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Intra-Party Democracy in the Zambian Polity1
John Bwalya, Owen B. Sichone: REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY … REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN THE ZAMBIAN POLITY1 John Bwalya Owen B. Sichone Abstract: Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained. Keywords: Intra-party Democracy, Leadership Transition, Ethnicity, Selectocracy, Third Wave Democracies Introduction Although there is a general consensus that political parties are essential to liberal democracy (Teorell 1999; Matlosa 2007; Randall 2007; Omotola 2010; Ennser-Jedenastik and Müller 2015), they often failed to live up to the expected democratic values such as sustaining intra-party democracy (Rakner and Svasånd 2013). As a result, some scholars have noted that parties may therefore not necessarily be good for democratic consolidation because they promote private economic interests, which are inimical to democracy and state building (Aaron 1 The authors gratefully acknowledge the comments from the editorial staff and anonymous reviewers. -
Zambia, a 'Christian Nation'
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 6, No. 7; July 2016 Zambia, a ‘Christian nation’ in Post Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) Era, 2011-2016 Austin M. Cheyeka Department of Religious Studies University of Zambia P. O. Box 32379, Lusaka Zambia Abstract The declaration of Zambia as a Christian nation in 1991 has become a field of research because of its many faces, the interpretations it has accrued which generate debate and things it has spawned; numerous Pentecostal churches and political parties with the ‘Christian’ name tag. What is more, it has given birth to organizations such as ‘Christian Nation Coalition’, ‘Christian Nation Foundation’ and most significant, a national chapel (House of Prayer for All Nations Tabernacle) yet to be constructed in the capital city next to State house where the declaration occurred. In this article I extend my research on the Christian nation rhetoric beyond Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) era, by examining its status during the Patriotic Front rule from 2011 to 2016, before the August 11, 2016 general elections. In 2011 the party of the president who declared Zambia a Christian nation lost power to a new party of Mr. Michael Chilufya Sata, a staunch Catholic, who, after his demise, was succeeded by Edgar Chagwa Lungu of unknown religious or denominational affiliation. I argue in the article that while Sata hardly used the Christian nation rhetoric, Lungu made the most of it during his campaign thereby revitalizing the Christian nation fervor and prompting some Pentecostal big men and women to rally around him. My stark conclusion is that: Lung perceptively reconfigured the Christian nation rhetoric for political mileage. -
Greg Musiker Complete Thesis Library Version 06.05.2020
The rise, fall, and return of development planning in Zambia Greg Musiker MSK GRE 002 A minor dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Masters of Arts in International Relations Faculty of the Humanities University of Cape Town 2019 COMPULSORY DECLARATION This work has not been previously submitted in whole, or in part, for the award of any degree. It is my own work. Each significant contribution to, and quotation in, this dissertation from the work, or works, of other people has been attributed, and has been cited and referenced. University of Cape Town Signature: Date: The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived fromTown it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Cape Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive licenseof granted to UCT by the author. University Acknowledgments I am grateful to my supervisor, Jeremy Seekings, for the constant questioning. And to my parents, Karen and Martin, who always said that I should write something. ii Abstract This dissertation presents a case study of the Zambian government’s decision to reintroduce planning in 2002, after having abandoned it a decade prior. African countries, and most developing countries, share similar experiences in development planning – something Chimhowu, Hulme, and Munro refer to as the ‘rise, fall, and return of planning’. The authors refer to the most recent period in the history of development planning – which became evident in most emerging countries in the late-2000s or 2010s – as the rise of the ‘new’ development planning. -
Zambia's Independence
Zambia’s Independence In thy cozy loamy soils deeply flowed mine young blood/ In thy sun- scotched patches birth-ed thee a patriotic lad/ How this thought of hilarity mine psyche partly flood/ Thy progeny in hope mine entrails thou maketh glad/ Thy black visage daily mine heart gladly beholdeth/ For thine good, whence mine desire dryly flourisheth/ Oh Zambia, kind Mother to me thou may be more/ Oh land, thy toil, the oil that boileth our common soul! BRIEF INTRODUCTION In this chapter, the author relives the memories of Zambia’s 19th independence celebrations as a child at Mibenge Primary School in Mibenge’s village in Samfya- Mansa district of Luapula Province. It introduces the major theme of independence, the founding fathers of the independent Republic of Zambia, and the promise of a prosperous, democratic and free nation. MAJOR THEME: Independence ≈ History ≈ Politics ≈ §1.1 Mibenge was born on the ninth Christmas after Zambia became independent. My mother told me that she almost named me Mary had I been a girl, but for the second born who was already called by that name in the family. I was born Charles Chushi Zachariah Mwewa to Zachariah I 1 Kalubeya Mwewa and Justina Kunda of Mibenge village in Samfya-Mansa district in the Luapula Province of Zambia.2 I am positioned seventh in an eight-member family of only two girls: John Mwewa, Mary Kalaba, Gilbert Ng’andwe, George (also called Charles Chibwe), Joseph Ng’andwe, Jeremiah Chushi, and Anne Mwewa. When I was born, it was perhaps not a family secret that I was unexpected. -
Zambia's 2001 Elections: the Tyranny of Small Decisions, 'Non-Decisions
Third World Quarterly, Vol 23, No 6, pp 1103–1120, 2002 Zambia’s 2001 elections: the tyranny of small decisions, ‘non-decisions’ and ‘not decisions’ PETER BURNELL ABSTRACT The course of the 1990s witnessed deterioration in the quality of elections held across sub-Saharan Africa. Zambia’s elections for the presidency, parliament and local government held on 27 December 2001 are no exception. They returned the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD) to power, but with much reduced popular support and leaving doubts about the legitimacy of the result. A ‘tyranny of small decisions’, ‘non-decisions’ and ‘not decisions’ perpetrated over 12 months or more leading up to these elections combined to influence the outcome. The previous MMD government and the formally autono- mous Electoral Commission were primarily but not wholly responsible. For independent analysts as well as for the political opposition, who secured a majority of parliamentary seats while narrowly failing to capture the presidency, identifying the relevant category of ‘decisions’ to which influences belong and comparing their impact is no straightforward matter. Zambia both illustrates the claim that ‘administrative problems are typically the basis of the flawed elections’ in new democracies and refines it by showing the difficulty of clearly separating the administrative and political factors. In contrast Zimbabwe’s presi- dential election in March 2002, which had the Zambian experience to learn from, appears a more clear-cut case of deliberate political mischief by the ruling party. There is little doubt that in the course of the 1990s the quality of Africa’s elections went into decline. -
Zambia Country Report BTI 2016
BTI 2016 | Zambia Country Report Status Index 1-10 5.70 # 61 of 129 Political Transformation 1-10 6.25 # 57 of 129 Economic Transformation 1-10 5.14 # 77 of 129 Management Index 1-10 5.19 # 58 of 129 scale score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2016. It covers the period from 1 February 2013 to 31 January 2015. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2016 — Zambia Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2016. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. BTI 2016 | Zambia 2 Key Indicators Population M 15.7 HDI 0.561 GDP p.c., PPP $ 3904.0 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 3.1 HDI rank of 187 141 Gini Index 55.6 Life expectancy years 58.1 UN Education Index 0.591 Poverty3 % 78.9 Urban population % 40.5 Gender inequality2 0.617 Aid per capita $ 74.9 Sources (as of October 2015): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2015 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2014. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.10 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary Zambia remains one of the least developed countries in Africa, with 75% of the population living on less than $1.25 a day and a life expectancy of 57. -
Members of the Northern Rhodesia Legislative Council and National Assembly of Zambia, 1924-2021
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF ZAMBIA Parliament Buildings P.O Box 31299 Lusaka www.parliament.gov.zm MEMBERS OF THE NORTHERN RHODESIA LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL AND NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF ZAMBIA, 1924-2021 FIRST EDITION, 2021 TABLE OF CONTENTS FOREWORD ................................................................................................................................................ 3 PREFACE ..................................................................................................................................................... 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................................................................... 5 ABBREVIATIONS ...................................................................................................................................... 7 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................................ 9 PART A: MEMBERS OF THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL, 1924 - 1964 ............................................... 10 PRIME MINISTERS OF THE FEDERATION OF RHODESIA .......................................................... 12 GOVERNORS OF NORTHERN RHODESIA AND PRESIDING OFFICERS OF THE LEGISTRATIVE COUNCIL (LEGICO) ............................................................................................... 13 SPEAKERS OF THE LEGISTRATIVE COUNCIL (LEGICO) - 1948 TO 1964 ................................. 16 DEPUTY SPEAKERS OF THE LEGICO 1948 TO 1964 .................................................................... -
ESID Working Paper No. 122 the Challenge of Sustaining A
ESID Working Paper No. 122 The challenge of sustaining a professional civil service amidst shifting political coalitions: The case of the Ministry of Finance in Zambia, 1991-20181 Marja Hinfelaar* and Justine Sichone ** June, 2019 *Southern African Institute for Policy and Research (SAIPAR), Lusaka Email correspondence: [email protected] ** Southern African Institute for Policy And Research (SAIPAR), Lusaka Email correspondence: [email protected] ISBN: 978-1-912593-22-4 1 This paper was produced for the ESRC-DFID project, ‘Investigating Pockets of Effectiveness in Developing Countries: A New Route to Building State Capacity for Development’. email: [email protected] Effective States and Inclusive Development Research Centre (ESID) School of Environment, Education and Development, The University of Manchester, Oxford Road, Manchester M13 9PL, UK www.effective-states.org The challenge of sustaining a professional civil service amidst shifting political coalitions: The case of the Ministry of Finance in Zambia, 1991-2018 Abstract Zambia experienced a decade of strong economic growth from 2004 to 2014, averaging 7.4 percent a year. This growth has been linked, first and foremost, to the rise of copper prices and international debt relief, but also to the relatively high bureaucratic performance under President Mwanawasa’s presidency. This era was preceded by sweeping and controversial reforms that led to the privatisation of state- owned companies and the mining industry and the reduction and reform of the civil service. Both periods saw strong-minded leaders in the Ministry of Finance, who enjoyed support from State House, a prerequisite for the functioning of the Ministry. The productive cooperation between President Mwanawasa and Minister of Finance Ng’andu Magande (2003-2008) was not sustained for very long. -
Feed the Future Innovation Lab for Food Security Policy Research Paper 28 October 2016
Feed the Future Innovation Lab for Food Security Policy Research Paper 28 October 2016 WHAT DRIVES INPUT SUBSIDY POLICY REFORM? THE CASE OF ZAMBIA, 2002-2016 By Danielle Resnick and Nicole Mason Food Security Policy Research Papers This Research Paper series is designed to timely disseminate research and policy analytical outputs generated by the USAID funded Feed the Future Innovation Lab for Food Security Policy (FSP) and its Associate Awards. The FSP project is managed by the Food Security Group (FSG) of the Department of Agricultural, Food, and Resource Economics (AFRE) at Michigan State University (MSU), and implemented in partnership with the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) and the University of Pretoria (UP). Together, the MSU-IFPRI-UP consortium works with governments, researchers and private sector stakeholders in Feed the Future focus countries in Africa and Asia to increase agricultural productivity, improve dietary diversity and build greater resilience to challenges like climate change that affect livelihoods. The papers are aimed at researchers, policy makers, donor agencies, educators, and international development practitioners. Selected papers will be translated into French, Portuguese, or other languages. Copies of all FSP Research Papers and Policy Briefs are freely downloadable in pdf format from the following Web site: www.foodsecuritylab.msu.edu Copies of all FSP papers and briefs are also submitted to the USAID Development Experience Clearing House (DEC) at: http://dec.usaid.gov/ ii AUTHORS Danielle Resnick ([email protected]) is a Senior Research Fellow, Development Strategies and Governance Division, at the International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington, DC. Nicole Mason ([email protected]) is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Agricultural, Food and Resource Economics at Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, US. -
Zambia#.Vvnitgagft0.Cleanprint
https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2015/zambia#.VVNitgagft0.cleanprint Zambia freedomhouse.org President Michael Sata, 77, died on October 28, 2014, at a London hospital, becoming the second Zambian president to die in office since 2008 and confirming long-standing rumors that he was seriously ill. Although Sata had appointed Defense and Justice Minister Edgar Lungu, who was also the secretary general of the ruling Patriotic Front (PF) party, acting president when he left the country October 19 for medical treatment, Vice President Guy Scott assumed the presidency upon Sata’s death. This was in accordance with the constitution, though initially there was some contention in the party surrounding Scott’s elevation. An election for Sata’s successor was scheduled for January 20, 2015; the ballot is required to be held within 90 days of the incumbent’s death. Scott, whose parents were born in Britain, is constitutionally barred from running for president. The president’s death deepened existing divisions in the PF over the selection of a successor to the longtime party leader, and tensions between Scott and Lungu precipitated public rifts in the PF. By late December, however, these rifts were healed, at least publicly, and Scott and most PF leaders fell in behind Lungu’s candidacy. Sata died just four days after Zambia marked 50 years of independence from the United Kingdom. In what was seen as an attempt to appease critics, the PF-led government released to the public the long-delayed draft of a new constitution on the day before the Golden Jubilee celebrations. -
The Challenge of Sustaining a Professional Civil Service Amidst Shifting Political Coalitions: the Case of the Ministry of Finance in Zambia, 1991-20181
bit.ly/pocketsofeffectiveness Pockets of Effectiveness Working Paper No. 6 The challenge of sustaining a professional civil service amidst shifting political coalitions: The case of the Ministry of Finance in Zambia, 1991-20181 Marja Hinfelaar* and Justine Sichone ** June, 2019 *Southern African Institute for Policy and Research (SAIPAR), Lusaka Email correspondence: [email protected] ** Southern African Institute for Policy And Research (SAIPAR), Lusaka Email correspondence: [email protected] ISBN: 978-1-912593-35-4 1 This paper was produced for the ESRC-DFID project, ‘Investigating Pockets of Effectiveness in Developing Countries: A New Route to Building State Capacity for Development’. Pockets of effectiveness (PoEs) are public organisations that function effectively in providing public goods and services, despite operating in an environment where effective public service delivery is not the norm. This project, which investigates PoEs in relation to the politics of state-building and regime survival in sub-Saharan Africa, is being led by Professor Sam Hickey, based at the Global Development Institute, The University of Manchester, in collaboration with Professor Giles Mohan (The Open University), Dr Abdul-Gafaru Abdulai (University of Ghana), Dr Badru Bukenya (Makerere University), Dr Benjamin Chemouni (University of Cambridge), Dr Marja Hinfelaar (SAIPAR, Lusaka) and Dr Matt Tyce (GDI, Manchester). It is funded by the Economic and Social Research Council and Department for International Development with some additional funding from the DFID-funded Effective States and Inclusive Development Research Centre. http://www.effective-states.org/research/pockets-of-effectiveness/ The challenge of sustaining a professional civil service amidst shifting political coalitions: The case of the Ministry of Finance in Zambia, 1991-2018 Abstract Zambia experienced a decade of strong economic growth from 2004 to 2014, averaging 7.4 percent a year. -
Politicized Ethnicity, Electoral Competition and Politics of Exclusion in Zambia
‘A Tonga Will Never Be President of Zambia’: Politicized ethnicity, electoral competition and politics of exclusion in Zambia [Draft: Not to be cited without permission of the author] 1 Introduction ‘Zambia will never be led by a Tonga president’.1 This statement was made by a cabinet minister in the Patriotic Front (PF) government at an election rally in 2013. The manipulation of ethnicity to discredit political opponents is not new in Zambia, it is part of the fault lines of the incomplete colonial project of nation-state building or the so-called national integration imperative. Kenneth Kaunda, effectively used it against his political opponents, such as Harry Nkumbula, Nalumino Mundia and Simon Mwansa Kapwepwe to discredit and de-legitimise their bids for political power, as representing narrow ethnic interests as opposed to national interests (i.e. multi-ethnic national interest). At the dawn of independence African leaders opted to create Western-style nation-states and political institutions as a mark of modernization, and considered ethnicity (the idea of belonging to an autonomous cultural, language or regional community) as primitive and necessarily divisive. The nation or nation-state was considered multi-ethnic in character and as such inclusive of all social and ethnic groups. Leaders who represented regional or ethnic grievances were labelled sectional and therefore not worthy for national leadership. However, following on the influential work by Horowitz (1985) who characterised electoral competition in Africa in terms of ‘ethnic census’, most recent studies suggest that the use of ethnicity is an important elite resource to access power, patronage and material resources (Berman, 2007; Mozaffar, 2007 and Becker, 2015).