant to mention that the term biraderi is used as an extended relationship regardless of blood ties or distance as described in previous chapter one can say that the brand name of biraderi does matter that get support and promote biraderism at the local level elections, for its members individually. The previous two statements and the third this one are interconnected arguments to get the real picture of the psyche of the respondents what they actually think. Hence it is clear that Biraderism, the prejudices of the biraderi identifications are intensified for the participation in local elections in district TTS. 4. Voting behaviours of people are conditioned to the biraderi affiliations. Figure No.5.3. 4

Strongly Agree 11.80%

Agree 65.90%

Neutral 10.00%

Disagree 9.50%

Strongly Disagree 2.70%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00%

4. Voting behaviours of people are conditioned to the biraderi affiliations.

184

The graphical picture depicts the vivid explanation of the five categories of the statement which highlights that long bar of the graph shows the agreed responses that biraderism or the attachment to biraderi identification is key to participate in elections, whereas in the second number bar of the graph highlights the strongly agreed and the neutral opinion of the respondents regarding the statement show that about they are equal. The upper graph specifies the percentages of the assumption that voting behaviours of the people are conditioned by the biraderi affiliations. That is concluding statement that the attitudes and behaviours of the people are biraderi oriented. The table gives a numeric picture as well as the percentages of the opinion of the respondents. The 65.9% response is going to agree on option, 11.8% response is counted in strongly agreed choice. About 12.2% responses were in disagreed choice and remaining 10% were fallen in neutral option. Overall maximum respondents were agreed with the assumption.The voting trends of the people of the district TTS are a replication of their biraderi identification. They do not think beyond their prejudices and ethnicity. That kind of thinking of the people does not promote democratic values in the society. 5. People do not use their free will for electing their members rather they consider biraderi affiliations. Figure No. 5.3. 5

Strongly Agree 15.90%

Agree 62.70%

Neutral 11.40%

Dis Agree 7.70%

Strongly Disagree 2.30%

0.00% 20.00% 40.00% 60.00% 80.00%

5. People do not use their free will for electing their members rather they consider biraderi affiliations

The graph depicts the actual situation of the data of the responses that―people do not use their own free will in electing their members rather they consider biraderi affiliations‖ in other words, the people aware of it that they are using their free will or

185

just following the biraderies‟ prejudice and show their attachment to their respective biraderies for electing their candidates. The bars of the graph are clearly indicating that 62.7% are the agreed responses of the argument that people prefer their biraderies in elections and participate in elections on the basis of the biraderism rather come and use the choice of self-emancipating power. 16 % respondents have strongly agreed with the statement. Whereas approximately 10% respondents do not agree and stand against the argument and have an opinion that voting is not based on the of biraderism, people use their own free will in electing their members instead of their biraderi affiliations. 11.4 % respondents select a neutral option. 7.7 % are not agreed and 2.3 % strongly disagree with the claim. The majority of the respondents endorsed the statement and as the result shows the effectiveness of the statement that people in Toba Tek Singh do not cast their votes on the basis of their emancipating powers that makes them to whom they vote and for what reasons. They just think in the mindset of biraderism and only stamp the ballot paper on their biraderi‟s decision. 6. People prefer the biraderi affiliation of the contestant than his capabilities. Figure No. 5.3. 6

Strongly Agree 20.50%

Agree 60.90%

Neutral 9.50%

Disagree 6.80%

Strongly Disagree 2.30%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00%

6.People prefer the biraderi affiliation of the contestant than his capabilities .

The figure illustration presents the visual description of the data which clearly indicates that approximately 81% respondents are agreed with the argument that people are more concerned with the biraderi name of the contestant as compare to his potentials or to his experience. About 9% cumulatively disagreed and strongly disagreed respondents have differed the statement and believed that people prefer the

186

capabilities of the candidates rather their biraderi titles or names. 9.5% are neutral as having no opinion regarding the above statement. The results of the responses of the proposition ―People prefer the biraderi affiliation of the contestant than his capabilities‖ that means people may not elect a capable candidate due to considering his biraderi affiliations. In fact, generally, people vote for those candidates who are belonging to renowned biraderies. The perspective of the demand side, it is also the desire or wish of the people to choose that person who has a renowned, economically and politically powerful biraderi background. It is noticeable that when the voter does not use his or her free, independent will in elections rather than blindly vote to their respective biraderies, then how he or she thinks about the rationality and validity of the vote. The result of reporting sample units of the survey also depicts the same and it is quite possible that a voter in a mindset of biraderi relationship may be selected a person that is not capable. The emancipation powers of individuals are vital for the success of democratic norms to introduce. But here, the situation in District TTS is differing and people do believe that in elections the brand name or prominent name of biraderi is more important than the capabilities of the contestant. That situation also gets support from the evidence that in 1988 elections Pakistan People‘s Party gave a ticket on ideological bases to Gias- ud-Din Janabaz. The main cause of his defeat in the election was that he did not belong to a renowned biraderi and had no biraderi support, that‘s why his counter contestant on the basis of his Biraderi succeeded as earlier mentioned in chapter four. It is clear that capability criteria do not matter in casting the votes.

187

7. People do not bother about the party affiliation of any candidate while voting rather they are interested in the affiliation of candidate‟s biraderi.

Figure No.5.3. 7

Strongly Agree 22.30%

Agree 57.70%

Neutral 12.30%

Disagree 5.50%

Strongly Disagree 2.30%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00%

7. People do not bother about party affiliation of any candidate while voting rather they are interested in the affiliation of candidate‘s biraderi.

The bar graph presents the pictorial description of the data which clearly indicates that around 80% respondents are agreed with the argument. Whereas the ratio of the respondents who have differed the opinion is very low as about 8% people do not agree with it. About 12% remain calm and have no idea about the statement.

The bar chart depicts the results of the responses of the question that people do not bother about the party affiliation of any candidate while voting rather they are interested in the affiliation of candidate‘s biraderies‟ attachments. It is also correlated with the previous argument that people have an only concern with biraderies of the contenders. They set aside contenders all qualities and potentials, and also the party platform of a political party from where he is contesting the elections. Due to that in the 1977 elections, Bhutto took the assistance of the landed aristocracy for his success and give party tickets on the basis biradries‟ credentials.

188

8. Political parties select those political candidates and workers whose biraderies are dominant in the constituency.

Figure No. 5.3. 8

Strongly Agree 21.40%

Agree 52.70%

Neutral 19.10%

Disagree 5.00%

Strongly Disagree 1.80%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00%

8. Political parties select those political candidates and workers whose biraderies are dominant in the constituency.

The above graphical illustration offerings the explanation of the statistics which clearly indicates that 52.7% respondents are agreed and 21.4% are strongly agreed with the argument. On the whole 74%, respondents are falling in favour of the statement. About 19 % respondents are neutral and have no opinion. Whereas only 7% respondents have opposed the argument that political parties select those political candidates and workers whose supportive biraderies are dominant in the constituency. The previous statements 5th and 6th are linking with the demand side of political recruitment in the process of democratization whereas the above assumption is denoting the supply side of the political recruitment. When we compare both the demands and supply edges of recruitment process biraderi is the main predominantly focused on the two sides. Hence the biraderi politics are a dynamic element that subjugates both sides. There is an eye-catching example of recent elections 2013 Pakistan Tahrik-e- Insaf also cannot apart itself from this dogma of biraderi politics. The inclusion of Mukhdoms and other renowned biraderies is the biggest example of it. And if one has a look at Pakistan movement as described earlier in chapter three during the 1946 elections the Muslim League also relied on the support of the landed aristocracy who was dominant in their regions that‘s why they got support from Unionist Party in rural areas for their success. Hence, it is clear that political parties keep in view the biraderi

189

strength and domination of the candidates and works while issuing party ticket in elections.

9. Political parties keep in view the vote bank of candidate‟s biraderi while issuing the party tickets.

Figure No.5.3. 9

Strongly Agree 24.10%

Agree 55.00%

Neutral 12.70%

Disagree 5.00%

Strongly Disagree 2.30%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00%

9. Political parties keep in view the vote bank of candidate‘s biraderi while issuing the party tickets.

The upper figure depicts the visual report of the information which clearly indicates that 55% respondents are agreed with the argument and 24% are strongly agreed with it. About 7% have a consensus against the argument that political parties keep in view the capabilities rather than the vote bank of the candidate. This supposition is also on the supply side of the political recruitment. Basically, the political process of democratization has not paved its path. The role of political parties is also undemocratic these are just interested in their success due to that the political parties also select those contenders who may have maximum chances to win in their respective biraderies on the basis of their vote bank. It means political parties focus on the electable candidate who may win the election.

190

10. If people do not vote to their biraderies they will be facing a social boycott from their respective biraderies.

Figure No. 5.3. 10

Strongly Agree 20.50%

Agree 54.50%

Neutral 15.90%

Disagree 6.80%

Strongly Disagree 2.30%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00%

10. If people do not vote to their biraderies they will be faced social boycott from their respective biraderies.

The graph illustrates the optical description of the data which clearly indicates that 54.5% are agreed responded and 20.5 % are strongly agreed with responded, who are confirmed in the argument. The third bar shows arond16% neutral responses that are in the middle of the graph. Whereas about 9 % respondents are against the argument. On the whole, about 75% respondents also agreed with the statement. At local bodies elections due to the close associations of the people with each other as already described in this chapter, biraderies are fully aware of the individual to whom (candidate) he /she has voted. Even the balloting procedure is held confidentially. Due to that fear of social boycott people do not use their free will. In any kind of problem, the respective biraderies of the individuals do not support them who cast their vote against their biraderies or go against the biraderi decision.

191

11. People vote to their respective biraderies as it is a prestige matter for them to support them.

Figure No.5.3. 11

Strongly Agree 18.20%

Agree 56.80%

Neutral 13.60%

Disagree 9.50%

Strongly Disagree 1.80%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00%

11. People vote to their respective biraderies as it is a prestige matter for them to support them.

The bar graph illustration presents the visual description of the data which clearly indicates that 56.80% respondents are agreed with the argument. 18% are confirming that it is a matter of prestige to vote their biraderi member. Whereas disagreed and strongly disagreed are seen on 4th and 5th number in the bar graph. The third highest is the neutral option at 13.6% regarding this statement. Around 12% respondents selected disagreed and strongly disagreed options of the argument as they are not in favour of this statement.

As all the ethnic identities keep themselves distinguished from others same is in the case of biraderi politics. People, in sustaining their pride, honour, and reverence in the society does not go against their biraderi decisions. They consider it a matter of their prestige to vote to their respective biraderies. It is a matter of their ―Pug/ Shimla‖(Turban) in the cultural norms of the society.They never want to bring disgrace or dishonour for their biraderies

192

12. People vote to their respective biraderies as they think only their biraderies shelter them and solve their personal problems and conflicts, i.e.(Lands, Pitwar, Thana, Kachehri, employment)

Figure No. 5.3. 12

Strongly Agree 25.50%

Agree 57.70%

Neutral 8.60%

Disagree 6.80%

Strongly Disagree 1.80%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00%

12. People vote to their respective biraderies as they think only their biraderies shelter them and solve their personal problems and conflicts i.e. (Lands, pitwar, Thana, Kachehri , employment)

The above drawing portrays the graphical depiction of the statement that t people vote to their respective biraderies as they think only their biraderies provide them shelter in troubles and solve their personal problems and conflicts i.e. (Lands, pitwar, Thana, Kachehri, employment), the picture clearly indicates that 57.70% respondents have agreed with the argument that people vote their respective biraderies in order to get their support in their critical issues as they are not being helped by the state institutions. 25% are confirming that is the main cause of supporting the biraderi member. It is also a proverb in Punjabi that ―apna maray ga tay chawien sotay ga‖ (If ever a relative hurts even then he cares). 8.6% respondents selected the unbiased choice of the question and 6.8% respondents selected disagreed option and 1.8% respondents selected the strongly disagreed option of the argument as they are not in favour of this statement.

As the matter of fact, most people vote to their biraderies as they seek shelter and support from them in their problems or even in the matters related to local level formal institutions because these biraderies have access to these institutions. In the

193

absence of the government institutions, efficacy people do not have trust in them as a state is not helping them even in their genuine problems so the lack of confidence creates a trust over their concerned biraderies. 13. Political parties used the tool of delimitation for rearrangement of constituencies in elections to gain more votes from their respective biraderies. No. 5.3. 13

Strongly Agree 19.10%

Agree 59.10%

Neutral 13.60%

Disagree 6.40%

Strongly Disagree 1.80%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00%

13. Political parties used the tool of delimitation of constituencies to rearrangement in elections to gain more votes from their respective biraderies.

The bar chart illustrates the visual elaboration of the statement that political parties used the tool of delimitation or rearrangement of constituencies in elections to gain more votes from their respective biraderies. The bar graph clearly specifies that 59.10 % respondents have agreed with the argument. 19 % respondents strongly agree with the proposition. 13 % respondents are neutral in their opinion. Whereas, 8 % is disagreed and not accepted it as true that the political parties indulge in Gerrymandering to reshape the electoral constituencies to gain self-interests. This is called Gerrymandering in political science. The political parties influence election commission and change the boundaries of the election constituencies to get their desired results in the elections. Basically, by doing this the political parties, in return, get a huge vote bank from the delimited areas. Mostly this is witnessed in military rules. Gerrymandering is a trademark of power politics. This tactic works for the self-interests of the party that is in power and has become thoroughly embedded in the political process. That‘s why this segment is more witnessed in martial laws. Because the authoritative rules need to be legitimised by

194

using this delimitation of the, but it is not in developing countries where democracy is not rooted in political system then the political party that is in power do so.

14. Only those biraderies take part in contesting the elections that are politically dynamic rather who are inactive in politics.

Figure No. 5.3. 14

Strongly Agree 18.60%

Agree 57.70%

Neutral 13.60%

Disagree 8.60%

Strongly Disagree 1.40%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00%

14. Only those biraderis take part in elections that are politically dynamic rather who are inactive in politics.

The graphical sketch represents the argument that only those biraderies take part in contesting the elections that are politically dynamic rather who are inactive in politics, the data which clearly indicates that 57.7 % respondents are agreed with the proposition that only seasoned biraderies come forward and win the elections. Whereas 18.6% are totally against the argument, that it is wrong that there is no room for others who are inactive than renowned biraderies in the electoral process. On the whole 10% disagreed and not approved the impression. 13% respondents are neutral regarding this statement question.

In District Toba Tek Singh mostly renowned biraderies take part in the electoral process, for example, Jatt, Arain, Sayed, Kharral or Beloch, etc. there are a number of people who belong to another biraderies but they do not come forward and to become the part of the realm of elections. That means people want only these biraderies to come forward who already part of the system and also dominating. If any other comes forward he/she is eliminated due to not having a vote bank. (See Appendix ‗F‘ list of contenders who participate in election 2013 and their number of votes.)

195

15. Biraderism becomes intensified in non-Party based elections.

Figure No.5.3. 15

Strongly Agree 16.00%

Agree 68.20%

Neutral 8.60%

Disagree 5.00%

Strongly Disagree 1.40%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00% 80.00%

15. Biraderism becomes intensified in non-party based elections.

The bar graph is presenting the illustration of the statement that biraderism becomes intensified in non-Party based elections and the data clearly indicates that 68.20% respondents are agreed with the argument raised. Around total 84%, respondents approved the statement. And about 8 % the third bar of the graph depicts the neutral respondents and approximately 6.4% refuted the statement. Whenever in the history of Pakistan elections were held under military regimes they were on the non-Party bases. Despite that, when civilian governments also support the local level elections the outcomes would be the same. In these elections the contenders have no any agenda, no any policy to attract the people rather than to support the ruler. So there is only one option remains at the credited potentials of the contender to use their riches and raise the biraderi prejudices and allure the voters. That‘s why in non-Party bases elections are ostensibly surged with biraderism. Previous studies on election politics also support this phenomenon, i.e. Wilder, Waseem, Tahir. The results of this data set also predict that non-Party based elections are flared the biraderi politics in the locales of District Toba Tek Singh. Even the biraderies mutually decided on the majority biraderi area and the minority of the other will support, and in turn, they support the other in the same way.

196

16. In Martial law rules, Biraderism has been promoted extensively in Toba

Tek Singh.

Figure No.5.3. 16

Strongly Agree 13.60%

Agree 73.60%

Neutral 7.30%

Disagree 4.50%

Strongly Disagree 0.90%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00% 80.00%

16. In Martial law rules, Biraderism has been promoted extensively in Toba Tek Singh.

This figure shows the visual description of the statement that in Martial law rules, biraderism has been promoted extensively in Toba Tek Singh and data which evidently specifies from the bar chart that around 87% askers is in favour of the argument and agreed that in Martial law rules, Biraderism has been promoted extensively in Toba Tek Singh. The 7% are neutral and about 5% reject the statement and 0.9% respondents selected the 5th strongly disagreed option of the argument as they are not in favour of this statement.

This question statement correlates with the previous one as the non- party- based elections were held in Martial Law regimes in the political history of Pakistan. During Ayub, Zia and Musharraf‘s martial regimes the elections held on single party bases that support the Martial Law dictators. These parties have no any manifestos for people. That single party is also patronised by the dictator so the contestants promote biraderism to win. The results reveal the effectiveness of the district Toba Tek Singh that during Martial Laws the phenomenon of biraderi politics intensified.

197

17. People vote on biraderies affiliations that may cause political, economic and social corruption in society. Figure No. 5.3. 17

Strongly Agree 21.80%

Agree 52.70%

Neutral 17.30%

Disagree 6.80%

Strongly Disagree 1.40%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00%

17. People vote on biraderies affiliations that may cause political, economic and social corruption in society.

The graphical depiction portrays the visual explanation of the question statement ―People vote on biraderies affiliations that may cause political, economic and social corruption in society‖ the depiction visibly points out that 52.70% respondent is agreed with the statement. 21% acknowledged firmly the statement and around 8% declined the statement that biraderism does not cause any kind of corruption. While there are 17 % respondents riposte their opinion in the neutral category and 6.8 % respondents selected disagreed option and 1.4% respondents selected the strongly disagreed option of the argument as they are not in favour of this statement. The strong cohesion and solidarity in the biraderi system lead towards corruption and venality. It can be divided into two dimensions; one is the part of the elected biraderi as being a powerful politician and second at the part of the demands of the voters who elected him. From first the first dimension the elected biraderi member wants to sustain his position along with becoming more powerful both for prestige and economic domination too, and second to satisfy the aspirations of the voters he uses his domination, authority to influence the state institutions so that to gratify the voters in order to re-elect by getting their support again in the next

198

elections and sustain his fame. Whereas after electing most of the members to desire more political and economic authority and hence misuses their powers not only for their self-interest but to resolve the matters legal or illegality of the voters they use their influence to satisfy them. They recruit their favourite persons in government institutions and hence benefited from them.

18. Politicians used their biraderi titles in elections to gain maximum votes.

Figure No. 5.3. 18

Strongly Agree 18.60%

Agree 48.60%

Neutral 21.40%

Disagree 9.50%

Strongly Disagree 1.80%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00%

Politicians used their biraderi titles in elections to gain maximum votes.

The above graphical picture elaborates the data vividly that 48.60% respondents agree with the assumption. 18 .6% are confirmed about their opinion and 21% are calmed and remained neutral as having no opinion. Whereas about 11% denied the assumption that contenders do not use their biraderi names to entice the masses to vote them in elections. The bar graph depicts that contenders also used their biraderi titles to allure the voters. Brand names are used for their full names, for example, Mian Nur Allah Arain used with his name the biraderi title in 1946 elections sees in chapter four the election results table 4.5. Sayed always attaches their biraderi‘s brand name with after or before their actual name same is done by Gadhies, Kharral, Dogers, Gujjars, and Fityana etc. So it is also a tactic to attract the voters in elections and it is also the psyche of the voters that they want to vote those to whom they are familiar earlier.

199

The same is then seen at national or provincial level politics where this brand name is fully utilized. The name of Bhutto family has a great effect on the minds of masses that‘s why after the death of Benazir Bhutto, Bilawal Zardari used the surname of Bhutto after his name and also become the successor of the Bhutto family.

19. The involvement of Biraderism in local level (bodies) elections is affecting the process of democratization. Figure No.5.3. 19

Strongly Agree 25.90%

Agree 57.30%

Neutral 10.00%

Disagree 5.00%

Strongly Disagree 1.80%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00%

19. The involvement of Biraderies in local level (bodies) elections is affceting the process of democratization.

The above illustration of graphical picture presents the visual description of the argument that ―the involvement of biraderism in local bodies elections is affecting the process of democratization. The bar graph clearly indicates that 57.30% respondents have been agreed with the argument about 26% are firm about the engrossment of biraderies at local bodies elections is affecting the democratic roadmap. Around 7% respondents have rebuffed the statement that biraderies are not affecting the democratization process. 10% are neutral in their point of view they neither accepted nor refused about the phenomenon. As the involvement of biraderies in local bodies elections is the main impediment in the consolidation of the democracy in the state. People agreed with the proposition as the voters are being dictated through biraderi politics and they are not able to come forward and vote on their own choice. As the emancipation powers of the individuals are kept by biraderism and sturdy cohesion within biraderies.

200

20. Biraderi should not be considered in voting if you feel there is a need to promote democracy.

Figure No.5.3. 20

Strongly Agree 26.40%

Agree 58.60%

Neutral 7.70%

Disagree 5.00%

Strongly Disagree 2.30%

0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00%

20. Biraderi should not be considered in voting if you feel there is a need to promote democracy.

The above bar chart helps in the visual description of the responses of the statement that “ biraderi bound should not be considered in voting if you feel there is a need to promote democracy‖ which evidently points out that 58.6 % respondent is agreed with the argument. 26% have strongly approved the statement and about 8% are neutral in this regard and 7 % respondents refuted the assumption that biraderi is contributing to the promotion of democracy as biraderies are filling the vacuum that is created by the political parties in the political dispensation. It is interesting that people knew and admitted that biraderies should not prefer in elections to promote the democracy, but even though people blindly follow their biraderies and seek shelter and asylum from their respective biraderies for their insecurities and lack of confidence and emancipation powers.

201

5.4 Part No. B Social Dynamics of Biraderi Politics

This part is about the social dynamics of the biraderi politics that how do the social dynamics are affecting the process of democratization? What is the attitude or point of view of the people and does the phenomenon under research dictate them in socio –cultural norms. What are the social constraints that do not allow people to go with their own choice? Because of the family in a broader sense, biraderi or clan a vast networking of families as explained earlier in the first chapter is the foremost and primary source of political socialising agent. Which gives awareness to the individuals about their loyalties, prejudices, obediences status quo, identities, affiliations and cultural norms, etc. and as well as set the political norms for them.

Thus the questions were asked in a manner to check to what extent the respondents are agreed or disagreed with the statement of the question.

To check the validity of the questionnaire Alpha reliability test is run that shows in the below table that it is a highly valid and reliable as α is 0.78 that is quite near to reliability requirement the 0.80

.α Reliability of the Data;

Scale K α M(SD)

Social Dynamics 20 .78 77.42 (7.3)

In this regard, the following table examines the statement that the caste based biraderi system, is the primary element in the construct of the society or not.314

314 All statements are asked to the respondents in the perspective of District Toba Tek Singh that what‘s in their opinion regarding the statements in Toba Tek Singh.

202

1. Caste, creed and biraderi system is a basic element of the society.

Figure No. 5.4. 1

70.00% 61.40% 60.00%

50.00%

40.00% 1. Caste, creed and 30.00% biraderi system is a basic element of the society. 20.00% 17.30% 12.30% 10.00% 6.80% 2.30% 0.00% Stongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly disagree agree

The graph depicts the responses of the respondents and approximately 78% endorsed this statement by opting to agree and strongly agree on the category. The line graph shows that 12.3 % replies are neutral, whereas 9% respondents rejected the question statement and 2.3 % totally rejected means strongly disagree with this opinion, whereas 6.8% is not agreed. In fact, nobody denies that social set-up is not constructed on the basis of caste, creed and biraderi discriminations as it is an innate recognition which the members of the society acquired by their birth. Basically biraderi in District Toba Tek Singh is an identifying sign/mark which is predominantly ruled over the lives of the members of the society. They are bound to follow its discourse in all walks of life as described in previous chapters.

203

2. The orientation of Biraderi system plays a guardian role in individual‟s life.

Basically, in the social system, the roots of biraderism are defused thus one cannot ever think to go away from the resilient features of biraderism. Because it gives the individual a sense of security in a society that is why it the biraderi is playing a guardian role. In this respect the findings of the data are as below; Figure No. 5.4. 2

80.00%

70.00% 66.80%

60.00%

50.00%

40.00% 2. Orientation of Biraderi system plays a guardian role 30.00% in individual‘s life.

20.00% 14.50% 9.50% 10.00% 3.60% 5.50% 0.00% Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly disagree Agree

The above line graph shows the pictorial description of the argument “Orientation of biraderi system plays a guardian role in an individual‟s life” and the line chart shows that the highest points of agreed responses are about 66.8 %. That means more than 75 % people follow biraderies‟ orientation and admit that biraderi is the godparent of individuals. 9.5% respond in neutral option and overall, 9.1% do not agree with this statement.

Thus, it is clear that approximately 75% respondents agree that biraderism is very strongly induced in an individual‘s life as it is playing a guardian role which provides shelter to its members, that care and protects them. This statement has a strong relationship with the previous statement that social system is erected on this ethnic identity the biraderi dialect. The biraderi system has oriented individual‘s life by performing his / her defender and custodian duties. From birth to death the biraderi system dictates individual how to lead his/ her life. So there is very little margin for

204

the members of biraderi to think beyond the customs, traditions, and norms of biraderi alignment.

3. The Social status of an individual is determined by his/her Biraderi identification to which he/she belongs. This question is about the social status of the individuals that how they are determined in a society either the name of biraderi is setting their statuses? In this regard the responses are as follows in the table below;

Figure No.5.4. 3

70.00% 65.00%

60.00%

50.00%

40.00% 3. Social status of an 30.00% individual is determined by his/her Biraderi 20.00% 16.40% 10.00% 10.00% 6.50% 2.30% 0.00% Strogly Disagree Neutral Agree Strogly Disagree agree

The above figure illustrates the visual depiction of the findings. Thus, it is apparent from the data set that 65 % respondents give acceptance to the statement that the social status of the individual is judged by his / her biraderi recognition the family name, i.e. Arain, Jatt, Sayeds etc. Cumulatively, 75 % give their assent to the statement that biraderi is an identity marker in society regarding social status of the individual. The honour, respect and nobility or disrespect that a person gains in society, is on the basis of his belonging to his respective biraderi recognition in society. There are 10% respondents are neutral and 8.7% have not agreed with the statement. It depicts there are a very minimum number of people who do not believe on biraderi based status rather they are given worth to character building.

205

It means that higher and lower strata of society are recognised by their biraderi identification. The society has divided the biraderies into ranks for example ―Martial Races‖ are considered the higher biraderies menial biraderies are called from their occupations. It clearly shows that respondents were chosen the agree on option of the statement, that people are identified by their biraderi names, like Jatt, Arain, etc. is agriculturalists, whereas Sayed is religiously sacred biraderi, Lohar (Black Smith), Tarkhan (Carpenter), Mochi (Cobbler), Nai (Barber) the artisan biraderies rather by their character or nobility.

Consequently, it is evident that to judge the social status of any person then his/ her biraderi identification gives him a certificate about his/ her social status to which he/she belongs to. The detail is given in the third chapter about these biraderies and their stratification. The biraderi system is erected on the economy. The biraderies are identified by their economic class.

4. Family lineage creates a sense of prejudice among the individuals of the highest biraderies. Figure No5.4. 4

80.00% 70.00% 66.80% 60.00% 50.00% 40.00% Family Lineage creates sense of prejudice among 30.00% the individuals of higher biraderies. 20.00% 14.50% 9.50% 10.00% 7.30% 1.80% 0.00% Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly disagree agree

The above graph line illustrates that feeling of superiority is created by the affinity of family lineage. This fig postulates that approximately 66.8 % respondents give acceptance to the assumption that belongs to a high family descent create prejudice sentiments in the individuals about their higher biraderies. For example belongs to the higher biraderies like Sayed, Rajpute Beloch, Kharral, Arain, Jatt, etc. is an honourable identity credit for the individuals in society. Also already mentioned in

206

chapter three about the superiority of the biraderies. It creates a sense of superiority in the individuals. Whereas 7.3 % do not agree with this opinion and 1.8 % strongly not agree with it. 9.5 % respondents are neutral it means that not agree nor disagree with the statement. Actually, the strong belongings‘ feeling to the biraderies creates rifts and discriminations among society. Higher ranked biraderies dishonour the lower menial biraderies and consider them inferior. The figure shows that most respondents agree with the statement and give acceptance that the affiliation of higher biraderi creates a sense of prejudice and honour. In this respect, the social set is based on discriminations, inequalities. The sentiments of being higher and being lower or inferior create the domination and subjugation in social set up. That ultimately do not contribute to the democratic values.

5. Major Biraderies is dominating due to their higher status in the society.

Figure.No.5.4. 5

70.00% 61.40% 60.00%

50.00%

40.00% 5. Major Biraderies are 30.00% dominating due to their 20.50% higher status in the society. 20.00% 9.50% 10.00% 7.30% 1.40% 0.00% Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly disagre agree

The above picture presents the visual depiction of the responses and intensity of the statement that the notion is very well accepted by the majority of respondents that higher or superior biraderies are influential in social set up.

The above figure illustrates that in district Toba Tek Singh major biraderies are at domineering ends as their status is higher and renowned in the society. 61.4 % respondents are agreed with the statement and 20.5 % are strongly agreed. Here 7.3 %

207

are neutral responses and approximately 11 % are not agreed, whereas 1.4 % are strongly disagreed and rejected this is not so.

The line graph shows that how effective is the statement that major biraderies are the most prestigious class in the society and this feature qualifying them to enjoy an influencing role. The major biraderies are those who are bigger in number and in affluence (those who have the privileged circumstances) along with their biraderi identification. The data set in the table shows that about 81% agree with it that domination is conditioned by those, who are renowned also.

6. Biraderies are recognized by their occupations.

Figure No.5.3. 6

70.00%

60.00%

50.00%

40.00% 6. Biraderies are recognized 30.00% by their occupations. 20.00%

10.00%

0.00% Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly disagree agree

This line graph presents the visual elaboration of the findings of the question statement. It clearly indicates that agreed responses are greater in the results of the data with 62.3% responding that biraderies are recognized by their professions. 14.5% are strongly agreed, whereas about cumulatively 6.3% are not agreed 16.80% are neutral in this argument that did not comment or responded.

The graph shows to what extent the effectiveness of the statement is. There is a very low figure of those who do not go with this opinion, whereas more than 68% respondents agree with the statement that people do recognise the biraderi identification by their professions to which they are belonging to. The biraderi identification and occupation have a correlation. Ibbotson in his classical work

208

discusses both in detail.315 This situation still prevails that in society biraderies are identified by their occupations. That obviously leads towards fragmentation. That kind of recognition develops a class structure in societal setup. The recognition on occupations definitely grabs their preferences, free will, liberating powers from lower strata of society.

7. Biraderi system carves out the social structure of society.

Figure No.5.4. 7

70.00% 61.40% 60.00%

50.00%

40.00% 7. Biraderi system carves 30.00% out the social structure of 18.20% society 20.00% 11.80% 10.00% 5.90% 2.70% 0.00% Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly Disagree Agree

The line graph portrays to what extent does biraderi system is affecting in making the social structure of the society. The five category responses stand as; 61.4 % respondents are agreed and about 12 % are strongly agreed that biraderi system builds up the contours of social setup, whereas 18.2 % are silent and reserved their comments and opted the neutral option. 5.9 % are not agreed and 2.7 % are strongly disagreed. Overall result shows that biraderi system has constructed the social system. The figure shows the opinion of the respondents that graph is higher of the agreed option of this argument as they do believe that the construction of societal avenue is on a biraderi system that does not let its members liberate in decision making. It means that the whole edifice of societal setup is erected on biraderi treatise.Actually, the biraderi system rules over society. This situation denotes that this system of

315 Denzil Ibbettson , The Punjab Castes.1-27

209

biraderies restricts individualism and do not empower him and give him emancipation power to decide his preferences. 8. Biraderi system has created discriminations among biraderies in society.

Figure No.5.4. 8

70.00% 60.50% 60.00%

50.00%

40.00% Biraderi system has created 30.00% discriminations among 19.50% biraderies in society. 20.00% 13.60% 10.00% 3.60% 2.70% 0.00% Strogly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly disagre agree

The above figure presents the graphical depiction of the opinion that “Biraderi system has created discriminations among biraderies in society” the results indicate that about 60.5 % reporting units of sample have given their assent to the statement that Biraderism segregated the society into different fragments and creates inequalities, intolerances, prejudices, and complexes that are eroding the democratic norms in the social set up and leads it towards polarisation. Cumulatively, 6.4 % are not in favour of the argument and 13.6 % have responded in a neutral manner that they are not in favour and neither against the statement

The overall depiction shows that respondents are agreed that biraderism has created a rift among the biraderies of the social setup and obstruct the cohesiveness and assimilation values to prone in a society that is striving for democratisation. Actually, this cohesiveness within biraderies does not let them free and makes them assimilate other biraderies. That definitely segregates the society and escorts it towards power politics that is a threat to the democratic system.

210

9. Male has a domineering position in the biraderies.

Figure.No.5.4.9

60.00% 56.80%

50.00%

40.00%

30.00% 9. Male has domineering 19.10% position in the biraderies. 20.00% 16.80%

10.00% 2.70% 4.50% 0.00% Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly disagree agree

This graphical sketch presents the explanation of the data which specifies that with 56.8 % agreed on responses rated high as compare to the rest. They are of the view that males are in a domineering position in the biraderies. 19 % have strongly agreed with the statement. Around 7 % strongly disagree and disagree responses are in the view that this is not a seen phenomenon in District Toba Tek Singh. Actually, in a male dominating society the discourse of biraderi system is governed by the male chauvinism.

Patriarchy rules in Eastern societies and the same are in the case of district Toba Tek Singh, that‘s why the results of ―ANOVA test of Gender‖ depicted in the first part of this chapter no significant difference in all three subparts results of BPQ. This is meant that the thinking of females is hampered the same as the thought of the males.

In the Punjabi society, female consists of 52 %, but they are subjugated by their male partners or guardians who are enjoying a free and powerful status in biraderies. The table displays that a considerable number of responses are in favour of the statement that Biraderi system has made the males powerful in biraderi politics.

211

The domineering of a male in whole social set-up subjugates the free will of the female population. The authoritarian role of males dictates females and snubs them to take their own decisions. The whole political system is representing a minority. In comparative urbanised cities like Lahore, this male chauvinism deteriorates. But in district Toba Tek Singh due agriculture and rural bases this phenomenon still rule over society.

10. Landed biraderies are powerful in society.

Figure No.5.4. 10

70.00% 60.50% 60.00%

50.00%

40.00%

30.00% 10. Landed biraderies are 20.00% powerful in society. 20.00% 12.30% 10.00% 3.20% 4.10% 0.00% Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly Disagree agree

This graphical drawing is offering the explanation of the data which specifies that with 60.50 % agreed responses esteemed higher than others in giving judgment that power rests in land holdings of the biraderies. As well as 20 % have also strongly agreed with the statement. According to the cumulative percentage, 7.3 % disagree that this is not the situation in Toba Tek Singh, however, 12.3 % respondents ‗view‘ is neutral as they were undecided whether agree or disagree with the stance. It is pertinent to explain here that only landed biraderies become powerful and hence does not give any space to lower or small biraderies rather dictate them according to their own interests. Overall responses are in favour of the statement that land owning biraderies are strong in social set up. Land played a manoeuvring role since the colonial period till now in empowering the biraderies. The chapter 4 reveals that mostly land owning biraderies are contesting in elections and by becoming in

212

politics these biraderies become at the prevalent side in society. They even use their economic position for further gains. 11. Religiously sacred Biraderies (Pir, Sajjada Nashien , etc.) are very domineering in society. Figure No. 5.4. 11

70.00% 59.10% 60.00%

50.00%

40.00% 11. Religiously sacred 30.00% Biraderies (Pir, Sajjada 23.20% Nashien , etc.) are very 20.00% domineering in society. 12.30% 10.00% 5.00% 0.50% 0.00% Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly disagree agree

This graph line is offering the explanation of the data which specifies that with 59% agreed responses valued high and has given their consent to the statement that religiously sacred biraderies (Pir, Sajjada Nashien, etc.), are very dominating position in society. 23.2 % are strongly agreed and 12.3 % are neutral in their views. Religion is a very strong factor that may exert its influence upon its followers and hence it has also the power of inspiration to govern over its devotees. The British knew this fact very well, that‘s why they sponsored these religious figures of society to gain its vested interest and that dynamic is still prevailing in the society. In chapter 4 of this research, the election results show that Sayeds in Kamalia the religious sacred biraderi approximately has won in all elections due to its sanctity and in the name of the family. Only 5 % are against the argument and not agree with the statement. The above graph shows the respondents‘ views and effectiveness of the argument that presents about 82 % respondents have agreed with this statement that religiously sacred biraderies are enjoying domination as people respect and honour them due to their sanctity and piety. There is another aspect that people do want those who are renowned and have a religious background to lead as they trust them.

213

Pragmatically the conspicuous aspect of the Islam in this region has the significant influence, especially Sufism merged with the lives of the villagers.316 The Pirs and Gadi Nashien (Successors of the Pirs) also worked and served as mediators of the colonial Raj. They had dual power one was the force of their followers and second was the support of the colonial power. This status is still enjoyed by them. Hamza Alavi rightly called this overdeveloped institution. So these religious based holy biraderies do have dominance on their part and restrict the emancipation powers of individuals as they blindly follow them and respect their words. The respondent's riposte in favour of the assumption of the questionnaire.

12. Lower Biraderies role in society is marginalized by major biraderies’ domination. Figure No.5.4. 12

70.00% 65.00%

60.00%

50.00%

40.00% 12. Lower Biraderies role in 30.00% society is marginalized by major biraderies’ domination. 20.00% 14.50% 13.60% 10.00% 5.00% 1.80% 0.00% Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly disagree agree

The above figure depicts the visual picture of the respondents regarding five options of the statement that lower biraderies role in society is marginalized by major biraderies‟ domination. It is obvious that responses in agreeing category scored higher at 65% that lower biraderies role in society is reduced and sidelined due to the directing role of major biraderies. Along with that 13.6% have strongly agreed with this argument. Whereas 14.5% have responded in neutral option. About 6.8% cumulatively disagreed with the statement.

316 Ian Talbot, Tarikh-e-Punjab, Urdu Translation by Tahir Kamran,(Lahore: Takhliqat, 2006), 35

214

Hence, the results show that around 78% of the respondents were agreed that the role of the stronghold of higher biraderies in society has confined a despondent role of lower biraderies. This shows the high effectiveness of the argument that the efficacy of the role of lower biraderies is very low due to subjugating power of major biraderies. This is a specification of countryside the rural areas where the almost everyone knows about others and the head of the village the Chuhderi gives the directions who is at the same time a conflict resolver the chief of ‗Punchayte‘, head of the village and revenue collector too. He is the member of renowned biraderi his directions followed. This is also shown by the ANOVA test of rural-urban areas that the intensity of the social dynamics is seen more in rural areas as compared to urban areas.

13. Biraderi system defines the culture of social setup.

Figure No.5.4. 13

60.00% 56.40%

50.00%

40.00%

30.00% 13. Biraderi system 19.10% defines the culture of 20.00% 14.50% social setup. 8.20% 10.00% 1.80% 0.00% Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly Disagree agree

This bar graph shows the explanation of the opinion that ―Biraderi system defines the cultural lines of social setup” which stipulates that with 56.4 % agreed responses rated higher than others that are endorsed, it is true that cultural alignment is set by the biraderi system. Biraderi politics cover all social nodes of its member‘s life activities. 14.5% respondents were given their consent to the neutral category as they were not agreed either disagreed with the statement. Around 10% respondents were not agreed with the argument.

On the whole, the result defines that the biraderi system also carves out the cultural norms and customs and obviously these norms and customs are supporting

215

the biraderism in society, thus the self-projected and self-entrenched phenomenon is creeping in the social setup that is shaping the culture. Overall result explains that about 75% respondents are agreed that biraderi system carves out the lines of social culture.

This graph shows the effectiveness of the biraderi system that it shapes out the cultural norms and contours of the society. During the colonial Raj, the social institution Biraderi played a pivotal role by the British and they discouraged the religion based sectarianism that‘s why they highlight biraderi alignment.317 No doubt it is a prehistoric institution, but it got its present status in colonial Raj and it still persists as shown in the line graph. Thus, biraderi is the main institution that provides the socio-cultural edifices of society.

14. Biraderi organizations are projecting and promoting biraderies in society.

Figure No.5.4. 14

70.00% 60.00% 60.00%

50.00%

40.00% 14. Biraderi organizations 30.00% are projecting and promoting biraderies in 17.30% 20.00% 15.90% society. 10.00% 5.50% 1.40% 0.00% Strongly Diagree Neutral Agree Strongly Disagree agree

This above line graph highlights the optical description of the data which specifies that with 60% agreed, responses rated higher than others, with the statement that biraderi organizations are projecting and promoting biraderies in society and 17.3% are strongly agreed. 15.9% are neutral responses, however, 5.5% are disagreeing with the statement and 1.4% are strongly disagreeing and

317 Ibid,31

216

according to their point of view, the biraderi organizations are not promoting biraderism in society.

Whereas the whole result in this argument describes that about 77% respondents are agreed that biraderi organization is contributing to the phenomenon of biraderism. There are different organisations and associations of different biraderies as described in the previous chapter 4. Actually, these organisations are to build to defend its respective biraderies‟ interests. These associations of biraderies help in solving the domestic problems

15. Biraderism does not allow people to abort themselves from its mesmeric force (the customary laws) in society. No. 5.4. 15

60.00% 56.40%

50.00%

40.00% Biraderism does not allow 30.00% people to abort them selves 19.10% 20.00% 15.90% from its mesmeric force(the Customary Laws)in society. 10.00% 6.40% 2.30% 0.00% Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly Disagree agree

The figure illustrates the graphical position of the statement that organizations of biraderies are promoting biraderism and maximum views are fallen in category number 4 the ‗agree‘ option in comparing with the rest of the options. The graph highlights that the most of the respondents have agreed with the claim that in the social set up biraderism does not let the people free from its clutches of customary law which is the interpretation of biraderism. In this figure, the results show that 56.4% respondents accept that Biraderism does not allow people to separate themselves from its mesmeric force (the customary laws) in society and 19.1% strongly agreed with this statement. About 8.6 % responses cumulatively not agree with their views. 2.3% negatively respond that they strongly disagree whereas 6.4% simply negated and respond to ‗disagree‘ option and approximately 16% respondents responded impartially and chose the neutral option.

217

Actually, the customary laws have a great force of gravity that attracts its members. Nobody wants to get rid of biraderism as they feel secure by following its discourse. To obey the laws, norms and rituals of the biraderies are an innate phenomenon of the members of biraderies that they pass on generations to generations. Every biraderi wants to confine to its set of norms because as the previous questionnaire statement, endorsed that biraderi is playing a guardian role that supports its members in economic, social and as well in the political sphere too, so the attraction or the mesmeric force is this requirement that is fulfilled by biraderies weather it is small/ menial biraderi or it is a major prominent biraderi. That is the binding and cohesive force which has gravity to pull its members to abide by its norms. The absence of the state‘s role in providing such basic necessities of its citizens forces them to rely on biraderism. 16. Social behaviours of individuals are controlled by the Biraderi system.

Figure No.5.4. 16

70.00% 62.30% 60.00%

50.00%

40.00% 16. Social behaviours of 30.00% individuals are controlled by Biraderi system. 20.00% 15.50% 11.80% 8.20% 10.00% 2.30% 0.00% Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly disagree agree

The above graph presents the tendency of the individuals as most of the respondents have agreed with the argument that social attitudes of the individuals are harmonized with the biraderi patterns. Approximately 77 % have agreed with the statement that the behaviours of individuals are controlled by their respective biraderies. There are 10.5 % respondents that are against the argument, whereas around 12 % respondents are neutral in their views.

218

The main concern over here to get the consent after getting from a previous debate on data set percentage findings either the respondent really believed or not believed that the social attitudes and behaviours are the reflection of the biraderi thesis? According to the previous findings, it can be inferred that when biraderi is regulating the whole socio-cultural structures and functions, then obviously the social behaviours are also regulated by the biraderi politics and hence the individual is apprehended by the biraderi system. More than a third fourth of the respondents support this argument.

17. Dominating role of biraderies creates the dependence of individuals on their respective biraderies as it covers their all problems in the society

Figure No.5.3. 17

70.00% 58.60% 60.00%

50.00%

40.00%

30.00% 21.40% 20.00% 17. Dominating role of 11.80% biraderies creates the 6.80% 10.00% dependence of individuals 1.40% on their respective 0.00% biraderies as it covers their Storngly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly all problems in the society Disagree agree

The graph presents the illustration of the results of the argument that 80% trends of the respondents are agreed and in their opinion, the people rested upon their biraderies for seeking help for their problems.

This figure portrays the inclination of the respondents towards the argument that individuals rely on their biraderies to get shelter for the solutions of their personal problems due to dominating role is played by the biraderies as they provide protection and support to the individuals. In summary, 80% respondents agree with the argument and overall 8% responses fell in disagreed option. 11.8% respondents keep themselves impartial regarding the statement. It is pragmatic that the malfunctioning of the state institutions pushed the individual to rely on their

219

respective biraderies. The economic insecurity is the main hurdle that does not let to break this cohesive force of the biraderi system. Not even the economic insecurities, but also socio- political uncertainties make the individual prey of biraderism.

18. Biraderi system does not allow for bringing change in society.

Figure No.5.4. 18

70.00% 60.90% 60.00%

50.00%

40.00% 18. Biraderi system does 30.00% not allow for bringing change in society. 20.00% 16.80% 15.90%

10.00% 2.30% 4.10% 0.00% Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly disagree agree

The line graph shows the illustration of the responses and it presents a clear picture that respondents have given their consent to the agreed option to the statement.The figure offers the picture of the results of the statement that biraderi system does not allow to bring change in society. In this regard among the 220 respondents, about 60% are agreed and 15.9% are strongly agreed that the rigidity of the biraderi system does not permit the change to come in social setup. 6.4%, approximately are against the argument. 17% let them apart from the argument and responded to the 3rd option neutral. The primitive system of biraderies does not let the people go against its set norms and values.

220

19. Education is contributing to mild the phenomenon of biraderism in the society.

Figure No.5.4. 19

70.00% 65.90%

60.00%

50.00%

40.00% 19. Education is 30.00% contributing to mild the 21.80% phenomenon of 20.00% biraderism in the society. 8.60% 10.00% 1.80% 1.80% 0.00% Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly disagree agree

The line graph portrays the visual results of the responses that maximum consents are fallen in agreed option. Then the second higher bar is off ‗strongly agree‘ persons of the questionnaire. Equal but opposing consents fell in the first and second category, ‗disagree‘ and ‗strongly disagree‘ options of the statement.

The above figure depicts that the percentiles of the respondent‘s views regarding the remedy of biraderism statement that education is playing its role to mild the manifestation of biraderism in social set up. The results are presented that around 87% responders are agreed on the option. 8.6% is given their option to neutral option, whereas 3.6% response come against the argument that education is not serving in eradicating the strong orientation of biraderism among the individuals. It is also obvious from the data findings that people do agree that education may contribute in minimising the biraderism but the finding of the ANOVA test of education provides reverse results that people admit but does not follow the teachings of equality, egalitarian system or norms that education is providing them.

221

20. Social behaviours of the biraderies are affecting the democratization process.

Figure No.5.4. 20

70.00% 65.90%

60.00%

50.00%

40.00% 20. Social behaviours of 30.00% the biraderies are affecting the democratization 20.00% 17.70% process. 12.30% 10.00% 1.80% 2.30% 0.00% Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly disagree agree

The upper line graph displays the image view of the results of the statement that agree option got a higher degree of opinions of the responders. Whereas in opposing the statement the line graph expresses the low line of responses fell into this category. There is another thing that is pertinent to mention that people do acknowledge the importance of the democracy and democratization but they are forced to abide the treatise of biraderism.

The last figure is the argument of the respondents that to what extent in their opinion the social behaviours of the biraderies are considered to be a key obstacle in the process of democratization? About 66 % the 2/3rd responses have supported the argument and 18 % strongly agreed with the stance. That means that on the whole more than 82 % are endorsing the statement that biraderi system creates inequalities, differences, and fissures in the social system that is moving towards polarization rather move on cohesion, solidarity or assimilations that are the requirements of the democratization. Around 2.3% response came against the argument, however, 12.3% responders responded in neutral option.

222

5.5 Part. C Economic Dynamics of Biraderi Politics

This part of the BPQ is constructed on the economic dynamics perspective of biraderi politics to explore whether an economic aspect of biraderies affects the process of democratization or not. How much economic condition of the individual effect on his /her freedom of choice? Inequality in the masses of the population can also be considered a huge effect on the road to democratization. The more the economic condition destabilises the more the corruption will prevail and the prevailing of corruption cause inequality in the society. That ultimately snatches the power of decision making from the individuals and dictates them in their preferences. Lipset318 and Acemoglu319 put emphasis on the economic aspect of democratization. It is true that the individual cannot evade from his dependency on this social institution of Biraderi

. There is a direct relationship between economy and biraderi based political decisions of an individual in the democratization process. The social structural formation the caste creed system is erected on the basis of the economy that generates different classes privileged and vanquished, landed elites and occupants, industrialists and labours etc. Robin Hahnel says about South Africa that is also fit in this area under study that ‗the community relations of apartheid created oppressor and oppressed racial community groups played the primary role in the social struggle to preserve or coup the status.‘320 In this regard, the allocation and distribution of resources on egalitarian basis is a pre-requisition for democratization. Hence this part investigates what kind of economic dynamics of biraderi politics effect on the democratization process.

318 Lipset, Seymour M. ―Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy,‖ American Political Science Review, (1959) 53, 69-105. 319 Acemoglu, Daron and Johnson, Simon and Robinson, James A. and Yared, Pierre, Income and Democracy? MIT Department of Economics Working Paper No. 05-05. (February ,2005 http:/dx.doi.org/10.2139 /ssrn.67506),. 1 320 Robin Hahnel, The ABCs of Political Economy; A modern Approach(New Dehli: Viva Books Pvt Ltd,2007),18

223

Following is the validity and reliability analysis of the ―Economic Dynamics of Biraderi Politics Questionnaire” that shows the Alpha value 0.78 is quite near to the 0.80 that shows it is a reliable and valid questionnaire which is required.

(α) Alpha Reliability of the Economic Dynamics questionnaire

Scale K Α M (SD)

Economic dynamics of Biraderi Politics 18 .79 70.64 (7.0)

1. Caste (Biraderi system) formation has been made on the basis of the economy.

Figure No.5.5. 1

Agree 66%

Strongly agree 19% Neutral 11%

Strongly Disagree disagree 2% 2% This is a visual depiction of the response data set of the question which vividly describes that agreed portion is higher than other data set in table no. 1 as the results are shown. It depicts the findings on the question to what extent the respondents have agreed with the statement that caste formation is built for economy. Among the 220 respondents, the 66% have agreed with the statement, and 18.6% are strongly agreed that social setup of the caste based biraderi system established on economic positions. 11.4% replies are in neutral responses. 1.8% respondents are strongly disagreed with the stance and 2.3% rejected and responded in disagree option. Ibbetson has done a

224

precise debate on this that the caste structure in Punjab is built on economic positions, hence it is required to investigate either existent times do the people still think it is so? The empirical investigation supports the argument and about 75 % endorsed it. Barni presents the concept of Ashraf (Superior) and Ajlaf (inferior) as described in chapter three. The construct of the Biraderi system is on the basis of the economic stability. The more the stable is the biraderi to more the rank higher of the biraderi name identification. 2. The behaviours of the biraderies relate to their economic positions.

Figure.No.5.5. 2

Strongly disagree Dis Agree Strongly agree 2% 8% Neutral 18% 6%

Agree 66%

The figure shows the pictorial data of responses that are clearly indicated in the behaviours of the biraderies relate to their economic positions in the society. The agreed responses are more in percentile than other remaining four options of the question, About 66% have covered the big pie area by the agreed responses that have gone with the statement, the attitudes of the biraderies are driven through its economic status. The blue pie is of the 18% respondents who have chosen the strongly agree opinion. 6 % the green area of pie graph is the respondents who are not sure about this stance, whereas 10.4%, approximately rejected and reply in disagree option.

There is no doubt the affluence and privileged circumstance effects on the attitudes and behaviours of society. The economic constancy gives the emancipation power, whereas if the situation reversed, then the individual deprived of his /her

225

empowerment capabilities he/she become dependent and then he is bound to obey to whom he is dependent. The one aspect of the biraderi politics is it exploit this situation and subjugate the choices of the people. 3. The financial position makes any biraderi superior or inferior. Figure No.5.5. 3

Strongly Agree Strongly disagree Disagree 12% 3% 8% Neutral 7%

Agree 70%

The graphical picture portrays the data findings of the responses to the statement that superior castes are superior due to their financial position in society. A big share of the pie holds by ‗agree‘ respondents about 70%. 12% are strongly agreed. The red share 8% is of not agreed opinion and 3% blue is represented strongly disagreed opinion. The 7% green share shows the neutral responses. On the whole 82% are endorsing the proposition.

Our social set up the norms and customs all are defused in the alignment of the biraderi system. Fundamentally, Biraderi system is erected on the occupations the modes of the earnings of the biraderies as described in the social dynamics of the BPQ. Thus the superiority is conditioned by the affluence and the higher strata of biraderi system maintain their economic positions to persist their superiority and nobility e.g. the landed biraderies, Arain Jatt, Kharral, Beloch, Sayeds, etc. On the other hand, the economic deprivation makes the biraderi inferior e.g., the menial castes Kamin, mirasi, Mashki, tenants etc.

226

4. Land holdings make the biraderies dominating in politics. Figure No.5.5. 4

Strongly Agree Strongly disagree Disagree 15% 2% 6% Neutral 8%

Agree 69%

This pie graph presents the visual interpretation of the data of the responses. The biggest share has consisted of agreed the 69%, 15% is to strongly agree and the green share is of neutral responses which comprise about 8%. Red is interpreting the 6% of not agreed responses and 2% blue is represents the strongly disagreed opinion.

The table is displaying the findings of the proposition of the respondents to what extent they agree with the opinion that domination in politics may be measured through the land holdings of the concerned biraderies. As there is a significant relationship between land and political domination since colonial history. Around 70% respondents are agreed, 15% respondents are strongly agreed and 1.8% strongly disagreed and 5.9 % has simply ―disagree‖ option of the proposition that domination in politics is not related to how big is the land area the biraderi held. However. 7.7% respondents are silent and opted neutral option. As the data on the land wise distribution of castes in chapter no. 4 exhibits and the results of the representation of the biraderies shown in election results that land has a significant factor to become the participant in the political arena. Here the importance of the land is more signified through the responses of the sample units.

227

5. Business* (trade, industry) plays a strong role in making the biraderies dominance in local level politics

Figure No. 5.5. 5

Strongly disagree Disagree 4% 5% Neutral 13% Strongly Agree 21%

Agree 57%

The pie graph shows the distribution of responses in slices of the pie and shows the effectiveness of the statement to what extent the respondents agree or not agree with it. 57% respondents are agreed that business like trade, industry (The big Businesses not the small ones) plays a strong role in making the biraderies predominant in local level politics. As then they become at the position where they can exploit or manoeuvre to have their interests. 21% is given assent to ‗strongly agree‘ option. 13 % replies are responding in neutral option. Around 10% have ‗disagree‘ responded that business is not making the biraderies dominance in the political dispensation. It is very pertinent to explore which kind of affluence is more important to become at influential positions. It is clear from the results that not only the lands but also there are other economic resources that can establish the biraderies dominance and they become the participant of the politics.

228

6. The land plays a main role in establishing the biraderies‟ dominance in T.T. Singh.

Figure No.5.5. 6

Strongly disagree Disagree 2% 8%

Strongly Agree 21% Neutral 12%

Agree 57%

Regarding the above-mentioned argument, the pie graph depicts a visual scenario of the responses of the argument; ―Land plays the main role in establishing the biraderies‘ power in T.T. Singh.‖ The agreed choice with 57% response has the biggest share in the pie graph. Then the strongly agreed option covers 21% share in the area of the graph. Then respectively 12% neutral 8 % disagree and 2% strongly disagree occupy the area.

This indicates that according to the respondent‘s point of view land is an imperative feature to become powerful. As described in the previous chapter. Being an agricultural district landowners believed that the honour, prestige, and supremacy remains as long as they have the lands so they believe that the land is theirs “Put Laaj” (Honour and prestige). According to Ian Talbot, the landholding is not the only mark of honour or respect rather it is a status of power.321

321 Talbot Ian, Opcit. 31

229

7. Landless biraderies cannot play a significant role in politics

Figure No.5.5. 7

Strongly Agree Strongly Disagree 14% disagree 5% 4% Neutral 12%

Agree 65%

The graph is shown the findings of five different responses to the question that land is playing a manoeuvring role in politics due to that landless biraderies cannot play their significant role in the political arena. The bigger sector of the pie shows the agreed responses of the 65% respondents with the assumption that without the land there is no significant participation in the politics of the biraderies, 14.5% are strongly agreed. 12.3% are neutral responses of the respondents as they have submitted this due to indecisiveness about the statement, whereas a segment of disagreeing responses is around 9% . On the whole, the previous five arguments identify that all kinds of economic riches do matter in establishing the power, honour and prestige and a higher status of biraderies. So it is inferred that the biraderies who have not all that kinds of affluence have no opportunities to take their decisions, whereas economic stability empowers the biraderies to take their decisions along with that they have the power to impose it.

230

8. Capital is more important for enhancing a biraderies’ dominance. Figure No.5.5. 8

Strongly disagree Disagree 2% 6%

Strongly Agree 18% Neutral 14%

Agree 60%

The effectiveness of the Capital in establishing the dominance of a biraderi is shown in the above graph that depicts a clear picture of the responses that are agreed with the assumption is higher than the rest of the others. The purple sector shows, the agree option opted by the respondents. The findings of the statement are shown in the figure as to what extent the respondents agree with the inevitable role of capital in the dominance of a biraderi. Data shows that 60% have agreed with the statement of the question, 17.7% are strongly agreed, 14.1% are neutral and around 8 % are disagreeing with the question. The results explain that around 78% respondents agreed with the statement that to enhance a dominance of a biraderi wealth or capital plays an indispensable role. On the whole, the previous five statements pinpoint that all kinds of economic riches do matter in establishing the power, honour and prestige and a higher status of biraderies. So it is inferred that the biraderies who have not all that kinds of affluence have no opportunities to take their decisions, whereas economic stability empowers the biraderies to take their decisions all social, economic and political.

231

9. Small farmers and peasant biraderies do not use their free will in local level politics. Figure No.5.5. 9

Strongly disagree Disagree 2% 5%

Strongly Agree 18% Neutral 13%

Agree 62%

Effectiveness of the notion The pie graph represents the pictorial illustration of the findings of the data. It is shown that the big sector is purple that depicts the 62% responses of the respondents agreed. The second highest is the strongly agreed category that is shown 18% answer in this option of the question that the small farmers and peasant biraderies do not use their free will in local level politics. Whereas 14 % are stood with neutral and around 7% respondents negate the argument and disagreed with the statement. On the whole majority of respondents, thinking is that small farmer follow the instructions of higher biraderies‟ decisions and in a corporate system, they have to follow them that is why they are not able to use their emancipation powers. The emancipation powers come with self-sustainability, self-contentment and self- sufficiency among most of these biraderies mostly they are short of capital and take support from higher biraderies. Ultimately the indebtedness forces them to follow the directives of the upper strata. This is the peculiar feature of the rural side area of Tob Tek Singh.

232

10. Artisan biraderies do not use their free will in local level politics rather they are subjugated by prominent biraderies.

Figure No. 5.5. 10

Strongly disagree Disagree 2% 4% Neutral 9% Strongly Agree 22%

Agree 63%

The graph shows the visual description of the responses in the statement that skilled worker biraderies like Jolaha (Wever), Mochai (cobbler), Nai (Barber). Lohar (blacksmith), etc. do not use their free will in local level politics rather they are subjugated by prominent biraderies in the area to whom they sell their skills. 63% clearly have the biggest share in the pie graph as well as 22.3% strongly agreed. In this argument, 2% responded against the argument and opted strongly disagree category. 3.6% respondents opted the disagree option. 9.1% respondents have selected the neutral option.

The majority of the people agreed with the supposition that in the rural areas that artisan biraderies have to serve to the superior ranked biraderies and they have not let to avail their free will in local bodies‘ elections as their free will is controlled by the local major biraderies.

233

11. Economically dominating biraderies used politics to regenerate economic resources for their biraderies.

Figure No. 5.5. 11

Strongly disagree Disagree 2% 2%

Strongly Agree Neutral 14% 15%

Agree 67%

This pie graph is a pictorial depiction of the responses of the assumption that economically dominating biraderies used politics to regenerate economic resources for their biraderies. It also supports them and facilitate them to the public sector offices and get them employed there. The pie graph shows that 67.3% responders tick the agreed option of the opinion. 13.6% was strongly agreed that financially strong biraderies used politics for rejuvenating economic assets for promoting their biraderies. 15% responders tick the neutral option of the statement. While summing up the both disagreed and strongly disagree category around 4% respondents ticks out these options as they do not agree with the statement. Basically, people do believe that to remain financially strong, biraderies, use the political power along with confidence and honour by using politics. This is a powerful source for sustaining financial positions of the major financially strong biraderies.

234

12. Economically dominant biraderies have a big role in state politics.

Figure No. 5.5. 12

Strongly disagree Disagree Strongly agree 1% 3% Neutral 13% 9%

Agree 74%

The figure portrays the results of the statement that economically dominant biraderies have a big role in the state politics. The responses in agreeing category come 73.6%, whereas 13.0 % replies in the strongly agreed category. Only 1.0% did not agree with the notion and 3 % select disagree option. In the neutral category, 9 % response is fallen who neither disagreed nor agreed with the statement. The following figure depicts the image of the results of the response. Actually, wealth signifies to contest an election in the political culture of Pakistan. A common man cannot take part in the election because the spending on election campaign is very costly. Even to get the party ticket is also related to the money that how much one can one fund to the political party. So, ultimately the economically dominating biraderies get a big share in politics.

235

13. Economically Powerful biraderies use their affluence and bribe district institutions i.e (Thana, tehsildar, patwari) for their vested interests.

Figure No. 5.5. 13

Strongly disagree Disagree 1% 6% Neutral 11% Strongly agree 17%

Agree 65%

The upper pie graph depicts the actual situation indicates about the responses of the proposition that ―economically powerful biraderies use their riches and may bribe district institutions, i.e. (Thana, tehsildar, patwari) for their vested interests.‖The respondents also endorsed this argument and about 82% are in favour of the assumption that financially strong biraderies utilized their financial positions and gain their vested interests by giving bribes to district institutions. There is 7% response that fall in both disagree and strongly disagree category. 10.5% respondents were answered in the neutral category.

It is said that power is corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely. All kinds of power can be misused. But as for the concern of the district Toba Tek Singh here it is reported that who have economic resource can secure their rights and those have not the economic resource cannot access the district institutions and cannot able to get justice in their life. Despite justice, economically privileged biraderies may manipulate these local institutions to have their benefits.

236

14. Dominating biraderies have links with authorities to attain their socio- political objectives. Figure No. 5.5. 14

strongly disagree Disagree 3% 6% Neutral 8% Strogly agree 20%

Agree 63%

This upper pie graph is a pictorial description of the responses of the proposition that economically powerful and dominating biraderies have links with authorities to attain their socio-political objectives. In this regard, the biggest share of the Pie is gone to agreed responses. The common people have no access to higher authorities so they face hindrance in seeking the justice. The figures postulate that 63.2% respondents agree with the statement 20% response comes to the category strongly agreed. Around 8% responders answers were in disagreed category. The 8.2% response falls in the neutral category in findings the results of the statement. This situation is predicted that with riches one can purchase everything that he wants in socio- political sphere. Economic stability brings confidence to do for their entirety, they can have approach state departments, they can manipulate district institutions they can buy justice through through their affluence. On the contrary, the person who is deprived can do nothing even he cannot able to use his free will. Economic stability and financial contentment empower the individual. But due to unequal distribution of resources caused subjugated society, where the majority is suppressed by a minority of affluent biraderies domination.

237

15. Unemployment has created dependency for individuals to be dependent on their respective biraderies.

Figure No. 5.5. 15

Strongly agree Disagree 21% 7% Neutral Stronglyy 11% disagree 2%

Agree 59%

This pie graph presents a visual depiction indicates the results about the opinion that unemployment has created dependency for individuals to be dependent on their respective biraderies. In this regard, 59% respondents choose ‗agree‘option that yes, it is so the increasing rate of unemployment makes the individual rely on his / her family or biraderi which support him in his worst financial condition so in reverse he supports his biraderi. 21% replies were dropped in the strongly agreed category. 11% replies came in neutral option, whereas around 9 % replies came in both strongly disagreed and disagreed category as in their point of view individual does not rely on his biraderi when he is unemployed and suffering from financial crises. It is vivid from the responses of the respondents that people do agree that economic soundness creates confidence, courage and give self- esteem in the individual and when he/she is dependent then the situation depraved. Here it is pertinent to mention that women‘s role is also victimized by male domination as they are not independent and self -sufficient and most of them relied on and dependent to their males either to their husbands or to the father, brother or any of guardian. So their thoughts are captured by their male counterparts. This dependency also is not permitted to take independent decisions both the unemployed persons and women.

238

16. Poorer Biraderies sell their votes for their personal interests to dominating biraderies in elections.

Figure No. 5.5 .16

Strongly disagree Disagree 1% 4%

Neutral Strongly agree 12% 24%

Agree 59%

The above graph postulates the results of the respondents to what extent they are agreed and not with the statement that poorer biraderies sell out their votes to the political parties or to the contestants of the elections due to their personal interests. In the pie graph, the big pie shows the 59% responses of agreed category. 24 % the blue one pie indicates the strongly agreed responses of the respondents. The deprivation and poverty play a big role in elections. The above graph depicts the views of the respondents that poorer biraderies due to their economic or personal benefits and interest sale their votes for the candidates of elections. The finding of this notion presents that 58.60% responses come to the ―agree‖ choice. And 24.5% response falls in strongly agreed choice. This depicts that around 83% respondents were in view that economically poorer biraderies sell their votes to the electioneer contestants. Views of 11.8% have no decision about the above mention stance and chose a neutral option. Around 5% responses were fallen in the negation of the statement as they were disagreeing with this opinion. The lower strata or the poorer biraderies of society due to not having enough for their livelihoods take that kind of immoral and unethical decisions and do not understand the worth of their vote rather they bargain with who give them a better price. So, they vote to that contender in elections who give high prices. There is

239

another situation too, that poorer biraderies are financially and socially backed by higher biraderies, so that they cast their votes in favour of the respective biraderies, in honour and respect, who help them in their social and economic problems. It is imperative to note here that this question statement was extracted by Factor Analysis but due to its importance over here it was included in Percentage Based Data Analysis. It is because the society which is intertwined with biraderism along with social, economic discriminations and a gap between privileged and non- privileged classes is very vast where this kind of bargain is not astonishing. Following is the graphical picture of this data sets finding; 17. People of Lower Biraderies change their biraderi identification if they become rich.

Figure No.5.5. 17

Strongly Disagree Disagree 2% 3%

Strongly agree Neutral 15% 26%

Agree 54%

The upper picture depicts the visual situation of the responses which clearly indicates that around 70% respondents are agreed with the statement. As it is the phenomenon in the district Toba Tek Singh and people have a thought that they are marginalised in society and the implications of the terms reverence, respect, and honour esteem are the words that are only in the jurisdiction of high profile biraderies. The purple and blue colours of the pie indicate the responses of agreed option.

This graphic picture shows the respondent‘s opinion about the proposition that people of lower Biraderies have changed their biraderi identification if they manage to become rich. About 55% respondents were agreed with the given notion and 25.5% were strongly agreed that members of lower biraderies want to

240

become rich which is the basic instinct of every human being but if they manage with some effort to become wealthier, then they apart themselves from their original caste or biraderi and adopted new one that has gained respect, reverence, and prestige in society that ultimately has the major biraderies. About 15.5% responders have chosen the neutral option as they are indecisive about the statement. Approximately in disagree and strongly disagree option, + 4.5% respondents against this point of view that it is not so, lower biraderies do not change their biraderi identification. Ibbotson highlights this point in Punjab Castes that small farmers and tenants do so if they get the profit they change the castes. 322

Actually, it is human nature that he is recognised to be an honourable person in society, those who have conscious of this self- esteem they do struggle and come forward and want to change their setup. But on the other hand, the complexes of inferiorities and marginalisation make the people do so. The ignorance is a big hurdle to pulling these people up with their self- respect and self-esteem along with their identification. 18. Economically dominant biraderies are affecting the process of democratization. Figure No.5.5. 18

Strongly Disagree disagree 1% Neutral 2% 11% Strongly agree 35%

Agree 51%

The picture vividly highlights the responses of respondents that cumulatively, 86% admitted the statement and around 3% are shown against the proposition 11% have no

322 Ibbetson Denzil, Punjab castes, P 1-27

241

idea about it. This table presents the respondent‘s views about the statement that economically dominant biraderies are affecting the process of democratization. 51% respondents agreed with the option and 34.5% were strongly agreed that it is the main cause which is not permitted the democracy to be boosted up. 2.3% respondents having the point of view that it is not a hurdle in the process of democratization and responded in strongly disagree option about the statement 1.4% responders were not agreed. About 11% responded in neutral option as they are indecisive about the statement. But it is evident from the results that most of the respondents know that the economic domination is due to unequal distribution of resources. People do not get social, political and economic rights in those societies where disparities and inequalities prevail. The societies where there are economic opportunities are not equally given and profits of the economic activities have not gone to those who have the right. The per capita income of the individual is also not enough rather a huge disproportion is witnessed. The minority of the populaces the landed aristocrats or the business tycoon biraderies are enjoying the authority in the social and political setting. Whereas the majority is suppressed by deprivation and exploitations in socioeconomic and political spheres and hence do not become the participant and streamlined in the democratization process. These economic disparities affect the process. The poorer and suppress biraderies get benefited from higher strata rather by benefiting from the state‘s structural-functional institutions. The role of the state institutions is absent, they are also seized by the biraderi politics. Those who have the links along with biraderi prejudices they may solve their all kinds problems. Even the urbanization does not impact on this as shown in the ANOVA Test of rural and urban Areas. Thinking of both areas is same there is no significant difference.

242

5.6 Discussion

This study was conducted to explore the correlation of the social, economic and political dynamics of biraderi politics with democratization that whether the dynamics of biraderi politics put impact on the process of democratization or not for this purpose three dynamics were selected to analysis that how social, political, and economic dynamics of biraderi politics put their effect on social, political and economic scenario of the democratization process and why the people are so affiliated and stick to this phenomenon after 67 years of independence.

After presenting the results of the data, it is important to evaluate and interpret the implications of the biraderi politics in the process of democratization as the hypothesis was supported by the results of the biraderi politics questionnaire. No doubt it is a known phenomenon, but it has deep-rooted implications in the process of democratization. This study explores many social, economic and political aspects of biraderi politics through first-hand data that how an individual bound for the reinforcement of the biraderies manipulation even though he /she knows about the stronghold, the hard grips of the biraderism but has no option. The melody of biraderi-based politics and use of its ensemble for political drives is a game coined by the colonial rule as the evidence shows in the second chapter of this research. No doubt the phenomenon of caste, creed system is a prehistoric juncture which is embedded in the souls of every individual of this region. Sir, Denzil Ibottson precisely elaborated the social importance of the biraderies and castes of this region. Shandana Khan and Haris Gazdar also report in their joint venture that, ―In three districts of Punjab, that is Chakwal, Toba Tek Singh, and Muzaffar Garh, Community is strongly based on biraderi."323 It is important here to mention that the biraderi system in Muslim perspective differs from that of Hinduism in India. The results of this study also portraying the social, political and economic dynamics of biraderi politics that is showing about more or less 60 to 70% respondents were agreed the different aspects of dynamics of biraderi politics this presents the resemblance among the fallouts with previous narrations. It is also evident from the correlations of all aspects is putting a collective impact on the

323 Shandan Khan Mohammad and Haris Gazdar,Social Structures in Rural Pakistan,( Asian Development Bank; 2007,28

243

democratization process due to the foundation of the society which is built on caste, creed and biraderi system. The biraderi politics are very much feature of the rural fabric as well as in urban of district Toba Tek Singh and especially of the province of Punjab. The malingering of state level social security structure and citizenship and their benefits has promoted the role of kinship and biraderi in the socio-economic and politico-cultural life of the District Toba Tek Singh. It has also played an advocating role in individuals‘ life. Likewise, the biraderi and local level mediation councils called “parya‖ and ―panchayats‖ are very much functioning in rural sides to settle the problems of the people as the people get quick justice by them. The vigorous role of biraderi politics is also apparent in the overall cultural, social set up in the urban milieus. The biraderies gain elevated status by means of the delight in a political position. People throughout the district, are more assertive about their biraderi affiliations as it resolves and serve many domestic and non-domestic issues, e.g., marital ties, settlements of internal biraderi conflicts, state institutions relating issues, create social relationships for out spreading the web of social interaction and also as a source of appreciations and the clamour of dignity and reverence in society, etc. As the result are shown in about 70% approving the statement of Social Dynamics of biraderi politics that a society which is erected on the basis of biraderi system and which has very strong roots in the social mosaic then the orientation of socializing an individual is also based on that Biraderi system as it is playing a guardian role in individual‘s life. “Biraderi system is a dogmatic social system in which a social hierarchy is preserved generation to generation and allows a very little freedom of movement out of the locus to which an individual is born‖. 324 It sorts out individuals, many social problems from minute to bigger and gives him a direction of his social upbringing for example, socializing grooming his /her status recognition, inheritance, blood lineage, patriarchy, authority, subjugation, prestige, and prejudice, obedience all aspect an individual learns from his biraderi set up to which his family belonged to. ―The social structures are defined as a comprehensive social system that determines and dictates the behaviours that are

324 Ahmad Mughees, ― Faisalabad Division ki Siyast per Biraderism Kay Asrat‖ (Ph.D thesis, Department of Political Science BZ University ,Multan .2004), 206

244

specific to their members.‖ 325 Biraderi setup decides his social rank, as biraderi identification is to which he belongs. In this regard, a discriminatory social set up definitely creates prejudices of family lineage among the individuals about the higher biraderies. The fragmenting society in lower and higher ranks which are recognised by their occupations, not with their characters, morals, and ethos for their inputting their share in society definitely promote discriminations among biraderies and this biraderi system carves out the structural-functional culture of social setup. ―The concept of biraderi is closely related to that of Hindu Sub Caste that divides society into occupational Groups‖.326 The inequality is not only in the biraderi setup but also seen on gender basis as Male has a domineering position in the Biraderies. So, the patriarchal social system gives high verge to males as they are the carvers of the setup as they determine the discourse of biraderism that is also apparent from the findings of this study that female and male thinking is not showing any difference in the results of T-test for Gender (table no.5.1.9) that this is due to that the male chauvinism is subjugating the social fabric and women‘s thinking is also depicted their male‘s thoughts. Shandana and Gazdar quote, Alavi that ―kinship group is maintained through the exercise of male control over women and their marriage choices. This is based on patrilineal descent even in the case of polyandry‖. 327 The society where half of the population consists of female and their emancipation powers are restrained by the males then how it is possible that the process of democratization gets its roots. More than that the prestige, respect, honour, holiness, sacredness and dignity words are the property of the landed aristocrat biraderies and for the religious sacred biraderies e.g. Pir, Sajjad Nashin, Gadi Nashin etc. and as well power and dominance in society is also for them. This element makes the lower biraderies role marginalized in society. Same like that the biraderi organizations are also projecting and promoting the biraderies self-assertiveness in society. The basic task of these organizations is to create cohesion among biraderi members this is why they effect on political scenario and political parties rely on them for getting their support. Ian Talbot narrates that in

325 Shandana and K.M and Haris.G. Opcit,2 326 Ibid, 28 327 Ibid, 37

245

1937 elections the biraderies and organisations of biraderies mobilized the small landholders and their biraderi voters to take part in politics and support Muslim League.328 In this regard, he further quoted that Vice President of Punjab Arain Anjuman used the influence to get the support of respective from, Lahore, Jalandhar and Ferozepur districts, Same had done by Mian Nur-Ullah Arain to get support for the Muslim League in District Lyell Pur presently Faisal Abad. He even had more focus on voter registration of his Arain biraderi.329 The stronghold of the Biraderism does not allow individuals to abort themselves from its compelling force in the customary laws, the norms, rituals, and conventions in the society as biraderi is the guardian of the individuals‘ life which provides the solutions to their problems. On the whole, the overarching role of biraderi politics does not liberate its members to take decisions independently in the society. They only perpetuate its (biraderi system) customs, ritual, and traditions. The inequalities in social structures like class, religion, biraderi and Gender discriminations are affecting the social aspect of the democratization process. This phenomenon has snatched its member‘s capabilities of consciousness, cognitive, and mental power. They only perceive what the biraderi system gives them. The social dynamics of biraderi politics questionnaire results also proposed a remedy of this self-entrenched and self -projected social fabric that only education can destroy the rigidness of the system is As these controlled behaviours reflect on the economic and political sphere. The economic dynamics of biraderi politics results that displayed in Percentage Based Data Analysis that portrays that financial disparities and dominance also affecting the process of democratization as well as the financial and economic stability dose effect. ―Lower levels of affluence, often combined with highly visible inequalities, are particularly important.‖330 Hague and Harrop quote with reference to Vanhanen (1997) that ―Such (Economic) conditions favour neither the diffusion of power resources nor the development of mutual toleration and compromise which

328 Talbot Ian, Punjab and The Raj, ( Tarikh-e- Punjab :translation in Urdu by Tahir Kamran, Takhliqat; Lahore, 2006),219 329 Ibid .219 330 Hague Rod and Harrop,Martin. Comparative government and politics ( 7th edn, Palgrave Macmillan;China,2007),

246

foster the consolidation of liberal democracy.‖331 Lipset is also in favour of the economic stability for democratization.332 In this regard, the survey results as shown in Percentage Based Data Analysis of the economic dynamics of biraderi politics that, there is a huge gap between have and have not set, of biraderies as the uneven distribution of wealth has created an imbalance in the social fabric of District Toba Tek Singh. The economy plays a very crucial role in giving emancipation to the individual to decide himself, his /her own behaviours and attitudes. But the dominance of biraderi politics also captures this economic side too, as the biraderi is recognized on the basis of his occupation. Hence, it is clear that when biraderi identification is deciding individual‘s position in society, then how an individual set himself apart from the judgments of the biraderi. In this given economic scenario by biraderi politics, the individual‘s free will or rational choice is captured. The inequality and disequilibrium in economic sphere also subjugating the individual's free will. The biraderi system which has its own foundations of the economy is definitely regulated the behaviours of the individuals by biraderies‟ set norms and rules as the economic positions of the biraderies dictate how to move in society. The economy is the base of the classification or discrimination of biraderies in society. This element has divided society into classes; the higher class has dominated on wealth, land, and business as well as in politics whereas the lower strata the menial biraderies deprived all these kinds of affluence. There is a colossal gap between two extremes in higher and lower strata. Then the middle class which is the backbone of society, its behaviours, its economic stability does matter whether they participate in the political process or not and on what basis? Therefore, the biraderi orientation again subjugates, this middle class which is according to Aristotle is a preserver of traditions, rituals, and customs of any society. This class in Punjab and particularly in District Toba Tek Singh is protecting and projecting the biraderi discourse. The participation of this middle class in economic sphere again subjugated by the higher strata of the biraderies, as they put their influence on them due to having a strong financial status, prestigious position and access to government authorities and its institutions. That‘s why the middle strata obliged by them and they have no choice despite to follow them. In a social system

331 Ibid ,58 332 Lipset.S , The Political Man ,( Edn1983, Basic Books : NewYork,1960),48-49

247

where the economic position is determined one‘s position in society, how his behaviours and choices or will liberate. Further, it is another finding that Maximum respondents are agreed that in the social set up of District Toba Tek Singh superiority of castes and biraderies are conditioned by their financial positions e.g. big business, large land holdings or capital. The more an individual is financially sound the more he has better rational choices and has better options to participate in the political arena. The findings of the Survey represent that Land Holdings, Business (Trade, industry) play a strong role in making the biraderies dominance in local level politics. The land plays a main role in establishing the biraderies‘ dominance in T.T. Singh. The role of Landless biraderies cannot play a significant role in politics as on the whole, the Capital is more important for enhancing a biraderies‟ dominance. Small farmers and peasant biraderies even the skilled labours which have their small business but do not use their free will in local politics. Also, artisan biraderies do not use their free will in local politics rather they are subjugated by the higher strata of their respective biraderies. Economically and financially strong biraderies are dominating as they used politics to regenerate economic resources for their own biraderi setup. They adjusted their unemployed members of the biraderies in government institutions or other private institutions. The economic stability and dominance have created a big leading role in state politics for the biraderi politics. These economically powerful biraderies used to control others by bribing district institutions, i.e. Thana, Tehsildar, Patwari for their vested interests. The results depict that major biraderies have access to the state institution and they manipulate them for their gains. Domination is correlated with money, land and business resources, etc. Biraderies have links with authorities to attain their socio-political objectives. Another important factor is unemployment for the subjugation as it has created dependency for individuals. Because the biraderi fulfil their all basic requirements of life when they are jobless or have no earning source that makes them dependent on their respective biraderies.The unemployed persons look at their biraderi heads or the upper strata of their biraderies to lift them up and sort their problems too. This dependency snatches their freedom of decision. The other worst condition is the exclusion of economic activities makes or force the poorer biraderies to sell their votes for their personal interests to dominate

248

biraderies in elections. The importance of affluence in a democratic transition greatly matters. This is why when the people of lower biraderies manage themselves to some extent in economic sphere they change their biraderi identification as the honour and prestige in society does matter that gain respect for them. So the basic factor is economic dominance that has a strong effect on the process of democratization. That‘s why the uneven distribution of resources and economy make some biraderies to dominate and some to be subjugated in social, economic, as well as in the political sphere. In this regard, the true essence of a participatory democracy is not achieved. The last part is about the political dynamics of biraderi politics as Christian Welzel states that the democratization is not an automatism force rather it is self- evident through the patterns of social, economic and political dynamics of any political system which escorts it with its proper agents.333 In this scenario, it is clear that Punjab and particularly in district Toba Tek Singh the drive of democratization is also predominantly in the hands of the political dynamics of biraderi politics. The results of the third part of the biraderi Politics Questionnaire depict that the political dynamics of biraderi politics also hijacked political aspect of democratization. The regression analysis shows that political dynamics are significantly affecting the process of democratization. Inter- item correlation analysis of the Political Dynamics of BPQ also suggested that there is the strong relationship between the every item to another. These all factors are affecting the democratization process and the regression analysis proved the hypothesis that there is a strong relationship between political dynamics of biraderi politics and democratization. Here it is pertinent, that in comparison with the Pakistan Gallup survey 2008 and 2013 that has shown the national level election day polling survey that about 9 % votes, in 2008 elections were cast on biraderi basis,334 then, in recent elections 2013 the Gallup survey reports that 12% votes cast on biraderi basis335whereas the findings of this study reveals almost 60% higher than that surveys, the role of biraderi dynamics in politics.

333 Christian .W. Haerpfer, ed., Democratization , ( UK: Oxford University Press, 2009 ),88 334 Exit Poll survey Report n0.3. ( Gallup Pakistan Elction Study March, 2008), 38 335 Exit Poll survey Report N0.3. ( Gallup Pakistan Elction Study March, 2013), 23

249

Therefore, after the creation of Pakistan, the role of political as well as non- political governments was not to address the issues of the common man. These all governments evade from resolving the problems of people. So it is a very strong and significant factor in the election process of the political system. The results of BPDA reflect that more than 70 % respondents of the study sample are agreed that ―Biraderi is a trend setter whom to vote‖. Even in the local bodies elections, biraderi is the foremost trend setter to whom vote for. Andrew W. Wilder and Muhamad Wassem also accept the importance of this factor in locally and as well as in national level politics. Biraderi is a more powerful determinant of voting behaviour than party loyalty, apart from the situation when the two contestants are belonging to the same biraderi. The Political Dynamics of Biraderism becomes more intensified in Local bodies‘ elections. ―Democracy infiltrates through the local government; the micro- local level, and this is the main source of the political learning ……… these institutions work as a powerful show of local groups/biraderies (clans, fraternity).‖336

This is why the voting behaviours of the individuals are conditioned by the biraderi affiliations. People do not use their free will for electing their members rather they consider biraderi affiliations in elections; local, provincial or national level. “It is commonly argued that ‗primordial‘ group identities such as family, kinship, and caste, or membership in a village faction, play a more important role in determining voting behaviour………. than individual political preferences.‖337 Due to the favouritism and strong biraderi affiliation, people do reject a capable nominee due to biraderi affiliations. The individual sacrifice his/her own preference or rationale while casting the vote. The results of PDBP depict that in District Toba Tek Singh people do not bother about the party affiliation of any candidate while casting their votes rather they are interested in the affiliation of candidates‘ biraderi. This is mainly because of that biraderism is a strong fidelity that attracts the voters to vote his / her own biraderi the prejudices do not let them cast votes on rational or on their free will. The tenth and eleventh finding of the political dynamics of BPQ has their social underpinnings. The

336 Ahmad Mughees, Faisal Abad Division ki Siyaste pur biraderis kay Asrat,( Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis BZ Univerity Multan,2006), 181 337 Wilder, A. R. The Pakistani Voter: Electoral Politics and Voting Behaviour in The Punjab (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999). 177-185 Also read, Mughees Ahmed, ―Caste system in the Sub-Continent‖, in Al-Siyasa – A Journal of Politics, Society and Culture – Issue No. IX,( Summer 2006, Lahore),30.

250

tenth is that ―if people do not vote to their biraderies they will be faced a social boycott from their respective biraderies and 11th is ―People vote to their respective biraderies as it is a prestige matter for them to support them‖. Basically, the biraderism is the name of ―individual fright‖ or fear that is used for securing one‘s rights.

In fact, the absence of the performance of the government institutions forces the people to rely on their biraderies for the social and economic asylum. The 12th root cause is also correlates with the previous two findings and Percentage Based Data Analysis shows that the majority of the respondents are agreed with the proposition that people caste vote to their respective biraderies as they think only their biraderies shelter them and solve their personal problems and conflicts regarding i.e. Lands, Pitwar, Thana, Kachehri, employment, etc. Primarily the personal issues of the individual are resolved by the biraderies.

Amchi Ahumami cited Donald Kurtz (2001), that pedigree or lineage has three main functions in its anthropological interpretation, ―First Social networking and cohesion and conflict-resolution, second provide political organisation with leadership within the family members, and third mechanism of elite transmission within traditional political systems controlled by elite family members, relying on blood relations.‖338 These three functions are also fulfilled in Punjabi biraderi system. This is why people relied on their biraderies. This social fabrication of biraderi politics forces them to vote their biraderies and it is the strongest reason for voting trends towards biraderism.

The other finding of the survey is that the role of political parties is very undemocratic as they obliged the major or dominating biraderies while issuing party tickets to a candidate or while selecting any worker of their party. Political parties select those political candidates and workers whose biraderies are dominant in the constituency so that the political parties increase their chances of success in the elections. If have a look at the previous elections from 1970 onwards as the first regular elections start from there. The 1970 elections were the only elections in which the political parties contested the elections on an ideological basis or it can be

338 Amchi Ahumami, The Viewpoint: Kinship politics threatens democracy Jakarta Post/ Asia NEWS Net Work , (Tuesday 19.11. 2013)

251

said about non-biraderi bases. The Pakistan People‘s Party won those elections by defeating non-democratic forces, including biraderism all over West Pakistan and especially in Punjab. But to sustain its power in 1977 elections this Pakistan People‘s Party relies on these elite Landed aristocrat biraderies.

Robina Jabben writes in her research discourse title, ‗Punjab May Quomi Assembly Kay Intikhabat 1990‘ that, ―PPP nominates about 80% of its contestants from the elite landed aristocrat biraderies who were defeated in the 1970 elections by the same party ‗s contestants.‖339 ―The political parties seem to be divided into local groups and biraderies instead of ideologies. Inversely the biraderies join political parties by dint of mutual clashes instead of any political ideology.‖340 This clearly indicates that dominating biraderies hijacked the political parties and that‘s why political parties keep in view the contestants‘ biraderi domination and vote bank. These all important factors of political dynamics are supporting the finding of the survey that the political parties keep in view the vote bank of candidate‘s biraderi while issuing party tickets as how many a contestant have his biraderi voters in his respective constituency.

The political parties kept in view the power of the biraderi of the candidate in spite of loyalty to the party. Even though, political parties manipulate the electoral process by using the tool of delimitation of constituencies for re-arrangement in elections to gain more votes from their supportive biraderies. Wilder raised another factor that a beneficial deal of biraderi is “Ticket balancing" that is done between the contestant for National Assembly seat and several the provincial assembly constituencies within each other.‖341

In all that kind of manoeuvring of the biraderi politics has deviated role of political parties that obviously effects on the democratization process as the findings of the survey depict that there is a strong correlation between above-mentioned factors. The survey presents a significant finding that in political sphere only those biraderies take part in contesting the elections that are politically dynamic rather who are inactive in politics. That the political plate form of representation is only hung

339Jabeen Robina, Punjab May Quomi Assembly Kay Intikhabat 1990, (Unpublished thesis of MA.Political Science,1991),82 340Ahmad Mughees, Relationship Between Political Parties Non-political Powers: An analysis With reference to Pakistan, Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences , Vol .29, No.1, (June 2009),107-115 341 Wilder, A.R. Opcit, 183

252

onto by major dominating biraderies. As a number of people applied to contest in the elections for every seat of national, provincial and local level elections, but only those win who have the support of their biraderies.

The political parties keep in view this factor too while giving their party tickets to the contestants as the evidence shows that when Pakistan people‘s party give a ticket on ideological bases to Gias-UD-Din Janbaz who belonged to Shaikh biraderi in Toba Tek Singh; he was defeated and biraderi factor succeeded. That‘s why next time the party gave a ticket on biraderi bases.

The 18th finding of the survey is that ―Politicians used their biraderi titles in elections to gain maximum votes.‖ When the election campaign starts they used their biraderi titles to allure the voters to vote them. They use these titles in their names like Rai, Sayyed, Chauhderi, Warrich, Gujjar, Tiwana, Dultana, Buhtto, Mian, etc. As the common individuals attract by his name and also recognise his /her biraderi.

The finding of the survey also depicts that if this kind of projecting becomes less, when, definitely democratic pace will raise. The inter-correlation analysis table no. 5.1.4 shows that there is a strong association with two elements. The respondents are agreed that biraderies should not be preferred or to keep in view while voting faster the pace of democratization.

Survey findings reveal another very strong political dynamic of biraderi politics that this phenomenon is nourishing in the eras of non-civilian and non-democratic regimes, especially in District Toba Tek Singh. The survey depicts that Biraderism becomes intensified in non-Party based elections. It is claimed that the local bodies elections are held only on the biraderi basis, this is why biraderi made a decision prior and then afterward the election campaign takes it starts.

And in Martial law rules, biraderism has been promoted extensively in Toba Tek Singh. After acquiring the status of a district, the first elections held in 1985 under Zia era ―the third Martial Law Regime‖ in District Toba Tek Singh. ―Zia‘s policies (local bodies non-Party based elections) made it stronger at national, provincial and local level……….. This step of Zia- UL- Haq divided the nation into groups and biraderies, in the elections of Punjab Provincial Assembly 124 members out of 240

253

are from local bodies.‖342 Wilder has also supported this argument that in local level elections that held in I985, the political loyalties were determined by the family, faction, and biraderi ties, and also the political power is determined by to what extent one has benefaction.

He further writes that such a mechanism evolved that served the local level issues like thana – katchehri, inaugurated local level developmental works, etc.343 Wilder rightly opines that Zia deliberately diverts the political energy towards local issues from national or provincial.344 Elections 1985, 1988, 1990, 1993, and 1997 all were waged by biraderism. The 1988 elections were called as the perpetuation of 1985 elections that were held under Zia. In these elections again the biraderism unleashed. Zahoor Ahmad narrates in his research, that in 1990 elections a new class of traders, transporters, and industrialists emerged in elections to encounter and challenge traditional biraderi based political leadership but despite that only biraderism succeeded.345 In 1993 elections biraderi dynamics again at winning a position as only those candidates won who had the support in the constituencies of their influential biradeies.346 Asad Saleem Sheikh writes down his editorial, “Intikhabat mien biraderion or Qabilon ka kiradr‖, published in daily Newspaper Nawa-e-Waqt that ―1997 elections that biraderism was at the prominent edge in rural as well as in urban areas too in elections of Punjab.‖347

Again the facts show that in the regime of General Pervaiz Musharraf the fourth Martial Law Administrator, the local Bodies elections 2001-2002 is the power show of local biraderies. ―Even during these elections biraderies, very tactfully handled the matters for their success and held the seat adjustments in these elections as the political parties do so that the selection of a maximum number of their biraderi councillors ensured.‖348 On the whole ― The local level policies of the Ayub ' ― Basic

342 Ibid. 7 343Wilder, A R. The Pakistani Vote: Electoral Politics and voting behaviour in Punjab,(Karachi;OUP,1999),131-133 344 Ibid, 131-133 345 Ahmad, Zahoor. ( Unpublished thesis, 2009) Opcit,322 346 Ibid , 322 347Asad ,Saleem Shaikh, Intikhabat mien biraderion or Qabilon ka kiradr, Daily Newspaper Nawa-e- Waqt; Lahore 14,January,1997 348 Abid Suleman, Pakistan ka Neya Siyasi Nizam our Muqami Hakomotuon ka kirdar, (Lahore : Jamhori Publications,2002),64

254

Democracies‖, likewise Zia‘s rootless democracy and Musharraf 's devolution plan has not been practiced with factual sagacity except the promotion of biraderism‖.349

A very important finding is that people vote on biraderies affiliations that may cause political, economic and social corruption in society. It means that there is a correlation between biraderism and in social, economic and political corruption. The more the biraderism intensified the more the malfunctioning is promoted in state and society. The system that erects on favouritism definitely covers its negative aspects through bribing state institutions. That causes an inequality in the rule of justice, which is against the democratization indicators. Even then biraderies are still adored their traditional supremacy. Because of this, adverse effects are drawn up in the democratic process. All above findings of the survey then support this argument as well as the majority of the respondents are too agreed with the root cause that put effect on the democratization process as described in the PBDA of Political Dynamics of BPQ is that ―the involvement of biraderism in local bodies elections is mainly affecting the process of democratization.‖ And that is the concluding argument that gets the support of the respondents is that biraderi should not be considered in voting to promote democracy.

On the whole, the social, economic and political dynamics all findings of the survey are interrelated and affecting at their locus on the process of democratisation and are not given an independent space for the individual to think apart from the biraderism. Actually the biraderi politics have been working as mechanism and the members of it are its tools which are acting and behaving for the projection and protection of this phenomenon just because the social, economic and political conditions do not give them freedom and that ultimately slow down the pace of democratization which is a clamour of social and economic equality and rule of justice then desire to liberate the individual to take his / her own decisions without any kinds of subjugation.

Along with that, the role of the middle class is also very vital for the process of democratisation. Because, it has been increasing within the span of time due to rapid urbanization, rural-urban linkages and due to international migration that is

349 Ahmad Mugees, Local bodies or Local biraderi System :An Anlysis of the Role of Biraderies in the Local Bodies Systemof the Punjab ,(Pakistan Journal of History and culture : Vol. XXX, No.1,2009), 92

255

affecting the hierarchy structure of villages in Punjab as well as in district Toba Tek Singh. Therefore, there is a gradual breakdown of the biraderi system has also witnessed during recent elections in 2013 that are affecting the voting behaviour of the citizens. According to Ayesha and Ashraf that the caste based stratification system is changed in the class system from 1960 onward. It gets its pace during the 70s and in 90s decades, and main contributors are the economic factors, international migration, and education.350

Along with that, there is another very important variable that is also contributing to a gradual breakdown of the biraderi system. That is the role of rapidly expanding the middle class in Pakistan. In this regard following factors are very important for this emerging middle class as;

 Rapid urbanization and rural-urban linkages that are affecting the voting behaviour of the citizens.  The role of civil society is also increasing.  International migration is affecting the hierarchy structure of villages in Punjab.  The role of electronics and social media is giving and enhancing the awareness among the middle class.

350 Farooq Ayesha, Kayani, Ashraf K "Emergence of social class in caste oriented Punjabi rural community: a trend analysis", International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, Vol. 33 Issue: 1/2, .(2013), pp.33-44, https://doi.org/10.1108/01443331311295163

256

Chapter No. 6

Conclusion and Recommendations

257

Conclusion and Recommendations

Pakistan has been striving for the democratization of its political system since its beginning. The process of its democratization has been slow, inert and continued flimsy. It has high tendency to accommodate non-democratic forces in its system. Along with that, the repetitive episodes of military regimes divert its path of democratization. Consequently, Pakistan, especially Punjab and particularly in district Toba Tek Singh have been uninterruptedly failing to offer what a democratization process needs. Such a plight requires several explanations at social, political and economic level. As none of these three structures arise in a vacuum; each is found influencing and being influenced by the other. If the existing political structure is backed by the social discrimination rooted deeply into the system for decades, it is the economic structure which defines the social status of the masses.

This way, they interplay one another making democratization an inward, rather than an outward phenomenon. Entangled firmly into one another, all the three structures picked up the threads from the British colonizers and have been passed to the colonized. This inheritance from the British colonizers seeped so deeply into the very minds that it seems it would never be unlearned and forgotten. The state after gaining independence has been thriving on the British legacies in all the three structures without making the least effort towards the process of real democratization which would need to pass the whole system through a purgatory of democracy bringing a fine balance to all the institutions. Sadly, the colonizers‘ politics still seems to be working in disguise of biraderi politics.

With the comparatively higher institutional discrepancies characterized with strong and organized civil and military bureaucracies handed down by the British ancestors, Punjab in particular could never build the trust of the masses by holding regular elections ascertaining real democracy corresponding to the public aspirations.

Following conclusions are drawn from the findings and discussion of the dynamics of biraderi politics:

258

The impact of political dynamics of biraderi politics The analysis of the study reveals that political dynamics is placed at the top most corner of the three layered spectrum of the aforementioned three structures (Political, social and economic) and seeps its top-down influence till the economic structure. While the economic structure placed at the bottom of the spectrum exercises a bottom-up influence till the political structure, affecting and being influenced by the social strata placed in the middle. It is a manifestation of this top-down and bottom-up affect as well as influence. Biraderi Politics or “Biraderism” is a pinnacle insignia of Punjab and particularly in District Toba Tek Singh and probabilities of improvement are predicted very meagre in near future due to non-democratic structure and functional abilities rather take serious steps to get rid of its entrenchment in the political system. But much to the chagrin of the masses, the authorities in power do not chalkout long- term policies which may remain the same even with the changing governments. This inconsistency on the part of stakeholders is letting the phenomenon of biraderi politics seep into the very base more deeply which results into a thorough nondemocratic system running parallel to the so-called democratic system and does not allow the free will of the masses prevail in the polls at a local and national level. This non-democratization of the political institutions seeps down to tremendously affect the social and economic structure. All voices chanting slogans of establishing and implementing real democracy in all the institutions are descanted by these non democratic factors which are hard to rid off unless the whole system is purgated.

As the results show in Percentage Based Data Analysis of Biraderi Politics Questionnaire that social, political and economic dynamical constraints contributing to this phenomenon that has been outlined in the last chapter and these dynamics are affecting the process of democratization as the will of the participant is captured and regulated by the dynamics of biraderi politics. Since the emergence of Pakistan and the chequered history is a witness of it that most of the governments avoid to carve out long-term policies and no any serious steps have been taken for the solutions to evade from this known and pervasive phenomenon to creep in the foundations of the political dispensation. But regardless

259

of this, the political and especially non-political governments let this phenomenon grow more and vigorously in the social, political and economic fabric of society. There should be few things that are pertinent, to be mentioned that District Toba Tek Singh is a canal colony settlement, in the centre of the Punjab Province. It acquires the status of a district in Zia era. This area is in the centre of the Punjab and economic profile that is given in Chapter no 4 depicts it is mainly an agricultural district. The land holdings are also not big as compare to the Southern Punjab, where large land holdings and religious sanctity is visible. So in this background, it is not a highly urbanized and modernized district that is why the phenomenon under study is vigorously evident in the political mould of the district. In this regard, according to the Anova Test for the Rural Urban areas are depicting the population of both sides do believe in Biraderi based politics as there is no significant difference found in the thinking of the rural and urban people of the district regarding political and economic dynamics of biraderi politics, There is an exception in Social Dynamics of BPQ the rural population is more inclined towards it as compared to urban populations. That means the rural population still have conservative views than the urban population. It can be inferred that urbanization impact on the thinking of the masses regarding social norms and values of biraderi system and the social dynamics does have a slight positive impact on the democratization process in urban areas of the district Toba Tek Singh. Education wise also, no any significant difference is found in the thinking of the people as the results show that only 10 to 15% respondents think independently as the PBDA of BPQ showed. Thus, despite the differences of rural, urban, male, female and literate and illiterate contradictions, the study cannot infer a significant difference between these extremes rather the social, economic and political dynamics of biraderi politics entrenched in the whole social mosaic of the district. It is evident from the findings that social underpinnings of the biraderi politics initiate discriminatory and bigotry behaviours of the people. Social structure is the basic element that determines the level of social democratization. Undemocratic social behaviours of the people affect this process of democratization the society which diffused and divided in class, creed and biraderi system with its traditional stigmatic norms cannot enhance democratic values to adapt as there are social and economic disparities which reversely forces the individuals to

260

rely on the biraderi system and does not socialize them to choose their free, fair and rational preferences. Another finding is also very significant that no any biraderi thinks apart from the biraderism. There is no any significant finding while running the Anova test of Caste. (See chapter 5) The thinking of the members of the caste or biraderi is the same. That means all biraderies are attributed with their respective identity prejudices, chauvinism, and bigotries. The study findings are that the biraderi politics control the emancipation powers of the male individuals and they due to patriarchal system biraderies are dictating the females and hence the same personalities rotated in political institutions and no change is accepted in near future. The impact of social dynamics of biraderi politics The analysis of the study elucidates a vigorous impact of social dynamics on biraderi politics. Ranging from rural to urban population, the society is indispensably divided into a vast range of strata depending upon economical conditions. The economic status has become the root cause to draw a fine line between different social sections one marginalizing the other. A significant extreme is observed in this social marginalizing in the rural areas where most of the population is illiterate. While the towns and cities where literacy rate is remarkably higher face a fall in this marginalizing due to financial status. With the growing globalization, the masses are experiencing higher standards of judging the members of their society which is a highly positive gesture. But unfortunately, the pace of this awareness is very slow. The study infers from its results that urbanization impacts on the thinking of the masses regarding social norms and values of biraderi system and the social dynamics does have a slight positive impact on the democratization process in urban areas of the district Toba Tek Singh. In spite of the nurtured desires to become a part of the whole minimizing the differences, the biraderi system doesn‘t let the individuals exercise their free will and go against its creed. Fearing to be isolated by the biraderi who is a custodian of their social and economic security, the masses are found sacrificing their will in order to secure what is willed by their biraderi. That means all biraderies are attributed with their respective identity prejudices, chauvinism, and bigotries. This suffocated system hinders the path to true democratization. The masses are found to be afraid of financial deprivation for using their free will. Had the financial security been given by

261

the state, the masses would have been liberated to use their own will, to dare go against what their biraderi forcibly makes them do. So this social standing is chiefly dependent upon financial standing at the bottom of the pyramid. The more the biraderi is economically stable whether through wealth or land holdings, the more the individuals rely on it and their belief that prestige, honour, respect all kinds of esteems in society can be achieved through affluence is affirmed. This reliance and faith in biraderi strengthen biraderi politics more and more.

The impact of economic dynamics of biraderi politics The study makes it clear that norms and values are settled and compromised trough economic prosperity. Individuals are dependent to their respective biraderies and poorer biraderies are dependent on higher biraderies. This dependence snatches the liberties of the individual. Affluence is the big indicator of democratization the situation in District Toba Tek Singh is not as compatible to the indicators of the democratization process too as the huge gap between lower and upper strata of society and the middle class is busy in preserving its biraderi politics set norms and do not let the individual think independently as they are stick to their traditional norms and customs and being member of an agrarian atmosphere surrounding they create their specific social structures.

These structures are origins of political power and influence. That creates ―dominations‖ of some major biraderies and the adherents of the same biraderies are voted and then join the political representative houses. Politics spins like a musical chair around them and they usually change their affiliations and to get party tickets or become after being successfully elected they try to join the ruling party. They are intertwined and always care about their own vested interests of their biraderies by receiving a share of the state resources. There are the ―inter- biraderi‖ differences too they may occur when two participants in elections contest from the same biraderi.

The present local government system has also permeated by the Biraderi prejudices, affinities in its structure. It is said that Biraderism has fallen off to some extent by the factors of urbanization and industrialization, but the process is very slow in district Toba Tek Singh due to its rural background and agricultural economy. After analytical findings of the biraderi politics, it is clear that the biraderi politics phenomenon is superseded in the life of an individual and cover his three

262

major aspects the social, economic and then political. Insecurities and discriminations of societal setup, economic inequalities the uneven distribution of resources, the absence of the rule of law, justice and liberties are the main cause that deprives the common individual of his emancipating power and he seeks protection and shelter from their respective biraderies affecting the process of democratization. The participation in the political arena is predominantly checked by the biraderi norms, customs and values generally in Punjab and particularly in District Toba Tek Singh. Overall it is concluded that the free will of the individual is regulated by biraderi politics through social, political and economic dynamics. On the whole the widespread illiteracy, lack of sizeable middle class due to huge gap between both extremes, lack of civil society and lack of political culture of tolerance and compromise at the cost of the huge economic and social environmental hardships by the state institutions due to their inability are main hurdles that do not let this system of biraderi politics to be eroded or to do efforts to mild it rather these institutions are contributing to polarisation of the society by intensifying the biraderi identities. That is undermining the democratization process. Recommendations: In the light of the findings of the survey, there are few recommendations how to speed up the democratization process and mild the effects of the social, economic and political dynamics of biraderi politics. The democratization process in Pakistan to be reliant on the development of the political system. That political system, that gives a sagaciousness of ownership of the political process to the conversion from authoritarian rule to greater participation by shattering the cohesive bond of biraderism. This can only be feasible if the economic and social conditions of the region improve and progress to the extent where they are to persist the institutions necessary for good governance. Priority should be given to social and economic development if the state wants to track in the democratization process. First of all, in academia, there is a need for comparative studies of urban and rural districts on the phenomenon under study so that to make better policies to deal with the phenomenon. As there is a huge gap between rural based and urban districts regarding political development in the process of democratization.

263

There is a need to associate and impart the emancipating power of the individuals to assimilate them on their real preference bases in the political decision- making processes, in political parties, in elected bodies as on rational choice bases liberate them. Then will be the process of democratization can pave the path and may boost its speed. To enhance the pace of democratization there is a need to eradicate the manipulating system of ―Biraderi politics‖ from our political system, and to promote democracy the following steps should have to be taken:- Social and Economic Measures 1. Imparting and expansion of education Urmila Sharma and S.k Sharma quote Aldous Huxley that ―if there is the aim of liberty and democracy, then there must be necessary to teach the people the arts of being free and governing themselves.‖351 So, the participatory democracy in any large and complex society depends on literacy. Literacy allows full participation of the people in democratic processes and effective voting. Education is the most effective indicator of cohesive and viable society. But in Pakistan, it had been in fraught situations. Literacy is an artefact of education. The educational system has socioeconomic as well as political significance. Education imparts ethical and social values such as coordination, obedience, tolerance, honour, and respect for others, patience, self- consciousness, self-esteem, self- determination, etc. One of the major tasks that education must perform is the proper grooming of individuals for the roles, rights, and duties they perform in a civic society, it means such kind of education that impart citizenship in the individuals. Only through that, the society that is fragmented in biraderies and different other groups may eliminate the ills and progress. There is a need of will to take action against ignorance so that manipulation of biraderi politics may restrict of the individuals. Education should be the top priority of the government. The education system must be free and equal for all, despite class differences and not to be commercialised so that everyone has the equal opportunities but on one‘s own capabilities. Education fosters participatory democracy. That can enhance the maturity of people‘s political consciousness. The role of Madrassah education also needs to reform. Little has been done by the government, but there is still a need to be streamlined it with formal

351 Urmila Sharma and S.K Sharma, Principles and theory of Political Science, Vol II, (New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers and distributors,2007),441

264

school education. So that, the education about political Islam should also be given in Madressahs and the disciples of these institutions also become integrated themselves with the democratic values. For this purpose, Democracy teaching should be fused in the curricula at all levels of education to promote and create democratic values, norms, and practices in youth in particular and in masses in general. Impart education for democracy to common people, youth, political workers media persons and writers enhance capacity of political parties and other stakeholders in order to make them vigilant, vibrant and responsive towards question and the issue of democracy; impart liberal, progressive and political education to masses for creating a political society a feasible atmosphere for democracy.

1. Role of Rising Urban Middle Class Another important contributor is an urban middle class that is increasing, then there will be more urban constituencies and people will not vote on the basis of kingship or feudal lords anymore. If there will be an active participation of urban middle class, then the quality of government will improve and an elitist economy can be torn down. This is a slow, gradual and very aching process, but it does deliver and can help bring Pakistan out of the red.

2. Role of Non- Governmental organizations and efforts Their role is also very important to bridge up the gaps between the people. The non–governmental organisation may contribute to educate the people about their basic rights, the value of democracy education and importance of casting the vote in elections. In this regard young generation more enthusiastically play their role, political workers, media personnel, and writers may contribute their services. They may put their efforts to communicate liberal, enlightened and political education to masses to enhance the political culture to create an encouraging atmosphere in the democratization process. The non –governmental organizations through lobbying the politicians to pursue them to take real steps to consolidate the democratization process such as a merger of democracy education in the syllabi of education and also allocate funds to political parties so that they will not hinge up by elite biraderies through their wealth. They should launch different kinds of support or advocacy programs to focus on non-

265

democratic moves and practices of the society through that they may create awareness in the masses.

3. The Role of Civil Society The role civil society may contribute to mobilize the public and take a more active part in the determining of the role of the citizens. It may educate them about their rights along with responsibilities and how the citizen can break the chains of biraderism to take an independent decision in the electoral process as well as in socioeconomic front.

4. Economic development In an economic perspective, the economic measures should be taken so that the opportunities of employment increased that is essential for the democratization process. Economic stability and self- sufficiency has a vital role in rationalizing political participation. Pakistan has an agrarian economic perspective so there is a need to boost its agricultural economy by destroying the Jagirdari system being the main hurdle in economic development it effects on rationalizing political participation and national politics. By minimizing the gap between have and have not through equal employment opportunities also contribute the democracy because economic dependence also snatches the emancipating power of individualism. The fruits of economic activities should be equally distributed among the people. So that the reliance on the biraderi networks should be lessened. There is a need to the reallocation of economic resource. So that equal distribution may help to cope with the economic disparities. Being an agricultural economy, there is a dire need to put agriculture economy under the tax net. An adequate per capita income for an esteemed and revered livelihood should be decided by the government. The economic development may contribute to the eradication of poverty. Political Measures 1. Good Governance or the Provision of justice and fair play Provision of Justice and fair play are the keys to move on the path of the democratisation process. The societies that do not ensure justice and fair play in their

266

the structural, functional performances move towards the destruction and downfall. When the state institutions are failing to deliver justice to its people and all kinds of manipulations, nepotism and corruptions do not take up by the government to eliminate them then the for the sake of justice and protection seek the assistance of their biraderies. “biraderism‖ gets infuse in our social system and due to not exercising the justice in our society and not having the confidence in this system people gets asylum in their respective biraderies as there is the power of biraderi politics that sort out their socioeconomic problems, solve their conflicts. In that scenario, there is a dire need for justice to be exercised so that people build their trust on the state institutions and don‘t rely on their biraderi networks. 2. Ideological politics The loss of destabilized political institutions and democracy is that the national political parties adopted the compromising attitudes and become at ruling positions have developed links with the establishment, powerful pressure groups and also move towards elite landed biraderies that in reverse has damaged the ideological politics. No, any political party imparts democratic norms in it and never carve out any significant manifestos or agendas of their parties so that common man attracts towards. Political parties play a vital role in the consolidation of democracy in various ways:  To interpret various values and features of democracy into a real form  To institutionalize the variety of opinions, the beauty of democracy  To represent the ideological power of the masses into structural shape  To work as a passage to elect representatives  To serve as a platform to mobilize,  To make aware and educate general masses and stand as a link between public and government by putting dedication and will. There is a need that the Political parties should be systematized themselves, to represent the masses at a grass root level and be democratic within through intra-party elections and perform effectively. A recent effort is done by Pakistan Tahreek-e Insaf in 2013 elections. But there is a need to impart in the all political parties the ideological bases. The political parties put efforts to move door to door and politically mobilized the people to vote on the ideological basis in elections rather than their biraderi affiliations. So the righteousness of political parties should be ensured to

267

eradicate the biraderism in the society. Political party rules 2002 should be applied for the support of the democratic structure and conduct of political parties. 3. Decentralization of the Power The basis of the democratization process in Pakistan lies in the decentralisation of power. There is a need to decentralize the power of government and redistributing or dispersing the structural-functional powers to local bodies‘ institutions. The local government should be capable of addressing the local issues of people efficiently and to build the confidence of people in the government institutions. This may let the people do not rely on the social linkages e.g. biraderi, clan etc. and give effective free and fair justice at the door step. It can only be done through the decentralization of the power. 4. Electoral Process Free of Mockery; Free, fair, impartial and frequent elections on a regular basis should be ensured under independent Election Commission to prevent the rigging and corruption. There should be a dire need of election reforms so that the chances of rigging become minimize. 5. Role of Judiciary Along with that Judiciary should be independent, so as to enable it to ensure implementation of rule of law; to undo and stop all legal and constitutional transgression, for a liberal democratization process. Basically, the whole responsibility lies in the state institutions, political parties, public social organizations and youth to perform their role as stated in recommendations written above to create space for the democratization process to root itself indomitable as it could be contributing and consolidating in Pakistan. But there is hope that this middle class that is the core of the democratization process, due to its literate youth who have now great exposure about the politics. Nowadays, the paradigm shift has occurred due to the dissemination of middle-class norms, ethics, and ambitions. The main cause is the rapidly increasing and powerful electronic media.

6. Role of Electronic Media Democratization process requires the active participation of citizens. Ideally, the media may do a positive role by keeping citizens engaged in the business of governance by informing, educating and mobilizing them. The positive and

268

constructive role of electronic media in freedom of expression, freedom of the press and the freedom to organize all will help to form a civic, political culture and may pave the path of democracy.

269

Bibliography

Books

Abdullah, Ahmad, The Historical Background of Pakistan and its people. Karachi: Tanzeem Publishers, 1973

Abid, Suleman. Pakistan Ka Naya Siyasi Nizam our Muqami Hakomotuon ka kirdar, Lahore: Jamhori Publications,2002

Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. A, Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy New York: Cambridge University Press. 2006

Adams, John. Population and Urbanization. In Foundations of Pakistan‟s Political Economy; Towards an Agenda for the 1990s, Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1992.

Afzal, Muhammad Rafique. Political Parties in Pakistan 1947-1958. Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research. 1987.

Ahmad, Feroze. Ethnicity and Politics in Pakistan, Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999.

Ahmad, Din, Haji. “Beray- e- Azamo ka Musafir.” Faisalabad: Dar-ul-kitab, 2004.

Ahmad, Mustaq. Pakistan At Cross Roads, Karachi: Royal Book Co., 1985.

______, Government and Politics of Pakistan. Karachi: Space Publishers, 1959.

______, Bureacuracy and Political Development in Pakistan. Karachi: 1974.

Ahmed, Moonis. “Internal and External Dynamics of South Asian Security”, Karachi: Fazl Sons Ltd, 1998.

Ahmad Saghir, Class and Power in Punjabi Village, Lahore: Punjab Ilmi Markaz, 1977.

270

Alavi H, Kinship in West Punjabi Village. In Muslim Communities of South Asia, T.N Madan, ed, New Dehli: Vikas, 1976.

Ali Mubarak, Tareekh-e-Thaag or Dakoo, Lahore: Fiction House, 1997

______, Ber-e-Saghir mien Muslman Muaashray Ka Almia, Lahore: Fiction House. 1997

______, Tareekh Or Thaqeek (Lahore: Fiction House.2002),

Ali, Parveen Shaukat, Politics of Conventions, The Life and Times of Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, London: 1990.

Ali, Shaukat, National Building Development and Administration, Lahore: Aziz Publishers, 1979.

Ali, Mehrunnisa, Readings in Pakistan‟s Foreign Policy 1971-1998. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2004.

Almond, J. A, and Verba, Sydney. The Civic Culture, Political Attitudes, and Democracy in Five Nations, New Dehli: Sage Publications,

Apter, David, E. Introduction to Political Analysis, New Delhi: Prentice Hall, 1978.

Arneson, R. Democracy at the National Level, in Philosophy and Democracy, ed., T. Christiano, Oxford: Oxford University Press.2002.

Ashraf, Muhammad, Hindustani Muashara, Lahore: Fiction House, 1991

Aziz, K.K. Party Politics in Pakistan, 147-1958. Islamabad: National Commission on Historical and Cultural Research. 1976.

Bachrach, Peter. Theory of Democratic Elitism: A Critique, Boston: Little Brown and Company, 1967.

Beg. Mirza Arshad, Democracy Displaced in Pakistan, Karachi: Research And Development Publication,1998.

Beitz, C., Political Equality: An Essay on Democratic Theory, Princeton: Princeton University Press.1989

271

Bhutto, Zulfiqar, A., Myth of Independence, Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1969.

Baxter, Craig, Zia‟s Pakistan: Politics and Stability in a Frontline State, Boulder: West view Press, 1985.

Batalavi, Ashique. H, Iqbal Kay Akhri Do Saal, Karachi: Iqbal Acadamy, 1961

Bernard E. Brown and Roy C. Macridis, eds., Comparative Politics: Notes and Readings, Home Wood III: Dorsey Press, 5th Ed., 1977.

Blackett, D.R, Leader and its Allys, New York: Eli‘s Harwood. 1990

Blondel, Jean, An Introduction to Comparative Governments, London: Widen field and Nicholson Co., 1969.

Bothmore, B.T, Elites and Society, Penguin Books Ltd, 1966.

Buchanan, J.& Tullock, G., The Calculus of Consent: Logical Foundations of Constitutional Democracy, Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.1965

Burke S.M and Lawrence Ziring: Pakistan Foreign Policy, Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1994

Burki Shahid J, Pakistan Under Bhutto, 19771-1977, 2nd ed, Houndiils: Mac Millan Press,1988

Burki Shahid J, and Craig Baxter, Socio-Economic Indictors of the Peoples' Party Vote in the Punjab: A study at the Tehsil Level‟. The Pakistan in Transition, W. H. Wriggings, Ed. Islamabad: University of Islamabad,1975

Callard, Keith, Pakistan; A Political Study, London: George Allen and Unwin, 1957.

Callard, Keith, Foreign Policy of Pakistan; An Interpretation, New York: 1957.

Chhabra, G. S, An Advanced History of the Punjab. India: Ludhiana. 1891.

Chari P.R, Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema, and Stephen, Cohen: Perceptions, Politics, and Security in South Asia, The compound crisis of 1990, London: Routledge Curzon, 2003.

272

Chalk, Peter, Non-Military Security and Global Order, The Impact of Extremism, Violence and Chaos on National Security, London: Macmillan Press Limited, 2000.

Charlton, Roger, Comparative Governments, New York: Long Man Group Ltd, 1986.

Choudhary G.W, Constitutional Development in Pakistan, 2d.ed. Vancouver: University of British Columbia, 1969.

Choudhary, Mustafa, Pakistan its Politics and Bureaucracy, New Delhi: Associated Publishing Housing 1988.

Christiano, T., The Rule of the Many: Fundamental Issues in Democratic Theory, Boulder, CO: Westview Press. 1996

Cohen, J., “Procedure and Substance in Deliberative Democracy,” in Philosophy and Democracy, ed. T. Christiano, Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2002.

Dahl, A. R. A Preface to Democratic Theory, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.1959

Dahl, A. R. Modern Political Analysis, London: Englewood Cliffs, 1963.

Danegal, John. System and Succession, New York: Praeger Publisher, 1987.

Dennis, Kavanagh, Political Science and Political Behaviour, London; Allen & Unwin, 1983

Downs, A, An Economic Theory of Democracy, New York: Harper and Row, 1957

Duncan, Emma, Breaking the Curfew: A Political Journey Through Pakistan. London: Michael Joseph, 1989.

Dworkin, R., Sovereign Virtue: The Theory and Practice of Equality, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000.

Easton, David, The Political System, New York: Alfred, A Knopy, 1953

Easton, David, A Framework for Political Analysis, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersy: Prentice-Hall, 1965

273

Elster, J., “The Market and the Forum: Three Varieties of Political Theory,” in Philosophy and Democracy, ed. T. Christiano, Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2002

Ely, J. H., Democracy, and Distrust: A Theory of Judicial Review, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.1980

Estlund, David, “Beyond Fairness and Deliberation: The Epistemic Dimension of Democratic Authority,‖ in Philosophy and Democracy, ed. T. Christiano, Oxford: Oxford University Press.2002

Finer, E.S, Comparative Governments, London: Longman, 1986.

Geraint, Perry, Political Elite, New York: 1977.

Ghazali Ahmad, “Sandal Bar: Vasti Punjab Ki Khahani, Lok Rivayat Ki Zubani‖ Lahore: Ferozsons,1986

Gonufiski Yuri., Pakistan ki Quomiyatian, Translated by Mirza Ashfaq Baig, Lahore: Fiction House. 2002

Good Worth, Clive. The Secrets of Successful Leadership and People Management, London: Oxford University Press Ltd. 1988

Goodin, R., Reflective Democracy, Oxford: Oxford University Press.2003

Gough Kathleen and Sarma P. Hari. Ed., Imperialism, and Revolution in South Asia, NewYork, London: Monthly Review Press 1973

Gould, C., Rethinking Democracy: Freedom and Social Cooperation in Politics, Economics, and Society, New York: Cambridge University Press.1988

Griffen, Lepel, Punjab Chiefs, Sang-e-Meal Publications, 1985.

Haerpfer Christian.W., ed., Democratization. UK: Oxford University Press, 2009.

Hague R. and Harrop M., Comparative Government and Politics. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007

Hahnel Robin, The ABCs of Political Economy; A modern approach, New Dehli: Viva Books Pvt Ltd, 2007

Hassan. M, Pakistan in a Changing World. Karachi: Pakistan Institute of International Affairs, 1978

274

Hayek, F., The Constitution of Liberty, Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.1960

Hobbes, T., 1651, Leviathan, ed. C. B. MacPherson, Harmond Sworth, UK: Penguin Books, 1968.

Hume, D., 1748, “Of the Original Contract,” in Hume's Ethical Writings, ed. Alasdair Mac Intyre, Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1965.

Huntington, Samuel P, Political Order in Changing Societies New Haven: Yale University Press. 1968.

Hutton J.H, Caste in India. Its Nature Function And Origin, London: Cambridge University Press,1946

Ibbetson, Denzil, Punjab Castes, Lahore Mubarak Ali Publishers, 1916.

Jalal, Ayesha, The State of Martial Rule, Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 1999.

Jalal, Ayesha, Democracy, and Authoritarianism in South Asia: A Comparative and Historical Perspective, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990.

Jaffrelot, Christophe ed, Beaumont, Gillan (Translation) A history of Pakistan and its Origins, London: Wimbledon Publishing Company,2002

Kamal Mustafa Pasha, Colonial Political Economy, Recruitment and Underdevelopment in the Punjab, Karachi, Oxford University Press, 1998.

Karl Deutsch, Politics and Government--How People Decide their Fate, Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1980

Khan, S. A, Two Nation Theory, Karachi: Royal Book Company1973

Khan, Muhammad Ayub, Friends not Masters, Lahore: Oxford University Press, 1967.

Khurshid K, A Gazetteer by the Native. Haider Printers, Faisalabad: 2009.

Locke, J., 1690, Second Treatise on Civil Government, ed. C. B. MacPherson, Indianapolis, IN Hackett, 1980

Lane Jan-Erik and Ericsson Svante, Democracy A Comparative Approach, London and New York: Routledge, 2003

275

Maclegan, E.D, Census of India 1891. Volume XX, The Punjab, and its Feudatories. Part II. Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Government, Printing Press, India,1892

Madison, J., Hamilton, A. and Jay, J., 1788, The Federalist Papers, ed. Isaac Kramnick, Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin Books, 1987.

Magstadt, Thomas. M. And Schotten, Peter. M, Understanding politics; Ideas, Institutions, and Issues, 3rd. ed, Newyork: St.Martin"s Press. 1993

Mahmood, Safdar, Pakistan Political Roots and Development, Karachi: Oxford Printing Press, 2000.

Malik, H. Iftikhar, State and Civil Society in Pakistan, Lahore: Shirkat Printing Press, 1997.

Mansbridge, J. (ed.), Beyond Self-Interest, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.1990

Mill, J. S., 1861, Considerations on Representative Government, Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1991

Moorland W.H, India At the Death of Akbar London: 1920

Morgenthau, Hans J, Politics Among Nations Mc. Grew Hill, Inc, 1997.

Mosca, G, The Ruling Class, New York: University Press, 1974.

Musharraf, Pervez, In the Line of Fire, London; Simon and Schuster Publishers, 2006.

Najjar, B. S, Punjab under the Later Mughals (1707-1759). Lahore: Mustafa Waheed Publishers. 1972

Najjar, B. S, Panjab under the Sultans (1000-1526). (1st Pakistani Ed.) Lahore: Book Traders. 1979

Najjar, B. S. Punjab under the British Rule (1849-1947). Vol. 3. Lahore: Mustafa Waheed Publishers.(n.d)

Neill, J. T. Exploratory Factor Analysis of the Short Version of the Adolescent Coping Scale, Centre for Applied Psychology, University of Canberra, Summarised Extract from Neill (1994) 1994, 4

276

Nicholas B. Dirks, Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001

Nur Ahmad, Sayed, Martial Law SA Martial Law Tuk, Lahore, M Y Printers.1970,

Palmer, D. Norman, Elections and Political Development: The South Asian Experience, Durham, N.C: Duke University Press, 1975.

Pasha, M Zaigham & Shaihd, Shaukat Ali, History of Lyallpur Now Faisalabad, 1st Ed, Lahore: Fine books Printers, 1996.

Patrick H. O‘ Niel, Essential of Comparative Politics, 2nd Ed, (New York: W.W. Norton and Company, (1966), 2007

Parkash, B, Political and Social Movements in Ancient Punjab, Lahore: Aziz Publishers.1976

Plato, The Republic, New York: Random House, 1973.

Powel and Almond, Comparative Politics; A Developmental Approach, Boston: Little Brown Company, 1966.

Puri. J.R and Shanghai, T.R, Sain Bhula-e-Shah Lahore: Fiction House, 2004

Quddus, Abdul, Bureaucracy, and management in Pakistan. Karachi: Royal Books 2Co, 1991.

Qureshi, I. H, The Muslim Community Of Indo -Pakistan Sub -Continent, The Haque: Motion &Co 1962.

Rawls, J., Political Liberalism, New York: Columbia University Press, revised edition.1996

Riker, W., Liberalism versus Populism, San Francisco: W. H. Freeman. 1980.

Riseley H.H, People Of India Calcutta & Simla; Thacker, Spink, and Co: London, W, Thacker &co, 1915

Rizvi, H. A, Military and politics in Pakistan, Lahore: Progressive Publishers: 1976.

277

Rizvi, Hasan Askari, Pakistan and the Geo-Strategic Environment, New York: M.St, Mart Press, 1993

Rousseau, J.-J., 1762, The Social Contract, trans. Charles Frankel, New York: Hafner Publishing Co., 1947.

Rush Brooks, William, The State of Pakistan, London: Widen Field Co: 1962

Salamat, Z, The Punjab in the 1920's: A Case Study of Muslims. Karachi: Royal Book Company. 1997

Sayyed, K.B, The Political System of Pakistan, London: Houghton Muffin, 1987.

Sayeed K. B, Politics in Pakistan, The Nature and Direction of change, New York: Praeger Publishers,1980

Sayeed, K.B, Pakistan: The Formative Phase, London: Oxford University Press, 1957.

Schumpeter, J., Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy, New York: Harper and Row.1956

Sen, A., Development as Freedom, New York: Knopf.1999.

Shafqat Saeed, Civil-Military Relations In Pakistan, USA: West view, Park. Book Co; 1997

Shafqat Saeed, Pakistan Security, and Foreign Policy, Lahore: Sh. Raza Mehdi, Fisco Press, 1988

Shafqat Saeed, Political System of Pakistan and Public Policy: Essays in Interpretation. Lahore: Progressive Publishers, 1989

Shah Waris, Heer, Compiled by Sharif Sabir, Lahore: Waris Shah Memorial Committee, Dept of Information and Culture. Govt of Punjab.1985

Sheikh Ahmad, Javed, Pakistan Political Economic and Diplomatic Dynamics, Lahore: Kitabistan Paper Products, 2004.

Siddiqa, Ayesha, Military Inc: Inside Pakistan‟s Military Economy, London: Oxford University Press, 2007.

278

Siddique, Aslam, Pakistan Seeks Security, Lahore: Ilmi Printing Press, 1960

Singer, P., Democracy and Disobedience, Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1973

Stern, R, Democracy, and Dictatorship in South Asia: Dominant Classes and Political Outcomes in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, Westport: Praeger, 2001.

Talbot, I, Punjab and the Raj (1847-1947). New Delhi. 1998.

Talbot, I, Pakistan: a Modern History, London, Hurst, 2009.

Thorburn, S. S, The Punjab in Peace and War, Lahore: Qausain..n.d. 1889

Tinker, Hugh, The Foundations of Local Self-Government in India, Pakistan, Burma, and Bombay: Lalvani Publishing House, 1954.

Vestal Tulsi, A New Illustrated History of India, Calcutta: Oxford University Press, 1970

Waldron, J., Law, and Disagreement, Oxford: Oxford University Press.1999

Wilder A.R, “The Pakistani Voter, Electoral Politics and Voting Behavior in the Punjab, Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999

Wilkeley, J.M, Punjabi Muslaman, Lahore: Vanguard Book (1.td)1992.

Waseem, Muhammad, Politics, and State in Pakistan, Lahore: Progressive Publishers, 1986.

Waseem, Muhammad, The 1993 Elections in Pakistan, Lahore: Vanguard Books, 1994

Weber, Max, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, London: The Free Press; 1947.

Wolpert, Stanley, Jinnah of Pakistan, New York: Oxford University Press, 1984.

Wolpert, Stanley, Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan: His life and times, New York: Oxford University Press, 1993.

Young, I. M., Justice and the Politics of Difference, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 1990

279

Yong, Tan T, The Garrison State: The Military, Government, and Society in Colonial Punjab, 1849-1947, Lahore: Vanguard.2005

Yousaf, Hamid, Pakistan in Search of Democracy, 1947-1977, Lahore: Afrasia Publications, 1980.

Ziring, Lawrence, Pakistan: The Long View, Durban: Duke University Press,

Ziring Lawrence, The Ayub Era: Politics in Pakistan 1958-1969, Syracuse: Syracuse University Press.1971

Survey Reports

Wilder A. R, ‗Changing Patterns of Punjab Politics in Pakistan: National

Assembly Election Results, 1988-1993‘, Asian Survey 35 (April 1995).

Gallup Pakistan, ‗Pakistan at the Polls, 1990‘, and 1993 exit poll survey results.

Official Publications

Districts and States Gazetteers of the Punjab (Pakistan) Volume .2, Lahore: Punjab Educational Press, 1977.

General Elections Report.1970

General Election Report1997, Issued by Election Commission of Pakistan

General Election Report. 2002, Issued by Election Commission of Pakistan

Punjab District Gazetteer, Volume. 32. Part.A. Jhang District, Lahore; Superintendent Government, 1930

Punjab Provincial Census Reports, 1981 and 1998.

The Gazetteer of Pakistan, Karachi: Manger of Publications, 1970.

The Gazetteer of Jhang District 1883-84. Sang-e-Meel Publications, Lahore: 2000.

The Census reports1941 and 1951 of Pakistan

The settlement reports of Chenab Colony 1915

280

Census of India, (1921). Vol. XV. Punjab and Delhi

Census of India. (1911). Vol. XIV (Part 1)

PCO. 1998. Provincial Census Report of Punjab. Islamabad: (Population Census Organization. 2001

Population Reference Bureau. (2008).

World Population Data Sheet ( 2008). New York.

Articles, Journals, and Magazines

Acemoglu, Daron, and Johnson, Simon, and Robinson, James A and Yared, Pierre, Income and Democracy? MIT Department of Economics Working Paper No. 05-05. (February 2005) http://dx.doi.org/10.213/ssrn.675066

Ahmad, Mughees, Relationship Between Political Parties Non-political Powers: An Analysis With reference to Pakistan, Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences Vol. 29, No.1, (June 2009), 107-115

Ahmad Mugees, Local Bodies or Local Biraderi System: An Analysis of the Role of Biraderies in the Local Bodies System of the Punjab, Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, Vol. XXX, No.1, 2009

Alavi Hamza, The State in Post-Colonial Societies: Pakistan and Bangladesh‘, New Left Review, No. 72, (1972). 59-81

Alavi Hamza, ‗Rural Bases of Political Power in South Asia‘, in Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol. 4, No. 4, (1974), 413-422. Ahmad, A; ‗Democracy and Dictatorship in Pakistan‘, in Journal of Contemporary Asia, vol. 8, no. 4 (1978), 477-512.

Ahamd, I, ‗Pakistan: Class and State Formation‘, Race & Class, Vol. 22, No. 3, (1981). 239-256

Barro. Robert. J, Determinants of Democracy, in Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 107, No. S6 (December 1999), pp. S158-S183 DOI: 10.1086/250107 Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/250107 {Accessed on 12, June 2013}

281

Christiano, T, ―The Authority of Democracy,‖ Journal of Political Philosophy, Vol. 12, n. 3 (August): pp. 266-290. 2004

Imran A, ―Malign Growth? Agricultural Colonization and the Roots of Backwardness in the Punjab‖, in Past and Present, Oxford Journal, No. 114, (1987). 110-132. Doi: 10.1093/past/114.1.110 {Accessed on 20, June, 2013}

Lipset, Seymour M. ―Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy,‖ American Political Science Review, (1959) 53, 69-105.

Mishra, Satish C, ―Commercialisation, Peasant Differentiation and Merchant Capital in Late Nineteenth-Century Bombay and Punjab‖, in Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol. 10, No. 1, (1982). 3-51. Doi: 10.1080/03066158208438188 {Accessed on 12, March 2013}

Pervaiz Nazir, ―Origins of Debt, Mortgage, and Alienation of Land in Early Modern Punjab‖ in Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol. 27, No. 3, (2000). 55-91. Doi: 10:1080/ 03066150008438740 { Accessed on 4, March 2013}

Pervaiz Vandel, Punjab ka Ibtadai Birtanvi Dour: Abadkari or Nahri Nou Abadian, Research Paper, “Tareekh-e-Lahore: Quarterly No.20 (Jan.2004)

Ummer Nadeem, Jadid Punjab Ki Tashkil aur Mutshrqeein ka Kirdar. Lahore: Quarterly Tareekh. Issue No20.

Subrahmanyam, G, ‗Ruling continuities: Colonial rule, Social forces and Path Dependence in the British India and Africa‘; In Commonwealth and Comparative Politics. Vol. 44, No. 1, (2006). 84-117.

Journals:

Journal of Democracy Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, London Journal of Research Society of Pakistan, Punjab University Lahore Historian, Journal of Department of History, Government College University Lahore Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, Quaid-e-Azam University Islamabad.

282

South Asian Studies, Centre for South Asian Studies, Quaid-e-Azam Campus University of the Punjab News Papers

Amchi Ahumami, The Viewpoint: Kinship politics threaten democracy Jakarta Post/ Asia NEWS Net Work, Tuesday, 19 Nov, 2013

Asad, Saleem Shaikh, Intikhabat mien biraderion or Qabilon ka kiradr, Daily Newspaper Nawa-e-Waqt; Lahore 14, January 1997

Unpublished thesis

Ahmad Mugees, Faisal Abad Division key Siyasat per Biraderism kay Asrat, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Bah-ud-Din Zakaria University, Multan, 2004 (Urdu language)

Ahmad Zahoor, Politics of Biraderis (Clans) in the selected Districts of Punjab (1947-2002) Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Department of Political Science, Federal Urdu University of Arts, Science and Technology, Karachi, 2009 (Urdu language)

Ibrahim Muhammad, Role of Biraderi System In Power Politics of Lahore: Post- Independence Period, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, BZU Multan, Department of Political Science and International Relations, 2009

Gilmartin, David Paul, Tribe, Land and Religion in the Punjab: Muslim Politics and Making of Pakistan, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis University of California, Berkeley, 1979. Hassan Javaid, Class, Power and Patronage; The Landed Elite and politics in Pakistani Punjab, Ph.D. Thesis, Department of Sociology, The London School of Economics and Political Science. 2012

Jabeen Robina, Punjab May Quomi Assembly Kay Intikhabat 1990, Unpublished thesis of MA.Political Science, 1991 (Urdu language)

283

Map and location of District Toba Tek Sing In Punjab

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Toba_Tek_Singh_District

284

Appendix “A”

Title:

Dynamics of Biraderi Politics in the Punjab with special reference to Toba Tek Singh

Declaration:

This questionnaire is intended to collect data for the doctoral thesis titled “Dynamics of Biraderi Politics in the Punjab with special reference to Toba Tek Singh. ”The information collected will be kept confidential and will not be communicated or published in any other works except for other academic purposes. In case it is unavoidable to the source of information then prior permission will be sought.

Nabila Akhtar

PhD Scholar

Regd. No. 071-GCU-Ph.D-PS-2008

Department of Political Science

GC University, Lahore.

Lahore

285

Social, Political and Economic Dynamics of Biraderi Politics in the Process of Democratization General Information

Name (Optional) Biraderi Gender Age Education

Profession Name of village Name of Tehsil Union Council

Biraderi Politics Questionnaire (BPQ; Akhtar & Mushtaq, 2014)

Part A. Political Dynamics of B P Q

Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly Is in your opinion there in Toba Tek Disagree Agree 2 3 4 Singh______1 5 1. Biraderi is a trendsetter whom to vote. 2. Biraderies are a trend setter at local level elections.

3. The element of Biraderism becomes more intensified in Local level elections. 4. Voting behaviors are conditioned to the biraderi affiliations. 5. People do not use their free will for electing their members rather they consider biraderi affiliations. 6.People prefer the biraderi affiliation of the contestant than his capabilities. 7. People do not bother about the party affiliation of any candidate while voting rather they are interested in the affiliation of candidates‘ biraderi. 8. Political parties select those political candidates and workers whose biraderies are dominant in the constituency.

286

9. Political parties keep in view the vote bank of candidate‘s biraderi while issuing party tickets. 10. If people do not vote to their biraderies they will be faced a social boycott from their respective biraderies. 11. People vote to their respective biraderies as it is a prestige matter for them to support them. 12. People vote to their respective biraderies as they think only their biraderies shelter them and solve their personal problems and conflicts. ( i.e. Lands, pitwar, Thana , Kachehri, employment) 13. Political parties used the tool of delimitation of constituencies to rearrangement in elections to gain more votes from their supportive biraderies. 14. Only those biraderis take part in elections that are politically dynamic rather who are inactive in politics. 15. Biraderism becomes intensified in non-party based elections. 16. In Martial law rules, Biraderism has been promoted extensively in Toba Tek Singh. 17. People vote on biraderies affiliations that may cause political, economic and social corruption in society. 18. Politicians used their biraderi titles in elections to gain maximum votes. 19. The involvement of Biraderism in local level elections is affecting the process of democratization. 20. Biraderi should not be considered in voting if you feel there is a need to promote democracy.

287

Part B. Social Dynamics Of B P Q:

Do you think that in Toba Tek Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly Singh ------Disagree Agree 1 2 3 4 5 1. Caste, creed and biraderi system is a basic element of the society. 2. The orientation of Biraderi system plays a guardian role in individual‘s life. 3. The social status of an individual is determined by his/her Biraderi identification to which he belongs. 4. Family lineage creates a sense of prejudice among the individuals about the higher biraderies. 5. Major biraderies are dominating due t\o their higher status in the society. 6. Biraderies are recognized by their occupations. 7. Biraderi system carves out the social structures of society. 8. Biraderi system has created discriminations among biraderies in society. 9. Male has a domineering position in the Biraderies. 10. Landed biraderies are powerful in society. 11. Religiously sacred biraderies (Pir, Sajjad Nashin, etc) are very dominating in society. 12. Lower biraderies role in society is marginalized by major biraderies domination. 13. Biraderi system defines the culture of social setup. 14. Biraderi organizations are projecting and promoting the biraderies in society. 15. Biraderism does not allow people to apart themselves from

288

its mesmeric force (Customary laws) in society. 16. Social behaviors of individuals are controlled by the Biraderi system. 17. Dominating role of biraderies creates the dependence of individuals on their respective biraderies as it covers their all problems in society. 18. Biraderi system does not allow for bringing change in society. 19. Education is contributing to mild the phenomenon of biraderism in the society. 20. Social behaviours of biraderis are affecting the democratization process.

Part C. Economic Dynamics Of B P Q

Do you think that in Toba Tek Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly Singh------Disagree Agree 1 2 3 4 5 1. Caste Based formation of the Biraderi system has been made on the basis of the economy. 2. Behaviors of the biraderies are related to their economic positions. 3. The financial position makes the biraderi superior or inferior. 4. Land holdings make the biraderis dominating in politics. 5. Business (Trade, Industry) plays a strong role in making the biraderies dominant in local level politics. 6. Land plays a main role in establishing the biraderies‘ dominance in T.T. Singh. 7. Landless biraderies cannot play a significant role in politics. 8. Capital is more important for enhancing a biraderies‘

289

dominance.

9. Small farmers and peasant biraderies do not use their free will in local level politics. 10. Artisan biraderies do not use their free will in local level politics rather they are subjugated by prominent biraderies. 11. Economically dominating biraderies used politics to regenerate economic resources for their biraderies. 12. Economically dominant biraderies have a big role in state politics. 13. Economically Powerful biraderies used to control others by bribing district institutions. (Thana, tehsildar, patwari) for their vested interests. 14. Dominating biraderies have links with authorities to attain their socio-political objectives. 15. Unemployment has created dependency for individuals to be dependent on their respective biraderies. 16. Poorer Biraderies sell their votes for their personal interests to dominating biraderies in elections. 17. People of lower Biraderies change their biraderi identification if they become rich. 18. Economically dominant biraderies are affecting the process of democratization. Questionnaire for regression Analysis

Is in your opinion therein Toba Tek Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly Singh______Disagree 2 3 4 agree 1 5 1. Dominant biraderies are affecting the process of Democratization 2. Social behaviours of the people are affecting the process of the democratization process. 3. Biraderi should not be considered if you feel there is a need of democratization.

290

291

292

293

294

295

296

Appendix B

Table No. 1.1

General Information---2008---In respect of District Toba Tek Singh

Name of Population Census Block Total Electoral Roll Registered voters in 2008

Tehsil 1998 areas

Urban Rural Total Urban Rural Total Male Female Total T T S 617035 040 364 0404 040 187 227 189425 155035 344460 Gojra 495096 052 271 0323 052 129 181 145158 121579 266737 Kamalia 509462 078 309 0387 078 223 301 151816 127729 279545 Cantt 8434 007 000 0007 007 000 007 001118 000096 002081 Total 1630027 177 944 1121 177 539 716 487517 405306 892823

Source: Election Commission Office Toba Tek Singh

Table No.1.2 A statement showing constituency wise total number of voters of computerized

Electoral Rolls, April 2013 in District Toba Tek Singh

Sr. Name and Number of Registered Voters as stood on April,30th.2013 Constituencies No Male Female Total National Assembly 1 NA-92 TT Singh –I 200930 153546 154476 2 NA-93 TT Singh –II 200821 152024 352845 3 NA-94 TT Singh –III 216914 158647 385561 Total 618665 474217 1092882 Provincial Assembly 1 PP-84 TT Singh-I 84604 64045 148649 2 PP-85 TT Singh-II 94994 74184 169178 3 PP-86 TT Singh-III 88722 67755 156477 4 PP-87 TT Singh-IV 89158 66641 155799 5 PP-88 TT Singh-V 82911 65211 148122 6 PP-89 TT Singh-VI 88305 67936 156241 7 PP-90 TT Singh-VII 89971 68445 158416 Total 618665 474217 1092882 Source: Election Commission Office Toba Tek Singh

297

Appendix “C” Table. 1

Voting Statistics of Constituency Election 2013, NA 92.T.T.S III. RURAL

Contesting Candidates Party Affiliation Votes Polled CHAUDHARY MUHAMMAD ADNAN Ghareeb Awam Party 168 MUSHTAQ CHANJOTRA USAMA HAMZA Independent 60933 HAJI MUHAMMAD ISHAQ Pakistan People‘s Party 6428 Parliamentarians MUHAMMAD TAHIR Tehreek-e-Tahaffuze Pakistan 1836 HAJI KHALID MEHMOOD CHATHA Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf 12183 QARI MUHAMMAD ASIF GUJJAR Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan 2141 RANI DOUGAL Independent 571 CHAUDHRY KHALID JAVED Pakistan Muslim League (N) 90915 WARRAICH UMER FAROOQ Independent 614 MALIK KHALIQ DAD P Milli Awami Party 62 ZEESHAN HASAN SIDHU ADVOCATE Muttahida Qaumi Movement 52 MRS AMJAD ALI WARRAICH Pakistan National Muslim 36522 League CHAUDHRY MUHAMMAD AKRAM Independent 272 NAZEER MALIK MUHAMMAD KAMRAN YOUNIS Independent 204

Table. No. 2

Voting Statistics of Constituency Election 2013, NA 93.T.T.S III. RURAL

HAJI MIAN MUHAMMAD IQBAL LALA Independent 62 CHAUDHRY IFTIKHAR AHMED SIDDHU Muttahida Qaumi Movement 241 ADVOCATE RANA ZAFAR IQBAL Independent 2110 MUHAMMAD JUNAID ANWAAR Pakistan Muslim League (N) 117281 CHAUDHRY ANWAR UL HAQ Independent 139 SOBIA JUNAID Independent 248 MUHAMMAD ABBAS Pakistan Peoples Party 1622 Parliamentarians YAMEEN UR REHMAN ALIAS SHAFI Independent 99 MOBILE WALAY RANI DUGAL Independent 113 DOCTOR MUHAMMAD ASLAM JAVAID Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan 190 AWAN (Noorani) NEELAM JABBAR CHAUDHRY Independent 340 SAJJAD AHMED SOHAL Pakistan National Muslim 3395 League MUHAMMAD ASHFAQ Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf 95372 FARZAND ALI RASHID Independent 235

298

Table No. 3

Voting Statistics of Constituency Election 2013, NA 94.T.T.S III. RURAL

Contesting Candidates Party Affiliation Votes Polled Muhammad Irshad Anwar Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan 407 Farooq Gujjar Independent 57 Sarwar Chaudhry Independent 641 Zahoor Ul Haq Independent 44 Dilshad Ahmad Chaudhry Independent 1102 Sardar Siddique Akbar Khatana Independent 533 Advocate Sayed Asad Abbas Shah Independent 482 Ch Asad Ur Rehman Pakistan Muslim League (N) 102723 Shahbaz Fateh Independent 229 Zahid Imran Independent 1128 Dr. Maqsood Ahmed Shanawar Independent 742 Sayed Qutab Ali Shah alias Ali Baba Pakistan Peoples Party 64168 Parliamentarians Riaz Fatyana Independent 55378 Abdul Waseem Khan Ghouri Muttahida Qaumi Movement 71 Mustafa Rumdey Independent 55 Ayesha Raza Farooq Independent 49 Muhammad Khaliq Siddique All Pakistan Muslim League 109

299

Appendix „D‟

Unstructured interviews and meetings held for grasping the phenomenon of biraderi politics in developing the themes of study Interviewees are following:

1. Interview with; Rai Imtiaz Ahmad Farooq Khan a renowned personality and social worker. He belongs to a politically active biraderi of Kamalia. 2. Interview with; Junaid Anwer Member of National Assembly of District Toba Tek Singh of Arain Biraderi 3. Interview with Ch Abdul Sattar ex- Nazim and ex-Member National Assembly of Arain biraderi, 4. Interview with Mr, Gias-ud-Din Janbaz, ex-contestant for Member of National Assembly seat of PPP of Shiekh Biraderi. 5. An interview with Ms, Nazia Raheel of Gujar Biraderi, she is also a Member Provincial Assembly of Punjab elected on open polls 2013. 6. Interview with, Dr. Zahid Sattar of Amir Jamat-e-Islami of District Toba Tek Singh. 7. Interview with, Mr, Javaid Iqbal Bukhari, DCO District Toba Tek Singh. 8. A meeting is also held with Professor Dr. Tahir Kamran, Chairman of history department GCU Lahore and with my supervisor Dr, Sadia Mushtaq, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science. GCU, Lahore 9. Discussion held with faculty members of the Department of Political Science i.e. Ms, Fauzia Ghani, Mr, Nasir Ahamd, and Mr. Ijaz Ahmad

300

Appendix “E”

301

302

Sourec : Kirpal, C Yadav, Elections 1920-1947, New Dahli: Manohar Publications,

303

Appendix “ F”

Table N0. 1 Descriptive Statistics, Political Dynamics

N0 Statement N Min Max Mean S D 1 Biraderi is a trend setter whom 220 1 5 3.80 .790 to vote. 2 Biraderies are trend setters at 220 1 5 3.83 .779 local level elections. 3 Element of Biraderism 220 1 5 3.87 .863 becomes more intensified in Local level elections. 4 Voting behaviours are 220 1 5 3.75 .886 conditioned to the biraderi affiliations. 5 People do not use their free 220 1 5 3.82 .871 will for electing their members rather they consider biraderi affiliations. 6 People prefer the biraderi 220 1 5 3.90 .878 affiliation of the contestant than his capabilities. 7 People do not bother about the party affiliation of any 220 1 5 3.92 .875 candidate while voting rather they are interested in the affiliation of candidates‘ biraderi. 8 Political parties select those political candidates and workers whose biraderies are 220 1 5 3.87 .868 dominant in the constituency. 9 Political parties keep in view 220 1 5 3.93 .899 the vote bank of candidate‘s biraderi while issuing party tickets. 10 If people do not vote to their 220 1 5 3.84 .905 biraderies they will be faced a social boycott from their respective biraderies. 11 People vote to their respective 220 1 5 3.80 .910 biraderies as it is a prestige matter for them to support them. 12 People vote for their respective 220 1 5 3.97 .881

304

biraderies as they think only their biraderies shelter them and solve their personal problems and conflicts. ( i.e. Lands, patwari, thana, Kachehri, employment) 13 Political parties used the tool 220 1 5 3.87 .856 of delimitation of constituencies to rearrangement in elections to gain more votes from their supportive biraderies. 14 Only those biraderis take part 220 1 5 3.84 .876 in elections that are politically dynamic rather who are inactive in politics. 15 Biraderism becomes 220 1 5 3.94 .759 intensified in non-Party based elections. 16 In Martial law rules, 220 1 5 3.95 .687 Biraderism has been promoted extensively in Toba Tek Singh. 17 People vote on biraderies 220 1 5 3.87 .879 affiliations that may cause political, economic and social corruption in society 18 Politicians used their biraderi 220 1 5 3.73 .935 titles in elections to gain maximum votes. 19 The involvement of 220 1 5 4.00 .852 Biraderism in local level elections is affecting the process of democratization. 20 Biraderi should not be 220 1 5 4.02 .865 considered in voting if you feel there is a need to promote democracy. Valid N (listwise) 220

305

Table No. 2 Descriptive Statistics of Social dynamics

No Statements N Min Max M SD 1 Caste, creed and biraderi system is a 220 1 5 3.85 .867 basic element of the society. 2 The orientation of Biraderi system plays 220 1 5 3.83 .873 a guardian role in individual‘s life. 3 The social status of an individual is 220 1 5 3.87 .842 determined by his/her Biraderi identification to which he/she belongs. 4 Family lineage creates a sense of 220 1 5 3.85 .822 prejudice among the individuals about higher biraderies. 5 Major biraderies are dominating due to 220 1 5 3.90 .881 their higher status in the society. 6 Biraderies are recognized by their 220 1 5 3.82 .822 occupations. 7 Biraderi system carves out the social 220 1 5 3.74 .846 structures of society. 8 Biraderi system has created 220 1 5 3.90 .872 discriminations among biraderies in society. 9 Male has a domineering position in the 220 1 5 3.85 .876 Biraderies. 10 Landed biraderies are powerful in 220 1 5 3.90 .875 society. 11 Religiously sacred biraderies (Pir, 220 1 5 4.00 .773 Sajjad Nashin, etc) are very dominating in society. 12 Lower biraderies role in society is marginalized by major biraderies domination. 220 1 5 3.84 .788 13 Biraderi system defines the culture of 220 1 5 3.83 .895 social setup. 14 Biraderi organizations are projecting 220 1 5 3.86 .811 and promoting the biraderies in society. 15 Biraderism does not allow people to 220 1 5 3.84 .887 abort themselves from its mesmeric force (Customary laws) in society. 16 Social behaviours of individuals are 220 1 5 3.80 .877 controlled by the Biraderi system. 17 The dominating role of biraderies 220 1 5 3.92 .851 creates the dependence of individuals on their respective biraderies as it covers their all problems in society.

306

18 Biraderi system does not allow for 220 1 5 3.84 .820 bringing change in society. 19 Education is contributing to mild the 220 1 5 4.04 .736 phenomenon of biraderis in the society. 20 Social behaviours of biraderis are 220 1 5 3.95 .745 affecting the democratization process. Valid N (listwise) 220

Table No. 3 Descriptive Statistics of Economic Dynamics

No Statement N Min Max Mean SD 1 Caste based formation of the 220 1 5 3.97 .746 biraderi system has been made on the basis of the economy. 2 Behaviours of the biraderies 220 1 5 3.89 .858 relate to their economic positions. 3 Financial position makes any 220 1 5 3.82 .835 biraderi superior or inferior. 4 Land holdings make the 220 1 5 3.90 .787 biraderis dominating in politics. 5 Business (Trade, Industry) plays 220 1 5 3.87 .937 a strong role in making the biraderies dominance in local level politics. 6 Land plays a main role in 220 1 5 3.86 .916 establishing the biraderies‘ dominance in T.T. Singh. 7 Landless biraderies cannot play 220 1 5 3.81 .874 a significant role in politics. 8 Capital is more important for 220 1 5 3.85 .860 enhancing a biraderies‘ dominance. 9 Small farmers and peasant biraderies do not use their free 220 1 5 3.89 .817 will at local level (local body elections) politics. Artisan biraderies do not use their free will in local level 220 1 5 4.00 .791 10 politics rather they are subjugated by prominent biraderies. 11 Economically dominating 220 1 5 3.89 .728

307

biraderies used politics to regenerate economic resources for their biraderies. 12 Economically dominant 220 1 5 3.96 .647 biraderies have a big role in state politics. 13 Economically Powerful 220 1 5 3.91 .780 biraderies use their affluence and bribe district institutions, i.e. (thana, Tehsil-dar, patwari) for their vested interests. 14 Dominating biraderies have 220 1 5 3.92 .872 links with authorities to attain their socio-political objectives. 15 Unemployment has created 220 1 5 3.90 .878 dependency for individuals to be dependent on their respective biraderies. 16 Poorer Biraderies sell their votes 220 1 5 4.01 .797 for their personal interests to dominate biraderies in elections. 17 People of lower Biraderies 220 1 5 3.99 .828 change their biraderi identification if they become rich. 18 Economically dominant biraderies are affecting the 220 1 5 4.14 .835 process of democratization. Valid N (listwise) 220

308