Politicized Ethnicity, Electoral Competition and Politics of Exclusion in Zambia

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Politicized Ethnicity, Electoral Competition and Politics of Exclusion in Zambia ‘A Tonga Will Never Be President of Zambia’: Politicized ethnicity, electoral competition and politics of exclusion in Zambia [Draft: Not to be cited without permission of the author] 1 Introduction ‘Zambia will never be led by a Tonga president’.1 This statement was made by a cabinet minister in the Patriotic Front (PF) government at an election rally in 2013. The manipulation of ethnicity to discredit political opponents is not new in Zambia, it is part of the fault lines of the incomplete colonial project of nation-state building or the so-called national integration imperative. Kenneth Kaunda, effectively used it against his political opponents, such as Harry Nkumbula, Nalumino Mundia and Simon Mwansa Kapwepwe to discredit and de-legitimise their bids for political power, as representing narrow ethnic interests as opposed to national interests (i.e. multi-ethnic national interest). At the dawn of independence African leaders opted to create Western-style nation-states and political institutions as a mark of modernization, and considered ethnicity (the idea of belonging to an autonomous cultural, language or regional community) as primitive and necessarily divisive. The nation or nation-state was considered multi-ethnic in character and as such inclusive of all social and ethnic groups. Leaders who represented regional or ethnic grievances were labelled sectional and therefore not worthy for national leadership. However, following on the influential work by Horowitz (1985) who characterised electoral competition in Africa in terms of ‘ethnic census’, most recent studies suggest that the use of ethnicity is an important elite resource to access power, patronage and material resources (Berman, 2007; Mozaffar, 2007 and Becker, 2015). However the ‘puzzle’ of African party systems is not only that ruling parties accuse political opponents of mobilizing support exclusively from one particular ethnic group (often the cultural community from which the leader hails), but that ethnic mobilization is the raison d’etre of electoral competition (Mozaffar and Scarritt, 2005; Posner, 2005; Cheeseman, 2007 and Ajulu, 2002). The literature identifies three strands in the debate on ethnicity. The first, is state-centric, which denies ethnic groups any recognized political role or collective rights. This position prohibits political organization along ethnic lines2. The second strand emphasizes ethnicity’s negative contribution to Africa’s political development. This paradigm treats ethnicity as a source of division, conflict, war, genocide and underdevelopment. The last strand is the instrumentalist approach, which considers ethnicity as an instrument of political manipulation enhanced by elite competition for power, status and material resources with the consequence of social and political exclusion of entire social groups from power and access to state resources (Salih, 2001: 30). It is not our intention in this paper to explore the meaning of ethnicity in terms of its utility in describing cultural identities. Suffice to say that, there is consensus in the literature on the fact that ethnic identities are social constructions or imagined communities (Vail, 1973: 1-20; Ranger 1 Sylvia Masebo, then Tourism and Arts Minister at an election rally in Livingstone. Zambia Newsnetwork. Available at: https://zambianewsnetwork.com//zambia-will-never-be-led-by-a-Tonga-president. 2 Samora Machel famously declared that ‘for the nation to live, the tribe must die.’ 2 1985). Berman (2010), in particular makes the point that African ethnicities are a ‘social construction’ characterised by ‘fluidity, heterogeneity and hybridity’ (p.2). He argues that African ethnicities can be ‘understood as open-ended and dynamic processes of social and political creation rather than static categories before, during and after colonial rule’ (p.3). Berman introduces the concept of ‘moral economy’ which he defines as: that part of culture that legitimates the inequalities in the distribution of values that mark almost all human communities primarily through principles of redistribution and reciprocity of obligations between rulers and ruled; rich and poor in specific social contexts.’ In other words, he contends that the moral economy of a society establishes the framework of social trust. Which is the stability of mutual expectations between actors that permit social and political cohesion. I find the concept of ‘moral economy’ especially important in understanding the process of construction of social or group hegemony, which is itself the basis of ethnic mobilization and contestation for power. The argument of this paper is that politicized ethnicity is an important resource in elite competition for power and has the consequence of building ethnic political hegemony and exclusion of opposition groups and their constituents from access to power and state resources. It is most overt in periods of intense electoral competition, especially when incumbents are vulnerable to electoral defeat. While agreeing with scholars, such as Cheeseman and Ford (2007) who argue that opposition parties tend to mainly mobilize ethnic constituencies as opposed to ruling parties that mobilize multi-ethnic support bases, we present empirical evidence from Zambia that suggests that ethnic mobilization can result in multi-ethnic coalitions that may not necessarily be bad for democracy, as the 2015 and 2016 presidential elections demonstrate. We agree with the scholarship that suggests that voting in Africa does not always follow on ethnic lines as suggested by Horowitz, but that voters take rational decisions in voting for particular parties as a way of maximizing their expected material benefits (Bratton and Kimenyi, 2010; Berman, 2010). Following the introduction, the second section discusses politicized ethnicity and electoral competition in historical perspective. The third section considers politicized ethnicity and electoral competition in Zambia since 2015. The fourth section discuses the consequences of politicized ethnicity on governance, especially on common citizenship and social inclusion. The last section is the conclusion. Politicized ethnicity and electoral competition: brief conceptual and historical background The concept of ethnicity has occupied scholars since the advent of independence in the early 1960s. The literature on ethnicity can be divided into four categories. The first relates to ethnicity as a form of identity, sometimes referred to as primordialism. Vail (1989) and Berman (1998) trace the historical evolution of the concept of ethnicity in Africa and show that it was an invention by colonial authorities who were obsessed with classifying the native populations into neat categories. As already pointed out above, ethnicity or the idea of belonging to a particular ethnic group is in fact an illusion given the complex multiple 3 Identities that individuals experience in their everyday existence (Berman 2010). As a concept, ethnicity defined as an identity group is of little significance. However, it is when ethnic identities are exploited and even manipulated that ethnicity acquires its utility as a ‘political resource’ in political or electoral mobilization (Büschges, 2015: 109). Secondly, ethnicity has been defined as a social cleavage with potential to provoke ethnic conflict in society. This second characterization of ethnicity is the most dominant in the literature. Mozaffar, Scarritt and Galaich (2003) and Lemarchand (1972) define ethnicity as the manipulation of ethnic differences in society and show that this is done to achieve political and economic gain. Lemarchand in particular argues that elites use ethnicity to access state patronage and reward supporters on the bases of ethnic affiliation, in what he refers to as political ‘clientelism.’ Other scholars within this category include those who have tried to link ethnicity with electoral mobilization or party affiliation (Erdmann, 2007). Erdmann and Stroh (2008), Cheeseman and Ford (2007) and Posner (2005) have tried to establish a link between ethnicity and voter behaviour in Africa. They all conclude that voter behaviour in Africa is largely influenced more by ethnic affiliation than the efficacy of political party manifestos. Third, ethnicity has also been described as potentially divisive and going against the logic of building national unity. Several authors, such as Berman (1998), Lonsdale (1998) and Lemarchand (1972) have argued that ethnicity is potentially divisive and a major cause of ethnic conflict in Africa. In characterizing ethnicity, especially in Africa, it is recognized that it means much more than just belonging to an ethnic group – it involves belonging to and often manipulation of broad ethno-regional or ethno-political groups (Mozaffar, et. al., 2003). It is argued that political competition in Africa is largely influenced by the manipulation of ethno-regional differences to further the political and economic interests of politicians. Thus ethnicity has acquired a negative connotation, both as a hindrance to national unity and development and as potentially corrupting as it tends to be used by politicians to win power and access to state resources. The African experience is full of examples of the negative effects of ethnic conflict. Horowitz’s (1985) influential study of ethnic conflict in Africa clearly demonstrates how ethnic divisions have led to internecine conflicts in many parts of Africa, including Nigeria, Kenya, Sudan, Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast. In Kenya, first president
Recommended publications
  • Zambia » Levy Mwanawasa
    » Biografías Líderes Políticos (Only in spanish) » África » Zambia » Levy Mwanawasa Levy Mwanawasa © UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe Zambia Updatte:: 8 Febrruarry 2016 Presidente de la República (2002-2008) Levy Pattriick Mwanawasa Term off offffiice:: 2 jjanuarry 2002 -- 19 augustt 2008 Biirtth:: Muffulliirra,, prroviinciia de Copperrbelltt,, 3 septtemberr 1948 Decease:: Parríís,, Frranciia,, 19 augustt 2008 Polliittiicall partty:: Moviimiientto porr lla Democrraciia Mullttiiparrttiidiistta ((MMD)) Proffessiion:: Abogado Edited by: Roberto Ortiz de Zárate Presentation En agosto de 2008 fallecía a los 59 años, víctima de un derrame cerebral, el presidente de Zambia desde 2002, tercero desde la independencia y segundo del partido Movimiento por la Democracia Multipartidista (MMD). Aupado al poder en unas elecciones que recibieron consistentes denuncias de fraude pero reelegido sin sombra de ilegitimidad en 2006, Levy Mwanawasa gobernó este país africano muy castigado por la pobreza y el desempleo con una reputación de probidad, modestia y sensibilidad social, manifiestas en sus prudentes reformas macroeconómicas y sus medidas anticorrupción, obtuvo la reducción de la deuda externa y legó una economía en crecimiento basada en la minería del cobre. En casa cortó amarras con su corrupto predecesor, Frederick Chiluba, y de puertas a fuera fue un elocuente defensor de la democracia en la vecina Zimbabwe. Biography 1. Vicepresidente de la República discrepante con el oficialismo 2. Contestado sucesor de Chiluba en 2002 3. Un presidente comprometido con la democracia y el desarrollo 4. Enfermedad y fallecimiento en 2008 1. Vicepresidente de la República discrepante con el oficialismo Perteneciente al pequeño grupo étnico lenje y segundo de diez hermanos, recibió la educación primaria en varios centros de la populosa provincia minera de Copperbelt y la secundaria en la Escuela Chiwala de Ndola, en los tiempos en que Zambia era el protectorado británico de Rhodesia del Norte.
    [Show full text]
  • Intra-Party Democracy in the Zambian Polity1
    John Bwalya, Owen B. Sichone: REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY … REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN THE ZAMBIAN POLITY1 John Bwalya Owen B. Sichone Abstract: Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained. Keywords: Intra-party Democracy, Leadership Transition, Ethnicity, Selectocracy, Third Wave Democracies Introduction Although there is a general consensus that political parties are essential to liberal democracy (Teorell 1999; Matlosa 2007; Randall 2007; Omotola 2010; Ennser-Jedenastik and Müller 2015), they often failed to live up to the expected democratic values such as sustaining intra-party democracy (Rakner and Svasånd 2013). As a result, some scholars have noted that parties may therefore not necessarily be good for democratic consolidation because they promote private economic interests, which are inimical to democracy and state building (Aaron 1 The authors gratefully acknowledge the comments from the editorial staff and anonymous reviewers.
    [Show full text]
  • Greg Musiker Complete Thesis Library Version 06.05.2020
    The rise, fall, and return of development planning in Zambia Greg Musiker MSK GRE 002 A minor dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Masters of Arts in International Relations Faculty of the Humanities University of Cape Town 2019 COMPULSORY DECLARATION This work has not been previously submitted in whole, or in part, for the award of any degree. It is my own work. Each significant contribution to, and quotation in, this dissertation from the work, or works, of other people has been attributed, and has been cited and referenced. University of Cape Town Signature: Date: The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived fromTown it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Cape Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive licenseof granted to UCT by the author. University Acknowledgments I am grateful to my supervisor, Jeremy Seekings, for the constant questioning. And to my parents, Karen and Martin, who always said that I should write something. ii Abstract This dissertation presents a case study of the Zambian government’s decision to reintroduce planning in 2002, after having abandoned it a decade prior. African countries, and most developing countries, share similar experiences in development planning – something Chimhowu, Hulme, and Munro refer to as the ‘rise, fall, and return of planning’. The authors refer to the most recent period in the history of development planning – which became evident in most emerging countries in the late-2000s or 2010s – as the rise of the ‘new’ development planning.
    [Show full text]
  • ESID Working Paper No. 122 the Challenge of Sustaining A
    ESID Working Paper No. 122 The challenge of sustaining a professional civil service amidst shifting political coalitions: The case of the Ministry of Finance in Zambia, 1991-20181 Marja Hinfelaar* and Justine Sichone ** June, 2019 *Southern African Institute for Policy and Research (SAIPAR), Lusaka Email correspondence: [email protected] ** Southern African Institute for Policy And Research (SAIPAR), Lusaka Email correspondence: [email protected] ISBN: 978-1-912593-22-4 1 This paper was produced for the ESRC-DFID project, ‘Investigating Pockets of Effectiveness in Developing Countries: A New Route to Building State Capacity for Development’. email: [email protected] Effective States and Inclusive Development Research Centre (ESID) School of Environment, Education and Development, The University of Manchester, Oxford Road, Manchester M13 9PL, UK www.effective-states.org The challenge of sustaining a professional civil service amidst shifting political coalitions: The case of the Ministry of Finance in Zambia, 1991-2018 Abstract Zambia experienced a decade of strong economic growth from 2004 to 2014, averaging 7.4 percent a year. This growth has been linked, first and foremost, to the rise of copper prices and international debt relief, but also to the relatively high bureaucratic performance under President Mwanawasa’s presidency. This era was preceded by sweeping and controversial reforms that led to the privatisation of state- owned companies and the mining industry and the reduction and reform of the civil service. Both periods saw strong-minded leaders in the Ministry of Finance, who enjoyed support from State House, a prerequisite for the functioning of the Ministry. The productive cooperation between President Mwanawasa and Minister of Finance Ng’andu Magande (2003-2008) was not sustained for very long.
    [Show full text]
  • Feed the Future Innovation Lab for Food Security Policy Research Paper 28 October 2016
    Feed the Future Innovation Lab for Food Security Policy Research Paper 28 October 2016 WHAT DRIVES INPUT SUBSIDY POLICY REFORM? THE CASE OF ZAMBIA, 2002-2016 By Danielle Resnick and Nicole Mason Food Security Policy Research Papers This Research Paper series is designed to timely disseminate research and policy analytical outputs generated by the USAID funded Feed the Future Innovation Lab for Food Security Policy (FSP) and its Associate Awards. The FSP project is managed by the Food Security Group (FSG) of the Department of Agricultural, Food, and Resource Economics (AFRE) at Michigan State University (MSU), and implemented in partnership with the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) and the University of Pretoria (UP). Together, the MSU-IFPRI-UP consortium works with governments, researchers and private sector stakeholders in Feed the Future focus countries in Africa and Asia to increase agricultural productivity, improve dietary diversity and build greater resilience to challenges like climate change that affect livelihoods. The papers are aimed at researchers, policy makers, donor agencies, educators, and international development practitioners. Selected papers will be translated into French, Portuguese, or other languages. Copies of all FSP Research Papers and Policy Briefs are freely downloadable in pdf format from the following Web site: www.foodsecuritylab.msu.edu Copies of all FSP papers and briefs are also submitted to the USAID Development Experience Clearing House (DEC) at: http://dec.usaid.gov/ ii AUTHORS Danielle Resnick ([email protected]) is a Senior Research Fellow, Development Strategies and Governance Division, at the International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington, DC. Nicole Mason ([email protected]) is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Agricultural, Food and Resource Economics at Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, US.
    [Show full text]
  • The Challenge of Sustaining a Professional Civil Service Amidst Shifting Political Coalitions: the Case of the Ministry of Finance in Zambia, 1991-20181
    bit.ly/pocketsofeffectiveness Pockets of Effectiveness Working Paper No. 6 The challenge of sustaining a professional civil service amidst shifting political coalitions: The case of the Ministry of Finance in Zambia, 1991-20181 Marja Hinfelaar* and Justine Sichone ** June, 2019 *Southern African Institute for Policy and Research (SAIPAR), Lusaka Email correspondence: [email protected] ** Southern African Institute for Policy And Research (SAIPAR), Lusaka Email correspondence: [email protected] ISBN: 978-1-912593-35-4 1 This paper was produced for the ESRC-DFID project, ‘Investigating Pockets of Effectiveness in Developing Countries: A New Route to Building State Capacity for Development’. Pockets of effectiveness (PoEs) are public organisations that function effectively in providing public goods and services, despite operating in an environment where effective public service delivery is not the norm. This project, which investigates PoEs in relation to the politics of state-building and regime survival in sub-Saharan Africa, is being led by Professor Sam Hickey, based at the Global Development Institute, The University of Manchester, in collaboration with Professor Giles Mohan (The Open University), Dr Abdul-Gafaru Abdulai (University of Ghana), Dr Badru Bukenya (Makerere University), Dr Benjamin Chemouni (University of Cambridge), Dr Marja Hinfelaar (SAIPAR, Lusaka) and Dr Matt Tyce (GDI, Manchester). It is funded by the Economic and Social Research Council and Department for International Development with some additional funding from the DFID-funded Effective States and Inclusive Development Research Centre. http://www.effective-states.org/research/pockets-of-effectiveness/ The challenge of sustaining a professional civil service amidst shifting political coalitions: The case of the Ministry of Finance in Zambia, 1991-2018 Abstract Zambia experienced a decade of strong economic growth from 2004 to 2014, averaging 7.4 percent a year.
    [Show full text]
  • The Musakanya Papers
    The Musakanya Papers THE MUSAKANYA PAPERS THE AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL WRITINGS OF VALENTINE MUSAKANYA EDITED BY MILES LARMER Lembani Trust LUSAKA http://sites.google.com/site/lembanitrust/ First published 2010 by the Lembani Trust Lusaka, Zambia Editorial matter and introduction Copyright © Miles Larmer 2010 Text Copyright © Kapumpe-Valentine Musakanya 2010 All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or any part thereof, may not be reproduced, stored into or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, with- out the written permission of the copyright owner. ISBN 978-9982-9972-3-2 Typeset in Gentium First, this book is dedicated to the emergence of a new Zambian spirit that is dedicated to accurate historical presentation and writing and to all those that will be encouraged by this book to write — for today and for the future. Second, but not least, this book is dedicated to Flavia Musonda Musakanya; this completes you now. You waited painfully for so many years, without any reward, for a platform of reason and accuracy in which your husband’s writings could be presented on unconditional terms. Table of Contents Foreword..............................................................................ix Acknowledgements...........................................................xiii Editor’s Introduction.........................................................xv Introduction.......................................................................xxi
    [Show full text]
  • AC Vol 42 No 18
    www.africa-confidential.com 14 September 2001 Vol 42 No 18 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL ZAMBIA 3 KENYA Puppet or prince? Levy Mwanawasa’s emergence as Moi versus the economy MMD’s flagbearer is the least bad Galloping inflation, sinking export prices and corruption are bigger option for President Chiluba. problems for the President than the opposition Having abandoned his tilt at a third term, Chiluba finds a malleable President Daniel arap Moi has run out of promises. The Board of the International Monetary Fund candidate and a way to hold on to refuses to unblock further loans – in particular, a hoped for quick credit of US$125 million. This is executive power. Oppositionists suspended until Moi’s ruling Kenya African National Union steers an effective anti-corruption bill are buoyed by the prospect of more through parliament, and sells off the state telecommunications company and Kenya Commercial Bank. infighting in the ruling MMD. Opposition parliamentarians threw out an anti-corruption bill last month and a revised bill can hardly be passed before early next year. Any IMF help will come too late to rescue the economy before the elections SEYCHELLES 4 that are scheduled for December 2002. The economy now hangs on tea. Coffee and tourism, once big foreign-exchange earners, lose millions By a whisker of dollars to official rake-offs. State-owned companies are mired in bureaucracy and corruption. After a tight presidential race, Business is pessimistic, domestic debt is swelling, public services are among the world’s worst and Albert René will find it tough to win officials are among the most corrupt.
    [Show full text]
  • Political and Economic Liberalisation in Zambia 1991–2001
    RAKNER I Page 1 Wednesday, October 1, 2003 2:17 PM Political and Economic Liberalisation in Zambia 1991–2001 Lise Rakner The Nordic Africa Institute, 2003 RAKNER I Page 2 Wednesday, October 1, 2003 2:17 PM Indexing terms Economic development Economic reform Donors Political development Zambia Cover photo: Gisela Geisler A rally for the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) before the 1991 transitional elections. Language checking: Elaine Almén Index: Margaret Binns © the author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 2003 ISBN 91-7106-506-7 Printed in Sweden by Elanders Gotab, Stockholm 2003 RAKNER I Page 3 Wednesday, October 1, 2003 2:17 PM Contents Acronyms . 6 Acknowledgements . 9 1. REFORM FOR POLITICAL SURVIVAL: POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC LIBERALISATION IN ZAMBIA 1991–2001 . 11 The Case of Zambia . 11 Political Liberalisation 1991–2001. 13 Economic Liberalisation 1991–2001 . 14 The Expectations: The Dual Reform Perspective . 15 The Argument: Zambia’s Dual Reform Experiences . 15 The Decline of Interest Group Influence. 16 The Increased Leverage of the MMD Government vis-à-vis Its External Partners . 17 Introduction of the Central Actors. 18 The Domestic Policy Game between Government and Interest Groups . 18 The External Policy Game between Government and Donors . 21 The Sources of Analysis . 24 Outline of the Analysis . 24 2. POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC LIBERALISATION IN THEORY AND IN AFRICA . 26 Interconnections between Political and Economic Liberalisation . 26 The Argument for Authoritarianism . 27 The Dual Reform Perspective. 28 Economic and Political Liberalisation in sub-Saharan Africa . 31 The Partial Reform Syndrome in Africa . 33 The Role of the International Donor Community in sub-Saharan African Reforms .
    [Show full text]
  • Governance and Public Services Delivery in Zambia
    Governance and Public Services Delivery in Zambia OSSREA Documentation Centre P. O. Box 31971 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia GOVERNANCE AND PUBLIC SERVICES DELIVERY IN ZAMBIA Editors: Jotham C. Momba Mwamba D. Kalabula © Ossrea 2007 Published by UNZA Press for Ossrea. Zambia Chapter ISBN 9982-03-045-0 CONTENTS Preamble Jotham C. Momba Zambia's Electoral System in Perspective 5 Laurent C.W. Kaela Citizenship, Democracy and Politics of Exclusion: The Challenges Facing the Mwanawasa's 'New Deal' Government 19 Neo Simutanyi Rolling Stones: ACrisis for Democracy 26 Friday E. Mulenga Enhancing Local Government: Lessons From Bilateral Cooperation 36 Peter K. Lolojih Administrative Reforms and the Search for Efficient Delivery of Public Service: the Challenges Facing Health and Educational Boards 44 Moderate M. Momba Local Governance and Urban Economies: What Role for Urban Markets in Zambia 53 Wilma S. Nchito The Impact of Privatisation in Resuscitating Zambia's Economy 62 Kamini Krishna Economic Development in Relation to Poverty and Social Services Delivery 69 Davidson Chilipamushi Financial Mismanagement in the Zambian Public Sector: The Case of Presidential Housing Initiative 81 Nessan Ronan The Impact of Cost Sharing on Demand for Basic Education in Zambia 90 Charles M. Subulwa Cooperating Partners and the Delivery of Educational Services to Children with Special Educational Needs in Zambia: ESSPIII Case Study 99 Darlington M. Kalabula Preamble Jotham C. Momba University of Zambia Introduction The papers constituting the chapters for this book came out of a number of local workshops that have been held by the Zambia Chapter of the Organisation for Social Science Research for Southern and Eastern Africa (OSSREA).
    [Show full text]
  • AC Vol 44 No 5
    www.africa-confidential.com 7 March 2003 Vol 44 No 5 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL NIGERIA II 3 NIGERIA I The battle in the states Outgunning the opposition Shaky administration and growing political violence threaten the The 36 state governors have proved a durable crowd. All but credibility of April’s national elections two of those elected in 1999 are to The political scene has been ominously quiet as several constitutional issues rumble. The most serious stand again for the same party in is whether the 18 April presidential election can be held within President Olusegun Obasanjo’s April’s elections. This continuity mandate. The defeated aspirant for the ruling party’s nomination, Alex Ekwueme, has launched a series doesn’t imply stability. Few of the governors expect an easy ride back of legal challenges to Obasanjo’s candidacy; the Independent National Election Commission (INEC) has to power. Some of the political approved only a fraction of the candidates for elections at local, state and national level (AC Vol 44 No 3). struggles are turning violent with Perhaps most damning, diplomatic sources described the electoral register compiled last September as the worst flashpoints in the Niger ‘about 50 per cent accurate’. The latest register, revamped in January, is said to be an improvement but Delta, Kwara and Niger in the has just under 67 million names on it. Given a median age of 15, that would give Nigeria a population Middle Belt and Kano in the north. of well over 140 mn., compared to United Nations and World Bank calculations of under 130 mn.
    [Show full text]
  • 1. One Zambia Forework
    One Zambia, many histories Afrika-Studiecentrum Series VOLUME 11 One Zambia, many histories Towards a history of post-colonial Zambia Edited by Jan-Bart Gewald Marja Hinfelaar Giacomo Macola Brill Cover photo: ISSN ISBN © Brill Contents List of photographs vii List of tables viii List of figures viii Foreword ix Acknowledgements x Abbreviations xi 1. Introduction 1 Jan-Bart Gewald, Marja Hinfelaar & Giacomo Macola PART I: POLITICAL UNITY AND DISSENT 2. Harry Mwaanga Nkumbula, UNIP and the roots of authoritarianism in nationalist Zambia 17 Giacomo Macola 3. Rebellion or massacre? The UNIP-Lumpa conflict revisited 45 David M. Gordon 4. ‘You can’t fight guns with knives’: National security and Zambian responses to UDI , 1965-1973 77 Andrew J. DeRoche 5. Enemies within? Opposition to the Zambian one-party state, 1972-1980 98 Miles Larmer PART II: THE PUBLIC ROLE OF RELIGION 6. Legitimizing powers: The political role of the Roman Catholic church, 1972-1991 129 Marja Hinfelaar 7. Towards a history of the Charismatic churches in post- colonial Zambia 144 Austin M. Cheyeka v 8. Islam in post-colonial Zambia 164 Felix J. Phiri PART III: THE ECONOMY AND THE STATE 9. ‘The devil you know’: The impact of the Mulungushi economic reforms on retail trade in rural Zambia, with special reference to Susman Brothers & Wulfsohn, 1968-80 187 Hugh Macmillan 10. The informalization of Lusaka’s economy: Regime change, ultra-modern markets, and street vending, 1972-2004 213 K. Tranberg Hansen PART IV: NEW AND OLD FORMS OF POLITICS IN THE THIRD REPUBLIC 11. Fighting for democracy of the pocket: The labour movement in the Third Republic 243 Friday E.
    [Show full text]